← Back to 後漢書

卷五十 孝明八王列傳

Volume 50: Biographies of Eight Princes of Xiaoming

Chapter 56 of 後漢書 ✓ Translated
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 56
Next Chapter →
1
Prince Ai of Qiansheng, Liu Jian.
2
Liu Jian, posthumously honored as Prince Ai of Qiansheng, received his fief in the third year of Yongping (60 CE). He died the following year. He was still young and left no heir, so the kingdom was abolished.
3
Prince Jing of Chen, Liu Xian.
4
鹿 輿 殿
Liu Xian, later honored as Prince Jing of Chen, was first made Prince of Guangping in the third year of Yongping (60 CE). In 78 CE officials asked that Liu Xian be sent to his fief together with the Princes of Julu and Lecheng so that all would take up residence in their kingdoms. Emperor Zhang was deeply attached to his brothers and could not bear to part with them, so every prince was allowed to remain at the capital. The next year the court consulted the territorial register and equalized the registered households of each princedom so that annual revenue from rents was set at eighty million cash for every kingdom. Liu Xian read widely in the canon, carried himself with commanding presence, and joined other scholars in disputation in the White Tiger Hall.
5
[] []西
Note 1: Guangping was a county; its old city lay north of present-day Yongnian in Hebei. Note 2: Xiping County lay within Runan commandery.
6
[] 使[]
Once Liu Jun succeeded, his conduct was often lawless; he even staged the grand archery ceremony reserved for the emperor. He was by nature devious and cruel, relished legalistic wrangling, and whenever a chancellor of two-thousand-dan rank crossed him, he would find a covert way to ruin the man. Nursing a grudge against Prince Jing's lady Li Yi and her kin, in 99 CE he sent his agent Wei Jiu (or Wen) to murder her entire household.
7
[]使 西 [] [][]祿 [] []
The authorities seized Wei Jiu and threw him into the jail at Changping. Liu Jun tried to silence the witness and hired assassins to spring Jiu from custody and murder him. The plot came to light; after officials reported it, Liu Jun was punished by forfeiture of the three counties of Xihua, Xiang, and Xinyang. In 100 CE his six younger brothers were each made full marquises. He later took Lady Li Rao, a woman dismissed from the imperial harem, as a concubine and again lost the three counties of Yu, Yilu, and Fugou as a penalty. In 113 CE Liu Anguo, a grandson of Prince Jing, was enfeoffed as Marquis of Gengting. Note 1: Before the emperor sacrifices, he selects officers for the ritual; that selection rite is the grand archery. The ceremony sets up three hides—the tiger, bear, and leopard targets—emblems of mastery over the fierce, each cut square from the animal's pelt. The musicians play "Zouyu" in nine sections. Xie Cheng records that Gao Shen, a clerk in the Chen revenue office, warned his chancellor: "Marquises shoot at pigs; the emperor shoots at bears; eight sacrificial goblets versus six wine vessels—the scales of ritual differ." Long ago the Ji family danced the Great Xia with crimson shields and jade halberds. The Zuo Tradition says, "Regalia and ritual insignia must never be loaned out." To allow this slide toward luxury and presumption would be intolerable. His protests were ignored, the prince turned on him, and he was convicted on a charge handled by the Minister of Justice.
8
[] []
Note 2: Some texts write the name as Wen instead of Jiu. Note 3: Changping County lay within the princedom of Chen.
9
[]西西 西
Note 4: The old seat of Xihua lay northwest of the Shangshui county seat in Chenzhou (one character missing in the received text). Xiang is present-day Xiangcheng in Henan. The old town of Xinyang stood southwest of Zhenyang in southern Henan.
10
[]
Note 5: The Fuhou commentary lists the six brothers' marquisates: Yangdu village, Xinping, Zhouting village, Leyang village, Boping, and Gaoting.
11
[] [] 祿
Note 6: The graph read rao is pronounced with the ning-liao fanqie gloss, an entering-tone reading. Note 7: Yu and Fugou both lay in Chenliu commandery; the commentary writes the graph for metropolis where other texts have the word for commandery. Yilu lay in Runan commandery.
