Volume 94b: Traditions of the Xiongnu 2

卷九十四下匈奴傳第六十四下

Volume 94b: Traditions of the Xiongnu (continued).

呼韓邪單于歸庭數月，罷兵使各歸故地，乃收其兄呼屠吾斯在民間者立為左谷蠡王，使人告右賢貴人，欲令殺右賢王。其冬，都隆奇與右賢王共立日逐王薄胥堂為屠耆單于，發兵數萬人東襲呼韓邪單于。呼韓邪單于兵敗走，屠耆單于還，以其長子都塗吾西為左谷蠡王，少子姑瞀樓頭為右谷蠡王，留居單于庭。

A few months after Chanyu Huhanye had re-established his court, he sent the troops home to their old pastures. He then located his brother Hutuwusi, who had been living among the people, and installed him as Left Gu-li King, and he instructed the nobility of the Right Virtuous King to put that king to death. That winter Dou Longqi and the Right Virtuous King raised the Rizhu king Boxutang to the throne as Chanyu Tuqi. They mobilized tens of thousands of riders and marched east to attack Chanyu Huhanye. Huhanye’s forces were routed and withdrew. Tuqi then returned, named his eldest son Dutuwuxi Left Gu-li King and his younger son Gumouloutou Right Gu-li King, and took up residence again at the Chanyu headquarters.

明年秋，屠耆單于使日逐王先賢撣兄右奧鞬王為烏藉都尉各二萬騎，屯東方以備呼韓邪單于。是時，西方呼揭王來與唯犁當戶謀，共讒右賢王，言欲自立為烏藉單于。屠耆單于殺右賢王父子，後知其冤，復殺唯犁當戶。於是呼揭王恐，遂畔去，自立為呼揭單于。右奧鞬王聞之，即自立為車犁單于。烏藉都尉亦自立為烏藉單于。凡五單于。屠耆單于自將兵東擊車犁單于，使都隆奇擊烏藉。烏藉、車犁皆敗，西北走，與呼揭單于兵合為四萬人。烏藉、呼揭皆去單于號，共並力尊輔車犁單于。屠耆單于聞之，使左大將、都尉將四萬騎分屯東方，以備呼韓邪單于，自將四萬騎西擊車犁單于。車犁單于敗，西北走，屠耆單于即引西南，留闟敦地。

The following autumn Tuqi placed both the Rizhu king Xianxiandan and Xianxiandan’s elder brother, the Right Ao-jian king, in the post of Wuji commandant, each commanding twenty thousand riders posted eastward to block Huhanye. Meanwhile the western king Hujie joined the household chief Weili Danghu in denouncing the Right Virtuous King, claiming he intended to declare himself Chanyu Wuji. Tuqi executed the Right Virtuous King and his son; when he realized they had been wronged, he put Weili Danghu to death as well. Hujie panicked, broke away, and proclaimed himself Chanyu Hujie. The Right Ao-jian king heard this and at once declared himself Chanyu Cheli. The Wuji commandant likewise raised his own banner as Chanyu Wuji. There were now five rival Chanyus. Tuqi took the field himself against Cheli in the east while sending Dou Longqi to attack Wuji. Wuji and Cheli were beaten and fled northwest; they merged with Hujie’s forces into an army of forty thousand. Wuji and Hujie dropped their Chanyu titles and united behind Cheli as their sole leader. Tuqi detached forty thousand riders under his Left Great General and commandants to hold the east against Huhanye, while he personally marched west with another forty thousand against Cheli. Cheli was routed and withdrew northwest; Tuqi swung southwest and halted in the Tidun region.

其明年，呼韓邪單于遣其弟右谷蠡王等西襲屠耆單于屯兵，殺略萬餘人。屠耆單于聞之，即自將六萬騎擊呼韓邪單于，行千里，未至嗕姑地，逢呼韓邪單于兵可四萬人，合戰。屠耆單于兵敗，自殺。都隆奇乃與屠耆少子右谷蠡王姑瞀樓頭亡歸漢，車犁單于東降呼韓邪單于。呼韓邪單于左大將烏厲屈與父呼速累烏厲溫敦皆見匈奴亂，率其眾數萬人南降漢。封烏厲屈為新城侯，烏厲溫敦為義陽侯。是時，李陵子復立烏藉都尉為單于，呼韓邪單于捕斬之，遂復都單于庭，然眾裁數萬人。屠耆單于從弟休旬王將所主五六百騎，擊殺左大且渠，並其兵，至右地，自立為閏振單于，在西邊。其後，呼韓邪單于兄左賢王呼屠吾斯亦自立為郅支骨都侯單于，在東邊。其後二年，閏振單于率其眾東擊郅支單于。郅支單于與戰，殺之，並其兵，遂進攻呼韓邪。呼韓邪破，其兵走，郅支都單于庭。

The year after, Huhanye sent his brother the Right Gu-li king and other commanders west against Tuqi’s camp, killing or carrying off more than ten thousand people. Tuqi rode out at the head of sixty thousand horsemen and marched a thousand li to meet Huhanye. Before he reached Rugu he ran into some forty thousand of Huhanye’s men, and the two sides fought. Tuqi’s army was broken and he took his own life. Dou Longqi fled to Han with Tuqi’s younger son Gumouloutou, still Right Gu-li king, while Cheli submitted to Huhanye in the east. Huhanye’s Left Great General Wuli Qu and his father Wuli Wendun of the Husulei clan, seeing the realm in turmoil, brought tens of thousands of followers south to defect to the Han. The court made Wuli Qu marquis of Xincheng and Wuli Wendun marquis of Yiyang. Then the son of Li Ling set up the Wuji commandant as a rival Chanyu; Huhanye seized and executed him and reclaimed the royal headquarters, though his following numbered only a few tens of thousands. Tuqi’s cousin, the Xiuxun king, led his five or six hundred horsemen against the Left Great Juqu, absorbed that force, marched into the western steppe, and proclaimed himself Chanyu Runzhen. Soon afterward Huhanye’s elder brother Hutuwusi, the Left Virtuous king, also crowned himself Chanyu Zhizhi Gutuhou and held the eastern wing. Two years later Runzhen marched east against Zhizhi. Zhizhi met him in battle, slew him, absorbed his army, and pressed on against Huhanye. Huhanye was routed and his men scattered; Zhizhi seized the royal seat at the Chanyu court.

呼韓邪之敗也，左伊秩訾王為呼韓邪計，勸令稱臣入朝事漢，從漢求助，如此匈奴乃定。呼韓邪議問諸大臣，皆曰：「不可。匈奴之俗，本上氣力而下服役，以馬上戰鬥為國，故有威名於百蠻。戰死，壯士所有也。今兄弟爭國，不在兄則在弟，雖死猶有威名，子孫常長諸國。漢雖強，猶不能兼併匈奴，奈何亂先古之制，臣事於漢，卑辱先單于，為諸國所笑！雖如是而安，何以復長百蠻！」左伊秩訾曰：「不然。強弱有時，今漢方盛，烏孫城郭諸國皆為臣妾。自且鞮侯單于以來，匈奴日削，不能取復，雖屈強於此，未嘗一日安也。今事漢則安存，不事則危亡，計何以過此！」諸大人相難久之。呼韓邪從其計，引眾南近塞，遣子右賢王銖婁渠堂入侍。郅支單于亦遣子右大將駒於利受入侍。是歲，甘露元年也。

After Huhanye’s defeat the Left Yizhi king urged him to acknowledge Han suzerainty, attend the imperial court, and borrow Han strength; only then, he argued, could the Xiongnu regain peace. Huhanye put the idea before his nobles, who replied with one voice: ‘No.’ Among our people valor ranks highest and subservience is despised; we are a nation born in the saddle, and that is why the hundred tribes fear our name. To fall in battle is the warrior’s portion. Brothers now fight for the throne; whichever survives keeps our prestige intact, and our heirs will continue to rule the steppe peoples. Han may be mighty, yet it cannot swallow us whole; why overturn the ways of our fathers, bow as Han’s vassals, and shame every Chanyu who came before—only to become a laughingstock among the tribes? Even if we gained safety that way, how could we ever again command the hundred tribes? The Left Yizhi king answered: ‘That is not how it is.’ Power shifts with the seasons: Han is ascendant now, and Wusun together with every oasis state already kneels as its client. Since the reign of Qi-di-hou we have shrunk every year and never won back what we lost; defiance has bought us not a single day of calm. Serve Han and we survive; refuse and we perish—what strategy could be clearer? The nobles argued back and forth for a long while. Huhanye accepted the counsel, drew his people south toward the frontier, and sent his son Zhulou Qutang, the Right Virtuous king, to the Han court as a hostage. Zhizhi likewise dispatched his son Ju-yu Lishou, the Right Great general, to serve at court. The year was the first of the Ganlu era (53 BCE).

明年，呼韓邪單于款五原塞，願朝三年正月。漢遣車騎都尉韓昌迎，發過所七郡郡二千騎，為陳道上。單于正月朝天子於甘泉宮，漢寵際殊禮，位在諸侯王上，贊謁稱臣而不名。賜以冠帶衣裳、黃金璽戾綬、玉具劍、佩刀、弓一張、矢四發、棨戟十、安車一乘、鞍勒一縣、馬十五匹、黃金二十斤、錢二十萬、衣被七十七襲、錦繡綺縠雜帛八千匹、絮六千斤。禮畢，使使者道單于先行，宿長平。上自甘泉宿池陽宮。上登長平，詔單于毋謁，其左右當戶之群臣皆得列觀，及諸蠻夷君長王侯數萬，鹹迎於渭橋下，夾道陳。上登渭橋，咸稱萬歲。單于就邸，留月餘，遣歸國。單于自請願留居光祿塞下，有急保漢受降城。漢遣長樂衛尉高昌侯董忠、車騎都尉韓昌將騎萬六千，又發邊郡士馬以千數，送單于出朔方雞鹿塞。詔忠等留衛單于，助誅不服，又轉邊谷米E05F，前後三萬四千斛，給贍其食。是歲，郅支單於亦遣使奉獻，漢遇之甚厚。

The following year Huhanye arrived peacefully at Wuyuan Pass and asked to attend the imperial New Year court in the third regnal year. The Han court sent Cavalry Commandant Han Chang to escort him in, levying two thousand mounted men from each of the seven jurisdictions along his path to line the highway. In the first month the Chanyu had audience with the emperor at Ganquan; Han honored him above every prince of the blood, and heralds presented him as a vassal without calling his personal name. The gifts included full court dress, a gold seal on twisted ribbon, a sword with jade fittings, a belt knife, a bow and four quivers of arrows, ten ceremonial halberds, a state carriage with saddle and harness, fifteen horses, twenty catties of gold, two hundred thousand strings of cash, seventy-seven changes of robes, eight thousand bolts of figured silks and gauzes, and six thousand catties of wadding silk. After the ceremonies envoys escorted the Chanyu on ahead to lodge at Changping. The emperor traveled from Ganquan and spent the night at Chiyang Palace. From Changping the emperor waived the Chanyu’s obligation to kowtow while his household ministers and every barbarian chief and prince—tens of thousands in all—lined the road beneath Wei Bridge to greet him. When he stepped onto Wei Bridge the crowd shouted ‘Long live the Son of Heaven!’ The Chanyu moved into his guest residence, remained more than a month, and was escorted home. He asked permission to camp below Guanglu Pass so that, should trouble arise, he could shelter behind Han’s Surrender-Accepting City. Han detached sixteen thousand horsemen under Weiquan of Changle Dong Zhong, marquis of Gaocheng, and Cavalry Commandant Han Chang, reinforced by thousands more levied from the border commands, and convoyed the Chanyu through Jilu Pass in Shuofang. The emperor told Dong Zhong’s detachment to stay and protect the Chanyu, help suppress dissenters, and forwarded thirty-four thousand hu of frontier grain and provisions in successive shipments to feed his people. That same year Zhizhi sent tribute envoys as well, and Han received them with lavish courtesy.

