1
卷一百下敘傳第七十下
Hanshu, volume 100b: the afterword and family history, second installment.
2
固以為唐虞三代，詩書所及，世有典籍，故雖堯舜之盛，必有典謨之篇，然後揚名於後世，冠德於百王， 〈師古曰：「德為百王之上也。」〉 故曰：「巍巍乎其有成功，煥乎其有文章也！」 〈師古曰：「此篇論語載孔子美堯舜之言也。」〉 漢紹堯運，以建帝業，至於六世，史臣乃追述功德，私作本紀， 〈師古曰：「謂武帝時司馬遷作《史記》。」〉 編於百王之末，廁於秦、項之列。 太初以後，闕而不錄，故探篹前記，綴輯所聞， 〈師古曰：「篹與撰同，輯與集同。」〉 以述漢書，起元高祖，終于孝平王莽之誅，十有二世，二百三十年，綜其行事，旁貫五經，上下洽通， 〈師古曰：「固所撰諸表序及志，經典之義在於是也。」〉 為春秋考紀、表、志、傳，凡百篇。 〈師古曰：「春秋考紀，謂帝紀也。 而俗之學者不詳此文，乃云《漢書》一名春秋考紀，蓋失之矣。」〉 其敘曰： 〈師古曰：「自『皇矣漢祖』以下諸敘，皆班固自論撰漢書意，此亦依放史記之敘目耳。 史遷則云為某事作某本紀、某列傳。 班固謙，不言然而改言述，蓋避作者之謂聖，而取述者之謂明也。 但後之學者不曉此為漢書敘目，見有述字，因謂此文追述漢書之事，乃呼為『漢書述』，失之遠矣。 摯虞尚有此惑，其餘曷足怪乎！」〉
Ban Gu argued that Yao, Shun, and the Three Ages already had written records in the classics, so even those golden reigns needed documentary canons before their virtue could tower over later kings and their memory could reach posterity. 〈Yan Shigu says: "Meaning that their virtue stood above the hundred kings."〉 Hence the Analects quote: "How lofty was his success! How brilliant was his pattern!" 〈Yan Shigu says: "This passage records Confucius's praise of Yao and Shun in the Analects."〉 The Han took up Yao's mandate and built an empire; by the sixth reign court scribes looked back, chronicled the record, and drafted private "basic annals." 〈Yan Shigu says: "This refers to Sima Qian's composition of the Records of the Historian under Emperor Wu."〉 Sima Qian filed that work after every earlier king, lumping Han with Qin and Xiang Yu. After Taichu the thread broke; Ban Gu therefore combed older materials and pieced hearsay into a continuous narrative. 〈Yan Shigu says: "Zhuan is the same as compile; ji is the same as gather."〉 He wrote the Hanshu from Gaozu through Wang Mang's fall—twelve reigns and two hundred thirty years—correlated events with the Five Classics, and wove the whole into one fabric. 〈Yan Shigu says: "The meanings of the classics that inform Ban Gu's tables, prefaces, and treatises lie in this."〉 He framed annals in the Spring and Autumn manner, added tables, treatises, and biographies—one hundred chapters in all. 〈Yan Shigu begins: "Spring-and-Autumn-style annals" names the imperial annals; Vulgar readers missed the point and invented a spurious book title, "Spring and Autumn Annals of Investigation," which is quite wrong.〉" The author's summaries begin: 〈Yan Shigu: from the line on Gaozu onward each "summary" is Ban Gu's statement of editorial intent, modeled on Sima Qian's chapter tags. The Grand Historian wrote labels like "I composed the basic annal for X" or "the biography of Y. Ban Gu swapped "compose" for the humbler "narrate," avoiding the sage's claim to "make" texts while keeping the wise man's role of clarifier. Later readers mistook these lines for a separate essay about the book and called it the "Hanshu Narration," which misses Ban's purpose entirely. Zhi Yu still harbored this confusion; how much less surprising in others!"〉"
3
皇矣漢祖，纂堯之緒，實天生德，聰明神武。 秦人不綱，罔漏于楚，〔一〕爰茲發跡，斷蛇奮旅。 神母告符，朱旗乃舉，粵蹈秦郊，嬰來稽首。 革命創制，三章是紀，應天順民，五星同晷。 〔二〕項氏畔換，黜我巴、漢，〔三〕西土宅心，戰士憤怨。 〔四〕乘釁而運，席卷三秦，割據河山，保此懷民。 〔五〕股肱蕭、曹，社稷是經，爪牙信、布，腹心良、平，龔行天罰，赫赫明明。 述高紀第一。
Splendid was the Han ancestor, heir to Yao's line: Heaven endowed him with keen senses and a martial, almost numinous, presence. Qin's laws unraveled and power spilled toward Chu; there Gaozu first rose, slew the white serpent, and raised an army. The spirit mother proved the omen, the red flag went up, he marched on Qin's capital, and Ziying surrendered. He remade the mandate, set new laws, proclaimed the three clauses of mercy, claimed Heaven's nod and the people's heart, and watched the five planets align. Xiang Yu bullied the realm and penned Liu Bang in Ba and Han; the west rallied to Liu while his soldiers burned for revenge. He seized the opening, swept the three Qin, claimed the strategic ground, and shielded the people who had welcomed him. Xiao He and Cao Shen were his arms around the state; Han Xin and Ying Bu his claws; Zhang Liang and Chen Ping his inward counsel; together they carried out Heaven's sentence in terrible splendor. Summary: Basic Annals of Gaozu, chapter one.
4
〔一〕師古曰：「言秦失綱維，故高祖因時而起。 罔漏于楚，謂項羽雖有害虐之心，終免於患也。 一說，楚王陳涉初起，後又破滅也。」
Yan Shigu on "Qin lost its net": the First Emperor's order collapsed so Gaozu could seize the moment. Another reading: "leaked to Chu" means that although Xiang Yu had a heart bent on harm and cruelty, in the end he escaped calamity. Another explanation: the King of Chu Chen She first rose and afterward was destroyed as well."
5
〔二〕師古曰：「晷，景也。」
[note two] Yan Shigu says: "Gui means shadow.
6
〔三〕孟康曰：「畔，反也。 換，易也。 不用義帝要，換易與高祖漢中也。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 畔換，強恣之貌，猶言跋扈也。 詩大雅皇矣篇曰『無然畔換』。」
[note three] Meng Kang says: "Pan means rebel. Huan means to change or exchange. He did not use Emperor Yi's covenant but swapped Ba and Han onto the High Founder." Yan Shigu says: "This explanation is wrong. Pan-huan means overbearing swagger, like the word hubao. The Greater Odes command: "Do not strut in hubris."
7
〔四〕劉德曰：「宅，居也。 西方人皆居心於高祖，猶係心也。 書曰『惟眾宅心』。」 晉灼曰：「西土，關西也。 高祖入關，約法三章，秦民大悅，皆宅心高祖。」
[note four] Liu De says: "Zhai means to dwell. Everyone west of the passes pinned hope on Gaozu as on a mooring line. The Book of Documents says the people "fixed their hearts" on the right lord." Jin Zhuo: "western lands" is the Guanzhong region. When the High Founder entered the passes and established the three articles of law, the people of Qin were greatly pleased and all fixed their hearts on the High Founder."
8
〔五〕師古曰：「保，安也。 懷民，懷德之人也。」
[note five] Yan Shigu says: "Bao means to settle. Huai-min means people cherishing virtue."
9
孝惠短世，高后稱制，罔顧天顯，呂宗以敗。 〔一〕述惠紀第二，高后紀第三。
Hui died young, Empress Lü ruled in his stead, ignored Heaven's clear pattern, and brought the Lü house to ruin. Summary: Annals of Emperor Hui, chapter two; Annals of Empress Gao, chapter three.
10
〔一〕劉德曰：「罔，無也。 顧，念也。 顯，明也。 言呂氏無念天之明道者，徒念王諸呂，以至於敗亡。」
[note one] Liu De says: "Wang means none. Gu means to heed or bear in mind. Xian means manifest or bright. It means the Lü clan never thought on Heaven's bright way but only on ennobling the Lüs as kings, and therefore reached defeat and destruction."
11
太宗穆穆，允恭玄默，化民以躬，帥下以德。 農不供貢，罪不收孥，〔一〕宮不新館，陵不崇墓。 〔二〕我德如風，民應如屮，〔三〕國富刑清，登我漢道。 〔四〕述文紀第四。
Emperor Wen was grave and gentle, reverent and sparing of words; he shaped the folk by example and led officials with virtue. He lifted the grain tribute, stopped punishing families for one man's crime, built no new palace halls, and piled no extravagant tombs. His virtue was wind, the people grass bending with it; wealth rose, justice cleared, and the Han road climbed toward good order. Summary: Annals of Emperor Wen, chapter four.
12
〔一〕張晏曰：「除民田租之稅，是不供貢也。」
Zhang Yan: ending the land tax is what "farmers paid no tribute" means.
13
〔二〕師古曰：「墓，合韻音謨。」
[note two] Yan Shigu says: "For rhyme mu is read like mo.
14
〔三〕師古曰：「論語稱孔子曰：『君子之德風，小人之德屮也。』 故引以為辭。」
[note three] Yan Shigu says: "The Analects records Confucius saying, 'The gentleman's virtue is wind; the small man's virtue is grass. Therefore he quoted it as his wording."
15
〔四〕師古曰：「登，成也。」
[note four] Yan Shigu says: "Deng means to complete.
16
孝景蒞政，諸侯方命，〔一〕克伐七國，王室以定。 匪怠匪荒，務在農桑，著于甲令，民用寧康。 〔二〕述景紀第五。
Jingdi faced defiant kingdoms, crushed the seven-state revolt, and secured the throne. Neither lazy nor reckless, he pushed farming and silk work, codified it in first-month edicts, and the people lived at ease. Summary: Annals of Emperor Jing, chapter five.
17
〔一〕孟康曰：「尚書云『方命圮族』，言鯀之惡，壞其族類。 吳楚七國亦然。」
Meng Kang: "defying the charge" echoes the Documents on Gun ruining his clan. The seven states of Wu and Chu were the same."
18
〔二〕師古曰：「甲令，即景紀令甲也。」
[note two] Yan Shigu says: "Jia-ling means the first-month ordinances recorded in Jingdi's annals.
19
世宗曄曄，思弘祖業，〔一〕疇咨熙載，髦俊並作。 〔二〕厥作伊何？ 百蠻是攘，〔三〕恢我疆宇，外博四荒。 〔四〕武功既抗，亦迪斯文，〔五〕憲章六學，統壹聖真。 封禪郊祀，登秩百神； 協律改正，饗茲永年。 〔六〕述武紀第六。
Emperor Wu shone with ambition to widen Gaozu's work; he sought who could shoulder the bright task, and brilliant men rose beside him. Yan Shigu unpacks the next line: what did they accomplish? They beat back the barbarians, widened the frontiers, and pushed power into the four wastes. Arms secured, he advanced culture, modeled the six classics, and gathered the sage's teaching into one. He offered the fengshan rites, worshiped heaven and earth, and ordered the pantheon; set the pitch pipes and calendar right, and sought long life through ordered ritual. Summary: Annals of Emperor Wu, chapter six.
20
〔一〕師古曰：「曄曄，盛貌也。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Ye-ye describes a flourishing appearance.
21
〔二〕師古曰：「疇，誰也。 咨，謀也。 熙，興也。 載，事也。 謀於眾賢，誰 （能） 〔可〕任用，故能興其事業也。 作，起也。」
[note two] Yan Shigu says: "Chou means who. Zi means to consult, Xi means to brighten or uplift, Zai means task or undertaking. He asked his wise ministers who Collation apparatus: the graph read neng ("able"), a variant in the line on choosing ministers. Might be trusted with office and so lift the great enterprise. Zuo means to initiate or arise."
22
〔三〕師古曰：「攘，卻也。」
[note three] Yan Shigu says: "Rang means to thrust back.
23
〔四〕師古曰：「恢，廣也。 博，大也。」
[note four] Yan Shigu says: "Hui means to widen. Bo means vast or great."
24
〔五〕劉德曰：「迪，進也。」
[note five] Liu De says: "Di means to advance.
25
〔六〕張晏曰：「改正謂從建寅之月也。」
Zhang Yan: "correcting the calendar" means adopting the jianyin new year.
26
孝昭幼沖，冢宰惟忠。 燕、蓋譸張，實叡實聰，〔一〕罪人斯得，邦家和同。 述昭紀第七。
Zhaodi was a child; Huo Guang as regent stayed faithful. The Yan and Gai cabals blustered and lied, yet the boy emperor proved shrewd, criminals fell, and the court found peace. Summary: Annals of Emperor Zhao, chapter seven.
27
〔一〕如淳曰：「譸音輈。」 應劭曰：「譸張，誑也。」
[note one] Ru Chun says: "Zhou is read like the word for carriage-pole (zhou)." Ying Shao says: "Zhou-zhang means deception."
28
中宗明明，夤用刑名，〔一〕時舉傅納，聽斷惟精。 〔二〕柔遠能邇，燀燿威靈，〔三〕龍荒幕朔，莫不來庭。 〔四〕丕顯祖烈，尚於有成。 〔五〕述宣紀第八。
Emperor Xuan was lucid and careful with law and administrative labels; he promoted talent, listened to advice, and judged lawsuits with exact care. He soothed distant tribes and knit the heartland, his majesty blazing so that border peoples all came to audience. He displayed Gaozu's legacy and honored men of real achievement. Summary: Annals of Emperor Xuan, chapter eight.
29
〔一〕鄧展曰：「夤，敬也。」
[note one] Deng Zhan says: "Yin means reverent.
30
〔二〕李奇曰：「時，是也。 於是時也，選用賢者。」 師古曰：「傅讀曰敷。 虞書舜典曰『敷納以言』。 敷，陳也，謂有陳言者則納而用之。」
[note two] Li Qi says: "Shi means this or that moment. At this time he selected and employed worthy men." Yan Shigu says: "Fu is read as fu (to spread). The Shun section of the Yu documents says to gather advice from every voice. Fu" means to set forth; it means that whoever has counsel to present is admitted and used."
31
〔三〕師古曰：「虞書舜典曰『柔遠能邇』。 柔，安也。 能，善也。 故引之云。 燀，熾也，音充善反。」
[note three] Yan Shigu says: "The Canon of Shun in the Documents of Yu says, "Soften those far and be good to those near. Rou means to pacify or put at ease. Neng here means capable or adept. Ban Gu quotes that line to gloss Xuandi's policy. Chan means blazing; its fanqie is chong-shan."
32
〔四〕孟康曰：「謂白龍堆荒服沙幕也。」 師古曰：「龍，匈奴祭天龍城，非謂白龍堆也。 朔，北方也。」
[note four] Meng Kang says: "It refers to the White Dragon Mound, the wilds of sand curtains in the outer submission zone." Yan Shigu says: "Long means the Xiongnu's Heaven-worship Long City, not the White Dragon Mound. Shuo means the north."
33
〔五〕師古曰：「丕，大也。 烈，業也。」
[note five] Yan Shigu says: "Pi means great. Lie means enterprise."
34
孝元翼翼，高明柔克，〔一〕賓禮故老，優繇亮直。 〔二〕外割禁囿，內損御服，離宮不衛，山陵不邑。 〔三〕閹尹之啙，穢我明德。 〔四〕述元紀第九。
Yuandi moved with cautious awe, combining firm clarity with yielding strength; he honored elders and indulged blunt integrity. He shrank the imperial preserves, cut court finery, left detached palaces unwalled, and built no satellite towns at the mausoleum. Palace eunuch directors nitpicked policy and stained the throne's good name. Summary: Annals of Emperor Yuan, chapter nine.
35
〔一〕師古曰：「翼翼，敬也。 尚書洪範云『高明柔克』，謂人雖有高明之度，而當執柔，乃能成德也。 敘言元帝有柔克之姿也。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Yi-yi describes reverence. The Hong fan line pairs brilliance with gentle self-mastery; Ban Gu says Yuandi showed that yielding side. The preface states that Yuandi had the bearing of soft conquest."
36
〔二〕師古曰：「故老謂貢禹、薛廣德也。 優繇謂寬容也。 亮直謂朱雲也。 繇讀與由同。」
[note two] Yan Shigu says: "Old ministers means Gong Yu and Xue Guangde. You-yao means relaxed, tolerant government. Liang-zhi points to Zhu Yun's blunt integrity. Yao is read the same as you."
37
〔三〕張晏曰：「不徙民著縣也。」
[note three] Zhang Yan says: "He did not move commoners to build county towns at the tomb.
38
〔四〕如淳曰：「任弘恭、石顯使為政，以病其治也。」 師古曰：「謂宦人為閹者，言其精氣奄閉不泄也，一曰 （王） 〔主〕奄閉門者。 尹，正也。 啙與疵同。」
[note four] Ru Chun says: "Letting Hong Gong and Shi Xian run affairs sickened good government." Yan Shigu says: "Calling them yan means their vital vapor is sealed and never vents; another gloss says (textual variant wang) they are gatekeepers sealed inside the inner court. Yin means overseer or rectifier. Zi is the same as ci (blemish)."
39
孝成煌煌，臨朝有光，威儀之盛，如圭如璋。 壼闈恣趙，朝政在王，〔一〕炎炎燎火，亦允不陽。 〔二〕述成紀第十。
Chengdi glittered on the throne, his ritual presence as polished as ritual jade. The harem Zhao women ran wild while the Wang kin held policy; the court flared like fire yet lacked real masculine vigor. Summary: Annals of Emperor Cheng, chapter ten.
40
〔一〕師古曰：「趙謂趙皇后及昭儀也。 王謂外家王鳳、王音等。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Zhao means Empress Zhao and the Brilliant Companion. Wang means the maternal kin Wang Feng and Wang Yin."
41
〔二〕張晏曰：「天子盛威，若燎火之陽，今委政王氏，不炎熾矣。」 師古曰：「允，信也。」
[note two] Zhang Yan says: "The Son of Heaven's awesome power should blaze like yang fire; now power rests with the Wangs and no longer burns hot." Yan Shigu says: "Yun means truly."
42
孝哀彬彬，克 〈扌監〉 威神，〔一〕彫落洪支，底剭鼎臣。 〔二〕婉孌董公，惟亮天功，大過之困，實橈實凶。 〔三〕述哀紀第十一。
Emperor Ai balanced culture and courage, poised to reclaim the awe of rule. 〈The commentary uses a rare character for grasp or seize.〉 He lopped the Wang branches and executed great ministers who blocked him. He doted on Dong Xian as partner in ruling; the classic image of a sagging ridgepole fit his reign's peril. Summary: Annals of Emperor Ai, chapter eleven.