12
After twenty-one years on the throne Liu Jun died and was succeeded by his son Liu Song, posthumously Prince Huai. He reigned only two years and left no heir, so the line lapsed.
13
使 []使[] []
When Liu Cheng died, his son Liu Chong succeeded as Prince Min. In 173 CE Chancellor Shi Qian charged his predecessor Wei Yin with having joined Liu Chong in illicit sacrifices to heaven, seeking unlawful blessings—a crime deemed unfilial and subversive. The ministry asked that imperial agents be dispatched to investigate. The Prince of Bohai had just been forced to suicide; Emperor Ling shrank from another harsh sentence on a kinsman. He had Yin and Shi Qian carted to the Northern Office jail and ordered the eunuch Wang Pu (or Fu) to join the secretariat director and palace censors in a joint inquiry. Wei Yin testified that he and the prince had merely offered cult to the Yellow Lord and Laozi for longevity, with no ulterior designs. Wang Pu's panel ruled that Wei Yin had failed his duty as moral tutor, while Shi Qian had slandered his prince with capital charges; both were executed. An edict spared Liu Chong further prosecution. Note 1: In 172 CE the Prince of Bohai was accused of rebellion and took his own life.
14
[]
Note 2: Hua Qiao and the Treatise on Eunuchs read the name as Fu; this passage has Pu—the correct form is uncertain.
15
[] []觿 觿[] 忿 [][]
Liu Chong was a master of the crossbow: ten shafts, ten bull's-eyes, every bolt clustering in the same spot. During the Zhongping era (184–189 CE) the Yellow Turbans rose; county seats everywhere emptied as officials fled. Chong mustered thousands of heavy crossbows and encamped his guard at the metropolitan pavilion. The populace knew their prince could shoot, so they never turned bandit; Chen alone stayed intact, and well over a hundred thousand refugees flocked to him. At the start of Emperor Xian's reign he raised an army, camped at Yangxia, and styled himself Grand General in Aid of the Han. His chancellor Luo Jun of Kuaiji was beloved and feared in equal measure. Famine gripped the empire, and neighbors poured into Chen; Luo Jun spent his own fortune on relief and kept them alive. Yuan Shu later demanded grain and Luo Jun rebuffed him. Shu sent assassins who murdered both the chancellor and the prince, and the kingdom of Chen collapsed. Hua Qiao records his technique: stances called "sky covering" and "earth bearing," with a triple-linked "odd" formation. There were also the "three subtleties" and the "three fines." The subtleties formed the warp, the fines the weft; woven together they were the key to unfailing hits—but the real secret lay in the release of the trigger."
16
[] []
Note 2: He quartered troops at the princedom's metropolitan pavilion. Note 3: Yangxia was a county in the old kingdom of Huaiyang. In the place-name Yangxia the second syllable is read with the gong-ya fanqie gloss.
17
[] 使
Xie Cheng describes him: "Luo Jun, courtesy name Xiaoyuan, from Wushang." Recommended as filial and incorrupt, he rose from secretariat clerk to chancellor of Chen. He sent generous gifts of grain and meat to every newborn household so that parents named sons and daughters "Luo" in gratitude. Yuan Shu sent his officer Zhang Kai to Chen on a covert mission; Luo Jun went to drink with him, and Kai treacherously slew him, whereupon the whole commandery wailed as if for parents.
18
祿觿 * () **[]*
Princes no longer received stipends from the court and were repeatedly plundered; many ate only every other day and perished in the ditches. Women of the inner quarters were frequently abducted; the manuscript breaks off after the first syllable of a place-name. The next fragment reads the syllable yang in parentheses, evidently completing the place-name Danyang. The damaged text continues with troops (perhaps Danyang soldiers) reportedly carried off by Wuhuan raiders.
19
Prince Jing of Pengcheng, Liu Gong.