明年，兩單于俱遣使朝獻，漢待呼韓邪使有加。明年，呼韓邪單于復入朝，禮賜如初，加衣百一十襲，錦帛九千匹，絮八千斤。以有屯兵，故不復發騎為送。

The following year both rival Chanyus sent tribute missions, but Han showed marked preference to Huhanye’s embassy. Huhanye came to court again the next year and received the same honors as before, plus another hundred and ten changes of robe, nine thousand bolts of figured silk, and eight thousand catties of wadding. Because Han troops were already encamped with him, no cavalry escort was sent this time.

始，郅支單于以為呼韓邪降漢，兵弱不能復自還，即引其眾西，欲攻定右地。又屠耆單于小弟本侍呼韓邪，亦亡之右地，收兩兄余兵得數千人，自立為伊利目單於，道逢郅支，合戰，郅支殺之，並其兵五萬餘人。聞漢出兵、谷助呼韓邪，即遂留居右地。自度力不能定匈奴，乃益西近烏孫，欲與並力，遣使見小昆彌烏就屠。烏就屠見呼韓邪為漢所擁，郅支亡虜，欲攻之以稱漢，乃殺郅支使，持頭送都護在所，發八千騎迎郅支。郅支見烏孫兵多，其使又不反，勒兵逢擊烏孫，破之。因北擊烏揭，烏揭降。發其兵西破堅昆，北降丁令，並三國。數遣兵擊烏孫，常勝之。堅昆東去單于庭七千里，南去車師五千里，郅支留都之。

Zhizhi assumed that Huhanye’s submission to Han had ruined his army and he could never march home; he therefore dragged his people westward intending to conquer and hold the western steppe. Tuqi’s youngest brother, who had been in Huhanye’s train, also fled west, scraped together his brothers’ remnants—several thousand riders—and styled himself Chanyu Yilimu. He ran into Zhizhi on the march; Zhizhi slew him and absorbed more than fifty thousand of his warriors. Learning that Han was feeding and reinforcing Huhanye, he stayed put in the western pastures. Seeing he could not unify the Xiongnu alone, he edged farther west toward Wusun hoping for an alliance and sent envoys to the junior kunmi Wujiutu. Wujiutu noticed that Han favored Huhanye while Zhizhi was a beaten fugitive; eager to prove his loyalty to Han he murdered Zhizhi’s envoy, sent the head to the Protector-General’s headquarters, and ostensibly mobilized eight thousand riders to “meet” Zhizhi. Zhizhi saw Wusun’s numbers and that his own envoy never returned; he brought his army to bear and smashed them. He then swung north against Wujie and forced its submission. With those troops he crushed Jiankun in the west, brought the Dingling to heel in the north, and folded three peoples into one realm. He raided Wusun again and again and usually carried the field. Jiankun stood seven thousand li east of the old Chanyu headquarters and five thousand li south of Cheshi; Zhizhi made it his seat.

元帝初即位，呼韓邪單于復上書，言民眾困乏。漢詔雲中、五原郡轉谷二萬斛以給焉。郅支單于自以道遠，又怨漢擁護呼韓邪，遣使上書求侍子。漢遣谷吉送之，郅支殺吉。漢不知吉音問，而匈奴降者言聞甌脫皆殺之。呼韓邪單于使來，漢輒簿責之甚急。明年，漢遣車騎都尉韓昌、光祿大夫張猛送呼韓邪單于侍子，求問吉等，因赦其罪，勿令自疑。昌、猛見單于民眾益盛，塞下禽獸盡，單于足以自衛，不畏郅支。聞其大臣多勸單于北歸者，恐北去後難約束，昌、猛即與為盟約曰：「自今以來，漢與匈奴合為一家，世世毋得相詐相攻。有竊盜者，相報，行其誅，償其物；有寇，發兵相助。漢與匈奴敢先背約者，受天不祥。令其世世子孫盡如盟。」昌、猛與單于及大臣俱登匈奴諾水東山，刑白馬，單于以徑路刀金留犁撓酒，以老上單於所破月氏王頭為飲器者共飲血盟。昌、猛還奏事，公卿議者以為：「單于保塞為籓，雖欲北去，猶不能為危害。昌、猛擅以漢國世世子孫與夷狄詛盟，令單于得以惡言上告於天，羞國家，傷威重，不可得行。宜遣使往告祠天，與解盟。昌、猛奉使無狀，罪至不道。」上薄其過，有詔昌、猛以贖論，勿解盟。其後呼韓邪竟北歸庭，人眾稍稍歸之，國中遂定。

Early in Emperor Yuan’s reign Huhanye memorialized again that his people were starving and exhausted. The court ordered Yunzhong and Wuyuan to ship twenty thousand hu of grain to relieve him. Zhizhi felt himself too remote and bitter that Han coddled Huhanye; he sent envoys demanding the return of his hostage son. Han dispatched Gu Ji to escort the prince home; Zhizhi murdered him. Court officials heard nothing from Gu Ji, yet defectors claimed that frontier sentries along his route had slaughtered the entire mission. Each time Huhanye sent envoys the Han court subjected them to blistering official interrogations. The following year Han Chang and Zhang Meng, Grandee of Brilliant Virtue, convoyed Huhanye’s heir home while pressing for news of Gu Ji and offering amnesty so the Chanyu would not suspect Han of ill intent. Chang and Meng saw Huhanye’s following swell until game vanished along the frontier; they judged him strong enough to stand off Zhizhi without leaning on Han. Learning that many nobles wanted to march north—where Han could not control them—Chang and Meng swore an oath with the Chanyu: ‘Henceforth Han and the Xiongnu are one house; neither side may betray or strike the other for any generation.’ If bandits appear, each side shall inform the other, punish the culprits, and make restitution; if raiders threaten either realm, both shall send troops to help. Whichever side breaks this pact first shall suffer Heaven’s curse. Let every descendant abide by these terms forever. Chang, Meng, the Chanyu, and his nobles climbed the hill east of the Nu River, sacrificed a white horse, mixed wine with the sacred knife and ladle, and sealed the pact with blood drunk from the skull cup fashioned from the Yuezhi king whom Old Shang Chanyu had defeated. Back at court the high ministers argued: ‘The Chanyu shields our frontier; even if he wanders north he cannot seriously threaten us.’ Yet Chang and Meng had shackled every future emperor to barbarians by blood oath and handed the Chanyu a stick to beat Han with before Heaven—a disgrace that erodes imperial prestige and cannot be allowed.’ They urged dispatching envoys to notify Heaven at the suburban altar and annul the treaty.’ Chang and Meng had abused their commissions and deserved execution for gross misconduct.’ The emperor minimized their offense, fined them in lieu of death, and left the covenant intact. Huhanye eventually rode north to refound his court; tribesmen drifted back until the realm settled.

郅支既殺使者，自知負漢，又聞呼韓邪益強，恐見襲擊，欲遠去。會康居王數為烏孫所困，與諸翕侯計，以為匈奴大國，烏孫素服屬之，今郅支單于困厄在外，可迎置東邊，使合兵取烏孫以立之，長無匈奴憂矣。即使使至堅昆通語郅支。郅支素恐，又怨烏孫，聞康居計，大說，遂與相結，引兵而西。康居亦遣貴人，橐它驢馬數千匹，迎郅支。郅支人眾中寒道死，余財三千人到康居。其後，都護甘延壽與副陳湯發兵即康居誅斬郅支，語在《延壽、湯傳》。

After murdering Han’s envoy Zhizhi knew he had wronged the empire; reports that Huhanye was growing stronger convinced him he would be struck, so he resolved to flee deep into the west. The king of Kangju, worn down by Wusun raids, took counsel with his nobles: the Xiongnu were still a great power and Wusun had long obeyed them; Chanyu Zhizhi, though exiled, could be welcomed to Kangju’s eastern marches so their armies might conquer Wusun and enthrone him—after which Kangju need never fear the Xiongnu again. They promptly sent envoys through Jiankun to open talks with Zhizhi. Zhizhi was already anxious and nursed a grudge against Wusun; Kangju’s proposal delighted him, he accepted the alliance, and marched west. Kangju dispatched nobles with thousands of camels, horses, and pack animals to meet him. Cold and hardship winnowed his column on the march; barely three thousand survivors entered Kangju. Later Protector-General Gan Yanshou and his deputy Chen Tang marched into Kangju and executed Zhizhi; the account is given in their biographies.

郅支既誅，呼韓邪單于且喜且懼，上書言曰：「常願謁見天子，誠以郅支在西方，恐其與烏孫俱來擊臣，以故未得至漢。今郅支已伏誅，願入朝見。」竟寧元年，單于復入朝，禮賜如初，加衣服錦帛絮，皆倍於黃龍時。單于自言願婿漢氏以自親。元帝以後宮良家子王牆字昭君賜單于。單于歡喜，上書願保塞上谷以西至敦煌，傳之無窮，請罷邊備塞吏卒，以休天子人民。天子令下有司議，議者皆以為便。郎中侯應習邊事，以為不可許。上問狀，應曰：

With Zhizhi dead Huhanye felt both relief and dread; he memorialized: ‘I have long wished to attend Your Majesty, yet while Zhizhi held the west I feared he might join Wusun in attacking me—that is why I could not come to Han.’ Now that Zhizhi has paid with his life I beg leave to attend court.’ In the first year of Jingning (33 BCE) he returned to court with the same ceremonial bounty as before, but silks, robes, and wadding were twice what he had received in the Huanglong era. He declared his desire to marry into the imperial house and bind the two realms by kinship. Emperor Yuan gave the Chanyu a palace lady of respectable birth named Wang Qiang, whose courtesy name was Zhaojun. Delighted, the Chanyu memorialized his pledge to hold the frontier from Shanggu west to Dunhuang for all generations and asked Han to withdraw its garrison troops so both ruler and subjects might enjoy peace. The emperor referred the matter to his officials, who unanimously pronounced it expedient. Palace Gentleman Hou Ying, who knew the frontier well, argued that the request must be refused. The emperor demanded particulars; Hou Ying replied:

周、秦以來，匈奴暴桀，寇侵邊境，漢興，尤被其害。臣聞北邊塞至遼東，外有陰山，東西千餘里，草木茂盛，多禽獸，本冒頓單于依阻其中，治作弓矢，來出為寇，是其苑囿也。至孝武世，出師征伐，斥奪此地，攘之於幕北。建塞徼，起亭隧，築外城，設屯戍以守之，然後邊境得用少安。幕北地乎，少草木，多大沙，匈奴來寇，少所蔽隱，從塞以南，逕深山谷，往來差難。邊長老言匈奴失陰山之後，過之未嘗不哭也。如罷備塞戍卒，示夷狄之大利，不可一也。今聖德廣被，天覆匈奴，匈奴得蒙全活之恩，稽首來臣。夫夷狄之情，困則卑順，強則驕逆，天性然也。前以罷外城，省亭隧，今裁足以候望通烽火而已。古者安不忘危，不可復罷，二也。中國有禮義之教、刑罰之誅，愚民猶尚犯禁，又況單于，能必其眾不犯約哉！三也。自中國尚建關梁以制諸侯，所以絕臣下之凱欲也。設塞徼，置屯戍，非獨為匈奴而已，亦為諸屬國降民，本故匈奴之人，恐其思舊逃亡，四也。近西羌保塞，與漢人交通，吏民貪利，侵盜其畜產、妻子，以此怨恨，起而背畔，世世不絕。今罷乘塞，則生嫚易分爭之漸，五也。往者從軍多沒不還者，子孫貧困，一旦亡出，從其親威，六也。又邊人奴婢愁苦，欲亡者多，曰「聞匈奴中樂，無奈候望急何！」然時有亡出塞者，七也。盜賊桀黠，群輩犯法，如其窘急，亡走北出，則不可制，八也。起塞以來百有餘年，非皆以土垣也，或因山岩石，木柴僵落，溪谷水門，稍稍平之，卒徒築治，功費久遠，不可勝計。臣恐議者不深慮其終始，欲以一切省徭戍，十年之外，百歲之內，卒有它變，障塞破壞，亭隧滅絕，當更發屯繕治，累世之功不可卒復，九也。如罷戍卒、省候望，單于自以保塞守禦，必深德漢，請求無已。小失其意，則不可測。開夷狄之隙，虧中國之固，十也。非所以永持至安，威制百蠻之長策也。

Since Zhou and Qin times the Xiongnu have raided our borders with relentless ferocity, and the Han realm has borne the brunt of their attacks. North of the frontier, from the passes to Liaodong, runs Yin Mountain—more than a thousand li of meadow where Modun once sheltered, forged bows and arrows, and sallied forth to plunder; it was his royal hunting ground. Emperor Wu sent armies that wrested that ground away and pushed the Xiongnu north of the Gobi. We ringed it with barriers, signal towers, outer walls, and rotating garrisons—only then did the frontier know a measure of calm. North of the desert lies barren sand where raiders find little cover, while south of the wall deep ravines make any march arduous. Frontier elders say the Xiongnu still weep whenever they ride past lost Yin Mountain. First: dismantling the garrisons would hand the barbarians a prize they must not be offered. Today Your Majesty’s grace blankets Heaven itself; the Xiongnu owe their survival to you and have bowed as vassals. Steppe peoples humble themselves when weak and turn arrogant when strong—it is their nature. We already dismantled outer walls and thinned the beacon chain until today it barely suffices for watch and signal. Second: the sages stayed vigilant even in peace—we cannot strip the wall further. Even under ritual and law our own dull peasants break edicts—how can we be sure a Chanyu will bind every tribesman to the treaty? Third. China itself maintains barrier gates to curb its nobles and choke off treasonous ambition. Fourth: the line also pens surrendered Xiongnu dwelling in dependent states who might otherwise flee homeward on a whim. Western Qiang living along the wall trade with Han rustlers who steal their herds and kin; bitterness sparks rebellion generation after generation. Fifth: pulling pickets off the wall invites contempt and petty fights that spiral into war. Sixth: countless soldiers died on campaign; their impoverished heirs slip across the line to join kin among the nomads. Frontier slaves groan under harsh duty and mutter that nomad tents sound idyllic while Han watchposts never ease. And some still desert across the wall—seventh. Eighth: gangs of outlaws, when cornered, bolt north beyond reach of Han law. For over a century we have fused rammed earth with cliffs, timber palisades, and river gates—works whose cost in labor and treasure cannot be reckoned. Ninth: advisers seek quick savings in labor, yet within decades some crisis could smash what generations built beyond hope of swift repair. Withdraw the watch and the Chanyu will fancy himself sole guardian of the wall, feel endlessly entitled to Han favors, and demand without cease. The slightest slight could provoke unknowable wrath. Tenth: it would invite barbarian intrigue and sap China’s defenses. This is no way to secure lasting peace or keep the hundred tribes in awe.

對奏，天子有詔：「勿議罷邊塞事。」使車騎將軍口諭單于曰：「單于上書願罷北邊吏士屯戍，子孫世世保塞。單于鄉慕禮義，所以為民計者甚厚，此長久之策也，朕甚嘉之。中國四方皆有關梁障塞，非獨以備塞外也，亦以防中國奸邪放縱，出為寇害，故明法度以專眾心也。敬諭單于之意，朕無疑焉。為單于怪其不罷，故使大司馬車騎將軍嘉曉單于。」單于謝曰：「愚不知大計，天子幸使大臣告語，甚厚！」

The emperor decreed: ‘Take no further counsel on abandoning the frontier wall.’ The General of Chariots and Cavalry was told to explain orally: ‘Your memorial asks Han to pull its northern garrisons while your heirs forever shield the frontier.’ Your reverence for civilization and care for your people mark a policy built for ages; I commend it warmly.’ China rings itself with gates and ramparts not only against outsiders but to cage our own criminals who would flee beyond the law—barriers focus every subject on duty.’ I trust your goodwill without reservation.’ Lest you wonder why the walls stay manned, Grand Marshal Wang Jia, General of Chariots and Cavalry, clarifies the matter.’ The Chanyu bowed: ‘I was blind to the larger design; Your Majesty’s kindness in sending ministers to instruct me is overwhelming.’

初，左伊秩訾為呼韓邪畫計歸漢，竟以安定。其後或讒伊秩訾自伐其功，常鞅鞅，呼韓邪疑之。左伊秩訾懼誅，將其眾千餘人降漢，漢以為關內侯，食邑三百戶，令佩其王印綬。及竟寧中，呼韓邪來朝，與伊穆訾相見，謝曰：「王為我計甚厚，令匈奴至今安寧，王之力也，德豈可忘！我失王意，使王去不復顧留，皆我過也。今欲白天子，請王歸庭。」伊秩訾曰：「單于賴天命，自歸於漢，得以安寧，單于神靈，天子之晁也，我安得力！既已降漢，又復歸匈奴，是兩心也。願為單于侍使於漢，不敢聽命。」單于固請不能得而歸。

Long ago the Left Yizhi king had urged Huhanye toward Han, and that counsel brought peace. Later rivals accused the Yizhi king of crowing over his success; he grew sullen and Huhanye began to doubt him. Fearing execution he brought more than a thousand followers to Han, which ennobled him as marquis within the passes with three hundred taxable households and let him keep his royal seal and sash. During the Jingning era Huhanye attended court and met the Yizhi king. ‘Your plans for me were generous,’ he said; ‘the quiet we enjoy is your doing—how could I forget your kindness?’ I misread you and let you leave without pressing you to stay—that fault is mine alone.’ I mean to ask the Son of Heaven to send you home to my court.’ The Yizhi king replied: ‘Your fortune rests on Heaven and on bowing to Han—the emperor’s favor is your canopy; I lent no strength of my own!’ Once I submitted to Han, returning north would brand me a double-dealer.’ Let me remain your envoy at the Han court; I cannot obey your summons home.’ Huhanye pressed again and again, failed to win him over, and departed.

王昭君號寧胡閼氏，生一男伊屠智牙師，為右日逐王。呼韓邪立二十八年，建始二年死。始，呼韓邪嬖左伊秩訾兄呼衍王女二人。長女顓渠閼氏，生二子，長曰且莫車，次曰囊知牙斯。少女為大閼氏，生四子，長曰雕陶莫皋，次曰且糜胥，皆長於且莫車，少子鹹、樂二人，皆小子囊知牙斯。又它閼氏子十餘人。顓渠閼氏貴，且莫車愛。呼韓邪病且死，欲立且莫車，其母顓渠閼氏曰：「匈奴亂十餘年，不絕如發，賴蒙漢力，故得復安。今平定未久，人民創艾戰鬥，且莫車年少，百姓未附，恐復危國。我與大閼氏一家共子，不如立雕陶莫皋。」大閼氏曰：「且莫車雖少，大臣共持國事，今捨貴立賤，後世必亂。」單于卒從顓渠閼氏計，立雕陶莫皋，約令傳國與弟。呼韓邪死，雕陶莫皋立，為復株累若鞮單于。

Lady Wang Zhaojun received the title Consort Who Pacifies the Hu and bore a son, Yitu Zhiyashi, whom Huhanye named Right Rizhu king. Huhanye reigned twenty-eight years and died in the second year of Jianshi (31 BCE). Huhanye had long favored two daughters of the Huyan king, elder brother of the Left Yizhi king. The elder became Principal Consort Zhuqu and bore two sons: Qie Moche the eldest and Nangzhiyasi the younger. The younger daughter became senior consort and bore four sons: Diaotaomo Gao and Qie Mixu, both older than Qie Moche, plus two youngest boys named Xian and Le, each junior to Nangzhiyasi. His other consorts gave him more than ten additional sons. Principal Consort Zhuqu stood highest in rank and Qie Moche was his favorite. As Huhanye lay dying he meant to name Qie Moche heir, but Zhuqu warned: ‘For ten years our realm hung by a thread until Han restored us—’ ‘Peace is fresh and the people still scarred by war; Qie Moche is a boy the tribes barely know—you would court fresh disaster.’ ‘The senior consort and I are one household with shared sons; better raise Diaotaomo Gao instead.’ The senior consort objected: ‘Qie Moche is young but the nobles can govern; skipping the senior line for a junior branch invites future strife.’ Huhanye yielded to Zhuqu, enthroned Diaotaomo Gao, and bound him to pass the realm brother to brother. When Huhanye died Diaotaomo Gao succeeded as Chanyu Fuzhulei Ruodi.

復株累若鞮單于立，遣子右致盧兒王醯諧屠奴侯入侍，以且糜胥為左賢王，且莫車為左谷蠡王，囊知牙斯為右賢王。復株累單于復妻王昭君，生二女，長女雲為須卜居次，小女為當於居次。

Upon his accession Chanyu Fuzhulei Ruodi sent his son Xi-xie Tunuhou, king of Right Zhiluer, to court as a hostage, named Qie Mixu Left Virtuous king, Qie Moche Left Gu-li king, and Nangzhiyasi Right Virtuous king. He took Wang Zhaojun again as consort and fathered two daughters: the elder, Yun, titled Xubu princess, and the younger, titled Dangyu princess.