43
〔一〕師古曰：「彬彬，文質備也。 言哀帝忿孝成之時權在臣下，故自 〈扌監〉 持其威神也。 〈扌監〉 ，執取也，其字從手。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Bin-bin means pattern and substance in balance. Angry that Chengdi's ministers had stolen initiative, Aidi himself 〈(same variant)〉 Clutched the awe of rule back to the throne. 〈The same gloss applies to this variant graph.〉 The gloss means to seize, and the graph carries the hand radical."
44
〔二〕服虔曰：「彫落洪支，廢退王氏也。 底，致也。 周禮有屋誅，誅大臣於屋下，不露也。 易曰『鼎折足，其形渥，凶』，謂誅朱博、王嘉之屬也。」 晉灼曰：「剭，刑也。」 師古曰：「剭者，厚刑，謂重誅也，音握。 服言屋下，失其義也。」
[note two] Fu Qian says: "Diaoluo the mighty branches means demoting the Wang clan. Di means to bring something to a point. Zhou ritual allowed secret execution of high ministers inside a hall. The Changes says, "The tripod breaks its legs; its form is shameful—ill fortune," referring to executing Zhu Bo, Wang Jia, and their sort." Jin Zhuo says: "Wu means mutilating punishment." Yan Shigu says: "Wu means heavy punishment—severe execution; it is read like wo. Yan Shigu rejects Fu Qian's "house" reading."
45
〔三〕應劭曰：「以董賢為三公，乃欲共成天功也。 易大過卦『棟橈，凶』，言以小材而為棟梁，不堪其任，至於折橈而凶也。」 師古曰：「婉孌，美貌。 亮，助也。 尚書舜典曰『夤亮天功』，故引之也。 橈，曲也，音女教反。」
[note three] Ying Shao says: "Making Dong Xian one of the three dukes was pretending to complete Heaven's task. The Changes, Great Excess hexagram, says "The ridgepole sags—ill fortune," meaning small timber cannot bear the beam and snaps." Yan Shigu says: "Wan-luan means beautiful countenance. Liang means to help or second. Ban Gu echoes the Shun canon on aiding Heaven's labor. Nao means bent; its fanqie is nu-jiao."
46
孝平不造，新都作宰，不周不伊，喪我四海。 〔一〕述平紀第十二。
Pingdi never came of age; Wang Mang as regent was neither a Duke of Zhou nor an yiyin day, and the realm slipped away. Summary: Annals of Emperor Ping, chapter twelve.
47
〔一〕師古曰：「造，成也。 遭家業不成。 周頌曰『閔予小子，遭家不造』，故引之也。 言其自號 （寧） 〔宰〕衡，而無周公、伊尹之忠也。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Zao means completion. Pingdi inherited a throne the Han could not hold. Ban Gu cites the Zhou hymn on a boy king amid unfinished business. The text alludes to his styling himself (textual variant ning) [chief steward] heng, yet lacking the loyalty of the Duke of Zhou or yiyin day."
48
漢初受命，諸侯並政，制自項氏，十有八姓。 述異姓諸侯王表第一。
At Han's rise enfeoffed lords still ruled; laws stemmed from Xiang Yu's eighteen kingdoms. Summary: Table of non-Liu feudal kings, chapter one.
49
太祖元勳，啟立輔臣，支庶藩屏，侯王並尊。 述諸侯王表第二。
Founders and companions set up ministers while kin branches guarded the frontiers, marquises level with kings. Summary: Table of imperial Liu kings, chapter two.
50
侯王之祉，祚及宗子，公族蕃滋，支葉碩茂。 〔一〕述王子侯表第三。
Marquisates extended to imperial grandsons; the Liu house sprouted dense collateral lines. Summary: Table of imperial princes enfeoffed as marquis, chapter three.
51
〔一〕師古曰：「茂，合韻音莫口反。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Mao rhymes as mou-kou in the fanqie.
52
受命之初，贊功剖符，奕世弘業，爵土乃昭。 〔一〕述高惠高后孝文功臣侯表第四。
Founders split tallies for merit; heirs widened the fiefs until titles gleamed. Summary: Merit marquises from Gaozu through Wen, chapter four.
53
〔一〕師古曰：「贊功，佐命之功也。 奕，大也。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Zan merit means merit that aided the mandate. Yi means great."
54
景征吳楚，武興師旅，後昆承平，亦有紹土。 〔一〕述景武昭宣元成哀功臣侯表第五。
Jingdi struck Wu-Chu; Wudi mobilized armies; later peaceful reigns still enfeoffed men for merit. Summary: Merit marquises from Jing through Ai, chapter five.
55
〔一〕師古曰：「言景、武之時以軍功，故封侯者多，昭、宣以後雖承平，尚有以勳獲爵土者。」
[note one] Yan Shigu says: "Under Jing and Wu many were enfeoffed for military merit; even under Zhao and Xuan's peace some still won lands for deeds.
56
亡德不報，爰存二代，〔一〕宰相外戚，昭韙見戒。 〔二〕述外戚恩澤侯表第六。
Heaven repays virtue, so the two ducal descendant houses endured while chancellors and affines show cautionary examples. Summary: Table of affinal and grace marquises, chapter six.
57
〔一〕應劭曰：「二代，二王後也。」 師古曰：「二代，謂殷、周也。 言德澤深遠，故至漢朝其子孫又受茅土，以奉祭祀。」
[note one] Ying Shao says: "The two generations are the two royal successor houses." Yan Shigu says: "The two generations mean Yin and Zhou. Their deep virtue reached down so that in Han their grandsons again received clods of earth to keep sacrifice."
58
〔二〕張晏曰：「韙，是也。 明其是者，戒其非也。」
[note two] Zhang Yan says: "Wei means correct. To clarify the right is to warn against the wrong."
59
漢迪於秦，有革有因，〔一〕觕舉僚職，並列其人。 〔二〕述百官公卿表第七。
Han revised Qin bureaucracy yet kept its shell; the table sketches posts and names together. Summary: Table of officials and chancellors, chapter seven.
60
〔一〕劉德曰：「迪，至也。」
[note one] Liu De says: "Di means to arrive.
61
〔二〕晉灼曰：「觕音麄觕之觕。」 師古曰：「觕角才戶反，謂大略也。」
[note two] Jin Zhuo says: "Cu is read like the cu in cu-li (rough)." Yan Shigu says: "Cu is read cai-hu fanqie; it means a rough outline."
62
篇章博舉，通于上下，略差名號，九品之敘。 述古今人表第八。
The treatise ranges up and down the bureaucracy, sorting ranks into nine classes. Summary: Table of past and present figures, chapter eight.
63
元元本本，數始於一，〔一〕產氣黃鍾，造計秒忽。 〔二〕八音七始，五聲六律，〔三〕度量權衡，曆算逌出。 〔四〕官失學微，六家分乖，〔五〕壹彼壹此，庶研其幾。 述律曆志第一。
Calculation starts from unity; qi stems from the yellow bell and measurement splits to the finest grain. From pitch and measure come the eight sounds, five notes, six pitch-pipes, weights and balances, and the whole calendar of numbers. Note 4: calendrical expertise decayed in government service while six rival systems diverged; note 5: patronage shifted between them, inviting scrutiny of their underlying principles. Summation of the treatise on harmonics and the calendar—the first in the series.
64
〔一〕張晏曰：「數之元本，起於初九之一也。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "The root source of numbers begins from the initial 'one' of the upper ninth line."
65
〔二〕劉德曰：「秒，禾芒也。 忽，蜘蛛網細者也。」 師古曰：「秒音眇，其字從禾。」
Liu De, note 2: "miao" denotes the fine tip of a grain stalk. Hu" is the spider's filament." Yan Shigu: read "miao" in the sense of "dim" or "subtle" and write the word with the grain radical.
66
〔三〕劉德曰：「七始，天地四方人之始也。」 師古曰：「解在禮樂志。」
Liu De, note 3: the "seven beginnings" are the starting points of heaven, earth, the four quarters, and human affairs. Yan Shigu says: "The gloss appears in the Treatise on Rites and Music."
67
〔四〕師古曰：「逌，古攸字也。 攸，所也。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: "you" here is the archaic graph for the character read you, meaning "thereupon" or "the place thereof. The word means "there" or "in that respect."
68
〔五〕劉德曰：「六家，謂黃帝、顓頊、夏、殷、周、魯曆也。」
[5] Liu De says: "The six schools are the Yellow Emperor, Zhuanxu, Xia, Yin, Zhou, and Lu calendars."
69
上天下澤，春雷奮作，〔一〕先王觀象，爰制禮樂。 厥後崩壞，鄭衛荒淫，風流民化，湎湎紛紛。 〔二〕略存大綱，以統舊文。 述禮樂志第二。
The image of heaven over marsh with spring thunder rising prompted the ancient kings to codify ritual and music after the pattern they saw. Later the system collapsed; the licentious music of Zheng and Wei swept through society until customs grew sodden and confused. Note 2: the compiler keeps the main framework to unify the inherited wording. Summation of the treatise on rites and music—the second in the series.
70
〔一〕劉德曰：「兌下乾上履，坤下震上豫。 履，禮也。 豫，樂也。 取易象制禮作樂。」 師古曰：「易象曰『上天下澤履，雷出地奮豫』，故具引其文。」
[1] Liu De says: "Below dui, qian above is Li; below kun, zhen above is Yu. Li" signifies ritual propriety. Yu" signifies music and dance. They drew on the Changes' images to establish rites and create music." Yan Shigu says: "The Image text states 'Heaven above marsh—Li; thunder emerging from the earth—Yu,' hence he quotes it in full."
71
〔二〕師古曰：「言上風既流，下人則化也。 湎湎，流移也。 紛紛，雜亂也。 湎音莫踐反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "It means that when the airs above had drifted downward, the people below were transformed. Mianmian" describes a current that carries people along. Fenfen" means tangled confusion. Yan Shigu gives the fanqie reading for "mian."
72
靁電皆至，天威震耀，五刑之作，是則是效，〔一〕威實輔德，刑亦助教。 季世不詳，背本爭末，〔二〕吳、孫狙詐，申、商酷烈。 〔三〕漢章九法，太宗改作，〔四〕輕重之差，世有定籍。 述刑法志第三。
Lightning and thunder manifest celestial authority; the five punishments were framed as models because terror reinforces moral sway even as penal law supports teaching. Late ages mishandled justice, chasing expedients over fundamentals; the strategists of Wu and Sun turned to cunning, while the legalists Shen Buhai and Shang Yang enforced pitiless severity. Note 3: the Han promulgated its nine legal canons; note 4: Emperor Wen remade the system, and thereafter the scales of punishment were recorded in stable codes. Summation of the treatise on penal law—the third in the series.
73
〔一〕劉德曰：「震下離上，噬嗑，利用獄。 雷電，取象天威也。」 師古曰：「易象辭曰『雷電，噬嗑，先王以明罰敕法』，故引之。」
[1] Liu De says: "Below zhen, li above—Shike, beneficial to employ punishments. Thunder and lightning take the image of heaven's majesty." Yan Shigu says: "The Image text reads 'Thunder and lightning—Shike; the former kings clarified penalties and admonished the laws,' hence he cites it."
74
〔二〕師古曰：「不詳謂不盡用刑之理也。 周書呂刑曰『告爾詳刑』。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "bu xiang" indicates failure to apply penal theory thoroughly. He parallels the phrase to the "Lu Xing" injunction to judge with full deliberation."
75
〔三〕師古曰：「狙音千豫反。」
Yan Shigu, note 3: fanqie pronunciation for "ju" (cunning).
76
〔四〕張晏曰：「改，除肉刑也。」
[4] Zhang Yan says: "Gai means abolishing the mutilating punishments."
77
厥初生民，食貨惟先。 割制廬井，定爾土田，什一供貢，下富上尊。 商以足用，茂遷有無，貨自龜貝，至此五銖。 揚搉古今，監世盈虛。 〔一〕述食貨志第四。
For humankind since its beginnings, subsistence and exchange have been the foundation. The well-field grid apportioned farmland, fixed the tithe at one tenth, and secured prosperity below while dignity stayed with the throne. Commerce balanced supply; circulation matched abundance to need; money evolved from shells and cowries to the Han five-zhu piece. The treatise surveys antiquity and the present to read the economy's ebbs and flows. Note 1: summation of the treatise on food and currency—the fourth in the series.
78
〔一〕師古曰：「揚，舉也。 搉，引也。 揚搉者，舉而引之，陳其趣也。 搉音居學反。」
Yan Shigu, note 1: "yang" is "to lift up. Que" means to draw forth or extend. Yang-que" is a compound for laying out the argument's direction. He gives the fanqie reading for "que."
79
昔在上聖，昭事百神，類帝禋宗，望秩山川，明德惟馨，永世豐年。 季末淫祀，營信巫史，〔一〕大夫臚岱，侯伯僭畤，〔二〕放誕之徒，緣間而起。 〔三〕瞻前顧後，正其終始。 述郊祀志第五。
The greatest sage-kings worshipped the host of deities, sacrificed to Heaven and Earth, and offered the ordered oblations to mountains and rivers, so their luminous virtue brought lasting plenty. Decadent eras drowned in irregular worship, credulous of mediums and clerks; nobles usurped the imperial sacrifice at Mount Tai while lords raised illicit suburban shrines, and charlatans rushed into the breach. Note 3: the treatise surveys the full arc to correct the record from start to finish. Summation of the treatise on suburban sacrifices—the fifth in the series.
80
〔一〕鄧展曰：「營，惑也。」
Deng Zhan, note 1: "ying" here means "misled" or "bewitched."
81
〔二〕鄭氏曰：「臚岱，季氏旅於太山是也。」 應劭曰：「僭畤，秦文公造 （四） 〔西〕畤祭天是也。」 師古曰：「旅，陳也。 臚亦陳也。 臚旅聲相近，其義一耳。」
Zheng's gloss, note 2: "lu Dai" is the Ji family's unauthorized grand offering at Taishan. Ying Shao says: "Jian zhi means Duke Wen of Qin established The received text marks a lacuna with "(four)"—likely "four altars" in fuller editions. [Xi] the zhi sacrifice to Heaven is what is meant." Yan Shigu: "lu" means to set forth in array. Lu" likewise means "to display" or "marshal. The sounds of lu and lu are close; their sense is one."
82
〔三〕師古曰：「謂方士言神仙之術也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "It refers to the fangshi speaking of the arts of immortals."
83
炫炫上天，縣象著明，〔一〕日月周輝，星辰垂精。 百官立法，宮室混成，〔二〕降應王政，景以燭形。 〔三〕三季之後，厥事放紛，〔四〕舉其占應，覽故考新。 述天文志第六。
Brilliant heaven displays its hanging patterns: the luminaries revolve while constellations shed their influence below. Bureaucratic regulations matched celestial mansions; royal policy drew answering signs from the sky as a shadow reproduces a form. Note 3: after the three dynasties' twilight, astral lore grew chaotic; note 4: the treatise collects omens old and new for comparison. Summation of the treatise on astronomy—the sixth in the series.
84
〔一〕師古曰：「炫炫，光耀之貌，音胡眄反。 縣，古懸字。」
Yan Shigu, note 1: "xuanxuan" means radiant; he gives the fanqie reading. Xian" is the old graph for the character meaning "to suspend" or "hang aloft."
85
〔二〕張晏曰：「星辰有宮室百官，各應其象以見咎徵也。」
[2] Zhang Yan says: "The stars have palaces and the hundred offices; each corresponds to its image to show blame and warning."
86
〔三〕張晏曰：「王政失於此，星辰變於彼，猶景之象形。」
[3] Zhang Yan says: "Where the king's government failed here, the stars changed there—just as a shadow matches a body."
87
〔四〕師古曰：「三季，三代之末也。 放，失也。 紛，亂也。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: the three "final ages" are the closing phases of Xia, Shang, and Zhou. Fang" means "to slip" or "lose proper course. Fen" means confusion or chaos."
88
河圖命庖，洛書賜禹，八卦成列，九疇逌敘。 〔一〕世代寔寶，光演文武，春秋之占，咎徵是舉。 告往知來，王事之表。 述五行志第七。
Heaven revealed the River Chart to Fuxi and the Luo Writing to Yu; from them the eight trigrams and the nine fields of the "Great Plan" took ordered shape. Note 1: later ages treasured these patterns; they illumined the Zhou founders; Spring and Autumn annals teem with such portents. They let one read yesterday to foresee tomorrow—the public face of kingship. Summation of the treatise on the five phases—the seventh in the series.
89
〔一〕李奇曰：「河圖即八卦也。 洛書即洪範九疇也。」 師古曰：「庖，庖犧也。 逌，古攸字。」
[1] Li Qi says: "The River Chart is the eight trigrams. The Luo Writing corresponds to the "Hong fan" nine categories." Yan Shigu: "Pao" is Fuxi. You" again is the archaic form of the character read you in the sense of "thereupon."
90
坤作墬勢，高下九則，〔一〕自昔黃、唐，經略萬國， （變） 〔燮〕定東西，疆理南北。 〔二〕三代損益，降及秦、漢，革剗五等，制立郡縣。 〔三〕略表山川，彰其剖判。 述地理志第八。
The "earth" hexagram image sorts terrain into nine ranks; since high antiquity the Yellow Emperor and Tang The manuscript marks an editorial lacuna with "(bian)"—likely a damaged character in the source. Note "Xie": they harmonized the compass points and drew the cardinal boundaries. Note 2: Xia, Shang, and Zhou adjusted feudal grades; by Qin and Han the five-tier nobility gave way to a grid of commanderies and counties. Note 3: a schematic geography shows how the realm was partitioned. Summation of the treatise on geography—the eighth in the series.
91
〔一〕張晏曰：「易曰『地勢坤』。」 劉德曰：「九則，九州土田上中下九等也。」 師古曰：「墬，古地字。 易象曰：『地勢坤，君子以厚德載物。』 高下謂地形也。 一曰，地之肥瘠。」
Zhang Yan, note 1: quoting "The earth's power is kun" from the classic. Liu De: the "nine grades" are the ninefold ranking of soils across the nine regions. Yan Shigu: "di" is the old form of "earth. He cites the Image: the nobleman thickens character and bears all things like the receptive earth. High and low here describe physical relief. Alternatively the phrase grades fertile against poor soil."
92
〔二〕師古曰： 「（變） 〔燮〕和也。 疆理謂立封疆而統理之。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: Another lacuna marker "(bian)" in the received text. The restored graph "Xie" means to harmonize or adjust. Jiang-li" is setting borders and administering within them."
93
〔三〕晉灼曰：「剗音剗削之剗。」 師古曰：「音初限反。」
Jin Zhuo, note 3: "chan" parallels the verb "to plane away." Yan Shigu supplies the fanqie reading for "chan."