20
[]鹿
Liu Gong, later Prince Jing of Pengcheng, received the honorary title Prince of Lingshou in 66 CE. In 72 CE he was made Prince of Julu. In 78 CE his title was shifted to Prince of Jiangling, with Nan commandery converted into his princedom. In 85 CE the Three Excellencies objected that a capital directly south of Luoyang could not host a prince, so he became Prince of Lu'an with Lujiang commandery as his fief. Emperor Zhang's will moved him to Pengcheng with Chu commandery as his appanage, and he took up residence the same year.
21
[][]
Liu Gong was stolid, dignified, and measured in every gesture; officials and commoners alike held him in affection and awe. In 112 CE his son Liu Anu was enfeoffed as Marquis of Zhuyi. Note 1: The initial grant used an honorific place-name; the same pattern applies to the Prince of Chongxi (Liu Dang) treated later in this chapter. The Eastern Lodge Annals note that at first he held an honorific title but no territorial fief.
22
[]
Note 2: Zhuyi County was in Pei commandery; its old city lay in what is now Fuli, Xuzhou. Some manuscripts miscopy the placename Zhuyi as a homophonous graph meaning harmonious consonance.
23
[] [][]*[]*
In 116 CE Liu Gong quarreled with his son Liu Pu over a domestic matter, and the young man killed himself. Chancellor Zhao Mu sent up a report, then falsely accused Liu Gong of uttering sacrilegious words at a shrine—capital treason. The ministry recommended his execution. Liu Gong memorialized in his own defense. The court knew his reputation for integrity, ordered a thorough inquiry, found no evidence, and jailed Zhao Mu; an amnesty spared him execution. The Eastern Lodge Annals relate that Liu Pu had slighted his late brother Ding's concubine; the prince locked him in the stable. He fled at night to petition at the county seat, was escorted home at daybreak and sharply rebuked, and then took his own life.
24
[]
The Juelu commentary identifies Zhao Mu, courtesy name Zhongshi, from Chang'an. He was known young for impartiality. He studied the Spring and Autumn Annals under Le Hui.
25
When Le Hui died for his blunt remonstrance, Zhao Mu petitioned until his wrong was redressed. He ranked at the top of the selection lists as palace censor and as governor of Kuaiji, earning a strong reputation in both posts. After he framed Liu Gong, Emperor An suspected overreach and sent the censor Muqiu Xin to reopen the case; Zhao Mu was remanded to the Commandant of Justice but escaped execution under an amnesty and died at home.
26
[][]西
Liu Dao reigned twenty-eight years and was succeeded by his son Liu Ding, posthumously Prince Qing. In 146 CE nine of Liu Ding's brothers received village marquisates. Note 1: The Eastern Lodge Annals enumerate Ding's brothers' village marquisates: Bian, Zhaoyang, Gongliang, Pu, Changcheng, Liangfu, Xi'an, and Lin.
27
使
Liu Ding died after four years and was succeeded by his son Liu He, posthumously Prince Xiao. Liu He was deeply filial; when his mother died he kept vigil at her tumulus and wasted away beyond what ritual prescribed. His tutor and chancellor reported the matter to the throne. Emperor Huan sent messengers with cattle and wine to escort the prince back to his residence. Liu He respected men of talent and gave freely; his subjects cherished him for it. During the turmoil of Chuping (190–193 CE) he was driven out by the warlord Chang Wu, fled to Dong'e, and eventually regained his seat at Pengcheng.
28
After a reign of sixty-four years he died and was succeeded by his grandson Liu Zhi. Seven years later the Han yielded to Wei, and Liu Zhi was reduced to Marquis of Chongde.
29
Prince Jing of Lecheng, Liu Dang.