河平元年，單于遣右皋林王伊邪莫演等奉獻朝正月。既罷，遣使者送至蒲反。伊邪莫演言：「欲降，即不受我，我自殺，終不敢還歸。」使者以聞，下公卿議。議者或言宜如故事，受其降。光祿大夫谷永、議郎杜欽以為：「漢興，匈奴數為邊害，故設金爵之賞以待降者。今單于詘體稱臣，列為北籓，遣使朝賀，無有二心，漢家接之，宜異於往時。今既享單于聘貢之質，而更受其逋逃之臣，是貪一夫之得而失一國之心，擁有罪之臣而絕慕義之君也。假令單于初立，欲委身中國，未知利害，私使伊邪莫演詐降以卜吉凶，受之虧德沮善，令單于自疏，不親邊吏；或者設為反間，欲因而生隙，受之適合其策，使得歸曲而直責。此誠邊境安危之原，師旅動靜之首，不可不詳也。不如勿受，以昭日月之信，抑詐諼之謀，懷附親之心，便。」對奏，天子從之。遣中郎將王舜往問降狀。伊邪莫演曰：「我病狂妄言耳。」遣去。歸到，官位如故，不肯令見漢使。

In the first year of Heping (28 BCE) the Chanyu dispatched Yexie Moyan, king of Right Gaolin, with tribute for the New Year court. After the audience Han envoys escorted the mission as far as Pufan. Yexie Moyan declared: ‘I mean to defect—refuse me and I shall kill myself; I will never go back north.’ The escort reported upward and the matter went to the senior ministers. Some urged following precedent and admitting him. Gu Yong, Grandee of Brilliant Virtue, and Consultant Du Qin argued: ‘Early Han faced endless border raids and therefore promised rich rewards for defectors.’ Today the Chanyu bows as vassal, guards our northern marches, and sends punctual embassies—Han should treat him unlike earlier foes.’ We already prize his tribute missions; to harbor his runaway noble would trade petty gain for his goodwill and shelter a criminal while alienating a righteous ally.’ Perhaps the new Chanyu probes Han by staging Moyan’s sham defection—accepting it stains our virtue, damps his sincerity, and estranges him from frontier officers.’ Or it may be an outright provocation so we quarrel—taking the bait lets him play injured party and blame us.’ These possibilities strike at frontier stability and troop posture—they deserve the fullest scrutiny.’ Better refuse him: we preserve luminous good faith, choke off deceit, and reassure a loyal neighbor—that is the prudent course.’ The emperor adopted their advice. He dispatched Wang Shun, General of the Gentlemen of the Household, to verify the defection. Yexie Moyan answered: ‘I was feverish and raving.’ They dismissed him. Back home he kept his old office, yet the Chanyu barred him from facing Han envoys.

明年，單于上書願朝。河平四年正月，遂入朝，加賜錦繡繒帛二萬匹，絮二萬斤，它如竟寧時。

The following year the Chanyu memorialized his wish to attend court. In the first month of Heping 4 (25 BCE) he arrived for audience and received twenty thousand bolts of figured silk and twenty thousand catties of wadding beyond the usual Jingning-scale gifts.

復株累單于立十歲，鴻嘉元年死。弟且糜胥立，為搜諧若鞮單于。

Chanyu Fuzhulei reigned ten years and died in the first year of Hongjia (20 BCE). His brother Qie Mixu succeeded as Chanyu Souxie Ruodi.

搜諧單于立，遣子左祝都韓王朐留斯侯入侍，以且莫車為左賢王。搜諧單于立八歲。元延元年，為朝二年發行，未入塞，病死。弟且莫車立，為車牙若鞮單于。

Chanyu Souxie sent his son Qu-liusi Hou of the Left Zhudu Han king to court as hostage and named Qie Moche Left Virtuous king. Souxie reigned eight years. In Yuanyan 1 (12 BCE) he set out for the audience scheduled his second regnal year but died of illness before crossing the frontier. His brother Qie Moche succeeded as Chanyu Cheya Ruodi.

車牙單于立，遣子右於塗仇撣王烏夷當入侍，以囊知牙斯為左賢王。車牙單于立四歲，綏和元年死。弟囊知牙斯立，為烏珠留若鞮單于。

Cheya sent his son Wuyidang, king of Right Yutu Qiudan, to court and elevated Nangzhiyasi to Left Virtuous king. Cheya ruled four years and died in the first year of Suihe (8 BCE). His brother Nangzhiyasi became Chanyu Wuzhuliu Ruodi.

烏珠留單于立，以第二閼氏子樂為左賢王，以第五閼氏子輿為右賢王，遣子右股奴王烏鞮牙斯入侍。漢遣中郎將夏侯籓、副校尉韓容使匈奴。時帝舅大司馬票騎將軍王根領尚書事，或說根曰：「匈奴有斗入漢地，直張掖郡，生奇材木，箭竿就羽，如得之，於邊甚饒，國家有廣地之賣，將軍顯功，垂於無窮。」根為上言其利，上直欲從單于求之，為有不得，傷命損威。根即但以上指曉籓，令從籓所說而求之。籓至匈奴，以語次說單于曰：「竊見匈奴斗入漢地，直張掖郡。漢三都尉居塞上，士卒數百人塞苦，候望久勞。單于宜上書獻此地，直斷閼之，省兩都尉士卒數百人，以復天子厚恩，其報必大。」單于曰：「此天子詔語邪，將從使者所求也？」籓曰：「詔指也，然籓亦為單于畫善計耳。」單于曰：「孝宣、孝元皇帝哀憐父呼韓邪單于，從長城以北匈奴有之。此溫偶駼王所居地也，未曉其形狀所生，請遣使問之。」籓、容歸漢。後復使匈奴，至則求地。單于曰：「父兄傳五世，漢不求此地，至知獨求，何也？已問溫偶駼王，匈奴西邊諸侯作穹廬及車，皆仰此山材木，且先父地，不敢失也。」籓還，遷為太原太守。單于遣使上書，以籓求地狀聞。詔報單于曰：「籓擅稱詔從單于求地，法當死，更大赦二，今徙籓為濟南太守，不令當匈奴。」明年，侍子死，歸葬。復遣子左於駼仇撣王稽留昆入侍。

Wuzhuliu named Le, son of his second consort, Left Virtuous king; Yu, son of his fifth consort, Right Virtuous king; and sent Wudiiyasi of the Right Gunu kingship to court. Han dispatched Xiahou Fan, General of the Gentlemen of the Household, with Deputy Colonel Han Rong as escort on mission to the Xiongnu. The emperor’s uncle Wang Gen headed the Secretariat when an adviser told him: ‘A tongue of nomad land juts toward Zhangye rich in arrow-grade timber—seizing it would fatten the frontier, swell the treasury, and immortalize your name.’ Gen pitched the idea at court, but the emperor shrank from an open demand lest refusal shame the throne. Gen briefed Fan with the emperor’s gist and told him to pursue it along lines Fan himself devised. In camp Fan remarked in passing: ‘That salient of yours pointing at Zhangye—’ Han ties up three commandants and hundreds of troops in grinding frontier watch along that wedge.’ Memorialize its cession and Han can seal the salient, retire two commands, spare hundreds of men, and still earn lavish gratitude from the throne.’ The Chanyu asked: ‘Are these the emperor’s own words, or merely your proposal?’ Fan replied: ‘It reflects imperial intent, though I phrased it as friendly counsel.’ The Chanyu answered: ‘Emperors Xuan and Yuan pitied my father Huhanye—everything north of the Wall belongs to us.’ That wedge is Wen’outu’s territory; I must learn its exact bounds—allow me to consult him through envoys.’ Fan and Han Rong departed for the capital. On a later mission they pressed for the cession as soon as they arrived. The Chanyu protested: ‘Five reigns of fathers and brothers held this soil without complaint from Han—why does the court demand it only now?’ I asked Wen’outu: every western chief builds carts and tents from that ridge—it was my fathers’ pasture and cannot be surrendered.’ Fan went home promoted governor of Taiyuan. The Chanyu memorialized the court detailing Fan’s land grab. The emperor answered: ‘Fan forged imperial authority to extort you—a capital crime twice remitted by general amnesty; he is banished to Jinan and barred from frontier duty.’ The following year the hostage prince died and his body was sent home. He sent another son, Jiliukun, king of Left Yutu Qiudan, to court.

至哀帝建平二年，烏孫庶子卑援疐翕侯人眾入匈奴西界，寇盜牛畜，頗殺其民。單于聞之，遣左大當戶烏夷泠將五千騎擊烏孫，殺數百八，略千餘人，驅牛畜去。卑援疐恐，遣子趨逯為質匈奴。單于受，以狀聞。漢遣中郎將丁野林、副校尉公乘音使匈奴，責讓單于，告令還歸卑援疐質子。單于受詔，遣歸。

In Jianping 2 (5 BCE) Beiyuanzhi of Wusun led his Xi-hou band across the western frontier to rustle herds and kill locals. The Chanyu sent Wuyiling at the head of five thousand horsemen; they slew hundreds, carried off more than a thousand captives, and drove away the herds. Beiyuanzhi panicked and gave his son Qulu as a hostage to the Xiongnu. The Chanyu accepted the prince and memorialized the fact. Han dispatched Ding Yelin and Deputy Colonel Gongsheng Yin to rebuke the Chanyu and demand Qulu’s return. The Chanyu obeyed and sent the boy home.

建平四年，單于上書願朝五年。時哀帝被疾，或言匈奴從上游來厭人，自黃龍、竟寧時，單于朝中國輒有大故。上由是難之，以問公卿，亦以為虛費府帑，可且勿許。單于使辭去，未發，黃門郎揚雄上書諫曰：

In Jianping 4 (3 BCE) he memorialized his wish to attend court in the fifth regnal year. Emperor Ai lay sick when rumor claimed Xiongnu embassies brought ill omens—each visit since Huanglong and Jingning had coincided with imperial deaths. The emperor hesitated and polled his ministers, who cited cost and urged refusal. As the embassy prepared to leave, Yang Xiong of the Yellow Gate memorialized:

臣聞《六經》之治，貴於未亂；兵家之勝，貴於未戰。二者皆微，然而大事之本，不可不察也。今單于上書求朝，國家不許而辭之，臣愚以為漢與匈奴從此隙矣。本北地之狄，五帝所不能臣，三王所不能制，其不可使隙甚明。臣不敢遠稱，請引秦以來明之。

The Classics teach that rule excels when disorder has not yet stirred; the art of war prizes triumph won without crossing blades. Both truths sound slight yet underpin every great decision—we neglect them at peril. Today the Chanyu asks to attend and we send him away—I fear Han and the Xiongnu part here with a lasting grudge. They are the northern Di whom neither the Five Emperors nor the Three Dynasties fully subdued—we must not invite their enmity. I need not reach deep antiquity—let Qin and Han speak.