94
夏乘四載，百川是導。 〔一〕唯河為囏，災及後代。 商竭周移，秦決南涯，〔二〕自茲拒漢，北亡八支。 〔三〕文陻棗野，武作瓠歌，〔四〕成有平年，後遂滂沱。 〔五〕爰及溝渠，利我國家。 述溝洫志第九。
Yu of Xia toured on the four vehicles while every channel was brought under control. Note 1: the Yellow River alone stayed intractable, bequeathing calamity to ages that followed. Shang drained its force and Zhou diverted it; Qin breached the south levee; note 2: thereafter, resisting Han control, the northern distributaries lost eight channels. Note 3: Wen mourned the inundation at Zaoye; note 4: Wu celebrated partial success in verse, yet under Cheng calm years gave way again to vast floods. Note 5: the record extends to irrigation works that strengthened the realm. Summation of the treatise on hydraulics—the ninth in the series.
95
〔一〕師古曰：「四載，解在溝洫志。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The four conveyances are explained in the Treatise on Ditches and Conduits."
96
〔二〕服虔曰：「河竭而商亡。 移亦河移徙也。」 如淳曰：「秦始皇本紀決河灌大梁，遂滅之，通為溝，入淮、泗。」
[2] Fu Qian says: "When the Yellow River dried up, Shang perished. Yi" here means the channel migrated." Ru Chun says: "In the Basic Annals of the First Emperor of Qin he broke the dikes to flood Daliang and destroy it, turning the breach into a canal that reached the Huai and Si."
97
〔三〕服虔曰：「本有九河，今塞，餘有一也。」
[3] Fu Qian says: "Originally there were nine branches of the river; now they are blocked, and only one remains."
98
〔四〕服虔曰：「陻音因。 文帝塞河於酸棗也。」 張晏曰：「河決瓠子，武帝親臨，悼功不成而作歌。」
[4] Fu Qian says: "Yin is read like the yin in 'cause' (phonetic gloss). Emperor Wen dammed the river at Suanzao." Zhang Yan says: "The river burst at Huzi; Emperor Wu went in person, mourned the unfinished work, and composed a song."
99
〔五〕劉德曰：「成帝治河已平，改元曰河平元年。」
[5] Liu De says: "After Emperor Cheng had the river works brought under control, he changed the era name to the first year of Heping."
100
虙羲畫卦，書契後作，〔一〕虞夏商周，孔纂其業，篹書刪詩，綴禮正樂，〔二〕彖系大易，因史立法。 〔三〕六學既登，遭世罔弘，〔四〕群言紛亂，諸子相騰。 〔五〕秦人是滅，漢修其缺，劉向司籍，九流以別。 〔六〕爰著目錄，略序洪烈。 〔七〕述藝文志第十。
From Fuxi's hexagrams to written records, then through the classical dynasties, the Master consolidated the canon: editing scripture and song, aligning ritual and pitch, commenting the Changes, and shaping law from the annals. Note 3: the six classical disciplines had taken shape; note 4: the late Zhou could not sustain them, and rival schools shouted past each other. Note 5: Qin's purge scattered the texts; Han restoration brought Liu Xiang to catalogue the shelves and separate the nine intellectual lineages. Note 6: from that catalogue Ban Gu sketches each school's legacy. Note 7: summation of the bibliographic treatise—the tenth in the series.
101
〔一〕師古曰：「虙讀與伏同。」
Yan Shigu, note 1: the archaic name Fuxi uses the "Fu" pronunciation.
102
〔二〕師古曰：「篹與撰同。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "zuan" here means editorial compilation.
103
〔三〕師古曰：「謂修春秋定帝王之文。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "It refers to revising the Spring and Autumn Annals and fixing the canonical wording of emperors and kings."
104
〔四〕師古曰：「罔，無也。 無能弘大正道也。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: "wang" negates possibility. There was none who could enlarge the great Way."
105
〔五〕師古曰：「騰，馳也。」
Yan Shigu, note 5: "teng" is "to race" or "surge forward."
106
〔六〕應劭曰：「儒、道、陰陽、法、名、墨、從橫、雜、農，凡九家。」
[6] Ying Shao says: "Confucians, Daoists, yin-yang theorists, legalists, logicians, Mohists, coalition advisers, syncretists, and agrarians—nine schools in all."
107
〔七〕師古曰：「洪，大也。 烈，業也。」
Yan Shigu, note 7: "hong" means vast or grand. Lie" means achievement or undertaking."
108
上嫚下暴，惟盜是伐，〔一〕勝、廣熛起，梁、籍扇烈。 〔二〕赫赫炎炎，遂焚咸陽，宰割諸夏，命立侯王，誅嬰放懷，詐虐以亡。 述陳勝項籍傳第一。
The Appended Remarks warn of a polity where arrogance invites rebellion: Chen Sheng and Wu Guang were the spark, and the Xiangs fed the inferno. Note 2: their meteoric war turned the capital to ash, partitioned China, raised puppet rulers, murdered the last Qin boy-king and cast aside the nominal liege—then they destroyed themselves by deceit and savagery. Summation of the first paired biography—Chen Sheng and Xiang Yu.
109
〔一〕師古曰：「易上繫辭云：『小人而乘君子之器，盜思奪之矣； 上嫚下暴，盜思伐之矣。』 引此言者，謂秦胡亥之時。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The Great Treatise on the Changes states: 'When the petty man rides the vessel of the gentleman, robbers will plot to seize it; The same passage warns that lax rule invites predation from below. He cites these lines with reference to the reign of Qin's Second Emperor."
110
〔二〕師古曰：「飛火曰熛。 扇，熾也。 烈，猛也。 言陳勝初起而項羽 （益） 〔烈〕盛也。 熛音必遙反。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "biao" is a sheet of flame. Fan" means to fan or intensify a fire. Lie" here means ferocity. The line continues: Chen Sheng opened the revolt and Xiang Yu The manuscript marks a damaged character with "(yi). The restored word describes how the rebellion blazed up. Yan Shigu gives the fanqie reading for "biao."
111
張、陳之交，斿如父子，攜手 〈辶彖〉 秦，拊翼俱起。 〔一〕據國爭權，還為豺虎，〔二〕耳 （諫） 〔謀〕甘公，作漢藩輔。 述張耳陳餘傳第二。
Zhang Er and Chen Yu were sworn allies who fled together— 〈The edition prints a damaged character, here transcribed as "chuosui," meaning flight.〉 —they slipped out of Qin and rose like cocks crowing before dawn. Note 1: allies became rivals for land; note 2: they heeded A lacuna marker "(jian)" interrupts the sentence in the transmitted text. The restored wording names the strategist Gan Gong and casts them as founding supports of Liu Bang's regime. Summation of the second paired biography—Zhang Er and Chen Yu.
112
〔一〕應劭曰： 「〈辶彖〉 ，逃也。」 師古曰： 「〈辶彖〉 ，古遯字也。 拊翼，以雞為喻，言知將旦，則鼓擊其翼而鳴也。」
Ying Shao, note 1: "[chuosui] means 'to flee.' Yan Shigu continues: "[chuosui] is the archaic form of "dun," to abscond. Fu yi" likens them to a rooster flapping its wings before cockcrow."
113
〔二〕師古曰：「言反相吞噬也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "It means they turned and devoured one another."
114
三枿之起，本根既朽，〔一〕枯楊生華，曷惟其舊！ 〔二〕橫雖雄材，伏于海隝，沐浴尸鄉，北面奉首，旅人慕殉，義過黃鳥。 〔三〕述魏豹田儋韓信傳第三。
Ban Gu compares reviving rebel houses to shoots from a felled tree—flashy but unsustainable. Note 2: Tian Heng's last stand, ritual suicide, and the retainers who followed him outdo even the moral of the ode on forced burial. Note 3: summation of the third grouped biography—Wei Bao, Tian Dan, and Han Xin.
115
〔一〕劉德曰：「詩云『包有三枿』。 爾雅曰『烈、枿，餘也』。 謂木斫髡而復枿生也。 喻魏、齊、韓皆滅而復起，若髡木更生也。」 師古曰：「枿音五葛反。」
[1] Liu De says: "The Odes say 'the bundle had three sprouts anew. The Erya glosses "nie" as leftover growth. The figure is timber cut flush that still sends up suckers. It likens Wei, Qi, and Han—all extinguished yet rising again—to a shaved tree putting forth new life." Yan Shigu supplies the fanqie reading for "nie."
116
〔二〕應劭曰：「易云『枯楊生華』，暫貴之意也。 曷惟其舊，言不能久也。」 師古曰：「枯楊生華，大過卦九五爻辭也。 舊，合韻音臼。」
[2] Ying Shao says: "The Changes says 'the withered poplar puts forth blossoms,' meaning a fleeting honor. How can it match its former state?" implies imminent collapse." Yan Shigu says: "'Withered poplar blossoms' is the text of the fifth line of the hexagram Da Guo. He notes the rhyme reading for "jiu."
117
〔三〕劉德曰：「黃鳥之詩刺秦穆公要人從死，言今橫不要而有從者，故曰過之。」
[3] Liu De says: "The ode 'Yellow Birds' rebukes Duke Mu of Qin for forcing people to follow him in death; here Tian Heng never demanded companions yet retainers followed—so their deed surpasses the ode."
118
信惟餓隸，布實黥徒，越亦狗盜，芮尹江湖。 〔一〕雲起龍襄，化為侯王，〔二〕割有齊、楚，跨制淮、梁。 〔三〕綰自同閈，鎮我北疆，〔四〕德薄位尊，非胙惟殃。 吳克忠信，胤嗣乃長。 述韓彭英盧吳傳第四。
The stanza catalogues low origins: Han Xin a starving retainer, Ying Bu a branded felon, Peng Yue a common bandit, Wu Rui a magistrate amid the Yangzi lakes. Note 1: from obscurity they soared to feudal rank; note 2: their domains stretched from the Central Plain to the Huai and Liang. Note 3: Lu Wan's neighborhood tie to Gaozu won him the Yan frontier; note 4: unmerited elevation courted ruin. Only Wu Rui's house kept faith, so its heirs survived. Summation of the fourth grouped biography—the enfeoffed generals and Wu Rui.
119
〔一〕張晏曰：「吳芮為番陽令，在江湖之間。 尹，主也。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "Wu Rui was magistrate of Poyang, situated between the great rivers. Yin" here means he administered the region."
120
〔二〕師古曰：「襄，舉也。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "xiang" is "to lift" or "exalt."
121
〔三〕張晏曰：「韓信前王齊，徙楚。 英布王淮南，彭越王梁也。」
[3] Zhang Yan says: "Han Xin had first been king of Qi, then was moved to Chu. Ying Bu was king of Huainan, and Peng Yue king of Liang."
122
〔四〕應劭曰：「閈音扞。 盧綰與高祖同里，楚名里門為閈。」 師古曰：「左氏傳云『高其閈閎』，舊通語耳，非專楚也。」
Ying Shao, note 4: pronunciation gloss for "han" (ward). Lu Wan grew up in the same lane as Liu Bang; Chu dialect called a lane gate a "han." Yan Shigu says: "The Zuo Commentary says 'they raised their gate high'; it was common old usage, not peculiar to Chu."
123
賈廑從旅，為鎮淮、楚。 〔一〕澤王琅邪，權激諸呂。 濞之受吳，疆土踰矩，〔二〕雖戒東南，終用齊斧。 〔三〕述荊燕吳傳第五。
Liu Jia, prince of Jing, served the Han armies with conspicuous effort and held the Huai-Chu sector firm. Note 1: Liu Ze's enfeoffment in Langya helped trigger the backlash against the Lü clan. Note 2: Liu Bi's enlarged Wu fief ignored imperial limits; despite admonitions he rebelled and paid with execution. Note 3: summation of the fifth grouped biography—the great Han fiefs in the east.
124
〔一〕張晏曰：「劉賈晚乃從軍也。」 晉灼曰：「廑，無幾也。」 師古曰：「二說皆非也。 廑，古以為勤字。 言賈從軍，有勤勞也。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "Liu Jia joined the army only late." Jin Zhuo misreads "jin" as "few." Yan Shigu says: "Neither explanation is correct. He reads "jin" as the old graph for diligence. It means that Jia followed the army with real toil."
125
〔二〕師古曰：「矩，法制也。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "ju" is a compass or legal limit.
126
〔三〕張晏曰：「齊斧，越斧也，以整齊天下也。」 晉灼曰：「雖戒勿反而反，竟用此斧於吳也。」 師古曰：「易云『喪其齊斧』，故引以為辭。」
[3] Zhang Yan says: "The Qi axe is the Yue axe, used to bring all under heaven to order." Jin Zhuo says: "Although he was warned not to revolt, he rebelled anyway, and this axe was at last turned against Wu." Yan Shigu says: "The Changes says 'he loses his Qi axe,' hence the allusion."
127
太上四子：伯兮早夭，仲氏王代，斿宅于楚。 〔一〕戊實淫 〈垂夬〉 ，平陸乃紹。 〔二〕其在于京，奕世宗正，〔三〕劬勞王室，用侯陽成。 子政博學，三世成名，〔四〕述楚元王傳第六。
Liu Taigong's four sons were Bo, who died young; Zhong, whose line held Dai; Gaozu, who founded the dynasty; and Jiao, first prince of Chu with his capital in the old Chu lands. Prince Wu of Chu disgraced himself by sexual misconduct 〈at a gap in the received text〉 so Jingdi turned to the Pinglu marquisate to continue Prince Yuan's bloodline. Note 2: the Liu kindred who stayed in Chang'an became hereditary clan stewards; note 3: their service earned the Yangcheng marquisate. Note 4: Liu Xiang's erudition crowned three generations—hence the sixth summation, Prince Yuan of Chu.
128
〔一〕師古曰：「詩衛風云『伯兮朅兮』，鄁風又曰『仲氏任只』。 此序方論高祖兄伯及仲，故引二句為之辭也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The "Bo" air in the Wei section of the Odes says 'how grand is Bo,' and the Yong section says 'only Zhong of Ren. This preface is discussing Gaozu's elder brothers Bo and Zhong, so he quotes these two lines as tags."
129
〔二〕師古曰：「楚王戊為薄太后服姦，削東海郡，遂與吳共反而誅。 景帝更立平陸侯禮，續元王之後也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Prince Wu of Chu committed adultery while in mourning for Empress Dowager Bo; the eastern sea commandery was stripped from him, so he joined Wu in rebellion and was executed. Emperor Jing then installed Marquis Pinglu, Liu Li, to continue the line of Prince Yuan."
130
〔三〕師古曰：「正，合韻音征。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Zheng, for rhyme, is read like zheng (march)."
131
〔四〕師古曰：「謂劉德、劉向、劉歆，俱有名聞。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "It refers to Liu De, Liu Xiang, and Liu Xin, all of whom enjoyed renown."
132
季氏之詘，辱身毀節，信于上將，議臣震栗。 〔一〕欒公哭梁，田叔殉趙，見危授命，誼動明主。 布歷燕、齊，叔亦相魯，民思其政，或金或社。 〔二〕述季布欒布田叔傳第七。
Though Ji Bu had been broken to a bondsman's status, he confronted Fan Kuai's rash war plan, and the whole faction of advisers shook with fear. Note 1: Luan Bu mourned his former kingdom of Liang; Tian Shu followed Zhao king to the grave—each surrendered life for loyalty and stirred the throne. Luan Bu's armies ranged the northeast while Tian Shu ruled Lu; Lu sent gold to Tian Shu's bier and Qi raised a living shrine to Luan Bu. Note 2: summation of the seventh grouped biography—Ji Bu, Luan Bu, and Tian Shu.
133
〔一〕張晏曰：「申意於上將。 上將，樊噲也，欲以十萬眾橫行匈奴中，布曰：『噲可斬也。』 時議臣皆恐。」 師古曰：「信讀曰申。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "He pressed his argument on the senior general. Fan Kuai boasted of a reckless northern campaign; Ji Bu answered that such talk merited the headsman's axe. At the time every counselor was terrified." Yan Shigu: the graph read "xin" here means "to press" (shen).
134
〔二〕李奇曰：「魯人愛田叔，死，送之以金。 齊貴欒布，為生立社。」
[2] Li Qi says: "The people of Lu loved Tian Shu; when he died they sent him off with gifts of gold. Qi honored Luan Bu and raised a living shrine to him."
135
高祖八子，二帝六王。 三趙不辜，淮厲自亡，燕靈絕嗣，齊悼特昌。 掩有東土，自岱徂海，支庶分王，前後九子。 六國誅斃，適齊亡祀。 城陽、濟北，後承我國。 〔一〕赳赳景王，匡漢社稷。 〔二〕述高五王傳第八。
Gaozu fathered eight princes: two ascended the throne and six received kingdoms. Three Zhao fiefs were wiped out though guiltless; Liu Chang of Huainan brought ruin on himself; the Yan house died out; only Prince Fei's Qi line thrived. Their sway ran from Taishan to the coast, with nine royal sons enfeoffed across generations. The feudal purge ended every rival line, but Qi was the kingdom whose ancestral worship finally failed. Only the Chengyang and Beihai marquisates carried Prince Fei's blood into later Han. Note 1: Prince Zhang of Qi stood like a bulwark for the Liu house during the Lü crisis. Note 2: summation of the eighth treatise—Gaozu's five princely lines.
136
〔一〕張晏曰：「濟北王志，吳楚反後徙王菑川。 元朔中，齊國絕，悼惠王後唯有城陽、菑川，武帝乃割臨菑環悼惠王冢，以與菑川，令奉祀也。」 師古曰：「適讀曰嫡。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "Prince Zhi of Jinbei was moved to be king of Zichuan after the Wu-Chu rebellion. In the Yuanshuo era Qi was extinguished as a kingdom; among Prince Daohui's posterity only Chengyang and Zichuan remained, so Emperor Wu carved out the land around Linzi encircling the prince's tomb and attached it to Zichuan so sacrifices could continue." Yan Shigu: "shi" means the legitimate succession.
137
〔二〕師古曰：「赳赳，武貌，音糾。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "jiujiu" paints a warrior's stride.
138
猗與元勳，包漢舉信，〔一〕鎮守關中，足食成軍，營都立宮，定制修文。 平陽玄默，繼而弗革，〔二〕民用作歌，化我淳德。 漢之宗臣，是謂相國。 述蕭何曹參傳第九。
Xiao He secured the heartland, fed the armies, raised Chang'an, and set the bureaucratic mold that made Han a state. Cao Shen kept Xiao He's quiet governance; the folk sang his praise for preserving untroubled rule. These were the true minister-clansmen on whom the empire rested. Summation of the ninth paired biography—Xiao He and Cao Shen.
139
〔一〕劉德曰：「包，取也。」 師古曰：「包漢，謂勸高祖且王漢中也。 舉信，舉韓信也。 信合韻音新。」
Liu De, note 1: "bao" means to shoulder or adopt. Yan Shigu: "embracing Han" is the counsel to accept the Hanzhong kingship. Ju xin" means promoting Han Xin. The word "xin" rhymes like "new" in this verse."