30
涿 [] []使 [][] 西
Liu Dang received the honorific title Prince of Chongxi in 66 CE and became Prince of Lecheng in 72 CE. He was bright and deft, excelled at the clerical hand, and took pleasure in emending characters. He was born the same year as Emperor Zhang, and the two brothers were exceptionally close. In 79 CE eight counties from Qinghe, Bohai, and Zhuo were added to his appanage to enlarge the kingdom of Lecheng. When the emperor died later that same year, he left the capital for his fief. Liu Dang was severe and arbitrary and scanted the law. An old rule barred former palace women from entering princely households through marriage. A onetime court musician named Ai Zhi had married Zhang Chu; Liu Dang called her into the inner palace for an affair. When Chu threatened to petition, the prince panicked and paid Ai Zhi's sister Jiao to murder him. Once the plot surfaced, he strangled three palace servants to silence witnesses. He also took Li Yusheng, a maidservant from the establishment of Prince Jian of Zhongshan's tutor, as a concubine. In 95 CE his chancellor impeached him to the throne. Emperor He punished him by confiscating Dongguang and Qiao counties. Note 1: Neither the Han shu geography nor the Hou Han treatise lists a You county in Qinghe. Guanjin's old site lay northeast of present Xiu in Hebei; the other seats are located as the commentary indicates across Hebei and Shandong.
31
[]
Note 2: Ai is the surname; Zhi was her personal name. The text calls Zhang Chu a commoner because he held no title or office.
32
[]鹿
Note 3: Qiao lay within Julu commandery. The syllable Qiao is spelled out with the qiang-yao fanqie reading.
33
Liu Dang reigned twenty-five years and was succeeded by his son Liu Chong, posthumously Prince Ai. He died after two months without an heir, and the kingdom lapsed.
34
[]
The following year Emperor He revived the line by making Liu Xun, Marquis of Xiu and Liu Chong's elder brother, Prince of Lecheng, later honored as Prince Li. Liu Xun reigned fifteen years and was succeeded by his son Liu Bin, posthumously Prince Yin.
35
[]* () **[]** () *
Eight years later he too died without an heir and the fief was again suspended. Note 1: The commentary cites Xiu County where the manuscript is damaged. The lacuna continues with the conjunction and. The gloss identifies the county as Tiao, with the manuscript damaged. The next fragment marks both as belonging together. Those seats all lay in Bohai commandery. Some editions write the county name as Xiu instead of Tiao.
36
[] [] [] [] [] [][] 媿
A year later the court re-established the kingdom under Liu Chang, a son of Prince Hui of Jibei. Within months of his arrival Liu Chang flouted every rule; the provincial governor and his chancellor impeached him for conduct worthy of capital charges. Emperor An proclaimed: "Liu Chang is shameless in countenance and unrestrained in mind. He understands how grave the ancestral cult is and how orderly inheritance must be, yet he skimps on oxen and sheep and lets the incense of the offerings go wanting. He insults his adoptive mother and ignores her discipline. He turns the palace upside down, debauches his inner quarters, abducts wives of others, and lavishes bribes on servant girls. He beats officials and subjects alike, ruling by caprice and terror. His offenses admit no excuse; the disgrace is extreme. After weighing the eight mitigating categories in the Zhou statutes, I shrink from sending him to the executioner. He is therefore demoted to Marquis of Linhu. I do not possess the sage's gift for judging character, and my mismanagement has unsettled the succession and grieved his nominal mother beyond measure. The edict ends here; the commentary glosses the word for shamelessness as mian. That is, he looked unabashed. The commentary syllable is pronounced with the hu-ba fanqie gloss.
37
[]
Note 2: The Book of Odes praises offerings as "fragrant indeed" when the ritual is flawless.
38
[]
Note 3: The "great lady" is Liu Chang's adoptive mother. The verb means to stand in awe.
39
[]
Note 4: The Rites of Zhou list eight grounds on which punishment may be moderated for kinsmen, old friends, worthies, and the like.
40
[]
Note 5: Linhu County lay in Lujiang commandery.
41
[]
Note 6: Yuan Hong records Leng Hong's plea that princes need moral tutors because even sages err. With wise guidance the heir hears and sees no vice, and the altars remain secure. Liu Chang was raised in a palace without the discipline of tutors at court or in the fief; young, proud, and suddenly ennobled, small lapses soon became grave crimes. The statutes provide that even dull-witted kinsmen may be spared through the "deliberation for kin." He murdered no innocents and his worst faults are youthful arrogance rather than towering villainy; stripping his rents would punish him yet leave room for reform. Huang Xiang's literary collection shows that Huang Xiang co-signed this memorial with Leng Hong and that the language is Huang Xiang's.