以秦始皇之強，蒙恬之威，帶甲四十餘萬，然不敢窺西河，乃築長城以界之。會漢初興，以高祖之威靈，三十萬眾困於平城，士或七日不食。時奇譎之士石畫之臣甚眾，卒其所以脫者，世莫得而言也。又高皇后嘗忿匈奴，群臣庭議，樊噲請以十萬眾橫行匈奴中，季布曰：「噲可斬也，妄阿順指！」於是大臣權書遺之，然後匈奴之結解，中國之憂平。及孝文時，匈奴侵暴北邊，候騎至雍甘泉，京師大駭，發三將軍屯細柳、棘門、霸上以備之，數月乃罷。孝武即位，設馬邑之權，欲誘匈奴，使韓安國將三十萬眾徼於便地，匈奴覺之而去，徒費財勞師，一虜不可得見，況單于之面乎！其後深惟社稷之計，規恢萬載之策，乃大興師數十萬，使衛青、霍去病操兵，前後十餘年。於是浮西河，絕大幕，破寘顏，襲王庭，窮極其地，追奔逐北，封狼居胥山，禪於姑衍，以臨翰海，虜名王貴人以百數。自是之後，匈奴震怖，益求和親，然而未肯稱臣也。

Even Qin Shihuang and Meng Tian with forty thousand armored troops dared not cross the Yellow River westward—they raised the Long Wall as a boundary. At Han’s founding Gaozu himself led three hundred thousand men into the Pingcheng trap where some starved seven days. Clever advisers thronged the court, yet how the emperor escaped remains untold. When Empress Lü raged at the Xiongnu, Fan Kuai vowed to sweep the steppe with a hundred thousand men until Ji Bu demanded his head for reckless flattery.’ Ministers instead sent a tactful letter that loosened the knot and calmed the realm.’ Under Emperor Wen raiders reached Yong and Ganquan; Chang’an mobilized three armies at Xiliu, Jimen, and Bashang for months on end. Emperor Wu’s Mayi ambush wasted treasure and troops without netting even a scout—let alone the Chanyu’s face! Then he weighed the altars of state and poured hundreds of thousands into Wei Qing and Huo Qubing offensives lasting more than a decade. They crossed the Yellow River and Gobi, smashed Zhiyan, stormed the royal headquarters, pursued fugitives to Wolf-Ju-xu and Guyang, overlooked the northern sea, and bagged hundreds of named nobles. Afterward the Xiongnu trembled and sued harder for heqin marriages yet still refused to call themselves subjects.

且夫前世豈樂傾無量之費，役無罪之人，快心於狼望之北哉？以為不一勞者不久佚，不暫費者不永寧，是以忍百萬之師以摧餓虎之喙，運府庫之財填盧山之壑而不悔也。至本始之初，匈奴有桀心，欲掠烏孫，侵公主，乃發五將之師十五萬騎獵其南，而長羅侯以烏孫五萬騎震其西，皆至質而還。時鮮有所獲，徒奮揚威武，明漢兵若雷風耳。雖空行空反，尚誅兩將軍。故北狄不服，中國未得高枕安寢也。逮至元康、神爵之間，大化神明，鴻恩溥洽，而匈奴內亂，五單于爭立，日逐、呼韓邪攜國歸化，扶伏稱臣，然尚羈縻之，計不顓制。自此之後，欲朝者不距，不欲者不強。何者？外國天性忿鷙，形容魁健，負力怙氣，難化以善，易隸以惡，其強難詘，其和難得。故未服之時，勞師遠攻，傾國殫貨，伏屍流血，破堅拔敵，如彼之難也；既服之後，尉薦撫循，交接賂遺，威儀俯仰，如此之備也。往時嘗屠大宛之城，蹈烏桓之壘，探姑繒之壁，藉蕩姐之場，艾朝鮮之旃，拔兩越之旗，近不過旬月之役，遠不離二時之勞，固已犁其庭，掃其閭，郡縣而置之，雲徹席捲，後無餘災。唯北狄為不然，真中國之堅敵也。三垂比之懸矣，前世重之慈甚，未易可輕也。

Did past dynasties relish bankrupting the treasury and drafting innocent men for sport beyond Wolf Outlook? They believed ease follows strain and peace follows price—so they threw million-strong hosts against a starving tiger’s jaws and emptied granaries into Lushan’s gorges without regret. When Benshi opened the Xiongnu meant to raid Wusun and seize the princess—Han answered with one hundred fifty thousand riders under five generals in the south and Changluo’s fifty thousand Wusun allies in the west until both wings withdrew at the frontier. Booty was scarce yet the demonstration proved Han armies strike like thunder. Even barren marches cost two generals their heads. While the northern Di resist, China cannot sleep with a high pillow. By Yuankang–Shenjue sagely virtue overflowed while five Chanyus tore the realm apart; Rizhu and Huhanye submitted prostrate—yet Han still ruled them loosely rather than micromanaging. Since then whoever wished to attend was welcomed; whoever declined was not compelled. Why? Outlanders are proud brutes—hard to win with kindness, quick to sour—might bows slowly and peace comes dear. Before submission China drained the realm on distant campaigns—blood, treasure, and siegecraft bought each inch; afterward Han soothed them with stipends, gifts, and elaborate ritual. Han stormed Dayuan, trampled Wuhuan camps, probed Guzeng’s walls, overran Dangjie’s pastures, cut down Korean standards, and tore down both Yues’ banners—sometimes in weeks, never more than two seasons—leveling courts, sweeping villages, annexing them as commanderies until nothing smoldered behind. Only the northern Di defy that pattern—they remain China’s stubborn foe. The other three marches differ like sky from earth; past courts honored the north accordingly—it must not be slighted.

今單于歸義，懷款誠之心，欲離其庭，陳見於前，此乃上世之遺策，神靈之所想望，國家雖費，不得已者也。奈何距以來厭之辭，疏以無日之期，消往昔之恩，開將來之隙！夫款而隙之，使有恨心，負前言，緣往辭，歸怨於漢，因以自絕，終無北面之心，威之不可，諭之不能，焉得不為大憂乎！夫明者視於無形，聰者聽於無聲，誠先於未然，即蒙恬、樊噲不復施，棘門、細柳不復備，馬邑之策安所設，衛、霍之功何得用，五將之威安所震？不然，一有隙之後，雖智者勞心於內，辯者轂擊於外，猶不若未然之時也。且往者圖西域，制車師，置城郭都護三十六國，費歲以大萬計者，豈為康居、烏孫能逾白龍堆而寇西邊哉？乃以制匈奴也。夫百年勞之，一日失之，費十而愛一，臣竊為國不安也。唯陛下少留意於未亂未戰，以遏邊萌之禍。

Today the Chanyu offers good faith, leaves his headquarters, and kneels before the throne—a blessing ancestors prayed for; expense is unavoidable. How then refuse him with omens of ill luck, stall him without a fixed date, squander past kindness, and invite future hatred? Snub a willing ally and you breed bitterness: he recasts old bonds as slights, blames Han, and refuses ever again to bow north—neither intimidation nor reason wins him back. What crisis could loom larger? The wise spot danger before shape or sound—then Meng Tian and Fan Kuai stay sheathed, Jimen and Xiliu stand down, Mayi plots idle, Wei-Huo feats sleep, and five-generals thunder never rolls. Otherwise, after the breach even genius within and diplomacy abroad cannot match prevention. We poured yearly fortunes into thirty-six western states and Cheshi—was that because Kangju or Wusun might cross the White Dragon Desert? It was to pin the Xiongnu. Centuries of labor squandered in an afternoon—throwing away ten for one strikes me as madness for the realm. I beg you heed trouble before war erupts and choke off this frontier spark.

書奏，天子寤焉，召還匈奴使者，更報單于書而許之。賜雄帛五十匹，黃金十斤。單于未發，會病，復遣使願朝明年。故事，單于朝，從名王以下及從者二百餘人。單于又上書言：「蒙天子神靈，人民盛壯，願從五百人入朝，以明天子盛德。」上皆許之。

The emperor awoke to the plea, recalled the Xiongnu embassy, and answered with permission. Yang Xiong received fifty bolts of silk and ten catties of gold. Before setting out the Chanyu fell ill and asked to postpone his visit until the following year. Precedent limited him to titled kings and two hundred retainers. He memorialized again: ‘Heaven’s favor leaves my people vigorous—I ask leave to bring five hundred followers to display Your Majesty’s greatness.’ The emperor granted every request.

元壽二年，單于來朝，上以太歲厭勝所在，捨之上林苑蒲陶宮。告之以加敬於單于，單于知之。加賜衣三百七十襲，錦繡繒帛三萬匹，絮三萬斤，它如河平時。既罷，遣中郎將韓況送單于。單于出塞，到休屯井，北度車田盧水，道裡回遠。況等乏食，單于乃給其糧，失期不還五十餘日。

In Yuanshou 2 (1 BCE) he attended audience and was quartered at the Grape Palace in Shanglin because of the Grand Year taboo. Officials explained the honor paid him, and he understood. He received three hundred seventy changes of robe, thirty thousand bolts of figured silk, thirty thousand catties of wadding, and other gifts on the Heping scale. After the rites Han Kuang, General of the Gentlemen of the Household, escorted him out. Beyond the wall he reached Xiutun Well, forded the Chetianlu River, and faced a long roundabout march. When Kuang’s escort ran short the Chanyu fed them, delaying their return more than fifty days past schedule.

初，上遣稽留昆隨單于去，到國，復遣稽留昆同母兄右大且方與婦入待。還歸，復遣且方同母兄左日逐王都與婦人侍。是時，漢平帝幼，太皇太后稱制，新都侯王莽秉政，欲說太后以威德至盛異於前，乃風單于令遣王昭君女須卜居次雲入侍太后，所以常賜之甚厚。

Earlier the court sent Jiliukun home with the Chanyu, then summoned his half-brother Right Great Juqu Fang and Fang’s wife as hostages. When they returned Han demanded Fang’s other half-brother Du, Left Rizhu king, along with female attendants. While boy emperor Ping reigned under Grand Empress Dowager Wang Zhengjun, Wang Mang directed affairs and suggested the Chanyu send Lady Yun—Zhaojun’s Xubu daughter—to serve the Dowager, earning lavish gifts.

會西域車師後王姑句、去胡來王唐兜皆怨恨都護校尉，將妻子人民亡降匈奴，語在《西域傳》。單于受置左谷蠡地，遣使上書言狀曰：「臣謹已受。」詔遣中郎將韓隆、王昌、副校尉甄阜、侍中謁者帛敞、長水校尉王歙使匈奴，告單于曰：「西域內屬，不當得受，今遣之。」單于曰：「孝宣、孝元皇帝哀憐，為作約束，自長城以南天子有之，長城以北單于有之。有犯塞，輒以狀聞；有降者，不得受。臣知父呼韓邪單于蒙無量之恩，死遺言曰：『有從中國來降者，勿受，輒送至塞，以報天子厚恩。』此外國也，得受之。」使者曰：「匈奴骨肉相攻，國幾絕，蒙中國大恩，危亡復續，妻子完安，累世相繼，宜有以報厚恩。」單于叩頭謝罪，執二虜還付使者。詔使中郎將王萌待西域惡都奴界上逆受。單于遣使送到國，因請其罪。使者以聞，有詔不聽，會西域諸國王斬以示之。乃造設四條：中國人亡入匈奴者，烏孫亡降匈奴者，西域諸國佩中國印綬降匈奴者，烏桓降匈奴者，皆不得受。遣中郎將王駿、王昌、副校尉甄阜、王尋使匈奴，班四條與單于，雜函封，付單于，令奉行，因收故宣帝所為約束封函還。時，莽奏令中國不得有二名，因使使者以風單於，宜上書慕化，為一名，漢必加厚賞。單于從之，上書言：「幸得備籓臣，竅樂太平聖制，臣故名囊知牙斯，今謹更名曰知。」莽大說，白太后，遣使者答諭，厚賞賜焉。

Cheshi’s rear king Guju and Qu-hu-lai king Tangdou, bitter at the Protector-General, fled with followers to the Xiongnu—the tale appears in the Traditions of the Western Regions. The Chanyu settled them on Left Gu-li pasture and memorialized: ‘Your servant has duly received them.’ An edict dispatched Han Long, Wang Chang, Zhen Fu, Bo Chang, and Wang Xi to tell him: ‘The Western Regions belong to Han—you cannot shelter fugitives; return them.’ The Chanyu answered: ‘Emperors Xuan and Yuan drew the compact—south of the Wall belongs to the Son of Heaven, north to us.’ Border violations must be reported; neither side may harbor defectors from the other.’ ‘My father Huhanye owed Han boundless kindness and charged his heirs: “Reject Han defectors and march them to the frontier—that repays the emperor.”’ But those peoples lie beyond Han—we may shelter them.’ The envoys retorted: ‘Your kin tore the realm apart until Han restored you—wives and heirs survive thanks to us—you owe more than clever parsing.’ The Chanyu kowtowed in apology and handed both fugitives to Han. The court told Wang Meng to meet them at the Edu-nu frontier. He escorted them to the border and pleaded mitigation. Han refused clemency and executed the kings before Western Regions rulers as warning. They drafted four clauses barring reception of Han fugitives, Wusun defectors, western kings bearing Han seals, or Wuhuan who fled north. Wang Jun, Wang Chang, Zhen Fu, and Wang Xun delivered the sealed four articles, ordered compliance, and reclaimed Emperor Xuan’s old treaty packets. Wang Mang had forbidden double personal names in China and hinted through envoys that the Chanyu should memorialize sinicization under a single name for richer gifts. The Chanyu obliged: ‘Honored to serve as vassal, I rejoice in Han civilization; my old name Nangzhiyasi I hereby shorten to Zhi.’ Delighted, Mang told the Dowager, answered with envoys, and heaped rewards on him.