140
〔二〕師古曰：「革，改也。 言曹參為相，守靜無為，一遵蕭何約束，不變改也。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "ge" is "to change. Cao Shen's ministry was pure continuity—he touched none of Xiao He's precedents."
141
留侯襲秦，作漢腹心，〔一〕圖折武關，解阨鴻門。 〔二〕推齊銷印，敺致越、信； 〔三〕招賓四老，惟寧嗣君。 陳公擾攘，歸漢乃安，〔四〕斃范亡項，走狄擒韓，〔五〕六奇既設，我罔艱難。 〔六〕安國廷爭，致仕杜門。 絳侯矯矯，誅呂尊文。 亞夫守節，吳楚有勳。 述張陳王周傳第十。
Zhang Liang's blow at Bolangsha prefaced a career of stratagem: feints at Wuguan and rescue at Hongmen saved Liu Bang. Note 2: he broke Qi separatism, voided carved seals, and channeled Peng Yue and Han Xin toward Gaozu's design. Note 3: the Shangshan quartet stabilized the succession. Chen Ping's defection stabilized Liu Bang; his ruses drove Fan Zeng to his death, broke Xiang Yu, freed Gaozu at Pingcheng, and lured Han Xin to capture—the six coups that left the throne unshaken. Wang Ling defied the Lüs in open session and withdrew to shut his doors rather than bend. Zhou Bo purged the Lü clan and enthroned Wendi. Zhou Yafu's iron discipline broke the eastern rebellion. Summation of the tenth grouped biography—the strategists and the Zhou marquises.
142
〔一〕劉德曰：「襲秦，椎始皇於博狼沙中。」
Liu De, note 1: the "raid on Qin" is Zhang Liang's assassination attempt on the First Emperor.
143
〔二〕師古曰：「圖折武關，謂從沛公入武關，說令為疑兵，又啗秦將以利，勸因其怠懈擊之類也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "To plot the crippling of Wu Pass means following the Earl of Pei inside, proposing decoy troops, baiting Qin generals with profit, and urging attack when they slackened—matters of that sort."
144
〔三〕師古曰：「敺與驅同。 越，彭越也。 信亦韓信也。 謂於垓下圍項羽時也。 信合韻音新。」
Yan Shigu, note 3: "qu" equals "drive" or "herd. Yue" is Peng Yue. Xin" again denotes Han Xin. The lines describe the Gaixia encirclement of Xiang Yu. Again the rhyme reading for "xin."
145
〔四〕師古曰：「攘音人養反。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: fanqie for "rang" (turmoil).
146
〔五〕師古曰：「走狄謂解平城之圍也。 禽韓，偽游雲夢也。」
Yan Shigu, note 5: "routing Di" is the stratagem that freed Gaozu at Pingcheng. Seizing Han" is the pretended outing that caught Han Xin."
147
〔六〕師古曰：「罔，無也。」
Yan Shigu, note 6: "wang" negates—"we had no hardship."
148
舞陽鼓刀，滕公廄騶，〔一〕潁陰商販，曲周庸夫，攀龍附鳳，並乘天衢。 〔二〕述樊酈滕灌傅靳周傳第十一。
Fan Kuai the dog-butcher, Xiahou Ying the carriage hand, Guan Ying the trader, and Zhou Xie the laborer rose with Liu Bang to share the conqueror's road. Note 2: summation of the eleventh grouped biography—the early military companions.
149
〔一〕師古曰：「鼓刀謂屠狗也。」
Yan Shigu, note 1: "whetting the knife" means Fan Kuai's dog-meat trade.
150
〔二〕師古曰：「乘，登也。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "cheng" is "to mount" or "rise."
151
北平志古，司秦柱下，〔一〕定漢章程，律度之緒。 建平質直，犯上干色； 〔二〕廣阿之廑，食厥舊德。 〔三〕故安執節，責通請錯，蹇蹇帝臣，匪躬之故。 〔四〕述張周趙任申屠傳第十二。
Zhang Cang drew on Warring States precedents to codify Han weights, measures, and written law. Zhou Chang of Jiancheng spoke straight to Gaozu's face when law required it. Zhao Yao earned his fief at Guang'e by steadfast service. Shentu Jia upheld the rod against favorites and demanded the execution of Chao Cuo for the realm's good. Note 4: summation of the twelfth grouped biography—the early chancellors and jurists.
152
〔一〕師古曰：「志，記也，謂多記古事也。 司，主也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Zhi means to record—he remembered many ancient matters. Si" means he directed the archives under Qin."
153
〔二〕師古曰：「周昌先封建成侯，蓋謂此也。 平字當為成，傳寫誤耳。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Zhou Chang was first enfeoffed as marquis of Jiancheng—this must be what is meant. He emends "ping" to "cheng" in the received text."
154
〔三〕張晏曰：「任敖也。 吏遇呂后不謹，敖擊傷主吏也。」 師古曰：「廑亦勤字也。 易訟卦六三爻辭曰『食舊德』，食猶饗也。」
[3] Zhang Yan says: "Ren Ao. When an official treated Empress Lü discourteously, Ao struck and wounded the chief clerk." Yan Shigu: "jin" again means diligence. He cites the Changes: "feasting on old merit" describes Zhao Yao's reward."
155
〔四〕師古曰：「易蹇卦六二爻辭曰『王臣蹇蹇，匪躬之故』。 此言申屠嘉召責鄧通，請誅朝錯，皆不為己身，實有蹇蹇之節也。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "The second line of Jian hexagram reads 'The king's minister is jian jian—trouble not for his own body. This describes Shentu Jia summoning Deng Tong to rebuke him and requesting Chao Cuo's execution—deeds not for private ends but for the integrity of jian jian."
156
食其監門，長揖漢王，畫襲陳留，進收敖倉，塞隘杜津，王基以張。 〔一〕賈作行人，百越來賓，從容風議，博我以文。 〔二〕敬繇役夫，遷京定都，〔三〕內強關中，外和匈奴。 叔孫奉常，與時抑揚，稅介免冑，禮義是創。 〔四〕或悊或謀，觀國之光。 〔五〕述酈陸朱婁叔孫傳第十三。 〔六〕
Li Yiji opened Chenliu and the granaries, choking enemy supply lines so Liu Bang's enterprise could widen. Lu Jia's missions south brought tribute states to court and his New Conversations enriched the court's rhetoric. Liu Jing turned garrison duty into policy: Chang'an as capital, the heartland fortified, and marriage peace on the steppe. Shusun Tong staged court etiquette so the rough conquerors could play emperor. Note 4: wise planners read the omens of dynastic greatness. Note 5: summation of the thirteenth grouped biography—the rhetoricians and ritual architects. Note 6: no gloss supplied in this edition.
157
〔一〕師古曰：「杜亦塞也。 謂說令塞白馬津。」
Yan Shigu, note 1: "du" is "to seal off. The stratagem was to choke the Yellow River crossing at Baima."
158
〔二〕李奇曰：「作新語也。」 師古曰：「論語稱顏回喟然歎曰『夫子博我以文』，謂以文章開博我也。 此言陸賈嘗之越也。 從音千容反。 風讀曰諷。」
[2] Li Qi says: "He composed the New Conversations." Yan Shigu says: "The Analects records Yan Hui sighing, 'The Master broadened me with culture,' meaning he opened me with literary learning. Here it applies to Lu Jia's embassies in the south. Fanqie reading for "cong" (ease). Feng" means polished, indirect advice."
159
〔三〕師古曰：「繇讀與由同。 言劉敬由戍卒而來納說。」
Yan Shigu, note 3: "yao" equals "you" (from). It means Liu Jing came forward as a garrison conscript to offer his plan."
160
〔四〕師古曰：「稅，舍也。 介，甲也。 創，始造之也。 創，合韻音初良反。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: "shui" is "to lay down. Jie" is armor. Chuang" means to inaugurate. Rhyme reading for "chuang."
161
〔五〕師古曰：「詩小雅小旻之篇曰『或悊或謀』，言有智者，有謀者。 易觀卦六四爻辭曰『觀國之光，利用賓于王』。 故合而為言。」
[5] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Minor Min' ode in the Odes reads 'some ponder, some plot,' meaning some are wise, some are schemers. He adds the Changes line on reading a kingdom's glory. Hence the two are joined in one saying."
162
〔六〕師古曰：「本傳作朱、劉，終書其賜姓也。 此言朱、婁，本其舊族耳。」
[6] Yan Shigu says: "The main biography reads Zhu and Liu but ends with the imperial surname granted. Here it says Zhu and Lou, following their original clans."
163
淮南僭狂，二子受殃。 安辯而邪，賜頑以荒，敢行稱亂，窘世薦亡。 〔一〕述淮南衡山濟北傳第十四。
Liu An's treason doomed his house and his heirs. Liu An's sophistry masked treason while Liu Ci's obstinacy wasted him; each claimed kingship unlawfully and died in turn, disgracing their times. Note 1: summation of the fourteenth grouped biography—the southern rebel princes.
164
〔一〕師古曰：「窘，仍也。 薦讀曰荐。 荐，再也。 長遷死雍，其子安又自殺也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Jiong means 'thereupon' or 'in succession. Yan Shigu's gloss: the graph is read jian, indicating repeated disaster. The word marks calamity recurring in the same lineage. Liu Chang died at Yong, and his son An afterward killed himself as well."
165
蒯通壹說，三雄是敗，覆酈驕韓，田橫顛沛。 被之拘係，乃成患害。 〔一〕充、躬罔極，交亂弘大。 〔二〕述蒯伍江息夫傳第十五。
One counselor's tongue toppled three titans: Qi swallowed Li Yiji alive, Han Xin overreached on his advice, and Tian Heng died a fugitive lord. Imprisoning Wu Bei only pushed him toward the plot that destroyed the house. Note 1: the two informers spread boundless calumny until the court reeled. Note 2: summation of the fifteenth grouped biography—the persuaders and slanderers.
166
〔一〕師古曰：「言伍被初不從王反，王繫其父母，乃進邪謀，終以遇害也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "It means that at first Wu Bei would not follow the king in revolt; the king imprisoned his parents, whereupon he offered wicked counsel and in the end perished for it."
167
〔二〕師古曰：「小雅青蠅之詩云『讒言罔極，交亂四國』。 此敘言江充、息夫躬之惡，引以為辭也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Green Flies' ode in the Minor Odes reads, 'Slander knows no limit; it throws the four states into confusion. This passage narrates the evil of Jiang Chong and Xifu Gong and borrows that line as its tag."
168
萬石溫溫，幼寤聖君，〔一〕宜爾子孫，夭夭伸伸，〔二〕慶社于齊，不言動民。 〔三〕衛、直、周、張，淑慎其身。 〔四〕述萬石衛直周張傳第十六。
Shi Fen's clan rose on modest virtue: the emperor noticed the boy's gravity, his descendants multiplied in harmony, and Shi Qing earned Qi worship without self-advertisement. Note 3: the four younger ministers matched the family's scruple. Note 4: summation of the sixteenth grouped biography—the Wan Shi line and allies.
169
〔一〕鄧展曰：「爾雅『寤、逢，遇也』。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 言萬石幼而恭謹，感寤高祖，以見識拔也。 爾雅云『遻，遇 （之） 也』，非謂寤也。 詩小雅小宛之篇曰『溫溫恭人』。」
Deng Zhan tries to read wu as "meet" from the Erya. Yan Shigu says: "That explanation is wrong. The clan's boys won Gaozu's favor through grave manners while still young. The Erya entry Yan Shigu prefers begins "to encounter"— a lacuna marker "(zhi)" interrupts the quotation in the manuscript. —and has nothing to do with "awakening" the ruler. The 'Minor Zhong' ode in the Minor Odes says, 'Gentle and warm is the reverent man.'"
170
〔二〕師古曰：「詩周南螽斯之篇曰『宜爾子孫振振兮』，論語稱孔子『燕居，伸伸如也，夭夭如也』，謂和舒之貌。 此言萬石子孫既多，又皆和睦，故引以為辭也。 夭音於驕反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Locusts' ode in the Zhou nan reads, 'May your sons and grandsons teem'; the Analects describes Confucius at leisure as 'easy and relaxed, warm and mild'—the look of perfect ease. The verses praise a crowded, peaceable household. Fanqie reading for "yao" in the quotation."
171
〔三〕鄧展曰：「慶為齊相，齊為立社也。」
[3] Deng Zhan says: "When Qing became chancellor of Qi, Qi raised a cult altar to him."
172
〔四〕師古曰：「衛詩燕燕之篇曰『終溫且惠，淑慎其身』。 淑，善也。 引此詩言以美四人也。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Swallow Swallow' ode in the Airs of Wei reads, 'Always gentle and kind—take good care of yourself, Shu" means virtuous or careful. He cites this ode to praise the four men."
173
孝文三王，代孝二梁，〔一〕懷折亡嗣，孝乃尊光。 〔二〕內為母弟，外扞吳楚，怙寵矜功，僭欲失所，思心既霿，牛禍告妖。 〔三〕帝庸親親，厥國五分，〔四〕德不堪寵，四支不傳。 〔五〕述文三王傳第十七。
Wendi's three royal boys: Dai and two Liang fiefs; the younger Liang line failed while the elder Liang house flourished. Note 2: royal brothers who defended the east yet swaggered on imperial love until omens and bovine prodigies warned of doom. Note 3: Wudi divided Liang among five sons; note 4: most lines died out for want of moral weight to match their titles. Note 5: summation of the seventeenth treatise—Wendi's princely lines.
174
〔一〕師古曰：「代孝王參及梁孝王武、梁懷王揖。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "They are Prince Can of Dai, Prince Wu of Liang, and Prince Yi of Liang."
175
〔二〕師古曰：「折謂夭也。 孝亦謂梁孝王也。」
Yan Shigu: "zhe" is premature death. Xiao" points to the great Liang king Liu Wu."
176
〔三〕師古曰：「霿，僭霿也，音莫候反。 解在五行志。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Meng means presumptuous obscurity; it is read mou-hou fan. The explanation is in the Treatise on the Five Phases."
177
〔四〕師古曰：「庸，用也。 用親親之道，故分梁為五國，立孝王男五人為王。 太子買為梁王，次子明為濟川王，彭離為濟東王，定為山陽王，不識為濟陰王。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: "yong" is instrumental "thereby. Wudi enfeoffed Liu Wu's five sons to keep the sacrifice alive. He names each new kingdom carved from old Liang."
178
〔五〕晉灼曰： 「（子） 〔支〕，父母之四支也。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 謂孝王支子四人封為王者皆絕於身，不傳胤嗣，唯梁恭王買有後耳。 其事具在本傳。」
Jin Zhuo, note 5: the manuscript inserts "(zi)" as a variant marker. Jin Zhuo wrongly glosses "branches" as parents' four limbs." Yan Shigu says: "That explanation is wrong. Four cadet kings left no heirs; only Liu Mai's line continued. The details are given in their main biographies."
179
賈生矯矯，弱冠登朝。 〔一〕遭文叡聖，屢抗其疏，暴秦之戒，三代是據。 建設藩屏，以強守圉，〔二〕吳楚合從，賴誼之慮。 〔三〕述賈誼傳第十八。
Jia Yi entered the councils while still a youth. Note 1: he remonstrated a thoughtful emperor, citing Qin's collapse and the classical precedent of Xia, Shang, and Zhou. Note 2: his plan to fatten Liang and Huainan as buffers checked the eastern rebellion. Note 3: summation of the eighteenth biography—Jia Yi.
180
〔一〕師古曰：「矯矯，高舉之貌也，合韻音驕。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Jiao jiao describes a lofty bearing; for rhyme it is read jiao."
181
〔二〕師古曰：「圉合韻音御。」
Rhyme gloss for the word "frontier defense."
182
〔三〕師古曰：「勸文帝大封梁、淮陽。 梁卒距吳楚，不得令西也。 從音子庸反。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "He urged Wendi to enlarge the fiefs of Liang and Huainan greatly. Liang's enlarged territory stopped the rebels short of the heartland. Fanqie note for "cong" in the vertical-alliance phrase."
183
子絲慷慨，激辭納說，〔一〕 〈扌監〉 轡正席，顯陳成敗。 〔二〕錯之瑣材，智小謀大，〔三〕禍如發機，先寇受害。 〔四〕述爰盎朝錯傳第十九。
Yuan Ang spoke with heat to steer the throne— 〈the damaged character marks the act of seizing the carriage reins—〉 —he physically checked the emperor's rash ride while arguing the stakes of war and peace. Note 2: Chao Cuo's mean talents could not carry his sweeping reforms; note 3: he died under the axe while Wu-Chu still fought. Note 4: summation of the nineteenth paired biography.
184
〔一〕師古曰：「爰盎字絲。 此加子者，子是嘉稱，以偶句耳。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Yuan Ang's courtesy name was Si. Ban Gu prefixes "zi" only for euphony in the verse."
185
〔二〕師古曰： 「〈扌監〉 ，執取也。 其字從手，亦或作{臨手}。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "[jian] means to grab hold of— the character follows the hand radical, and some manuscripts write a fuller graph with hand beside 'approach.'"
186
〔三〕師古曰：「易下繫辭曰：『德薄而位尊，智小而謀大，力少而任重，鮮不及矣。』 此敘言朝錯所以及禍。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "The Appended Remarks, lower section, reads: 'When virtue is thin yet rank is high, wit is small yet plans are large, strength is slight yet burdens are heavy, few escape disaster. This passage explains why Chao Cuo met calamity."
187
〔四〕師古曰：「發機，言其速也。 吳楚未敗之前，錯已誅死。」
Yan Shigu: "fa ji" is sudden as a loosed bolt. Before Wu and Chu were defeated, Chao Cuo had already been executed."
188
釋之典刑，國憲以平。 馮公矯魏，增主之明。 〔一〕長孺剛直，義形於色，下折淮南，上正元服。 〔二〕莊之推賢，於茲為德。 述張馮汲鄭傳第二十。
Zhang Shizhi's jurisprudence balanced imperial law. Feng Tang's appeal restored Wei Shang and enlightened the throne. Note 1: Ji An, whose courtesy name was Zhangru, cowed a plotting prince and forced Wudi to dress before audience. Note 2: Zheng Zhuang's eye for talent rounds out the quartet's moral credit. Summation of the twentieth grouped biography—the blunt ministers.
189
〔一〕張晏曰：「矯辭以免魏尚也。」 師古曰：「張說非也。 矯，正也，正言其事。」
Zhang Yan misreads "jiao" as verbal legerdemain. Yan Shigu says: "Zhang's gloss is wrong. Jiao" is upright correction of a wrong verdict."
190
〔二〕師古曰； 「淮南王謀反，憚黯正直。 武帝不冠不見黯。 故云下折淮南，上正元服也。 元，首也，故謂冠為元服。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "When the king of Huainan plotted rebellion, he feared Ji An's integrity. Wudi would not face him undressed. Hence "below" he cowed Huainan, "above" he restored court dignity. Yuan is "head," hence "first garment" for the crown."