42
In 122 CE Liu De, a son of Prince Xiao of Hejian, was transferred to continue the cut-off line of Prince Jing of Lecheng. The kingdom was renamed Anping to mark a fresh start after Lecheng's repeated extinction; Liu De is honored as Prince Xiao of Anping.
43
[] []
He reigned thirty years and was succeeded by his son Liu Xu. When the rebellion erupted in 184 CE, the prince was seized as a hostage and held at Guangzong. After the rebels were crushed he returned to his throne. The same autumn he was put to death for capital crimes. Thirty-four years of rule ended with the abolition of his fief. Note 1: Guangzong corresponds to present-day Zongcheng in southern Hebei, renamed under the Sui to avoid an imperial taboo.
44
Prince Hui of Xiapi, Liu Yan.
45
[] 使 [][] 西
Liu Yan received Xiapi in the fifteenth year of Yongping (72 CE). Handsome and winning, he was seldom away from Emperor Zhang after the latter ascended the throne. At his capping in the early Jianchu era the court showered gold and silk on his tutors and household staff in graded gifts. In 79 CE seventeen counties from Linhuai and Jiujiang were added to enlarge the kingdom of Xiapi. When the emperor died he left for his fief the same year. Liu Yan later lost his wits, and after Crown Prince Liu Ang was deposed for crime his consorts fought to install their own sons, bombarding the court with mutual accusations. Emperor He took pity and dispatched Liu Gong of Pengcheng to settle the succession, naming Liu Cheng crown prince. Note 1: Ancient Zhongli lay east of present Zhongli in Anhui (commentary writes Hao for Chu). Dangtu stood southwest of the county town. Dongcheng lay southeast of present Dingyuan. Liyang is the seat in modern Chaohu (Hezhou). Quanjiao is today's Quanjiao county under Chuzhou.
46
[]
Note 2: The Eastern Lodge Annals quote Emperor He's letter to Liu Gong opening with seasonal greetings. The classics praise Yao for harmonizing the realm by cherishing his kin. The Prince of Xiapi is senile; his harem is in chaos as principal wives and concubines promote rival sons. Crown Prince Ang proved vicious and paid with his life; since then every princeling has slandered the rest, and no lawful heir has been settled, which grieves Us deeply. You and the Prince of Xiapi are closest in blood; who but you can settle his house? Ritual privileges the true-born heir, and the Spring and Autumn tradition exalts the legitimate line. Confucius said that only the humane know whom to love and whom to reject. For a gentleman, love and hatred stay within the bounds of justice. The crown prince is the bulwark of the kingdom; the choice admits no negligence. Rank the eligible sons of Xiapi and memorialize their names; We shall bestow seals and ribbons at the midsummer Jingfeng audience.
47
Liu Yan reigned fifty-four years and was succeeded by Liu Cheng, posthumously Prince Zhen. In 126 CE two of Liu Cheng's elder brothers and two grandsons of Prince Hui were each made full marquises.
48
Liu Cheng died after two years and was succeeded by Liu Yi, posthumously Prince Min. In 132 CE eight of Liu Yi's younger brothers received village or pavilion marquisates. In 184 CE Liu Yi fled his capital before the Yellow Turbans (the verb is damaged in the manuscript). He returned after the rebellion but died within a few months. He had reigned fifty-seven years and died at ninety.
49
His son Liu Yi, the Prince Ai whose name is written with the graph yi meaning fitting, survived him only months without an heir, and the line ended in 206 CE.
50
Prince Jie of Liang, Liu Chang.