漢既班四條，後護烏桓使者告烏桓民，毋得復與匈奴皮布稅。匈奴以故事遣使者責烏桓稅，匈奴人民婦女欲賈販者皆隨往焉。烏桓距曰：「奉天子詔條，不當予匈奴稅。」匈奴使怒，收烏桓酋豪，縛到懸之。酋豪昆弟怒，共殺匈奴使及其官屬，收略婦女馬牛。單于聞之，遣使發左賢王兵入烏桓責殺使者，因攻擊之。烏桓分散，或走上山，或東保塞。匈奴頗殺人民，驅婦女弱小且千人去，置左地，告烏桓曰：「持馬畜皮布來贖之。」烏桓見略者親屬二千餘人持財畜往贖，匈奴受，留不遣。

After publishing the four clauses Han’s Wuhuan commissioner forbade further fur-and-cloth tribute to the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu sent collectors under old custom, followed by traders and women hawkers. Wuhuan leaders refused: ‘Han edicts forbid paying your levy.’ The Xiongnu envoy seized Wuhuan headmen, bound them, and left them hanging. The headmen’s kinsmen slew the envoy and his escort and drove off women, horses, and cattle. The Chanyu mobilized the Left Virtuous king’s men against Wuhuan to avenge the murder, then struck. Wuhuan bands fled to the hills or east toward the Han wall. The raiders killed many, herded nearly a thousand women and children to the eastern pastures, and demanded horses, stock, pelts, and cloth for ransom.’ More than two thousand relatives arrived with ransom goods; the Xiongnu pocketed it but kept the captives.

王莽之篡位也，建國元年，遣五威將王駿率甄阜、王颯、陳饒、帛敞、丁業六人，多繼金帛，重遺單于，諭曉以受命代漢狀，因易單于故印。故印文曰「匈奴單於璽」，莽更曰「新匈奴單于章」。將率既至，授單于印紱，詔令上故印拔。單于再拜受詔。譯前，欲解取故印紱，單于舉掖授之。左姑夕侯蘇從旁謂單于曰：「未見新印文，宜且勿與。」單于止，不肯與。請使者坐穹廬，單于欲前為壽。五威將曰：「故印紱當以時上。」單于曰：「諾。」復舉掖授譯。蘇復曰：「未見印文，且勿與。」單于曰：「印文何由變更！」遂解故印紱奉上，將率受。著新紱，不解視印，飲食至夜乃罷。右率陳饒謂諸將率曰：「鄉者姑夕侯疑印文，幾令單于不與人。如令視印，見其變改，必求故印，此非辭說所能距也。既得而復失之，辱命莫大焉。不如椎破故印，以絕禍根。」將率猶與，莫有應者。饒，燕士，果悍，即引斧椎壞之。明日，單于果遣右骨都侯當白將率曰：「漢賜單于印，言『璽』，不言『章』，又無『漢』字。諸王已下乃有『漢』，言『章』。今即去『璽』加『新』，與臣下無別。願得故印。」將率示以故印，謂曰：「新室順天製作，故印隨將率所自為破壞。單于宜承天命，奉新室之制。」當還白，單于知已無可奈何，又多得賂遺，即遣弟右賢王輿奉馬牛隨將率入謝，因上書求故印。

When Wang Mang seized the throne in Jianguo 1 (9 CE) he sent Wang Jun’s Five Might mission with Zhen Fu, Wang Sa, Chen Rao, Bo Chang, and Ding Ye—laden with gold and silk—to announce Xin’s succession and swap the Chanyu’s old seal. The old inscription read ‘Seal of the Xiongnu Chanyu’; Mang replaced it with ‘Seal of the Xiongnu Chanyu of Xin.’ The generals presented the new ribbon-seal and ordered surrender of the old. The Chanyu bowed twice and accepted the decree. As the interpreter moved to unfasten the old seal, the Chanyu lifted his sleeve to hand it over. Su of Left Gu-xi whispered: ‘Do not surrender it until we read the new inscription.’ The Chanyu paused and withheld it. He invited the envoys into his yurt and stepped up to offer a toast. The Five Might general insisted: ‘You must surrender the old seal now.’ The Chanyu answered: ‘Very well.’ Again he raised his sleeve toward the interpreter. Su repeated: ‘Still no sight of the wording—hold it back.’ The Chanyu snapped: ‘How could the inscription change!’ He removed the old seal and handed it over; the generals took it. They fixed the new ribbon without inspecting the chop and feasted until nightfall. Chen Rao, right-column leader, warned: ‘Gu-xi’s doubts nearly kept the Chanyu from yielding it.’ If he reads the new legend he will demand the old back—eloquence cannot refuse him. To win it then lose it would shame the mission beyond measure. Smash the old seal now and choke off future trouble.’ The commanders wavered and none answered. Chen Rao, a grim Yan man, seized an axe and shattered it. Next morning the Right Gutuhou announced: ‘Han’s gift reads xi, not zhang, and bears no Han legend.’ Lesser kings bear the Han legend and the word zhang.’ Now xi is stripped for Xin—I rank no higher than a minister.’ I beg for my old seal.’ They displayed the fragments: ‘Xin follows Heaven’s mandate—the old seal broke under our hands.’ Accept Heaven’s new order and Xin’s institutions.’ Dang’s report left the Chanyu helpless despite heavy gifts; he sent his brother Yu with herds to apologize at court and memorialized again for the old seal.

將率還到左犁汗王鹹所居地，見烏桓民多，以問鹹。鹹具言狀，將率曰：「前封四條，不得受烏桓降者，亟還之。」咸陽：「請密與單于相聞，得語，歸之。」單于使鹹報曰：「當從塞內還之邪，從塞外還之邪？」將率不敢顓決，以聞。詔報，從塞外還之。

Marching through Left Lihan king Xian’s turf they noticed crowds of Wuhuan and questioned him. Xian explained; the generals ordered: ‘The four clauses forbid sheltering Wuhuan fugitives—send them back at once.’ Xian replied: ‘Let me inform the Chanyu secretly first and release them once he answers.’ Through Xian the Chanyu asked whether repatriation should run inside or outside the wall.’ The generals refused to decide alone and memorialized. The reply ordered release beyond the frontier.

單于始用夏侯籓求地有距漢語，後以求稅烏桓不得，因寇略其人民，釁由是生，重以印文改易，故怨恨。乃遣右大且渠蒲呼盧訾等十餘人將兵眾萬騎，以護送烏桓為名，勒兵朔方塞下。朔方太守以聞。

Resentment began when Fan’s land grab insulted him, deepened when Wuhuan tribute failed and raids followed, and peaked when the seal legend changed. He dispatched Puhuluzi and a dozen nobles with ten thousand riders under pretense of escorting Wuhuan, camping them beneath Shuofang. The Shuofang governor reported it upward.

明年，西域車師後王須置離謀降匈奴，都護但欽誅斬之。置離兄狐蘭支將人眾二千餘人，驅畜產，舉國亡降匈奴，單于受之。狐蘭支與匈奴共入寇，擊車師，殺後成長，傷都護司馬，復還入匈奴。

The following year Rear Cheshi king Xuzhili plotted defection; Protector-General Dan Qin executed him. His brother Hulanzhi led two thousand followers with herds into exile; the Chanyu admitted them. With Xiongnu allies he struck Cheshi, slew its chief, wounded the Protector-General’s major, and withdrew north.

時，戊己校尉史陳良、終帶、司馬丞韓玄、右曲候任商等見西域頗背叛，聞匈奴欲大侵，恐並死，即謀劫略吏卒數百人，共殺戊己校尉刀護，遣人與匈奴南犁汗王南將軍相聞。匈奴南將軍二千騎入西域迎良等，良等盡脅略戊己校尉吏士男女二千餘人入匈奴。玄、商留南將軍所，良、帶徑至單于庭，人眾別置零吾水上田居。單于號良、帶曰烏桓都將軍，留居單于所，數呼與飲食。西域都護但欽上書言匈奴南將軍右伊秩訾將人眾冠擊諸國。莽於是大分匈奴為十五單于，遣中郎將藺苞、副校尉戴級將兵萬騎，多繼珍寶至雲中塞下，招誘呼韓邪單于諸子，欲以次拜之。使譯出塞誘呼右犁汗王鹹、鹹子登、助三人，至則脅拜鹹為孝單于，賜安車鼓車各一，黃金千手，雜繒千匹，戲戟十；拜助為順單于，賜黃金五百斤；傳送助、登長安。莽封苞為宣威公，拜為虎牙將軍；封級為揚威公，拜為虎賁將軍。單于聞之，怒曰：「先單于受漢宣帝恩，不可負他。今天子非宣帝子孫，何以得立？」遣左骨都侯、右伊秩訾王呼盧訾及左賢王樂將兵入雲中益壽塞，大殺吏民。是歲，建國三年也。

Wu-ji clerks Chen Liang and Zhong Dai, aide Han Xuan, and Ren Shang of the Right Qu seeing the west unravel and fearing a massive raid, mutinied with hundreds of troops, slew Colonel Dao Hu, and contacted the Xiongnu South General. The South General sent two thousand riders to meet them; Liang dragged more than two thousand Wu-ji troops and families into the steppe. Han and Ren stayed with the South General while Liang and Zhong reached headquarters; dependents were settled to farm along the Lingwu River. The Chanyu styled them Wuhuan supreme generals, kept them at court, and often feasted them. Dan Qin reported the South General and Right Yizhi leading raids across the western states. Mang carved the Xiongnu into fifteen rival Chanyus and sent Lin Bao and Dai Ji with ten thousand riders and treasures to Yunzhong to lure Huhanye’s sons for sequential investiture. Interpreters lured Xian and his sons Deng and Zhu beyond the wall, forced Xian to accept the title Filial Chanyu, and gave carriages, a thousand jin of gold, a thousand bolts of silk, and ten halberds; named Zhu Compliant Chanyu with five hundred jin of gold; Zhu and Deng were convoyed to Chang’an. Mang made Bao duke of Xuanwei and Tiger-Fang general; Ji became duke of Yangwei and Tiger-Rush general. The true Chanyu raged: ‘My predecessor owed Emperor Xuan of Han—we cannot betray that debt.’ Today’s ruler is no descendant of Xuan—by what right does he reign?’ He sent Huluzi and Left Virtuous king Le through Yishou Pass in Yunzhong on a slaughter of officials and townsfolk. The year was Jianguo 3 (11 CE).

是後，單于歷告左右部都尉、諸邊王，入塞寇盜，大輩萬餘，中輩數千，少者數百，殺雁門、朔方太守、都尉，略吏民畜產不可勝數，緣邊虛耗。莽新即位，怙府庫之富欲立威，乃拜十二部將率，發郡國勇士，武庫精兵，各有所屯守，轉委輸於邊。議滿三十萬眾，賁三百日糧，同時十道並出，窮追匈奴，內之於丁令，因分其地，立呼韓邪十五子。

The Chanyu ordered border commanders and kings to raid the frontier in bands from hundreds to tens of thousands, killing Yanmen and Shuofang officials and stripping the marches bare. Freshly enthroned, Wang Mang trusted his treasury and named twelve army columns, drafting local stalwarts and armory troops into frontier posts with endless supply trains. The plan called for three hundred thousand men with three hundred days’ rations on ten simultaneous thrusts to chase the Xiongnu into the Dingling pasture, carve their realm, and enthrone fifteen of Huhanye’s sons.

莽將嚴尤諫曰：

General Yan You objected:

臣聞匈奴為害，所從來久矣，未聞上世有必征之者也。後世三家周、秦、漢征之，然皆未有得上策者也。周得中策，漢得下策，秦無策焉。當周宣王時，獫允內侵，至於涇陽，命將征之，盡境而還。其視戎狄之侵，譬猶蚊虻之螫，驅之而已。故天下稱明，是為中策。漢武帝選將練兵，約賁輕糧，深入遠戍，雖有克獲之功，胡輒報之，兵連禍結三十餘年，中國罷耗，匈奴亦創艾，而天下稱武，是為下策。秦始皇不忍小恥而輕民力，築長城之固，延袤萬里，轉輸之行，起於負海，疆境既完，中國內竭，以喪社稷，是為無策。今天下遭陽九之厄，比年饑饉，西北邊猶甚。發三十萬眾，具三百日糧，東援海代，南取江淮，然後乃備。計其道裡，一年尚未集合，兵先至者聚居暴露，師老械弊，勢不可用，此一難也。邊既空虛，不能奉軍糧，內調郡國，不相及屬，此二難也。計一人三百日食，用糒十八斛，非牛力不能勝；牛又當自繼食，加二十斛，重矣。胡地沙鹵，多乏水草，以往事揆之，軍出未滿百日，牛必物故且盡，餘糧尚多，人不能負，此三難也。胡地秋冬甚寒，春夏甚風，多繼釜鍑薪炭，重不可勝，食糒飲水，以歷四時，師有疾疫之憂，是故前世伐胡，不過百日，非不欲久，勢力不能，此四難也。輜重自隨，則輕銳者少，不得疾行，虜徐遁逃，勢不能及，幸而逢虜，又累輜重，如遇險阻，銜尾相隨，虜要遮前後，危殆不測，此五難也。大用民力，功不可必立，臣伏憂之。今既發兵，宜縱先至者，令臣尤等深入霆擊，且以創艾胡虜。

The Xiongnu have plagued China for ages, yet antiquity never insisted on crushing them outright. Later Zhou, Qin, and Han all marched north—none grasped the best strategy. Zhou chose the middling course, Han the lesser, Qin none at all. King Xuan drove the Xianyun from Jingyang with a pursuit that stopped at the frontier. They treated barbarian raids like mosquito bites—brush them off. The realm praised such restraint—the middle path. Emperor Wu picked crack troops, marched light and deep, traded blows for thirty years until both realms bled—history calls it valor but it was the inferior strategy. The First Emperor could not swallow slight insults and drafted the realm to wall ten thousand li from the coast inward until China collapsed—that was having no strategy. The realm labors under Heaven’s ill-starred cycle; famine stalks year after year—worst in the northwest. Raising three hundred thousand men with three hundred days’ grain means draining Hai-Dai and Jiang-Huai before you even march. First difficulty: a year may pass before columns unite—early arrivals camp exposed until troops tire and gear fails. Second: the frontier cannot feed them while interior levies cannot link up in time. Each soldier needs eighteen hu of grain for three hundred days—only oxen can haul it; the beasts need twenty hu themselves—the burden swells. Third: desert wastes kill draft oxen within a hundred days, leaving grain men cannot carry. Fourth: bitter seasons demand stoves and fodder for a full year—past campaigns halted at one hundred days because plague and climate forbade longer stays. Fifth: baggage slows pursuit—nomads slip away—or if caught, trains clog narrow ground while enemies strike front and rear. Mobilizing the realm for uncertain gain fills me with dread. Since troops march, let early arrivals under my command strike deep like lightning and sting the Hu.

莽不聽尤言，轉兵谷如故，天下騷動。

Mang ignored him and kept shifting troops and grain until the empire seethed.

鹹既受莽孝單于之號，馳出塞歸庭，具以見脅狀白單于。單于更以為於粟置支侯，匈侯賤官也。後助病死，莽以登代助為順單于。

Xian fled home with Mang’s bogus Filial title and told the true Chanyu how he had been forced. The Chanyu instead named him marquis of Yusu Zhizhi—a petty steppe title. When Zhu died Mang named Deng Compliant Chanyu in his stead.

厭難將軍陳欽、震狄將軍王巡屯雲中葛邪塞。是時，匈奴數為邊寇，殺將率吏士，略人民，驅畜產去甚眾。捕得虜生口驗問，皆曰孝單于鹹子角數為寇。兩將以聞。四年，莽會諸蠻夷，斬鹹子登於長安市。

Chen Qin the Hardship-quelling general and Wang Xun the Barbarian-quaking general camped at Geye Pass in Yunzhong. The Xiongnu raided ceaselessly, killing commanders and troops and carrying off people and herds. Prisoners agreed that Jue, son of the puppet Filial Chanyu Xian, led the raids. Both generals memorialized the fact. In the fourth year Wang Mang convened the tribes and executed Deng in Chang’an marketplace.

初，北邊自宣帝以來，數世不見煙火之警，人民熾盛，牛馬布野。及莽撓亂匈奴，與之構難，邊民死亡係獲，又十二部兵久屯而不出，吏士罷弊，數年之間，北邊虛空，野有暴骨矣。

Since Emperor Xuan the north had known generations without beacon fires—people multiplied and herds carpeted the prairie. Mang’s provocations killed or enslaved frontier folk while twelve idle armies exhausted the garrisons—within years the north lay empty, bones whitening in the fields.

烏珠留單于立二十一歲，建國五年死。匈奴用事大臣右骨都侯須卜當，即王昭君女伊墨居次雲之婿也。雲常欲與中國和親，又素與鹹厚善，見鹹前後為莽所拜，故遂越輿而立鹹為烏累若E96F單于。

Chanyu Wuzhuliu reigned twenty-one years and died in Jianguo 5 (13 CE). Power lay with Right Gutuhou Xubu Dang—husband of Lady Yun, Zhaojun’s Yimo daughter. Yun favored peace with Han and was close to Xian; seeing Mang twice elevate him, she passed over Yu and raised Xian as Chanyu Wulei Ruodi.

烏累單于鹹立，以弟輿為左谷蠡王。烏珠留單于子蘇屠胡本為左賢王，以弟屠耆閼氏子盧渾為右賢王。烏珠留單于在時，左賢王數死，以為其號不祥，更易命左賢王曰「護於」。護於之尊最貴，次當為單于，故烏珠留單于授其長子以為護於，欲傳以國。鹹怨烏珠留單于貶賤己號，不欲傳國，及立，貶護於為左屠耆王。雲、當遂勸鹹和親。

Chanyu Wulei Xian named his brother Yu Left Gu-li king. Sutu Hu, son of Wuzhuliu, remained Left Virtuous king while Luhun—born to the Tuqi consort’s junior house—was named Right Virtuous king. Under Wuzhuliu several Left Virtuous kings died in office, so the title was deemed ill-omened and renamed Huyu. Huyu ranked highest after the Chanyu, so Wuzhuliu named his eldest heir Huyu to pass him the realm. Xian bitterly resented that title and meant to break the succession; once enthroned he reduced Huyu to Left Tuqi king. Yun and Dang pressed him toward heqin with Han.

天鳳二年五月，莽復遣歙與五威將王鹹率伏黯、丁業等六人，使送右廚唯姑夕王，因奉歸前所斬侍子登及諸貴人從者喪，皆載以常車。至塞下，單于遣雲、當子男大且渠奢等至塞迎。鹹等至，多遺單于金珍，因諭說改其號，號匈奴曰「恭奴」，單于曰「善於」，賜印綬。封骨都侯當為後安公，當子男奢為後安侯。單于貪莽金幣，故曲聽之，然寇盜如故。鹹、歙又以陳良等購金付雲、當，令自差與之。十二月，還入塞，莽大喜，賜歙錢二百萬，悉封黯等。

In the fifth month of Tianfeng 2 (15 CE) Mang sent Wang Xi with Fu An, Ding Ye, and four others to escort the Right Kitchen Only Gu-xi king home and return Deng’s remains and those of his attendants in hearses. At the frontier the Chanyu sent Yun and She, Dang’s son, to meet them. Xian loaded him with treasure and pressed new titles—‘Gongnu’ for the nation and ‘Shanyu’ for its ruler—along with fresh imperial ribbons. Dang became duke of Hou’an and his son She marquis of Hou’an. The Chanyu bent his ear for Mang’s gold but raids continued unchecked. Xian and Xi handed Yun and Dang the bounty for Chen Liang’s band to distribute. They reentered in the twelfth month; Mang rejoiced, gave Xi two million cash, and ennobled Fu An’s party.

單于鹹立五歲，天鳳五年死，弟左賢王輿立，為呼都而屍道皋若鞮單于。匈奴謂孝曰「若鞮自呼韓邪後，與漢親密，見漢謚帝為「孝」，慕之，故皆為「若鞮」。

After five years Xian died in Tianfeng 5 (18 CE); his brother Yu succeeded as Chanyu Huduershi Daogao Ruodi. The Xiongnu render ‘filial’ as ruodi: since Huhanye’s age of Han friendship they admired Han posthumous ‘Xiao’ and adopted ruodi in their titles.

呼都而屍單于輿既立，貪利賞賜，遣大且渠奢與雲女弟當於居次子醯櫝王俱奉獻至長安。莽遣和親侯歙與奢等俱至制虜塞下，與雲、當會，因以兵迫脅，將至長安。雲、當小男從塞下得脫，歸匈奴。當至長安，莽拜為須卜單于，欲出大兵以輔立之。兵調度亦不合，而匈奴愈怒，並入北邊，北邊由是壞敗。會當病死，莽以其庶女陸逮任妻後安公奢，所以尊寵之甚厚，終為欲出兵立之者。會漢兵誅莽，雲、奢亦死。

Yu, greedy for Han gifts, sent She with Lady Yun’s nephew the Xi-du king to Chang’an with tribute. Mang sent Marquis Xi to Zhilu Pass to seize Yun and Dang at sword point and march them to Chang’an. Yun and Dang’s youngest son slipped away below the wall and fled north. In Chang’an Mang named Dang Xubu Chanyu and planned a grand expedition to enthrone him. Mobilization misfired while the Xiongnu stormed the north and shattered the frontier. After Dang died Mang married a junior princess to She with lavish honors—all to keep alive his scheme of enthroning him by force. Han rebels slew Mang; Yun and She died too.

更始二年冬，漢遺中郎將歸德侯颯、大司馬護軍陳遵使匈奴，授單于漢舊制璽綬，王侯以下印綬，因送雲、當余親屬貴人從者。單于輿驕，謂遵、颯曰：「匈奴本與漢為兄弟，匈奴中亂，孝宣皇帝輔立呼韓邪單于，故稱臣以尊漢。今漢亦大亂，為王莽所篡，匈奴亦出兵擊莽，空其邊境，令天下騷動思漢，莽卒以敗而漢復興，亦我力也，當復尊我！」遵與相牚距，單于終持此言。其明年夏，還。會赤眉入長安，更始敗。

In winter of Gengshi 2 (24 CE) Han sent Wang Sa and Chen Zun to restore the old Han seals and ribbons below princely rank and escort Yun’s and Dang’s surviving kin. Yu boasted to Chen Zun and Wang Sa: ‘We were brothers with Han until chaos struck; Emperor Xuan enthroned Huhanye, so we bowed to honor Han.’ ‘Han fell to Mang; we smashed his frontier and turned the realm toward Liu restoration—that was our doing—you owe us renewed precedence!’ Chen Zun argued back but Yu never dropped the demand. They returned the following summer. The Red Eyebrows took Chang’an and toppled Gengshi.

贊曰：《書》戒「蠻夷猾夏」，《詩》稱「戎狄是膺」，《春秋》「有道守在四夷」，久矣，夷狄之為患也！故自漢興，忠言嘉謀之臣曷嘗不運籌策相與爭於廟堂之上乎？高祖時則劉敬，呂後時樊噲、季布，孝文時賈誼、朝錯，李武時王恢、韓安國、硃買臣、公孫弘、董仲舒，人持所見，各有同異，然總其要，歸兩科而已。縉紳之儒則守和親，介冑之士則言征伐，皆偏見一時之利害，而未究匈奴之終始也。自漢興以至於今，曠世歷年，多於春秋，其與匈奴，有修文而和親之矣，有用武而克伐之矣，有卑下而承事之矣，有威服而臣畜之矣，詘伸異變，強弱相反，是故其詳可得而言也。

The appraisal states: The Documents warn that barbarians vex the heartland; the Odes cheer striking Rong and Di; the Spring and Autumn says a virtuous reign keeps guard among the four Yi—the alien peril is ancient. Since Han rose, which worthy minister has not debated strategy in court? Liu Jing under Gaozu, Fan Kuai and Ji Bu under Empress Lü, Jia Yi and Chao Cuo under Wen, Wang Hui, Han Anguo, Zhu Maichen, Gongsun Hong, and Dong Zhongshu under Wu—each voiced a view, yet all reduce to two camps. Gowned scholars cling to heqin while mailed warriors demand war—both chase momentary gain without mastering the Xiongnu arc. Han has endured longer than the Spring and Autumn era; with the Xiongnu it has shifted from cultured peace to martial conquest, from humble service to awe and vassalage—flexing strength and weakness—so the story can be told in full.

昔和親之論，發於劉敬。是時，天下初定，新遭平城之難，故從其言，約結和親，賂遺單于，冀以救安邊境。孝惠、高後時遵而不違，匈奴寇盜不為衰止，而單於反以加驕倨。逮至孝文，與通關市，妻以漢女，增厚其賂，歲以千金，而匈奴數背約束，邊境屢被其害。是以文帝中年，赫然發憤，遂躬戎服，親御鞍馬，從六郡良家材力之士，馳射上林，講習戰陳，聚天下精兵，軍於廣武，顧問馮唐，與論將帥，喟然歎息，思古名臣。此則和親無益，已然之明效也。

The heqin debate began with Liu Jing. The realm had just endured Pingcheng, so court adopted his counsel—treaties, brides, and gifts to buy quiet marches. Under Hui and the Empress Dowager policy continued yet raids never slackened—the Chanyu only grew haughtier. Wen opened markets, married princesses north, and poured out a thousand gold yearly—yet the Xiongnu broke every pact and plagued the frontier. Mid-reign Wen donned armor, rode with picked youths from six commanderies, drilled at Shanglin, massed crack troops at Guangwu, questioned Feng Tang on commanders, and sighed for heroes past. Thus heqin had proved useless beyond doubt.

仲舒親見四世之事，猶復欲守舊文，頗增其約。以為：「義動君子，利動貪人。如匈奴者，非可以仁義說也，獨可說以厚利，結之於天耳。故與之厚利以沒其意，與盟於天以堅其約，質其愛子以累其心，匈奴雖欲展轉，奈失重利何，奈欺上天何，奈殺愛子何！夫賦斂行賂不足以當三軍之費，城郭之固無以異於貞士之約，而使邊城守境之民父兄緩帶，稚子咽哺，胡馬不窺於長城，而羽檄不行於中國，不亦便於天下乎！」察仲舒之論，考諸行事，乃知其未合於當時，而有闕於後世也。當孝武時，雖征伐克獲，而士馬物故亦略相當；雖開河南之野，建朔方之郡，亦棄造陽之北九百餘里。匈奴人民每來降漢，單于亦輒拘留漢使以相報復，其桀驁尚如斯，安肯以愛子而為質乎？此不合當時之言也。若不置質，空約和親，是襲孝文既往之悔，而長匈奴無已之詐也。夫邊城不選守境武略之臣，修障隧備塞之具，厲長戟勁弩之械，恃吾所以待邊寇而務賦斂於民，遠行貨賂，割剝百姓，以奉寇讎。信甘言，守空約，而幾胡馬之不窺，不已過乎！

Dong Zhongshu witnessed four reigns yet still clung to antique formulas with tighter pledges. He argued that righteousness moves gentlemen while profit moves the greedy.’ The Xiongnu heed neither ritual nor humanity—only thick bribes and oaths sworn before Heaven.’ Feed them profit to dull ambition, seal oaths under Heaven, hold their heir hostage—how could they twist away profit, Heaven, or a beloved son?’ It costs less than armies or walls yet lets frontier folk loosen belts while babes nurse undisturbed—no Hu scouts at the Long Wall and no emergency runners inland—is that not ease for the realm!’ Measured against events his scheme failed its own age and left gaps for posterity. Under Emperor Wu victories matched losses in men and mounts; Han gained Henan and Shuofang yet surrendered nine hundred li north of Zaoyang. Whenever Han welcomed defectors the Chanyu seized envoys in revenge—such arrogance—would they truly surrender an heir? Thus his counsel misread the moment. Hostage-free heqin repeats Wen’s old regret and feeds endless nomad deceit. Without picking frontier commanders, repairing walls and weapons, and trusting defense, grinding taxes to ship bribes abroad bleeds the people to enrich the enemy. Sweet talk and empty treaties hardly keep Hu horses from the wall—is that not folly!

至孝宣之世，承武帝奮擊之威，直匈奴百年之運，因其壞亂幾亡之厄，權時施宜，覆以威德，然後單于稽首臣服，遣子入侍，三世稱籓，賓於漢庭。是時，邊城晏閉，牛馬布野，三世無犬吠之警，黎庶亡干戈之役。

Xuan inherited Wu’s momentum, exploited nomad collapse, blended awe with kindness until the Chanyu kowtowed, sent heirs, and for three reigns served as vassal guest at Han court. Gates shut peacefully; herds carpeted the grass—three generations heard no night alarms and commoners bore no arms.

後六十餘載之間，遭王莽篡位，始開邊隙，單于由是歸怨自絕，莽遂斬其侍子，邊境之禍構矣。故呼韓邪始朝於漢，漢議其儀，而蕭望之曰：「戎狄荒服，言其來服荒忽無常，時至時去，宜待以客禮，讓而不臣。如其後嗣遁逃竄伏，使於中國不為叛臣。」及孝元時，議罷守塞之備，侯應以為不可，可謂盛不忘衰，安必思危，遠見識微之明矣。至單于鹹棄其愛子，昧利不顧，侵掠所獲，歲巨萬計，而和親賂遺，不過千金，安在其不棄質而失重利也？仲舒之言，漏於是矣。

Six decades later Wang Mang’s coup reopened the rift; the Chanyu broke away in wrath and Mang executed his hostage—frontier disaster followed. When Huhanye first came Han debated rites; Xiao Wangzhi urged treating nomads as wandering guests—deferential but not subjects.’ If heirs flee, Han envoys need not count them rebels.’ Under Yuan, Hou Ying’s veto of stripping the wall showed prosperity mindful of peril—far-sighted caution. Chanyu Xian traded sons for countless raid loot while heqin gifts topped out at a thousand gold—where was Dong’s hostage leverage? Here Dong Zhongshu’s doctrine leaks.

夫規事建議，不圖萬世之固，而偷恃一時之事者，未可以經遠也。若乃征伐之功，秦、漢行事，嚴尤論之當矣。故先王度土，中立封畿，分九州，列五服，物土貢，制外內，或修刑政，或昭文德，遠近之勢異也。是以《春秋》內諸夏而外夷狄，夷狄之人貪而好利，被發左衽，人而獸心，其與中國殊章服，異習俗，飲食不同，言語不通，辟居北垂寒露之野，逐草隨畜，射獵為生，隔以山谷，雍以沙幕，天地所以絕外內地。是故聖王禽獸畜之，不與約誓，不就攻伐；約之則費賂而見欺，攻之則勞師而招寇。其地不可耕而食也，其民不可臣而畜也，是以外而不內，疏而不戚，政教不及其人，正朔不加其國；來則懲而御之，去則備而守之。其慕義而貢獻，則接之以禮讓，羈靡不絕，使曲在彼，蓋聖王制御蠻夷之常道也。

Policy that chases quick fixes instead of lasting foundations cannot endure. On warfare Qin–Han practice—Yan You judged rightly. Ancient kings surveyed the realm, ringed the capital, carved nine provinces and five tribute zones, fixing inner from outer—law or culture—according to distance. The Spring and Autumn seats the Hua within and barbarians without—nomads are greedy, wild-haired, beast-hearted, alien in dress, diet, and tongue; they roam the northern wastes following herds, separated by ravines and desert—the cosmic divide between inner and outer. Sages herd them like beasts—no binding oaths, no eager strikes; treaties bleed treasure yet invite betrayal; campaigns weary troops yet summon reprisals. Their soil cannot feed Middle Kingdom farmers nor their folk become subjects—keep them outside the kinship circle; decrees and calendars do not cross their borders; strike when they come; dig in when they leave. When they seek righteousness with gifts, greet them courteously and keep loose reins so blame stays theirs—such is the sage king’s standing rule for barbarians.

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