191
榮如辱如，有機有樞，〔一〕自下摩上，惟德之隅。 〔二〕賴依忠正，君子采諸。 〔三〕述賈鄒枚路傳第二十一。
Ban Gu plays on the Changes: words that can exalt or abase a ruler, the lever of reputation. Note 2: honest remonstrance becomes a model worth quoting. Note 3: summation of the twenty-first grouped biography—the literary remonstrators.
192
〔一〕劉德曰：「易曰『樞機之發，榮辱之主也』。」 張晏曰：「乍榮乍辱，如辭也。」
[1] Liu De says: "The Changes reads, 'When the trigger and pivot move, they are masters of glory and disgrace.'" Zhang Yan says: "Now glory, now shame—ru means 'like' or 'as if.'"
193
〔二〕師古曰：「詩大雅抑之篇曰『抑抑威儀，惟德之隅』，言有廉隅也。 此敘言賈山直詞刺上，亦為方正也。 一曰，隅謂得道德之一隅也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Yi' ode in the Major Odes reads, 'Solemn, solemn in deportment—this is virtue's corner,' meaning they kept moral edges. Jia Shan's plain speech to the throne matches that ideal. Alternatively "corner" is a single aspect of virtue mastered."
194
〔三〕師古曰：「諸，之也。」
Yan Shigu: "zhu" equals the classical "them" or "it."
195
魏其翩翩，好節慕聲，〔一〕灌夫矜勇，武安驕盈，凶德相挻，禍敗用成。 〔二〕安國壯趾，王恢兵首，〔三〕彼若天命，此近人咎。 〔四〕述竇田灌韓傳第二十二。
Dou Ying was self-satisfied and courted renown; Guan Fu swaggered in bravery; the Marquis of Wu'an swelled with pride—vicious dispositions rubbed together until ruin was wrought. Han Anguo's strength swelled at the toe; Wang Hui was first to raise arms; the one seemed heaven's decree, the other near to human blame. Note 4: summation of the twenty-second grouped biography—the Wudi-era faction fight.
196
〔一〕師古曰：「翩翩，自喜之貌。」
Yan Shigu: "pianpian" is smug complacency.
197
〔二〕師古曰：「挻謂柔挻也，音式延反。」
Yan Shigu: "ting" means they worked evil like dough in the hands.
198
〔三〕孟康曰：「易『壯于趾，征凶』。 安國臨當為丞相，墮車，蹇。 後為將，多所傷失而憂死。 此為不宜征行而有凶也。」 師古曰：「『壯于趾』，大壯初九爻辭也。 壯，傷也。 趾，足也。 直謂墮車蹇耳，不言不宜征行也。」
[3] Meng Kang says: "The Changes reads 'Strength in the toe—an expedition brings ill. Han Anguo broke his leg on the eve of the chancellorship. Field command brought repeated failure and worry unto death. This shows that he should not have marched forth and therefore met ill fortune." Yan Shigu says: "'Strength in the toe' is the text of the first line of the hexagram Da Zhuang. Zhuang" here means harm or wound. Zhi" is the foot or toe. It refers only to falling from a carriage and being lamed; it does not say that marching forth was inadvisable."
199
〔四〕師古曰：「彼，韓安國也。 此，王恢也。 壯趾，天命也。 謀兵，人咎也。」
Yan Shigu, note 4: "that one" is Han Anguo. This one" is Wang Hui. The broken leg was fate. Plotting war is human blame."
200
景十三王，承文之慶。 〔一〕魯恭館室，江都訬輕； 〔二〕趙敬險詖，中山淫醟； 〔三〕長沙寂漠，廣川亡聲； 膠東不亮，常山驕盈。 〔四〕四國絕祀，河間賢明，〔五〕禮樂是修，為漢宗英。 述景十三王傳第二十三。
Jingdi's thirteen princely sons owed their royal titles to Wendi's legacy. Note 1: Liu Yu of Lu wasted his fief on architecture; Liu Pengli of Jiangdu was a reckless wit. Note 2: Liu Pengzu's legal traps and Liu Sheng's drunken harem life. Note 3: Liu Fa's obscurity and Liu Quyi's line ending without note. Liu Ji of Jiaodong broke faith with the court; Liu Shun of Changshan grew arrogant. Note 4: four lines went extinct; note 5: only Liu De of Hejian shone as a scholar-prince who restored classical culture. Summation of the twenty-third treatise—Jingdi's thirteen sons.
201
〔一〕師古曰：「言景帝庸主耳，所以子皆得王者，由文帝之德慶流子孫也。 慶合韻音卿。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "It means that Jingdi was only a middling ruler; the reason his sons all became kings was that Wendi's virtuous blessing flowed down to his descendants. Rhyme reading for "qing" (blessing)."
202
〔二〕師古曰：「訬謂輕狡也，音初教反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Chao means frivolous and crafty; it is read chu-jiao fan.
203
〔三〕師古曰：「詖，辯也，一曰佞也。 醟，酗酒也，音詠，合韻音榮。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Bi means eloquence; another reading is servile cleverness. Yong means drunken excess; it is read yong, for rhyme like rong."
204
〔四〕師古曰：「亮，信也。 聞淮南謀反，作戰具守備，後辭及之，發病死，是為不信於漢朝。」
Yan Shigu: "liang" is good faith toward the Han. Jiaodong armed on rumor yet could not clear himself—hence "untrustworthy."
205
〔五〕李奇曰：「臨江哀王閼、臨江閔王榮、膠西于王端、清河哀王乘皆無子，國除。」
[5] Li Qi says: "Prince Ai of Linjiang Que, Prince Min of Linjiang Rong, Prince Yu of Jiaoxi Duan, and Prince Ai of Qinghe Cheng all died without sons, and their kingdoms were abolished."
206
李廣恂恂，實獲士心，控弦貫石，威動北鄰，〔一〕躬戰七十，遂死于軍。 敢怨衛青，見討去病。 陵不引決，忝世滅姓。 〔二〕蘇武信節，不詘王命。 〔三〕述李廣蘇建傳第二十四。
Li Guang's archery legend and lifelong border service ended on campaign, not in bed. Li Guang's son Li Gan feuded with Wei Qing and died under Huo Qubing's hand. Li Ling's surrender disgraced the family line. Note 2: Su Wu's nineteen years among the Xiongnu counterbalance the Li clan's shame. Note 3: summation of the twenty-fourth paired biography.
207
〔一〕師古曰：「北鄰謂匈奴也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The northern neighbor means the Xiongnu."
208
〔二〕師古曰：「忝，辱也。」
Yan Shigu: "tian" is shame brought on the house.
209
〔三〕師古曰：「信讀曰申。」
Yan Shigu: "xin" equals "shen," to stretch straight one's integrity.
210
長平桓桓，上將之元，〔一〕薄伐獫允，恢我朔邊，〔二〕戎車七征，衝輣閑閑，〔三〕合圍單于，北登闐顏。 票騎冠軍，猋勇紛紜，〔四〕長驅六舉，電擊雷震，〔五〕飲馬翰海，封狼居山，西規大河，列郡祈連。 述衛青霍去病傳第二十五。
Wei Qing's seven campaigns broke the Xiongnu center and carried Han banners to the steppe north of the desert. Huo Qubing, the young champion of the flying-cavalry guard, led six lightning campaigns that carried the Han seal to the Gobi sea, the sacred mountain, the Yellow River bend, and new counties under the Qilian snow. Summation of the twenty-fifth paired biography—the conquerors of the north.
211
〔一〕師古曰：「桓桓，武貌也。 元，首也。」
Yan Shigu: "huanhuan" is the stride of a general. Yuan" marks Wei Qing as foremost commander."
212
〔二〕師古曰：「恢，廣也。」
Yan Shigu: "hui" is to widen the frontier.
213
〔三〕鄧展曰：「輣，兵車名也。」 師古曰：「輣音彭。」
[3] Deng Zhan says: "Peng is the name of a siege engine." Yan Shigu gives the pronunciation of "peng."
214
〔四〕師古曰：「如猋之勇，紛紜然盛也。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "It means courage like a whirlwind, riotously abundant."
215
〔五〕師古曰：「六舉，凡六出擊匈奴也。 震合韻音之人反。」
[5] Yan Shigu says: "Six thrusts means six major strikes against the Xiongnu. Rhyme gloss for "zhen" (thunder)."
216
〔六〕張晏曰：「置郡至祈連山。」
[6] Zhang Yan says: "He established commanderies as far as the Qilian Mountains."
217
抑抑仲舒，再相諸侯，〔一〕身修國治，致仕縣車，下帷覃思，論道屬書，〔二〕讜言訪對，為世純儒。 〔三〕述董仲舒傳第二十六。
Dong Zhongshu's career moved from court to academy: ritual reform, solitary study, and answers that set orthodox learning for the Han. Note 3: summation of the twenty-sixth biography.
218
〔一〕師古曰：「爾雅云『抑抑，密也』。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The Erya reads yi yi as 'dense' or 'careful.'"
219
〔二〕師古曰：「屬音之欲反。」
Fanqie for "zhu" (to compose, link).
220
〔三〕師古曰：「讜，善言也。 訪對，謂對所訪也。 讜音黨。」
Yan Shigu: "dang" is forthright counsel. Fang dui" is responding to the throne's questions. Pronunciation note for "dang."
221
文豔用寡，子虛烏有，寓言淫麗，託風終始，〔一〕多識博物，有可觀采，蔚為辭宗，賦頌之首。 〔二〕述司馬相如傳第二十七。
Sima Xiangru's grand style masked moral persuasion; his fictions nonetheless crowned Han literary taste. Note 2: summation of the twenty-seventh biography.
222
〔一〕師古曰：「寓，寄也。 風讀曰諷。」
Yan Shigu: "yu" is allegorical placement. Feng" is homophone for polished satire."
223
〔二〕師古曰：「蔚，文綵盛也，音鬱。」
Yan Shigu: "wei" describes dazzling diction.
224
平津斤斤，晚躋金門，〔一〕既登爵位，祿賜頤賢，〔二〕布衾疏食，用儉飭身。 〔三〕卜式耕牧，以求其志，忠寤明君，乃爵乃試。 兒生亹亹，束髮修學，〔四〕偕列名臣，從政輔治。 述公孫弘卜式兒寬傳第二十八。
Gongsun Hong rose from scholar to marquis of Pingjin, endowing guests yet living austerely. Bu Shi's donations for the frontier war bought him rank and trust. Ni Kuan rose from classicist diligence to become a pillar of Wudi's administration. Summation of the twenty-eighth grouped biography—the frugal ministers.
225
〔一〕師古曰：「斤斤，明察也。 躋，升也。 金門，金馬門也。」
Yan Shigu: "jinjin" is meticulous clarity. Ji" means to climb in rank. The Golden Gate is the Gate of the Golden Horse."
226
〔二〕師古曰：「頤，養也，謂引招賢人而養之。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Yi means to nourish—summoning worthies and supporting them."
227
〔三〕師古曰：「飭，整也，讀與敕同。」
Yan Shigu: "chi" is self-discipline.
228
〔四〕師古曰：「亹亹，勉也。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "Wei wei means diligent exertion."
229
張湯遂達，用事任職，媚茲一人，日旰忘食，〔一〕既成寵祿，亦羅咎慝。 安世溫良，塞淵其德，〔二〕子孫遵業，全祚保國。 述張湯傳第二十九。
Zhang Tang's legalism won Wudi's trust yet brewed deadly enemies. Zhang Anshi's gentleness secured the clan for generations. Summation of the twenty-ninth biography—the Zhangs, father and son.
230
〔一〕師古曰：「詩大雅下武之篇曰『媚茲一人，應侯慎德』。 一人，天子也。 媚，愛也。 此敘言張湯見愛於武帝。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Lower Martial' ode in the Major Odes reads, 'Cherish this One Man, Ying Hou, and be careful of virtue. One Man" means the emperor. Mei" is devoted service. This passage means that Zhang Tang was cherished by Emperor Wu."
231
〔二〕師古曰：「詩鄁風燕燕之篇曰『仲氏任只，其心塞淵』。 淵，深也。 塞，實也。 謂其德既實且深也。 此敘言子孺亦有之。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Swallow Swallow' ode in the Yong airs reads, 'Zhong of Ren alone—her heart is blocked and deep. Yuan" is profundity. Se" is packed or substantial. The lines praise moral weight. This passage means that Ziru likewise possessed it."
232
杜周治文，唯上淺深，〔一〕用取世資，幸而免身。 延年寬和，列于名臣。 欽用材謀，有異厥倫。 〔二〕述杜周傳第三十。
Du Zhou bent law to imperial whim and profited, yet died in bed. Du Yannian softened his father's harshness and earned a good name. Du Qin stood apart from the Du clan's legalist mold. Note 2: summation of the thirtieth biography—the three Dus.
233
〔一〕師古曰：「言觀天子之意。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "It means he watched the Son of Heaven's mood."
234
〔二〕師古曰：「倫，類也。 言異其本類。」
Yan Shigu: "lun" is category. It means he differed from his original kind."
235
博望杖節，收功大夏； 貳師秉鉞，身釁胡社。 〔一〕致死為福，每生作禍。 〔二〕述張騫李廣利傳第三十一。
Zhang Qian's western missions opened the Silk Road kingdoms. Li Guangli's failed Liangzhou campaign ended in his blood sacrifice at the enemy's shrine. Note 1: Zhang Qian's peril won him a marquisate; Li Guangli's flight to survive bought execution. Note 2: summation of the thirty-first paired biography.
236
〔一〕李奇曰：「李廣利，胡殺之以血塗社也。」 師古曰：「釁者，以血祭耳，非塗之血也。」
[1] Li Qi says: "The Xiongnu killed Li Guangli and used his blood to smear their earth altar." Yan Shigu says: "Xin means a blood offering, not merely smearing with blood."
237
〔二〕師古曰：「每，貪也。 張騫致死封侯，李廣利求生而死也。」
Yan Shigu: "mei" is grasping life. Zhang Qian faced death and was enfeoffed; Li Guangli sought life and died."
238
烏呼史遷，薰胥以刑！ 〔一〕幽而發憤，乃思乃精，錯綜群言，古今是經，勒成一家，大略孔明。 〔二〕述司馬遷傳第三十二。
Ban Gu laments Sima Qian's castration. From disgrace Sima Qian forged the Shiji, ordering all voices into a single comprehensive history. Note 2: summation of the thirty-second biography.
239
〔一〕晉灼曰：「齊、韓、魯詩作薰。 薰，帥也，從人得罪相坐之刑也。」 師古曰：「晉說近是矣。 詩小雅雨無正之篇曰『若此無罪，淪胥以鋪』。 胥，相也。 鋪，遍也。 言無罪之人，遇於亂政，橫相牽率，遍得罪也。 韓詩淪字作薰。 薰者，謂相薰蒸，亦漸及之義耳。 此敘言史遷因坐李陵，橫得罪也。」
[1] Jin Zhuo says: "The Qi, Han, and Lu versions of the Odes write xun for this word. Xun means 'leader'—the punishment that links followers when one man offends." Yan Shigu says: "Jin's explanation is nearly right. He cites the Shijing on shared disaster for the guiltless. Xu" is the particle "together" or "one another" in that line. Yan Shigu: "pu" means universal extension. The ode pictures the innocent swept up when government turns vicious. A variant graph appears in the Han recension of the Odes. The gloss stresses cumulative, mutual ruin. This passage means that Historian Qian, because he defended Li Ling, was dragged by association into guilt."
240
〔二〕師古曰：「孔，甚也。」
Yan Shigu, note 2: "kong" intensifies—"utterly clear."
241
孝武六子，昭、齊亡嗣。 〔一〕燕剌謀逆，廣陵祝詛。 昌邑短命，昏賀失據。 戾園不幸，宣承天序。 〔二〕述武五子傳第三十三。
Of Wudi's six princes, the Zhao emperor and the Qi line died out. Note 1: Liu Dan's revolt and Liu Xu's maledictions. The deposed emperor of Changyi lasted only weeks before Huo Guang cast him down. Liu Ju's tragedy cleared the path for the future Xuandi. Note 2: summation of the thirty-third treatise.
242
〔一〕如淳曰：「昭帝及齊王無嗣也。」 師古曰：「嗣合韻音祚，」
[1] Ru Chun says: "Emperor Zhao and the king of Qi had no successors." Yan Shigu gives the rhyme reading for "heirs."
243
〔二〕師古曰：「序合韻音似豫反。」
Rhyme gloss for "sequence" in the verse.
244
六世耽耽，其欲浟浟，〔一〕文武方作，是庸四克。 〔二〕助、偃、淮南，數子之德，不忠其身，善謀於國。 〔三〕述嚴朱吾丘主父徐嚴終王賈傳第三十四。
Ban Gu paints Wudi's long reign as predatory appetite checked only when Huo Guang and his allies mastered court and camp. Note 2: frontier advisers who risked office to argue policy. Note 3: summation of the thirty-fourth grouped biography—Wudi's rhetoricians and remonstrators.
245
〔一〕師古曰：「六 （者） 謂武帝也。 易頤卦六四爻辭曰『虎視耽耽，其欲浟浟』。 耽耽，威視之貌也。 浟浟，欲利之貌也。 耽音丁含反。 浟音滌。 今易浟字作逐。」
Yan Shigu begins a gloss: "the six"— the text marks a variant "(zhe)" in the manuscript. —means Emperor Wu in this couplet. He quotes the Changes image of voracious appetite. Dan dan" is the tiger's fixed stare. You you" is greedy longing written on the face. Fanqie for "dan. Pronunciation note for "you. In today's Changes the graph you is written zhu (pursue)."
246
〔二〕晉灼曰：「方，並也。」 師古曰：「言並任文武之臣，是用克開四方也。」
Jin Zhuo: "fang" is joint action. Yan Shigu says: "It means civil and martial officers were appointed together, and by this the four quarters were opened to submission."
247
〔三〕師古曰：「淮南，謂淮南王安諫武帝不宜興兵討越也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Huainan means Prince An of Huainan remonstrating that Emperor Wu ought not raise troops to punish Yue."
248
東方贍辭，詼諧倡優，〔一〕譏苑扞偃，正諫舉郵，〔二〕懷肉汙殿，弛張沈浮。 述東方朔傳第三十五。
The court wit who played fool to speak truth: pranks, barbs at favorites, yet also the meat-in-the-sleeve episode that kept him off balance. Summation of the thirty-fifth biography.
249
〔一〕師古曰：「詼音恢。」
Pronunciation of "hui" in "huixie."
250
〔二〕師古曰：「郵與尤同。 尤，過也。」
Yan Shigu: "you" equals "fault" or "blame. You" is moral lapse."
251
葛繹內寵，屈氂王子。 〔一〕千秋時發，宜春舊仕。 〔二〕敞、義依霍，庶幾云已。 〔三〕弘惟政事，萬年容己。 咸睡厥誨，孰為不子？ 述公孫劉田楊王蔡陳鄭傳第三十六。
Gongsun He climbed through Empress Wei's kinship; Qu Mao shared that circle of privilege. Note 1: Tian Qianqiu's plea for the crown prince; Wang Xin's earlier service under Wudi. Note 2: ministers who survived by hitching to Huo Guang. Note 3: one diligent, one self-serving among the Wangs. Ban Gu asks which of these ministers heeded moral instruction like dutiful sons. Summation of the thirty-sixth grouped biography—the Huo-era court.
252
〔一〕師古曰：「公孫賀妻，衛皇后姊，故云內寵也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Gongsun He's wife was the elder sister of Empress Wei—hence 'inner favor.'"
253
〔二〕張晏曰：「千秋訟衛太子冤，發言值時也。」 師古曰：「宜春侯，王訢也。」
[2] Zhang Yan says: "Qianqiu pleaded the injustice of the Wei heir-apparent; his words hit the moment." Yan Shigu says: "The Marquis of Yichun is Wang Xin."
254
〔三〕如淳曰：「若此人等無益於治，可為庶幾而已也。」 師古曰：「敞，楊敞。 義，蔡義。」
[3] Ru Chun says: "Men like these did little for good government—they could only be ranked as 'barely adequate.'" Yan Shigu says: "Chang is Yang Chang. Yi is Cai Yi."
255
王孫臝葬，建乃斬將。 雲廷訐禹，福逾刺鳳，〔一〕是謂狂狷，敞近其衷。 〔二〕述楊胡朱梅云傳第三十七。
The frugal burial advocate and the officer who executed his corrupt superior. Zhu Yun's frontal attack on the Yu clan, Mei Fu's mockery of bogus omens, and Yang Chang's steadier bearing map onto the Analects types of reckless, cautious, and middle. Note 2: summation of the thirty-seventh grouped biography.
256
〔一〕師古曰：「逾，遠也。」
Yan Shigu: "yu" is excess or distance.
257
〔二〕師古曰：「衷，中也。 論語稱孔子曰『不得中行而與之，必也狂狷乎！』 此言朱雲以上蓋狂狷耳，云敞之操近於中行也。 衷音竹仲反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Zhong means the middle course. The Master's line on the reckless and the overly cautious. Zhu Yun embodies the reckless type; Yang Chang the steadier middle. Fanqie for "zhong."
258
博陸堂堂，受遺武皇，〔一〕擁毓孝昭，末命導揚。 〔二〕遭家不造，立帝廢王，權定社稷，配忠阿衡。 懷祿耽寵，漸化不詳，陰妻之逆，至子而亡。 〔三〕秺侯狄孥，虔恭忠信，〔四〕奕世載德，貤于子孫。 〔五〕述霍光金日磾傳第三十八。
Huo Guang at Wudi's deathbed holding the regency. Note 2: deposing Liu He, raising Xuandi—regency likened to the Shang minister. The Huo clan's arrogance and Empress Huo's attempted coup destroyed the line. Note 3: Jinti, the Huo-champion who stayed faithful; note 4: his heirs kept rank. Note 5: summation of the thirty-eighth paired biography.
259
〔一〕師古曰：「論語稱孔子曰『堂堂乎張也』，蓋美子張儀形盛也，故引之。」
"Tang tang" borrows Confucius's praise of Zizhang for Huo Guang.
260
〔二〕劉德曰：「武帝臨終之命， （也） 〔霍〕光能導達顯揚也。」
[2] Liu De says: "Emperor Wu's dying charge— a particle "(ye)" appears in some manuscripts. [Huo] Guang was able to guide and display it."
261
〔三〕師古曰：「陰謂覆蔽之也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Yin means to cover or conceal."
262
〔四〕師古曰：「匈奴休屠王之子，故曰狄孥。 秺音妒。 信，合韻音新。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "He was the son of the Xiongnu King Xiutu—hence 'barbarian nursling. Pronunciation of the fief name Du. Rhyme reading for "xin" in "faith."
263
〔五〕師古曰：「貤，延也，音弋豉反。」
Yan Shigu glosses "yi" as extending blessing downward.
264
兵家之策，惟在不戰。 營平皤皤，立功立論，〔一〕以不濟可，上諭其信。 〔二〕武賢父子，虎臣之俊。 述趙充國辛慶忌傳第三十九。
Ban Gu opens Zhao Chongguo's chapter with the art-of-war truism. Zhao Chongguo's frontier tuntian policy overrode the war party and won Xuandi. Note 2: Xin Qingji and his line of generals. Summation of the thirty-ninth paired biography.
265
〔一〕師古曰：「皤皤，白髮貌也，音蒲何反。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Po po describes white hair; it is read pu-he fan."
266
〔二〕師古曰：「春秋左氏傳晏子對齊景公曰：『君所謂可，而有不焉； 臣獻其不，以成其可。』 此敘言宣帝令擊西羌，充國不從，固上屯田之策也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Yanzi answered Duke Jing of Qi in the Zuo Commentary: 'What your lordship calls acceptable yet has its unacceptable side— The minister's duty to voice the hard half of policy. This passage describes how Emperor Xuandi ordered an attack on the western Qiang, Zhao Chongguo refused, and firmly submitted his garrison-farm plan instead."
267
義陽樓蘭，長羅昆彌，安遠日逐，義成郅支。 陳湯誕節，救在三悊； 〔一〕會宗勤事，疆外之桀。 述傅常鄭甘陳段傳第四十。
Fu Jiezi's blade in Loulan, Chang Hui's diplomacy with the Kunmi, Zheng Ji's western commandery work, and the joint strike that beheaded the northern Chanyu. Chen Tang's unauthorized strike drew capital punishment until Liu Xiang, Gu Yong, and Geng Yu spoke for him— —while Duan Huizong kept order in the far west. Summation of the fortieth grouped biography—the western adventurers.
268
〔一〕鄭氏曰：「三悊，謂劉向、谷永、耿育皆訟救湯也。」 師古曰：「誕節，言其放縱不拘也。」
[1] Zheng shi says: "The 'three in peril' means Liu Xiang, Gu Yong, and Geng Yu, who all petitioned to save Chen Tang." Yan Shigu says: "Dan jie means he was unrestrained and untrammeled."
269
不疑膚敏，應變當理，〔一〕辭霍不婚，逡遁致仕。 〔二〕疏克有終，散金娛老。 定國之祚，于其仁考。 廣德、當、宣，近於知恥。 〔三〕述雋疏于薛平彭傳第四十一。
Yu Buwei's composure at the gate, refusing Huo clan ties. Note 2: Shu Guang and his son quit wealth for obscurity. Yu Dingguo's leniency echoed his father's reputation. Three ministers who resigned rather than cling to place. Note 3: summation of the forty-first grouped biography.
270
〔一〕劉德曰：「膚，美也。 敏，疾也。 言於闕下卒變，定方遂詐，非衛太子也。」 師古曰：「詩大雅文王之篇曰『殷士膚敏』，謂微子也，故引以為辭。」
[1] Liu De says: "Fu means 'fine. Min" is alertness. It refers to settling at the palace gate a sudden alarm, proving that the man from Fangling was not the true crown prince." Yan Shigu says: "The 'King Wen' ode in the Major Odes reads, 'The Yin knight, fine and quick'—meaning Weizi; hence the citation."
271
〔二〕師古曰：「遁讀與巡同。」
Yan Shigu: "xun" equals leisurely withdrawal.
272
〔三〕晉灼曰：「當宣帝時始仕，至元帝時以歲惡民流，便乞骸骨去。 此為知恥。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 當為平當也。 宣，彭宣也。 言廣德、平當、彭宣三人不苟于祿位，並為知恥也。 本傳贊曰：『薛廣德保懸車之榮，平當逡巡有恥，彭宣見險而止：異乎苟患失之者矣。』」
[3] Jin Zhuo says: "They first took office under Xuandi and left under Yuandi when famine drove the people into flight. That would mean they knew shame." Yan Shigu says: "That explanation is wrong. Dang" is Ping Dang, not a reign name. Xuan" names Peng Xuan. The triad refused opportunistic office. Their chapter encomium reads: 'Xue Guangde kept the honor of hanging up his carriage; Ping Dang withdrew with a sense of shame; Peng Xuan stopped when he saw danger: they differed from those who fret over losing position.'"
273
四皓遯秦，古之逸民，不營不拔，嚴平、鄭真。 〔一〕吉困于賀，涅而不緇； 禹既黃髮，以德來仕。 〔二〕舍惟正身，勝死善道； 郭欽、蔣詡，近遯之好。 〔三〕述王貢兩龔鮑傳第四十二。
The Han hermits who declined the Qin and Han courts, models for later withdrawers. Wang Ji served as tutor to the dissolute Prince He of Changyi yet kept his integrity clean. Gong Yu was an old man before the court summoned him for his moral weight. Gong She chose suicide rather than serve Wang Mang. Two men who fled office rather than compromise under usurpation. Note 3: summation of the forty-second grouped biography—the late Western Han moralists.
274
〔一〕應劭曰：「爵祿不能營其志，威武不能屈其身也。 易曰『不可榮以祿』，又曰『確乎不可拔也』。」
[1] Ying Shao says: "Rank and salary could not sway their purpose, nor could awe or force bend their persons. The Changes reads, 'Do not try to win them with emolument,' and again, 'Firm—unable to be uprooted.'"
275
〔二〕師古曰：「論語稱孔子曰：『不曰白乎？ 涅而不緇。』 涅，汙泥也。 可以染皂。 緇，黑色也。 言天性潔白者，雖處汙涅之中，其色不變也。 緇，合韻音側仕反。」
Yan Shigu begins the gloss on "unstained. The line on staying white in black mud." Nie" is the mire of dye vats. It can turn cloth dark. Zi" is black silk. The metaphor praises moral immunity to a rotten environment. Fanqie reading for "zi."
276
〔二〕應劭曰：「易曰『好遯君子吉』，言遭暴亂之世，好以和順遯去，不離其害也。」
[2] Ying Shao says: "The Changes reads, 'The good withdrawer, the gentleman—auspicious,' meaning that in a violent age he gladly and meekly withdraws and so escapes harm."
277
扶陽濟濟，聞詩聞禮。 玄成退讓，仍世作相。 〔一〕漢之宗廟，叔孫是謨，革自孝元，諸儒變度。 〔二〕國之誕章，博載其路。 〔三〕述韋賢傳第四十三。
The Wei clan of Fuyang studied the classics in orderly fashion. Wei Xian and Wei Xuancheng stepped aside for kin yet still rose to the highest office. Note 1: temple ritual began with Shusun Tong's precedents, then Yuan-era Confucians rewrote the rules. Note 2: the chapter traces how major ritual law took written form. Note 3: summation of the forty-third biography—the Wei ministers.
278
〔一〕師古曰：「仍， （類） 〔頻〕也。」
Yan Shigu glosses "reng"— the manuscript variant "(lei)"— —as "repeatedly," one generation after another."
279
〔二〕如淳曰：「造迭毀之 （義） 〔議〕也。」 師古曰：「謨，謀也，合韻音慕。」
[2] Ru Chun says: "They debated the doctrine of rotating destruction of ancestral temples— a lacuna marker "(yi)"— [yi]—the discussion thereof." Yan Shigu: "mo" is counsel or design.
280
〔三〕師古曰：「誕，大也。 謂憲章之大者，故廣載之。」
Yan Shigu: "dan" means grand. The "great statutes" deserve full narration."
281
高平師師，惟辟作威，圖黜凶害，天子是毗。 〔一〕博陽不伐，含弘光大，天誘其衷，慶流苗裔。 述魏相丙吉傳第四十四。
Wei Xiang and Bing Ji as chancellors who curbed ministerial power to strengthen Xuandi. Bing Ji's quiet regency earned heaven's favor for his line. Summation of the forty-fourth paired biography.
282
〔一〕鄧展曰：「師師，相師法也。」 師古曰：「尚書洪範云『惟辟作威』，言威權者，唯人君得作之耳。 詩小雅節南山之篇曰：『尹氏太師，惟周之氐，秉國之鈞，四方是維，天子是毗。』 言大臣之職，輔佐天子者也。 此敘言魏相欲崇君道而黜私權，故引書詩以為言也。」
[1] Deng Zhan says: "Shi shi means they modeled themselves on one another as ministers." Yan Shigu says: "The 'Great Plan' in the Documents reads, 'Only the sovereign may wield awe,' meaning that awesome authority is solely the ruler's to exercise. He adds the ode on the minister as pillar. The quotation defines chancellorship. This passage means that Wei Xiang wished to exalt the royal Way and suppress private power, hence he cited Documents and Odes."
283
占往知來，幽贊神明，〔一〕苟非其人，道不虛行。 〔二〕學微術昧，或見仿佛，疑殆匪闕，違眾迕世，〔三〕淺為尤悔，深作敦害。 〔四〕述眭兩夏侯京翼李傳第四十五。
Opening lines on Han yijing masters: divination requires moral fitness. Note 2: charlatans who misread portents; note 3: light mistakes cost careers, grave ones cost lives. Note 4: summation of the forty-fifth grouped biography—the prognosticators.
284
〔一〕師古曰：「易上繫辭曰『神以知來，知以藏往』，言蓍卦之德兼神知也。 說卦曰『昔者聖人之作易也，幽贊於神明而生蓍』，言欲深致神明之道，助以成教，故為蓍卜也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The Great Treatise on the Changes reads, 'The spirit knows what is coming; stored knowledge holds what is past,' meaning that milfoil and hexagrams unite spirit and knowledge. The 'Shuo gua' reads, 'In ancient times the sages created the Changes in order secretly to assist the gods and spirits and thereby produce milfoil,' meaning they wanted to reach the way of the gods in depth, aid in completing instruction, and therefore instituted milfoil divination."
285
〔二〕師古曰：「下繫之辭也。 言人能弘道，非其人則不能傳。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "It is a sentence from the lower Great Treatise. It means that men can enlarge the Way, but without the right men it cannot be transmitted."
286
〔三〕師古曰：「論語稱孔子曰：『多聞闕疑，慎言其餘則寡尤； 多見闕殆，慎行其餘則寡悔。』 殆，危也。 謂有疑則闕之也。 此敘言術士不闕疑殆，故遭禍難也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "The Analects records Confucius saying, 'Hear much and leave doubtful points blank—speak cautiously of the rest and you will have few faults; The paired line on suspending judgment in action." Dai" means risky uncertainty. Suspend judgment when evidence is unclear. This passage means that the technicians did not leave doubtful or dangerous points blank, and therefore met calamity."
287
〔四〕師古曰：「尤，過也。 敦，厚也。」
Yan Shigu: "you" is error. Dun" here means grave consequence."
288
廣漢尹京，克聰克明； 延壽作翊，既和且平。 矜能訐上，俱陷極刑。 翁歸承風，帝揚厥聲。 〔一〕敞； 亦平平，文雅自贊； 〔二〕尊實赳赳，邦家之彥； 〔三〕章死非罪，士民所歎。 述趙尹韓張兩王傳第四十六。
Two famous prefects for stern justice. Han Yanshou balanced firmness with fairness in the Sanfu region. Guanghan and Yanshou died for denouncing the powerful. Yin Wenggui won imperial praise for upright rule. Zhang— —Zhang Chang balanced the law with literary polish. Note 2: Wang Zun's fearless integrity. Note 3: Wang Zhang's unjust execution drew public lament. Summation of the forty-sixth grouped biography—the harsh magistrates.
289
〔一〕張晏曰：「受任為右扶風，卒，宣帝下詔褒揚，賜金百斤。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "When he died in office as right superintendent of the capital, Emperor Xuandi issued an edict praising him and gave a hundred jin of gold."
290
〔二〕師古曰：「平讀曰便。 便，辯也。 贊，助也，以文雅助治 （述） 〔術〕也。 一說，贊，進也，以文雅自進也。」
Yan Shigu: "ping" sounds like "bian" (glib). Bian" is fluent speech. Zan" means he advanced governance through polish— the manuscript reads "(shu)"— —meaning rhetorical skill in administration. Another reading: zan means to advance—he advanced himself through literary grace."
291
〔三〕師古曰：「赳赳，材勁貌也，音糾。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Jiu jiu describes stalwart vigor; it is read jiu."
292
寬饒正色，國之司直。 豐繄好剛，輔亦慕直。 〔一〕皆陷狂狷，不典不式。 〔二〕崇執言責，隆持官守。 〔三〕寶曲定陵，並有立志。 〔四〕述蓋諸葛劉鄭毋將孫何傳第四十七。 〔五〕
Gai Kuanrao remonstrated without flinching. Zhuge Feng's harsh integrity and Zheng Chong's straight speech. Note 1: their bluntness crossed into rashness. He Chong and Wu Jianglong defended bureaucratic duty. Sun Bao yielded tactically to powerful cliques but kept inner resolve. Note 4: summation of the forty-seventh grouped biography. Note 5: no further gloss in this edition.
293
〔一〕師古曰：「繄，是也，音烏奚反。」
Particle gloss for "yi" in the verse.
294
〔二〕師古曰：「典，經也。 式，法也。」
Yan Shigu: "dian" is classical standard. Shi" is lawful form."
295
〔三〕如淳曰：「崇為尚書僕射，是言責之官也。 哀帝及傅太后欲封從弟商，崇諫不聽也。」 晉灼曰：「隆諫武庫兵不宜以給董賢家，此為持官守也。」
[3] Ru Chun says: "Chong was vice-director of the Secretariat—an office that carried speaking responsibility. When Emperor Ai and Grand Empress Dowager Fu wished to ennoble Fu Shang, Chong remonstrated and was ignored." Jin Zhuo says: "Long remonstrated that armory weapons should not be issued to Dong Xian's household—that is holding fast to official duty."
296
〔四〕鄧展曰：「孫寶曲橈定陵侯淳于長也。」 晉灼曰：「何並斬侍中王林卿奴，是立志也。」
[4] Deng Zhan says: "Sun Bao temporized before Dingling marquis Chunyu Zhang." Jin Zhuo says: "He Bing executed the slave of palace attendant Wang Linqing—that showed settled purpose."
297
〔五〕師古曰：「本傳毋將隆在孫寶下。 今此敘云毋將孫何，是敘誤也。」
[5] Yan Shigu says: "In the main biography Wu Jianglong comes after Sun Bao. Here the summation reads Wu Jianglong Sun He, which is a mistake in the sequence."
298
長倩懙懙，覿霍不舉，〔一〕遇宣乃拔，傅元作輔，不圖不慮，見躓石、許。 〔二〕述蕭望之傳第四十八。
Xiao Wangzhi's cautious rise, then ruin at the hands of Shi Xian and the Xu clan. Note 2: summation of the forty-eighth biography.
299
〔一〕蘇林曰：「懙懙，行步安舒也。」 師古曰：「不肯露索而見霍光，故不得大官也。 懙音弋於反。」
[1] Su Lin says: "Yi yi describes a calm, measured gait." Yan Shigu says: "He refused to submit to a body search when visiting Huo Guang, and therefore never won high office. Fanqie for "yi."
300
〔二〕師古曰：「詩小雅雨無正之篇云『旻天疾威，不慮不圖』也。 慮，思也。 圖，謀也。 言幽王見天之威，不思謀也。 此敘言望之思謀不詳，卒為石顯及許史所顛躓也。 躓音竹二反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Rain Without Order' ode in the Minor Odes reads, 'August Heaven, fierce in its might, shows no forethought, no planning. Lu" is reflection. Tu" is deliberate counsel. The ode blames Zhou's last king. Ban Gu applies the ode to Xiao's political naivete. Fanqie for "zhi" (stumble)."
301
子明光光，發跡西疆，列於禦侮，厥子亦良。 述馮奉世傳第四十九。
Feng Fengshi's western campaigns and his capable heirs. Summation of the forty-ninth biography.
302
宣之四子，淮陽聰敏，〔一〕舅氏蘧蒢，幾陷大理。 〔二〕楚孝惡疾，東平失軌，〔三〕中山凶短，母歸戎里。 〔四〕元之二王，孫後大宗，〔五〕昭而不穆，大命更登。 〔六〕述宣元六王傳第五十。
Liu Qin's quick mind nearly trapped him in a legal case involving kin. Note 2: Liu Dan's illness and Liu Yu's derangement; note 3: Liu Jing's short life and his Xiongnu-born mother. Note 4: two Yuandi princes supplied heirs when the imperial line faltered; note 5: with no son to continue the temple alternation, the crown passed to Ai and Ping from the cadet houses. Note 6: summation of the fiftieth treatise.
303
〔一〕師古曰：「敏，疾也，合韻音美。」
Rhyme gloss for "min" (keen).
304
〔二〕師古曰：「蘧蒢，口柔，觀人顏色而為辭佞者也。 言淮陽憲王舅張博為諂辭，幾陷王於大罪也。 蘧音渠。 蒢音除。 幾音鉅依反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "Qu chu means 'soft of mouth'—watching another's expression to shape flattering words. Zhang Bo's schemes almost ruined Liu Qin. Pronunciation of "qu. Pronunciation of "chu. Fanqie for "ji" (nearly)."
305
〔三〕師古曰：「惡疾謂眚病也。 軌，法則也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Evil illness means the eye-disease affliction. Gui" is proper track—Prince Xiang of Dongping lost it."
306
〔四〕張晏曰：「戎氏女歸戎氏之里也。」
[4] Zhang Yan says: "The Rong woman's daughter returned to the Rong hamlet."
307
〔五〕孟康曰：「謂哀、平帝。」
[5] Meng Kang says: "It refers to Emperors Ai and Ping."
308
〔六〕鄧展曰：「昭而不穆，有父無子。」 張晏曰：「大命，帝位也。」 師古曰：「更音工衡反。」
[6] Deng Zhan says: "Shining without solemn means there was a father but no son." Zhang Yan: "great mandate" means the crown. Fanqie for "geng" (to change).
309
樂安褏褏，古之文學，〔一〕民具爾瞻，困于二司。 〔二〕安昌貨殖，朱雲作娸。 〔三〕博山惇慎，受莽之疚。 〔四〕述匡張孔馬傳第五十一。
Kuang Heng's literary fame could not save him from Wang Zun and Wang Jun's impeachments. Zhang Yu's wealth-seeking and Zhu Yun's demand to execute him. Kong Guang bent to Mang and stained a cautious career. Note 4: summation of the fifty-first grouped biography.
310
〔一〕師古曰：「褏褏，盛貌也，音弋 （敘） 〔救〕反。 學，合韻音下教反。」
Yan Shigu begins the fanqie for "you"— the manuscript reads "(xu)"— —completing the fanqie syllable. Rhyme reading for "xue" (learning)."
311
〔二〕師古曰：「詩小雅節南山之篇曰『赫赫師尹，民具爾瞻』，言師尹之任，位尊職重，下所瞻望，而乃為不善乎，深責之也。 此敘言匡衡失德，不終相位，故引以為辭耳。 二司者，司隸校尉王尊劾奏衡追奏石顯揚著先帝任用傾覆之臣，司隸校尉王駿劾奏衡專地盜土也。 司，合韻音先寺反。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Jie Nanshan' ode in the Minor Odes reads, 'Awesome is Grand Tutor Yin—the people all look to you,' meaning that Yin, holding a heavy post on which all eyes rested, yet did evil—deeply blamed. The parallel rebukes Kuang Heng's fall. The legal counts against Kuang Heng are spelled out. Rhyme gloss for "si" in "two prosecutors."
312
〔三〕晉灼曰：「娸，醜也。」 師古曰：「朱雲廷言欲斬張禹，是為醜惡之娸，音欹，合韻音丘吏反。」
Jin Zhuo: "qi" is disgrace. Yan Shigu says: "When Zhu Yun spoke in court that he wished to behead Zhang Yu, that was an ugly scandal; qi is read qi, for rhyme qiu-li fan."
313
〔四〕師古曰：「疚，病也。 孔光後更曲意從莽之欲，以病其德行也。」
Yan Shigu: "jiu" is moral ailment. Later Kong Guang bent his will to Wang Mang's desires, thereby sickening his virtue."
314
樂昌篤實，不橈不詘，遘閔既多，是用廢黜。 〔一〕武陽殷勤，輔導副君，既忠且謀，饗茲舊勳。 高武守正，因用濟身。 〔二〕述王商、史丹、傅喜傳第五十二。
Wang Shang's firmness against Wang Feng cost him his office and life. Shi Dan's steady guidance of the crown prince. Fu Xi, the steadfast high marquis, refused the Fu clique's blandishments and escaped their ruin. Note 2: summation of the fifty-second grouped biography.
315
〔一〕師古曰：「詩鄁柏舟曰『遘閔既多，受侮不少』。 遘，遇也。 閔，病也。 謂見病害甚眾也。 此敘言王商深為王鳳所排陷也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Cypress Boat' in the Yong airs reads, 'I have met afflictions many, I have received insults not a few. Gou" is encounter. Min" is harm suffered. Wang Shang was repeatedly slandered. This passage means that Wang Shang was deeply framed by Wang Feng."
316
〔二〕師古曰：「言傅喜不阿附傅太后，故得免禍。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "It means that Fu Xi would not toady to Grand Empress Dowager Fu and therefore escaped disaster."
317
高陽文法，揚鄉武略，政事之材，道德惟薄，位過厥任，鮮終其祿。 〔一〕博之翰音，鼓妖先作。 〔二〕述薛宣朱博傳第五十三。
Xue Xuan and Zhu Bo: clever administrators whose meager virtue could not carry their power. Zhu Bo's appointment was preceded by an ill-omened drum—foreshadowing his fall. Note 2: summation of the fifty-third paired biography.
318
〔一〕師古曰：「鮮，少也，音先踐反。」
Yan Shigu: "xian" is seldom.
319
〔二〕劉德曰：「易曰『翰音登于天，貞凶』。 上九處非其位，亢極，故『何可長也？』 位在上高，故曰翰音。 博拜時聞有鼓聲也。」 師古曰：「『翰音登于天』，中孚卦上九爻辭也。 翰音高飛而且鳴，喻居非其位，聲過其實也。」
[2] Liu De says: "The Changes reads, 'The high note mounts to heaven—ominous for constancy. The line text on overreaching. The image is a cock crowing sky-high. When Bo received appointment there was a sound of drums." Yan Shigu says: "'The high note mounts to heaven' is the wording of the top line of Zhong fu. A high-flying cry with a loud call likens one who sits in a post beyond his substance—reputation louder than reality."
320
高陵修儒，任刑養威，用合時宜，器周世資。 義得其勇，如虎如貔，進不跬步，宗為鯨鯢。 〔一〕述翟方進傳第五十四。
Zhai Fangjin combined classical learning with harsh legal rule. Zhai Yi's failed rising against Wang Mang destroyed his lineage. Note 1: summation of the fifty-fourth biography.
321
〔一〕師古曰：「半步曰跬，音空橤反。」
Gloss on "kui" (half-step).
322
統微政缺，災眚屢發。 永陳厥咎，戒在三七。 鄴指丁、傅，略窺占術。 述谷永杜鄴傳第五十五。
The reign's weak administration brought repeated omens. Gu Yong's memorials on portents and the cycle of Han fortune. Du Ye's barbs at the Ding and Fu cliques and his occult interests. Summation of the fifty-fifth paired biography.
323
哀、平之卹，丁、傅、莽、賢。 武、嘉戚之，乃喪厥身。 高樂廢黜，咸列貞臣。 述何武王嘉師丹傳第五十六。
The consort cliques and favorites who dominated the last Western Han years. He Wu and Wang Jia died opposing those powers. Fu Xi of Gaowu and Wang Shang of Lechang lost office for integrity yet remain models of loyalty. Summation of the fifty-sixth grouped biography.
324
淵哉若人！ 實好斯文。 初擬相如，獻賦黃門，輟而覃思，草法篹玄，〔一〕斟酌六經，放易象論，〔二〕潛于篇籍，以章厥身。 〔三〕述揚雄傳第五十七。
Ban Gu's exclamation opening Yang Xiong's summation. Yang Xiong's devotion to letters. From court poet to philosopher: Fa yan, Tai xuan, and synthetic classical scholarship. Note 3: summation of the fifty-seventh biography.
325
〔一〕師古曰：「輟，止也。 篹與撰同。 言止不復作賦，草創法言及撰太玄經也。」
Yan Shigu: "chuo" is cease. Zhuan" equals compile. It means he ceased writing fu and in rough draft produced the Fa yan and composed the Tai xuan jing."
326
〔二〕師古曰：「放音甫往反。 論，論語也。」
Fanqie for "fang" (to model on). Lun" names the Analects."
327
〔三〕師古曰：「章，明也。」
Yan Shigu: "zhang" is display.
328
獷獷亡秦，滅我聖文，〔一〕漢存其業，六學析分。 是綜是理，是綱是紀，師徒彌散，著其終始。 〔二〕述儒林傳第五十八。
Qin's burn and Han's recovery through competing exegetical lineages. The chapter traces how classical learning ramified. Note 2: summation of the fifty-eighth treatise.
329
〔一〕師古曰：「獷獷，麤惡之貌。 言無親也。 獷音穬，又音九永反。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "Guang guang describes a coarse, brutal look. Qin rule was inhuman. Double reading for "guang."
330
〔二〕師古曰：「散謂分派也。」
Yan Shigu: "san" is dispersal of schools.
331
誰毀誰譽，譽其有試。 〔一〕泯泯群黎，化成良吏。 〔二〕淑人君子，時同功異。 沒世遺愛，民有餘思。 述循吏傳第五十九。
Opening line on testing officials, from the Analects frame. Note 1: the people shaped by humane local rule. Note 2: virtuous officers compared across regions. The enduring memory of model governors. Summation of the fifty-ninth treatise.
332
〔一〕師古曰：「論語稱孔子曰：『吾之於人，誰毀誰譽，如有所譽，其有所試。』 此敘言人之從政，可試而知，故引以為辭也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The Analects records Confucius saying, 'In my dealings with others, whom do I blame, whom do I praise? If I praise someone, he has been put to the test. This passage means that conduct in office can be known by trial, hence the quotation."
333
〔二〕師古曰：「黎，眾也。 言群眾無知，從吏之化而成俗也。」
Yan Shigu: "li" is the common people. It means the masses, knowing nothing, followed their magistrates' transformation and formed custom."
334
上替下陵，姦軌不勝，猛政橫作，刑罰用興。 曾是強圉，掊克為雄，〔一〕報虐以威，殃亦凶終。 〔二〕述酷吏傳第六十。
The age that bred cruel officials. Note 1: the harsh prefects who reaped what they sowed. Note 2: summation of the sixtieth treatise.
335
〔一〕師古曰：「詩大雅蕩之篇曰『曾是強圉，曾是掊克』。 強圉，強梁禦善也。 掊克，好聚斂，克害人也。 言任用此人為虐於下也。 掊音平侯反。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Bo' ode in the Major Odes reads, 'Such were the tyrants, such were the extortioners. Gloss on tyrannical types. Extortioners who grind the people. The court empowered predators. Fanqie for "pou."
336
〔二〕師古曰：「尚書呂刑曰『皇帝哀矜庶戮之不辜，報虐以威』，言哀閔不辜之人橫被殺戮，乃報答為虐者以威而誅絕也。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Lu Xing' in the Documents reads, 'The August One pitied the multitude of guiltless slaughter and repaid cruelty with awe,' meaning he pitied the innocent massacred and in turn wiped out the cruel with terrifying force."
337
四民食力，罔有兼業，大不淫侈，細不匱乏，蓋均無貧，遵王之法。 〔一〕靡法靡度，民肆其詐，〔二〕偪上并下，荒殖其貨。 〔三〕侯服玉食，敗俗傷化。 〔四〕述貨殖傳第六十一。
Ideal economy: farmers, artisans, merchants, and scholars each in one occupation without monopoly or extremes. Note 1: when regulation failed, fraud and concentration of wealth followed. Note 3: luxury commerce corrupts mores—the moral of the money-makers chapter. Note 4: summation of the sixty-first treatise.
338
〔一〕師古曰：「論語稱孔子曰『蓋均無貧』，言為政平均不相陵奪，則無貧匱之人也，故引之。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The Analects records Confucius saying, 'When government is equitable there is no poverty'—meaning that when rule is even and men do not plunder one another, there are none who lack; hence he cites it."
339
〔二〕師古曰：「肆，極也。」
Yan Shigu: "si" is excess or utmost.
340
〔三〕師古曰：「荒，大也。」
Yan Shigu: "huang" magnifies hoarding.
341
〔四〕張晏曰：「玉食，珍食也。」
[4] Zhang Yan says: "Jade-table fare means rare delicacies."
342
開國承家，有法有制，家不臧甲，國不專殺。 〔一〕矧乃齊民，作威作惠，〔二〕如台不匡，禮法是謂！ 〔三〕述游俠傳第六十二。
The opening maxim on lawful violence and private arms. Note 1: knights usurp royal prerogatives; note 2: the rhetorical question condemns lawless bravado. Note 3: summation of the sixty-second treatise.
343
〔一〕師古曰：「殺，合韻音所例反。」
Rhyme gloss for "kill" in the verse.
344
〔二〕師古曰：「矧，況也。 齊民，齊等之人也。」
Yan Shigu: "shen" intensifies the question. Commoners" are those outside the nobility."
345
〔三〕如淳曰：「台，我也。 我，國家也。」 師古曰：「匡，正也。 台音怡。」
Ru Chun begins a gloss on "tai. The pronoun stands for the body politic." Yan Shigu: "kuang" is set aright. Pronunciation note for "tai" in the rhetorical question."
346
彼何人斯，竊此富貴！ 營損高明，作戒後世。 〔一〕述佞幸傳第六十三。
Ban Gu's sneer at the imperial favorites. Their flattery brought down great men and became a cautionary tale. Note 1: summation of the sixty-third treatise.
347
〔一〕師古曰：「詩小雅巧言之篇，刺讒人也。 其詩曰：『彼何人斯？ 居河之麋。』 賤而惡之也。 此敘亦深疾佞幸之人。 故引詩文以譏之。 營，惑也。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "The 'Clever Words' ode in the Minor Odes satirizes slanderers. The ode's opening question. The line locates the slanderers in a low haunt. The poem heaps scorn on them. Ban Gu applies the ode to the bedchamber upstarts. The quotation frames the chapter judgment. Yan Shigu: "ying" is beguilement."
348
於惟帝典，戎夷猾夏； 〔一〕周宣攘之，亦列風雅。 〔二〕宗幽既昏，淫於褒女，〔三〕戎敗我驪，遂亡酆鄗。 〔四〕大漢初定，匈奴強盛，圍我平城，寇侵邊境。 〔五〕至于孝武，爰赫斯怒，王師雷起，霆擊朔野。 〔六〕宣承其末，乃施洪德，震我威靈，五世來服。 〔七〕王莽竊命，是傾是覆，備其變理，為世典式。 述匈奴傳第六十四。
The Shun dian warning against border raiders. Note 1: Xuan's campaigns entered the classical odes. Note 2: You's folly; note 3: the sack of western Zhou. Note 4: Gaozu's early humiliation. Note 5: Wudi's northern wars. Note 6: peaceful submission from Xuandi through Ping. Note 7: Mang's usurpation ends the narrative with a moral archive. Summation of the sixty-fourth treatise.
349
〔一〕師古曰：「於，歎辭也。 帝典，虞書舜典也。 載舜命咎繇作士，戒之曰：『蠻夷猾夏。』 猾，亂也。 夏，諸夏也。 於讀曰烏。」
Yan Shigu: "yu" opens a sigh. He identifies the classical passage. The quoted charge to Gao Yao. In this charge the word names barbarian raids that throw the Hua lands into chaos. Xia" is the central states. Exclamation read as "wu."
350
〔二〕師古曰：「攘，卻也。」
Yan Shigu: "rang" is repulse.
351
〔三〕師古曰：「宗幽，幽王居宗周也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "Zong You means King You dwelling at Zong Zhou."
352
〔四〕張晏曰：「申侯與戎共伐周，敗於驪山下，遂殺幽王。 平王東徙都成周。」
[4] Zhang Yan says: "Marquis Shen joined the Rong in attacking Zhou; they were defeated below Mount Li and there slew King You. King Ping moved east and fixed his capital at Cheng Zhou."
353
〔五〕師古曰：「境合韻音竟。」
Rhyme note for "border."
354
〔六〕師古曰：「霆，疾雷也，音廷。」
[6] Yan Shigu says: "Ting means sudden thunder; it is read ting."
355
〔七〕師古曰：「自宣至平凡五帝。」
[7] Yan Shigu says: "From Xuandi through Ping there were five emperors."
356
西南外夷，種別域殊。 南越尉佗，自王番禺，攸攸外寓，閩越、東甌。 〔一〕爰洎朝鮮，燕之外區。 漢興柔遠，與爾剖符。 〔二〕皆恃其岨，乍臣乍驕，孝武行師，誅滅海隅。 述西南夷兩越朝鮮傳第六十五。
Opening of the southern frontier survey. The Nanyue kingdom and its neighbors. Note 1: the Korean commandery tradition. Early Han enfeoffed native rulers with bronze tallies. Note 2: Wudi's conquests along the south and southeast. Summation of the sixty-fifth treatise.
357
〔一〕師古曰：「攸攸，遠貌。」
[1] Yan Shigu says: "You you describes a distant look."
358
〔二〕師古曰：「柔，安也。 剖符，謂封之也。」
Yan Shigu: "rou" is gentle pacification. Po fu means to enfeoff them with tallies."
359
西戎即序，夏后是表。 〔一〕周穆觀兵，荒服不旅。 〔二〕漢武勞神，圖遠甚勤。 王師驒驒，致誅大宛。 〔三〕姼姼公主，乃女烏孫，〔四〕使命乃通，條支之瀕。 〔五〕昭、宣承業，都護是立，總督城郭，三十有六，修奉朝貢，各以其職。 述西城傳第六十六。
Yu the Great's ordering of western tribes. King Mu's overreach and the Rong's refusal to attend. Wudi's obsessive western campaigns. The Ferghana expedition's toll on men and horses. Note 3: the Heqin princess; note 4: envoys to the Persian Gulf. The Western Regions protectorate under steady Han rule. Summation of the sixty-sixth treatise.
360
〔一〕張晏曰：「表，外也。 禹就敘以為外國也。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 表，明也，明以德化也。」
Zhang Yan misreads "biao" as outer. Yu arrayed them as foreign states." Yan Shigu says: "That explanation is wrong. Biao means 'to display'—to make clear through moral transformation."
361
〔二〕張晏曰：「觀，示也。 旅，陳也。 犬戎終王而朝周，穆王以不享征之，是以荒服不陳於廷也。」
[2] Zhang Yan says: "Guan means to display. Lu" is marshal for review. The Dog Rong ended their royal audience at Zhou; King Mu punished them for not offering tribute, hence the wasteland domains did not rank themselves at court."
362
〔三〕鄭氏曰：「驒驒，盛也。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 小雅四牡之詩曰：『四牡騑騑，驒驒駱馬。』 驒驒，喘息之貌。 馬勞則喘，此敘言漢遠征西域，人馬疲弊也。 驒音它丹反。」
[3] Zheng shi says: "Tuo tuo means grand or abundant." Yan Shigu says: "That explanation is wrong. He cites the Mao ode. The horses are winded, not merely numerous. The image stresses fatigue, not glory. Fanqie for "tuo."
363
〔四〕孟康曰：「姼音題。 姼姼、惕惕，愛也。」 師古曰：「此說非也。 姼音上支反。 姼姼，好貌也。 魏詩葛屨之篇曰『好人提提』，音義同耳。 女，妻也，音乃據反。 言漢以好女配烏孫也。」
[4] Meng Kang says: "Chi is read ti. Chi chi and ti ti mean affection." Yan Shigu says: "That explanation is wrong. Correct pronunciation. The princess's beauty, not mere affection. Parallel from another ode. The verb for sending a bride. It means Han matched a lovely girl to the Wusun ruler."
364
〔五〕師古曰：「瀕，涯也，音頻，又音賓。」
[5] Yan Shigu says: "Bin means shore; it is read pin, also bin."
365
詭矣禍福，刑于外戚。 〔一〕高后首命，呂宗顛覆。 薄姬 〈礈，去辶〉 魏，宗文產德。 〔二〕竇后違意，考盤于代。 〔三〕王氏仄微，世武作嗣。 子夫既興，扇而不終。 〔四〕鉤弋憂傷，孝昭以登。 上官幼尊，類禡厥宗。 〔五〕史娣、王悼，身遇不祥，及宣饗國，二族後光。 恭哀產元，夭而不遂。 邛成乘序，履尊三世。 〔六〕飛燕之妖，禍成厥妹。 丁、傅僭恣，自求凶害。 中山無辜，乃喪馮、衛。 〔七〕惠張、景薄，武陳、宣霍，成許、哀傅，平王之作，事雖歆羨，非天所度〔八〕。 怨咎若茲，如何不恪！ 〔九〕述外戚傳第六十七。
Opening of the consort-kin summation. Lü Zhi's line destroyed after her death. Empress Dowager Bo, mother of Emperor Wen. 〈The edition shows a damaged character cluster between names.〉 The Wei consort connection that produced a sage-line son. Dou Yifang's withdrawal to the prince of Dai's court. The Wang consorts who led to Emperor Wu. The rise and tragic fall of the Wei clan. Wudi killed Gouyi so the young Zhao emperor could succeed. The regent Shangguan clan's swift ruin. Xuandi's humble mothers' kin rewarded after his accession. Empress Xu who died before her son ruled. The Wang Zhengjun line's long dominance. Zhao Feiyan and the Zhaoyi consort's witchcraft scandal. The late Western Han consort cliques that invited catastrophe. The innocent Zhongshan line lost Consort Feng Zhaoyi and Queen Wei to factional murder. Note 7: the roster of empress lines from early Han to Wang Zhengjun; note 8: seven women who reached supreme rank without heaven's lasting mandate. Ban Gu's moral exclamation on consort power. Note 9: summation of the sixty-seventh treatise.
366
〔一〕師古曰：「詭，違也。 言禍福相違，終始不一也。」
Yan Shigu: "gui" is contrariety. It means fortune and disaster pull apart and never stay one course."
367
〔二〕如淳曰：「薄姬在魏，許負相，當生天子。 魏豹聞負言，不與漢，遂禽而死也。」 師古曰： 「〈礈，去辶〉 ，古墜字。」
[2] Ru Chun says: "When Lady Bo was in Wei, physiognomist Xu Fu read her face and said she would bear the Son of Heaven. Wei Bao heard Xu's words, refused to side with Han, was captured, and died." Yan Shigu continues: 〈A damaged character in the manuscript marks the old graph for "fall."〉 The graph means "to plummet" or "ruin."
368
〔三〕師古曰：「詩衛風曰『考盤在澗』。 考，成也。 盤，樂也。 此敘言竇姬初欲適趙，而向代，違其本意，卒以成樂也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "The Wei air 'Kao pan' reads, 'Kao pan in the mountain stream. Kao" is completion or settlement. Pan" is contentment. This passage means that Lady Dou first wished to go to Zhao but was sent toward Dai against her wish, yet in the end it brought her joy."
369
〔四〕師古曰：「扇，熾也。」
Yan Shigu: "shan" is fanning a flame—here the rise of Wei Zifu.
370
〔五〕應劭曰：「詩云『是類是禡』。 禮，將征伐，告天而祭謂之類，告以事類也。 至所征伐之地，表而祭之謂之禡。 禡者，馬也。 馬者兵之首，故祭其先神也。 言上官后雖幼尊貴，家族以惡逆誅滅也。」 師古曰：「禡音莫暇反。」
[5] Ying Shao says: "The Odes read, 'We offer the lei sacrifice, we offer the ma sacrifice. The lei announcement rite. The ma field sacrifice. The word ties to the horse as chief of weapons. Etymology of the ma rite. It means that although the Shangguan empress was honored while young, her clan was exterminated for treason like a nailed offering." Fanqie for "ma" in the sacrifice name.
371
〔六〕張晏曰：「至成帝乃崩也。」 師古曰：「乘序，謂登至尊之處也。」
[6] Zhang Yan says: "Only under Emperor Cheng did she finally die." Yan Shigu: "cheng xu" is mounting the throne.
372
〔七〕師古曰：「馮昭儀，中山孝王母也，為傅氏所陷。 衛姬，中山孝王后也，為王莽所滅。」
[7] Yan Shigu says: "Consort Zhao Feng was mother to Filial King of Zhongshan and was framed by the Fu clan. Consort Wei was queen to Filial King of Zhongshan and was destroyed by Wang Mang."
373
〔八〕師古曰：「作，起也。 度，居也。 言惠帝至平帝王皇后七人，時雖處尊位，人心羨慕，以非天意所居，故終用不昌也。 度音徒各反。」
Yan Shigu: "zuo" is rise or begin. Du" is abide or occupy. The seven short-lived empress houses. Fanqie for "du" in this sense."
374
〔九〕師古曰：「恪，敬也。」
Yan Shigu: "ke" is scrupulous awe.
375
元后娠母，月精見表。 〔一〕遭成之逸，政自諸舅。 〔二〕陽平作威，誅加卿宰。 〔三〕成都煌煌，假我明光。 〔四〕曲陽 （攜攜） 〔歊歊〕，亦朱其堂。 〔五〕新都亢極，作亂以亡。 述元后傳第六十八。
Auspicious dream or omen at Wang Zhengjun's conception. Chengdi abandoned duty to the Wang clan. Wang Mang's arrogance and murders at court. Wang Shun's borrowed glory under the Wang regency. Quyang— the manuscript variant "(xiexie)"— —Wang Gen's mansion rivaled the palace in splendor. Wang Mang's usurpation and fall. Summation of the sixty-eighth biography.
376
〔一〕師古曰：「娠音身。」
Pronunciation gloss for "shen" (pregnancy).
377
〔二〕師古曰：「言成帝貪自逸樂，而委政於王氏。」
[2] Yan Shigu says: "It means that Emperor Cheng indulged his own ease and pleasure and handed government to the Wang clan."
378
〔三〕師古曰：「謂王商及王章也。」
[3] Yan Shigu says: "It refers to Wang Shang and Wang Zhang."
379
〔四〕師古曰：「煌煌，熾貌。」
[4] Yan Shigu says: "Huang huang describes a blazing look."
380
〔五〕師古曰： 「（攜攜） 〔歊歊〕，氣盛也，音許驕反。」
Yan Shigu, note 5: "(xie xie) [xiao xiao] means surging vigor; it is read xu-jiao fan."
381
咨爾賊臣，篡漢滔天，行驕夏癸，虐烈商辛。 〔一〕偽稽黃、虞，繆稱典文，〔二〕眾怨神怒，惡復誅臻。 〔三〕百王之極，究其姦昏。 述王莽傳第六十九。
Ban Gu's curse on Wang Mang. Note 1: Mang's forged antiquarianism; note 2: popular and cosmic retribution. Note 3: Mang as worst of tyrants. Summation of the sixty-ninth biography.
382
〔一〕張晏曰：「桀名癸，紂名辛。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "Jie's name was Gui; Zhou's name was Xin."
383
〔二〕師古曰：「稽，考也。」
Yan Shigu: "ji" is scrutiny.
384
〔三〕張晏曰：「復，周也。 臻，至也。 十二歲歲星一復，莽稱帝十三歲而見誅也。 左氏傳曰『美惡周必復』。」 師古曰：「復音扶目反。」
[3] Zhang Yan says: "Fu means a full cycle. Zhen" is reaching the limit. The numerological gloss on Mang's thirteen-year reign. The Zuo Commentary says, 'Good and evil must cycle round.'" Fanqie for "fu" (cycle).
385
凡漢書，敘帝皇，〔一〕列官司，建侯王。 〔二〕準天地，統陰陽，〔三〕闡元極，步三光。 〔四〕分州域，物土疆，〔五〕窮人理，該萬方。 〔六〕緯六經，綴道綱，〔七〕總百氏，贊篇章。 〔八〕函雅故，通古今，〔九〕正文字，惟學林。 〔一〇〕述敘傳第七十。
Opening of the meta-summation: annals and tables. Treatises on cosmology and calendrics. Geography and ritual geography of the realm. Bibliographic and intellectual synthesis. Philological scope and the treatise on characters. Note 10: this summation closes Ban Gu's own chapter.
386
〔一〕張晏曰：「十二紀也。」
[1] Zhang Yan says: "Meaning the twelve annals."
387
〔二〕張晏曰：「百官表及諸侯王表也。」
[2] Zhang Yan says: "The tables of offices and of nobles and kings."
388
〔三〕張晏曰：「準天地，天文志也。 統，合也。 陰陽，五行志也。」
[3] Zhang Yan says: "Align with heaven and earth—the treatise on astronomy. Tong" is unify. Yin and yang—the treatise on the five phases."
389
〔四〕張晏曰：「闡，大也。 元，始也。 極，至也。 三光，日月星也。 大推上極元始以來，及星辰度數，謂律曆志。」
[4] Zhang Yan says: "Chan means to enlarge. Yuan" is origin. Ji" is the farthest reach. The celestial triad. Broadly tracing from the primal beginning through the degrees of the stars and luminaries—this is the treatise on harmonics and the calendar."
390
〔五〕張晏曰：「地理及溝洫志也。」
[5] Zhang Yan says: "The treatises on geography and on ditches and conduits."
391
〔六〕張晏曰：「人理，古今人表。 萬方，謂郊祀志有日月星辰天下山川人鬼之神。」
[6] Zhang Yan says: "Human principle means the table of past and present men. The myriad regions means the treatise on suburban sacrifices, which includes gods of sun, moon, stars, mountains, rivers, and human ghosts under heaven."
392
〔七〕張晏曰：「藝文志也。」
[7] Zhang Yan says: "The treatise on literature."
393
〔八〕師古曰：「贊，明也。」
Yan Shigu: "zan" is elucidate.
394
〔九〕張晏曰：「包含雅訓之故，及古今之語。」
[9] Zhang Yan says: "It embraces elegant glosses of old and connects ancient and modern speech."
395
〔一〇〕師古曰：「信惟文學之林藪也。 凡此總說帝紀、表、志、列傳，備有天地鬼神人事，政治道德，術藝文章。 汎而言之，盡在漢書耳，亦不皆如張氏所說也。」
[10] Yan Shigu says: "It is indeed a forest-grove of literary learning. Comprehensive scope of the Hanshu. Speaking broadly, all lies within the Hanshu—not every detail matches Zhang's list alone."
396
校勘記
Editorial section: textual variants from Song editions.
397
四二三六頁四行不言 （然） 〔作〕而改言述，景祐本作「作」。
Collation entry locating a variant. Lacuna marker "(ran)" in the apparatus. Collation note: the graph for "make" was altered to read "narrate"; the Jingyou edition preserves "make" for the original wording.
398
四二三八頁三行誰 （能） 〔可〕任用，景祐、殿本都作「可」。 王先謙說作「可」是。
Collation: particle variant in a rhetorical question. Apparatus marker "(neng)." Variant reading "ke" for fitness to office. Wang Xianqian says the reading 'ke' is correct.
399
四二三九頁八行一曰 （王） 〔主〕奄閉門者。 景祐、殿本都作「主」，此誤。
Collation note opening. Marker "(wang)" in the collation. Emendation from "wang" to "zhu" (gatekeeper). Witnesses prefer "zhu."
400
四二四〇頁六行言其自號 （寧） 〔宰〕衡，景祐、殿、局本都作「宰」，此誤。
Collation on Wang Mang's title. Apparatus "(ning)." The correct graph is "zai" in "zaixiang" (chancellor), not "ning."
401
四二四三頁四行秦文公造 （四） 〔西〕畤祭天是也。 殿本作「西」。 王先謙說作「西」是。
Collation fragment matching an earlier lacuna about the western suburban altar. Apparatus marker "(si)" for the graph "four." The restored reading is "west" for the suburban altar. Witnesses prefer the graph meaning "western." Wang Xianqian says writing "west" is correct.
402
四二四三頁一六行 （變） 〔燮〕定東西，錢大昭說「變」當作「燮」。 按景祐、殿、局本都作「燮」。 注同。
Collation locator in the critical apparatus. Corrupt graph "(bian)" in some copies. [Xie] set east and west—Qian Dazhao says "bian" should be "xie" (harmonize). According to Jingyou, Palace, and Bureau editions all read "xie." The gloss uses the same corrected reading.
403
四二四五頁一一行言陳勝初起而項羽 （益） 〔烈〕盛也。 景祐、殿本都作「烈」。
Collation note on the Chen-Xiang couplet. Lacuna marker "(yi)" in the received text. The restored graph is "lie" (blaze, flourish). Witnesses support "lie" over the corrupt form.
404
四二四五頁一二行耳 （諫） 〔謀〕甘公，錢大昭說「諫」當作「謀」。 按景祐、殿本都作「謀」。
Collation on the particle "er" in a compound. Corrupt graph "(jian)" in the manuscript. [mou] Gan Gong—Qian Dazhao says "jian" should be "mou" (counsel). Two Song witnesses confirm "mou."
405
四二五一頁四行遻，遇 （之） 也。 景祐、殿本都無「之」字。
Collation on the Erya gloss for encounter. Extraneous particle "(zhi)" in one witness. The line ends with the classical final particle. Editors delete the spurious "zhi."
406
四二五二頁二行 （子） 〔支〕，父母之四支也。 殿本作「支」。 王先謙說作「支」是。
Collation locator. Corrupt graph "(zi)" for a body-part gloss. Jin Zhuo's gloss restored with "zhi" for branches. Palace witness reads "branches" not "limbs" in the gloss sense. Wang Xianqian says writing "zhi" is correct.
407
四二五七頁一五行六 （者） 謂武帝也。 王先謙說「六者」當為「六世」。 按景祐本無「者」字。
Collation on the numeral in the Wudi couplet. Extraneous character "(zhe)" after "six." The line should read "six generations" plus the emperor. Emendation from classifier to "generations" for sense. According to the Jingyou edition there is no "zhe" graph.
408
四二五九頁五行武帝臨終之命， （也） 〔霍〕光能導達顯揚也。 殿本「也」作「霍」。 王先謙說殿本是。
Collation on the Huo Guang gloss. Particle "(ye)" variant. Palace reading supplies the surname "Huo" for clarity. The Palace edition writes "Huo" where others have the particle "ye." Editors prefer the explicit "Huo Guang."
409
四二六一頁一行仍， （類） 〔頻〕也。 景祐、殿本都作「頻」，此誤。
Collation on the adverb "again" in the Wei Xian verse. Corrupt graph "(lei)" in place of "pin" (repeatedly). The restored reading is "pin" for successive generations. Song witnesses agree on "pin."
410
四二六一頁二行造迭毀之 （義） 〔議〕也。 景祐本作「義」，殿本作「議」。 王先謙說作「議」是。
Collation on the temple-discussion phrase. Corrupt graph "(yi)" for "discussion." Restore "yi" meaning formal debate. The Jingyou edition reads "yi" (righteousness), the Palace edition reads "yi" (deliberation). Wang Xianqian says writing "deliberation" is correct.
411
四二六二頁五行以文雅助治 （述） 〔術〕也。 景祐、殿、局本都作「術」，此誤。
Collation on the Zhang Chang gloss. Corrupt graph "(shu)" for "technique." Restore "shu" (method, art). Major witnesses agree on "shu."
412
四二六三頁一六行音弋 （敘） 〔救〕反。 景祐、殿本都作「救」，此誤。
Collation on the fanqie for the reduplication in Kuang Heng's verse. Corrupt graph "(xu)" in the pronunciation gloss. Restore "jiu" as the rime book spelling. Witnesses agree on "jiu" in the gloss.
413
四二七〇頁七行曲陽 （攜攜） 〔歊歊〕，景祐、殿本都作「歊」，此誤。
Collation on the Wang Gen couplet. Double corrupt graphs "(xiexie)" in the reduplication. [xiao xiao]—Jingyou and Palace editions both read "xiao"; this is a scribal error.