51
西 [] [] []西
Liu Chang was first made Prince of Runan in 72 CE. Because his mother Lady Yin was a favorite of the emperor, Liu Chang was doubly cherished and his kingdom drew twice the revenue of other princes. When Emperor Zhang came to the throne he heaped gifts on Liu Chang in keeping with his father's wishes. In 77 CE his uncle Yin Tang received the marquisate of Xiling. In 79 CE he became Prince of Liang, gaining six counties from Chenliu and Jiyin to swell his appanage. He left for his fief the year the emperor died. Note 1: Xiling County lay in Jiangxia commandery.
52
[]
Note 2: The county glossed here is modern Yanling in Henan (one graph missing in the manuscript). Ningling is now under Shangqiu (Songzhou). Ancient Bo lay northeast of present Kaocheng in Shandong. Shanfu is now a county under Shangqiu. Jishi corresponds to Chuqiu in Henan. Chengwu is now under Heze (Caozhou).
53
使[]使 [] [] * () **[]* [] [] [] 使使
Liu Chang was bright but spoiled, highborn and arrogant, and often flouted the law. Once in his kingdom he suffered nightmares; his retainer Bian Ji claimed mastery of the six Ding gods and dream divination, and the prince consulted him again and again. His nurse Wang Li and her circle claimed they could see spirits; together they read omens and offered illicit sacrifices for good fortune. They flattered him with forged spirit messages that he was destined for the throne. Liu Chang welcomed the lie and played along. In 93 CE provincial and kingdom officials impeached him for capital crimes; under torture he still protested innocence. The ministry asked to haul him to the capital prison, but Emperor He refused. They renewed their plea to abolish his kingdom and banish him to the far south; the emperor relented and punished him only by taking Chengwu and Shanfu. Terror-stricken, Liu Chang memorialized: "I was born foolish, raised inside the palace by nurses, and I believed the gossip of those around me. Once I reached my fief I did not understand what was forbidden. Retainers and clerks who coveted my wealth fed me lies. I lacked judgment, nodded along, and did not realize I had committed a capital offense until the inquiry began. I trembled with regret too late to undo the harm. I expected to die at once and join the shades below. I never dreamed Your Majesty would bend the statute, overrule the ministry, and spare me. For months I have shaken with fear and cannot rest. I have shamed my father's memory and blackened Your Majesty's name; I scarcely breathe and feel my body falling apart. I know I cannot count on mercy twice: I vow to discipline myself and my household, spend nothing unwisely, and never again step outside the law. My revenues still exceed my needs; I ask leave to yield five counties and keep only four for my maintenance. Of my thirty-seven concubines, those who bore no sons may go home to their kin. I will keep two hundred trustworthy domestics; every guard, groom, artisan, musician, and horse I received from the court I send back to the agencies that issued them. As your kinsman I have corrupted public morals; having been spared I cannot bear to keep a princely household, vast revenues, or a full retinue. Grant me a way to show repentance so the empire may see that Your Majesty raised me from death to life and that I mean to mend my ways. I keep the indictment the ministers filed and Your edict on my desk and read them night and day. I am too base to withdraw of my own accord; I beg only a little time to breathe before I answer for myself. If you refuse, I cannot live with the shame or face my father in the grave. This is the utmost sincerity of my heart. I would surrender more, yet fear you will not allow it; what I propose to keep still leaves me ample means. The emperor answered: "You are closest in blood and of fine native character; bad tutors failed to shield you and brought the ministers down on you. Now that you repent and blame yourself, We are deeply moved. The fault was not born in your own heart; the manuscript is broken here. The lacuna continues with the preposition from. The fault rests on your worthless attendants. The Analects say that mastering oneself restores propriety and wins the world's goodwill. Compose your mind, cultivate your virtue, and lead your people well. The Book of Changes praises modesty: one humble turn brings four kinds of blessing. Minor blame may be spoken, yet the end is good. Take nourishment and care for yourself." Liu Chang pressed his renunciation again and again but the court would not allow it. Note 1: The six Ding are tutelary spirits of the sexagenary cycle. Each ten-day stem set has its corresponding Ding spirit, as the commentary lists. After fasting the adept can summon the spirit to fetch distant objects and foretell fortune.
54
[]
Note 2: The phrase means the emperor bent the rules to grant mercy while still recording the offense.
55
[]
Note 3: Here vileness means moral stain. Critics said pardoning you tarnished imperial prestige everywhere.
56
[]
Note 4: Meaning Bian Ji, Wang Li, and their confederates.
57
[]
Note 5: The commentary quotes the Book of Changes on how heaven, earth, spirits, and mankind all favor humility. Thus one humble stance wins favor from four realms of being. The Song line repeats that small blame ends well. It applies to you: though fault was charged, the outcome was fortunate.
58
Liu Chang reigned twenty-seven years and was succeeded by Liu Jian, posthumously Prince Gong. In 104 CE two of Liu Jian's brothers received village or pavilion marquisates.
59
Liu Jian reigned twenty-six years and was succeeded by Liu Kuang, posthumously Prince Huai. In 127 CE seven of Liu Kuang's brothers received village or pavilion marquisates.
60
After eleven years Liu Kuang died childless; Emperor Shun promoted his brother Liu Cheng from village marquis to Prince of Liang, later honored as Prince Yi.
61
Liu Cheng reigned twenty-nine years and was succeeded by Liu Yuan, posthumously Prince Jing.
62
Liu Yuan died after sixteen years and was succeeded by Liu Mi. Forty years later Wei ended the Han and Liu Mi became Marquis of Chongde.
63
Prince Qing of Huaiyang, Liu Bing.
64
*[]*西
Liu Bing was Prince of Changshan from 72 CE, moved to Huaiyang in 79 CE with two Runan counties added to his fief.
65
After sixteen years on the throne he died before an heir could be named; in the second year of Yongyuan Emperor He installed his young son Liu Ce as Prince of Changshan to continue Liu Bing's line, posthumously Prince Shang.
66
Liu Ce reigned thirteen years; neither father nor son ever took up their fiefs, and both were buried at Luoyang. Liu Ce left no heir, so the same month Liu Zhang, son of Liu Fang and a marquis, was made Prince of Changshan.
67
Emperor He pitied the boy's early loss of parents and showered him with gifts. He took up his seat at Changshan in 106 CE.
68
After twenty-five years he died and was honored posthumously as Prince Jing. He was succeeded by Liu Yi, posthumously Prince Qing. In 127 CE two of Liu Yi's brothers became village marquises.
69
* () **[]*
Liu Yi reigned seventeen years and was succeeded by Liu Bao, posthumously Prince Jie. The manuscript shows a lacuna here. The next gloss supplies the syllable Yong, completing a reign title. In 151 CE four of Liu Bao's brothers received village marquisates.
70
Liu Bao died after eight years and was succeeded by Liu Gao. In the thirty-second year of his reign the rebellion struck; he fled his capital, and the kingdom ended in 206 CE.
71
Prince Dao of Jiyin, Liu Chang.
72
Liu Chang received Jiyin in 72 CE. In 79 CE Lihu and Changyuan counties were added to his appanage.
73
He died in the capital after thirteen years without an heir, and the line lapsed.
74
[] [] []殿使
The historian observes with Yanzi that wealth must be hemmed in by virtue, like cloth by its selvage. Human desire needs restraint the way cloth needs a measured width. Emperor Ming capped his sons' revenues at twenty million cash a year; even Empress Ma could not raise the limit. How worthy she was! Her wisdom went far beyond mere thrift. She understood that privilege and appetite know no limit, which is why Later Han princes seldom came to ruin. Note 1: The gloss quotes Yanzi's reply to Duke Jing of Qi from the Zuo Tradition, declining lavish estates. Wealth without moral bounds invites ruin; virtue sets the margin, Yanzi said. Greed overspills the bolt of cloth; I refuse more land than my virtue can span."
75
[] 輿鹿滿
The Eastern Lodge account of Emperor Ming states that princely endowments were cut back from earlier norms. Consulting the territorial register with Empress Ma at his side, he capped the revenues of Julu, Lecheng, and Guangping at twenty million bushels of grain. Younger princes were to receive roughly thirty or forty percent less than the great kingdoms of Chu and Huaiyang. So ran his verdict: "My sons shall not rival my father's sons in income."
76
[] []歿
The summation praises Emperor Ming for planting eight princely houses as bulwarks of the dynasty. Chen stood for dignity; Pengcheng for steadfast goodness. Xiapi was crippled by chronic disease; Prince Jie of Liang fell to sorcery and sedition. Three kingdoms lost their princes in youth; only Liu Dang ran to extremes of depravity. Note 1: The three early deaths are Qiansheng, Huaiyang, and Jiyin.
77
Textual collation
78
殿
Collation at page 1667 line 4: the work cited is the Eastern Lodge Annals; a copyist's error substituting "cloud" for "east" is emended from the Ji and Palace recensions.
79
殿殿
Collation at page 1667 line 8: some scholars suspect the venue should read White Tiger Hall of Literature rather than Hall.
80
* () **[]*殿 殿
Collation at page 1670 line 8: the manuscript breaks after the syllable dan. The gloss supplies the syllable yang in parentheses. The word for soldiers is corrected from the Ji and Palace editions. The Palace edition notes that the Directorate edition wrongly wrote "yang" for "ling"; the text is amended.
81
*[]*
Collation at page 1671 line 5: Wang Xianqian observes that the Eastern Lodge Annals insert the word for wife after former, which is correct. A later passage makes Ding marquis of Luyang village, showing Ding was alive and the deceased party was his wife. The missing word is supplied on that evidence.
82
Collation at page 1671 line 12: Qian Dazhao argues the Eastern Lodge reads eight brothers, not nine.
83
殿
Collation at page 1672 line 7: the groom's name Chu was corrupted to a graph meaning various; emended from Ji and Palace.
84
* () **[]** () *
Collation at page 1673 line 4: lacuna after the county name Xiu. Parenthetical conjunction and in the lacuna. The gloss identifies Tiao County with manuscript damage. Parenthetical both. Shen Qinhan argues the commentary should read namely instead of and and should omit an intrusive both. Geographical sources equate Xiu and Tiao; Yan Shigu equates the readings; Shen's emendation is adopted.
85
Collation at page 1673 line 8: the verb for beating was corrupted to drive; fixed from the critical edition.
86
Collation at page 1674 line 2: the Ji edition spells the minister's surname Ling instead of Leng.
87
Collation at page 1674 line 7: the heir's name appears as Xu in one edition and a homophone in the Ji text.
88
殿
Collation at page 1674 line 14: the Palace edition uses the standard graph for the Chuzhou placename.
89
殿 殿
Collation at page 1676 line 1: the missing county name is supplied as Yanling from parallel editions. Hui Dong argues the main-text placename should match the commentary form. Qian Daxin notes the treatise variant and prefers the reading Yan. The supplement cites Guangwu's campaign list to settle the orthography. Li Xian's note identifies the county with modern Yancheng in Henan. The commentator concludes the text must mean Yanling near Xuchang, not the Yancheng form. A lacuna standing for Yan need not be presumed erroneous. The geographical registers use several variant graphs for these adjacent counties; emending one forces a chain of further changes.
90
Collation at page 1676 line 11: Gu Yanwu notes parallel texts read shame or receive disgrace instead of gather vileness.
91
輿
Collation at page 1676 line 15: Su Yu suspects the word for heart is a dittograph.
92
殿
Collation at page 1677 line 1: the Palace edition reads shift where others read small. Yuan Hong's annals agree on small.
93
* () **[]*
Collation at page 1677 line 5: lacuna in the phrase about intent. Parenthetical from. Liu Congchen argues the lacuna should read king and the sentence break should follow blame. Qian Dazhao had already proposed the same emendation. The text is updated per that argument.
94
*[]*
Collation at page 1678 line 5: Qian Dazhao restores the tens digit to the Yongping date. The missing ten is supplied.
95
西
Collation at page 1678 line 5: Qian Daxin doubts Xin'an exists in Runan and proposes Xinyang instead.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →