1
李固字子堅，漢中南鄭人，司徒合之子也。 合在* (數) **[方]*術傳。 固貌狀有奇表，鼎角匿犀，足履龜文。 [一]少好學，常步行尋師，不遠千里。 [二]遂究覽墳籍，結交英賢。 四方有志之士，多慕其風而來學。 京師鹹歎曰：「是復為李公矣。 」[三]司隸﹑益州並命郡舉孝廉，辟司空掾，皆不就。 [四]
Li Gu, whose courtesy name was Zijian, came from Nan Zheng in Hanzhong; he was the son of Li He, who had held the office of Minister of Education. The passage on Li He is damaged in this edition; the commentary’s cross-reference is incomplete. Editorial note in the received text: “several” (the exact enumeration is not preserved here). See the treatise on techniques and arts (the manuscript note is partly illegible). Li Gu’s bearing was striking: his forehead rose in the “tripod-horn” shape, a “hidden rhinoceros” ridge ran up into his hairline, and the soles of his feet showed the tortoise-shell markings that physiognomy books associate with the rank of two thousand piculs. From boyhood he loved scholarship; he would walk long distances to study under a master and thought nothing of a journey of a thousand li. He went on to master the classical corpus and win the friendship of the ablest men of his day. Scholars from every region who aspired to something higher admired his example and flocked to learn from him. In the capital people murmured with approval: “Here is another Li who will rise to the highest office.” ” The Metropolitan Governor and the Inspector of Yi Province both instructed his commandery to nominate him as “filial and incorrupt,” and the Minister of Works tried to appoint him as an aide; he declined every offer. Note 4.
2
注[一]鼎角者，頂有骨如鼎足也。 匿犀，伏犀也。 謂骨當額上入髮際隱起也。 足履龜文者二千石，見相書。
Commentary, note 1: the “tripod-horn” brow means a bony prominence on the vertex shaped like a tripod’s legs. “Hidden rhinoceros” is the same as the physiognomists’ “crouching rhinoceros” forehead. That is, a ridge along the forehead that runs up into the hairline and shows only as a subtle rise. Tortoise-shell markings on the soles mark a man for the salary grade of two thousand piculs, according to the manuals of physiognomy.
3
注[二]謝承書曰：「固改易姓名，杖策驅驢，負笈追師三輔，學五經，積十餘年。 博覽古今，明於風角﹑星筭﹑河圖﹑讖緯，仰察俯占，窮神知變。 每到太學，密入公府，定省父母，不令同業諸生知是合子。」
Commentary, note 2: Xie Cheng’s history says Li Gu traveled incognito, staff and donkey his only equipage, book-box on his back, seeking instruction in the capital region for well over a decade as he mastered the Five Classics. He read widely across past and present and became expert in wind-angles, astrological calculation, the River Chart, and apocryphal weft-texts; he scanned heaven above and divined by earthly signs until he had plumbed the subtlest shifts of fate. Whenever he came to the Imperial Academy he would slip into his father’s official compound to visit his parents, and he kept his fellow students from learning that he was Li He’s son.”
4
注[三]言復繼其父為公也。
Commentary, note 3: the remark means people expected him to follow his father to one of the highest ministerial posts.
5
注[四]謝承書曰：「五察孝廉，益州再舉茂才，不應。 五府連辟，皆辭以疾。」
Commentary, note 4: Xie Cheng records that the commandery nominated him five times as “filial and incorrupt,” that Yi Province twice put him forward as “flourishing talent,” and that he refused each summons. The chief bureaus of state called him in turn, and each time he pleaded illness and stayed away.”
6
陽嘉二年，有地動﹑山崩﹑火□之異，公卿舉固對策，[一]詔又特問當世之敝，為政所宜。
In the second year of the Yangjia era (133 CE), earthquakes, landslides, and strange fires [one character illegible in the text] alarmed the court; the high ministers nominated Li Gu to answer the imperial policy questionnaire, and a follow-up edict pressed him on the ills of the day and what good government required.
7
固對曰：注[一]續漢書曰「陽嘉二年，詔公卿舉敦樸之士，□尉賈建舉固」也。
Li Gu submitted his memorial. Commentary, note 1: the Continuation of the Han Documents records that in Yangjia 2 the throne told the Three Excellencies and nine ministers to nominate men of plain integrity; Commandant Jia Jian [one title character damaged] put forward Li Gu.
8
注[一]春秋感精符曰：「人主日月同明，四時合信，故父天母地，兄日姊月。 」宋均注曰：「父天於圜丘之祀也，母地於方澤之祭也，兄日於東郊，姊月於西郊。」
Commentary, note 1: the apocryphon Spring and Autumn Sensitivity to Essence and Tokens says the ruler shares the radiance of sun and moon, moves in step with the four seasons, and therefore stands as “father to Heaven and mother to Earth,” with the sun as elder brother and the moon as elder sister. ” Song Jun glosses this as ritual language: the emperor “fathers Heaven” at the round-mound sacrifice, “mothers Earth” at the square-marsh rite, honors the sun at the eastern suburb, and the moon at the western suburb.
9
注[二]史記曰：「魏武侯浮西河而下，中河顧而謂吳起曰：『美哉乎河山之固，此魏之寶也。 』吳起對曰：『在德不在險。 』」注[三]命，爵命也。 言有德者乃可加爵命也。
Commentary, note 2: Sima Qian tells how Marquis Wu of Wei, drifting down the western bend of the Yellow River, turned to Wu Qi and exclaimed that the strength of river and hill was Wei’s true wealth. ’ Wu Qi answered, ‘Security rests on virtue, not on natural barriers.’ ’” Commentary, note 3: “mandate” here means the grant of rank and title. The point is that only a man of real moral weight should receive such honors.
10
注[四]阿母王聖。 注[五]謂順帝為太子時，廢為濟陰王。
Commentary, note 4: the wet-nurse Wang Sheng. Commentary, note 5: the allusion is to Emperor Shun’s deposition, while still heir apparent, to the minor title of Prince of Jiyin.
11
注[六]殆，危也。 注[七]沛然，寬廣之意。 注[八]謂宋娥也。
Commentary, note 6: the word dai means “peril” or “standing on the edge of ruin.” Commentary, note 7: peiran conveys breadth and liberality of spirit. Commentary, note 8: the woman meant is Song E.
12
夫妃後之家所以少完全者，豈天性當然？ 但以爵位尊顯，專總權柄，天道惡盈，不知自損，故至顛仆。 先帝寵遇閻氏，位號太疾，故其受禍，曾不旋時。 老子曰：「其進銳，其退速也。 」[一]今梁氏戚為椒房，禮所不臣，[二]尊以高爵，尚可然也。 而子弟腢從，榮顯兼加，永平﹑建初故事，殆不如此。 宜令步兵校尉冀及諸侍中還居黃門之官，使權去外戚，政歸國家，豈不休乎！ 注[一]案：孟子有此文。 謝承書亦云孟子，而續漢書復雲老子。
Why is it that families tied to the harem so rarely end well? Surely that cannot be their inborn character. It is because high rank and visible power tempt them to monopolize authority; Heaven abhors excess, yet they refuse to pull back, and so they topple. The late emperor showered favor on the Yan family and raised them to lofty titles overnight; their fall came just as suddenly. The Laozi warns that what shoots up fast collapses just as quickly. ” The Liang consort’s kin now occupy the inner palace quarters whom ritual does not treat as subjects; granting them exalted titles might still be defended. But when their sons and every hanger-on in the clan rake in honors on top of honors, the court exceeds anything tolerated in the Yongping or Jianchu reigns. Order Colonel of the Guard Liang Ji and the other palace attendants back to the proper eunuch offices, strip outside relatives of real power, and restore policy to the public organs of state—could any reform be more timely? Commentary, note 1: the same wording appears in the Mencius. Xie Cheng cites Mencius, whereas the Continuation of the Han Documents attributes the line to Laozi.
13
注[二]公羊傳曰：「宋殺其大夫，何以不名？ 宋三世無大夫，三世內娶也。 」何休注云：「內娶，娶大夫女也。 言無大夫者三世，禮不臣妻之父母，國內皆臣，無娶道，故絕去大夫名，正其義也。 」椒房者，皇后所居，以椒泥塗也。
Commentary, note 2: the Gongyang Commentary asks why the Spring and Autumn Annals omits the minister’s personal name when recording that Song executed him. Because Song had gone three generations without a true ministerial class—three generations of marrying daughters of its own grandees. ” He Xiu explains “marrying inward” as taking wives from ministerial families inside the state. For three generations every powerful lineage was tied by marriage to the ducal house, so ritual could not treat a wife’s father as a subject; with no “outside” families left to marry, the Annals simply drops the victim’s name to mark the moral anomaly. ” The “pepper chambers” are the empress’s apartments, their walls plastered with a spiced mortar that was thought both fragrant and protective.
14
又詔書所以禁侍中尚書中臣子弟不得為吏察孝廉者，以其秉威權，容請托故也。
Imperial rescripts bar the sons of palace attendants and Masters of Writing from holding clerkships or receiving “filial and incorrupt” nominations precisely because those offices already wield enough patronage to invite every kind of favor-brokerage.
15
而中常侍日月之側，聲埶振天下，子弟祿仕，曾無限極。 雖外托謙默，不干州郡，而諂偽之徒，望風進舉。 今可為設常禁，同之中臣。
Meanwhile the Regular Palace Attendants stand beside the throne as if they were the sun and moon themselves; their influence shakes the empire, yet their kinsmen take post after post with no ceiling at all. They may protest humility and swear they never meddle in provincial appointments, but every sycophant in the realm still reads their mood and pushes their protégés forward. Extend to them the same standing prohibitions that already bind the inner court.
16
昔館陶公主為子求郎，[一]明帝不許，賜錢千萬。 所以輕厚賜，重薄位者，為官人失才，害及百姓也。 竊聞長水司馬武宣﹑[二]開陽城門候羊迪等，[三]無它功德，初拜便真。 此雖小失，而漸壞舊章。 [四]先聖法度，所宜堅守，政教一跌，百年不復。 詩云：「上帝板板，下民卒癉。 」刺周王變祖法度，故使下民將盡病也。 [五]注[一]館陶公主，光武第三女也。
When the Princess of Guantao once asked Ming-di to make her son a gentleman cadet, he refused the office but gave her ten million cash instead. He preferred a lavish gift to a hollow title because misplacing talent in office injures the common people. I hear that Wu Xuan, chief clerk under the Colonel of the Long River encampment, and Yang Di, warden of the Kaiyang city gate, have no record of merit yet received substantive appointments the day they were first named. Small breaches like these slowly erode the statutes that governed better times. The models left by the sages deserve iron fidelity; once policy and moral instruction slip, a century may not put them right. The Book of Poetry says, “Heaven’s ways are perverse, and the people below are worn to the bone with affliction.” ” The ode blames a Zhou king who abandoned his forebears’ institutions and left the populace diseased with misery. Note 5. Commentary, note 1: the Princess of Guantao was Emperor Guangwu’s third daughter.
17
注[二]續漢志「長水校尉一人，比二千石，司馬一人，千石，掌宿□」也。
Commentary, note 2: the Later Han offices treatise lists the colonel at two thousand piculs and his chief clerk at one thousand, responsible for camp security [one character missing].
18
注[三]續漢志曰：「城門每門候一人，六百石。」
Commentary, note 3: the offices treatise assigns one warden at six hundred piculs to each city gate.
19
注[四]續漢書曰：「中都官，千石﹑六百石，故事先守一歲，然後補真。」
Commentary, note 4: capital officials at those grades were supposed to serve a probationary year before receiving substantive appointment.
20
注[五]板，反也。 卒，盡也。 癉，病也。 詩大雅，凡伯刺周厲王反先王之道，下人盡病也。
Commentary, note 5: ban here means “contrary” or “perverse.” Zu means “utterly” or “to the limit.” Dan means “affliction” or “wasting illness.” The line comes from the Major Odes: Fan Bo reproaches King Li of Zhou for abandoning the old kings’ way and driving his subjects into misery.
21
今陛下之有尚書，猶天之有北斗也。 斗為天喉舌，尚書亦為陛下喉舌。 [一]斗斟酌元氣，運平四時。 [二]尚書出納王命，賦政四海，[三]權尊埶重，責之所歸。 若不平心，□眚必至。 誠宜審擇其人，以毗聖政。 今與陛下共理天下者，外則公卿尚書，內則常侍黃門，譬猶一門之內，一家之事，安則共其福慶，危則通其禍敗。 刺史﹑二千石，外統職事，內受法則。 夫表曲者景必邪，源清者流必絜，猶叩樹本，百枝皆動也。
The Masters of Writing at your court are what the Northern Dipper is to the sky. Astrologers call the Dipper heaven’s mouthpiece; the Masters of Writing serve the same office for you. The Dipper is said to dip the primordial breath and set the four seasons in their course. The Masters of Writing take in and promulgate the royal commands and broadcast policy to the four seas; their authority is immense, and blame for failure settles on them. If they do not judge with perfect impartiality, disaster [one character missing in the text] will follow. Choose the incumbents with extreme care so they can truly support enlightened rule. Those who govern with you—the Three Excellencies and the Masters of Writing outside, the Regular Attendants and Yellow Gates inside—are like a single household behind one gate: in good times they share the credit, in crisis they sink together. Regional inspectors and commandery governors direct public business abroad and take their standards from the capital at home. When the post is bent the shadow falls awry; when the headwaters are clear the stream runs clean—strike the root and every branch trembles.
22
周頌曰：「薄言振之，莫不震疊。 」[四]此言動之於內，而應於外者也。 * (猶) **[由]*此言之，本朝號令，豈可蹉跌？ 閒隙一開，則邪人動心； 利競暫啟，則仁義道塞。 刑罰不能復禁，化導以之寑壞。 此天下之紀綱，當今之急務。 陛下宜開石室，陳圖書，[五]招會腢儒，引問失得，指擿變象，以求天意。 其言有中理，實時施行，顯拔其人，以表能者。 則聖聽日有所聞，忠臣盡其所知。 又宜罷退宦官，去其權重，裁置常侍二人，方直有德者，省事左右； 小黃門五人，才智閑雅者，給事殿中。 如此，則論者厭塞，昇平可致也。 臣所以敢陳愚瞽，冒昧自聞者，儻或皇天欲令微臣覺悟陛下。 陛下宜熟察臣言，憐赦臣死。 注[一]春秋合誠圖曰：「天理在斗中，司三公，如人喉在咽，以理舌語。 」宋均注曰：「斗為天之舌口，主出政教。 三公主導宣君命，喻於人，則宜如人喉在咽，以理舌口，使言有條理。」
The Zhou hymns say that when the ruler gives the word, none beneath him fails to tremble and submit. ” The point is that what stirs within the palace is felt instantly in the realm beyond. Editorial asterisk marking a break or lacuna in the commentary tradition. Editorial gloss suggesting the particle should read “still” or “likewise.” On that showing, can the edicts that issue from this court afford the slightest stumble? Once you open the smallest crack, every schemer’s ambition begins to stir. Let men scramble briefly for private gain and the public way of benevolence and duty is blocked. Punishments will no longer hold men in check, and the moral guidance of government quietly rots away. These are the cables that hold the empire together, and they demand your most urgent attention. Open the imperial archives, spread out the charts and classics, convene the Confucian scholars, press them on what has gone wrong, lay every omen before them, and so read Heaven’s will. When their advice rings true, put it into practice at once and promote the speakers themselves as models of competence. Your ears will daily receive fresh counsel, and loyal officials will lay every thought before you. You should also dismiss the bulk of the inner eunuchs, strip their power down to two Regular Attendants of proven integrity to handle routine business at your side. Assign five Junior Yellow Gates, men of calm ability, to serve inside the audience halls. Do this, and carping at court will die away while the age itself can climb back toward peace. I risk this blunt memorial because Heaven itself may intend a minor official to wake Your Majesty to the danger. Read these words with care, and in your mercy spare my life for having spoken them. Commentary, note 1: an apocryphon on the Spring and Autumn Annals places Heaven’s pattern in the Dipper, which “manages the Three Dukes” as the human throat governs tongue and speech. ” Song Jun glosses the Dipper as Heaven’s mouthpiece, issuing edicts and moral instruction. The Three Dukes proclaim the ruler’s will to mankind, just as the throat orders tongue and lips so that speech comes out coherently.”
23
注[二]春秋保干圖曰：「天皇於是斟元陳樞，以五易威。 」宋均注曰：「威，則也，法也。 天皇斟元氣，陳列樞機，受行次之當得也。」
Commentary, note 2: another apocryphon describes the Heavenly Emperor ladling primordial qi and setting the cosmic pivot so that the five phases rotate authority. ” Song Jun reads wei as “normative pattern” or “law.” The god ladles out primordial breath, sets the cosmic gears in order, and assigns each thing its proper turn in the sequence.”
24
注[三]賦，布也。
Commentary, note 3: fu means “to spread abroad” or “publish.”
25
注[四]韓詩□君傳曰：「薄，辭也。 振，奮也。 莫，無也。 震，動也。 疊，應也。 美成王能奮舒文武之道而行之，則天下無不動而應其政教。」
Commentary, note 4: the Han-school gloss on the Mao poem explains bo as a function word. Zhen means “to rouse” or “stir into action.” Mo means “none” or “no one.” Zhen means “to tremble” or “be shaken.” Die means “to answer” or “respond in kind.” It praises King Cheng for reviving the policies of Kings Wen and Wu so thoroughly that the whole realm stirred in answer to his rule.”
26
注[五]前書曰：「司馬遷為太史令，紬史記石室金匱之書。 」紬音抽。
Commentary, note 5: the Han shu says Sima Qian, as Grand Astrologer, compiled the Shiji from texts kept in the imperial stone archive and metal coffer. The commentary glosses chou with the “draw out” reading.
27
順帝覽其對，多所納用，實時出阿母還弟捨，諸常侍悉叩頭謝罪，朝廷肅然。
Emperor Shun read Li Gu’s memorial, adopted much of it, and at once sent the wet-nurse Wang Sheng back to her brother’s house; the Regular Attendants kowtowed in acknowledgment of fault, and the whole court stood in awe.
28
以固為議郎。 而阿母宦者疾固言直，因詐飛章以陷其罪，事從中下。 大司農黃尚等請之於大將軍梁商，又僕射黃瓊救明固事，久乃得拜議郎。
The court named Li Gu Gentleman Consultant. The wet-nurse and her eunuch allies resented his blunt speech and fabricated an anonymous denunciation; an order came down from the palace before any open deliberation. Huang Shang, Minister of Agriculture, interceded with Grand General Liang Shang, while Huang Qiong, Vice Director of the Secretariat, cleared Li Gu’s name, and only after prolonged effort was he again confirmed as Gentleman Consultant.
29
注[三]春秋隱公二年，經書「無駭帥師入極」。 公羊傳曰：「無駭者何？ 展無駭也。 何以不氏？ 貶。 曷為貶？ 疾始滅也。」
Commentary, note 3: for Duke Yin’s second year the Annals record that Wu Hai led troops into the state of Ji. The Gongyang Commentary asks: “Who is this Wu Hai?” The man is Zhan Wu Hai of the house of Zhan. Why does the text withhold his clan name? The Annals are expressing censure. Why does the classic blame him? Because the classic condemns the first step toward wiping out another state.”
30
注[四]伯榮，王聖女也。 注[五]守死善道，論語文。 滯涸窮路，以魚為諭也。
Commentary, note 4: Bo Rong was the daughter of Wang Sheng. Commentary, note 5: the phrase “cling to the right path even unto death” comes from the Analects. The image is of a fish stranded as the stream dries up—a figure for a man trapped at the end of his options.
31
注[六]趙飛燕，成帝皇后。 妹為昭儀，專寵。 成帝貴人曹偉能等生皇子，皆殺之。
Commentary, note 6: Zhao Feiyan, empress to Emperor Cheng of Western Han. Her sister became Brilliant Companion and together they held the emperor’s exclusive favor. When lesser consorts such as Cao Weineng gave birth to imperial sons, the sisters saw the infants murdered.
32
注[七]雲起貌。
Commentary, note 7: the graph describes cloudbanks piling upward.
33
注[八]祗，敬也。 言天無親疏，惟善是與，可敬* (威) **[畏]*也。 書曰：「皇天無親。」
Commentary, note 8: zhi means “to revere” or “stand in awe.” Heaven does not favor kin over strangers; it aids only the virtuous—hence the sage’s awe [one character damaged in the manuscript]. Some editions gloss the damaged graph as “majesty” rather than “awe.” The restored reading is “to hold in awe.” The Shang shu says, “August Heaven shows no favoritism.”
34
注[九]既，盡也。 端門，太微宮南門也。
Commentary, note 9: ji means “utterly” or “to the end.” The Duan Gate is identified with the southern portal of the Grand Tenuity constellation in astrological lore.
35
注[一０]前書李尋上疏曰：「月者觿陰之長，妃後﹑大臣﹑諸侯之象也。」
Commentary, note 10: Li Xun told Emperor Ai that the moon symbolizes yin at its peak and stands for empresses, chief ministers, and regional lords.
36
注[一一]易豐卦曰：「日中則昃，月盈則食，天地盈虛，與時消息。 」史記蔡澤謂范睢曰：「日中則移，月滿則虧」也。
Commentary, note 11: the Zhou yi’s Feng hexagram warns that noon turns toward dusk and a full moon toward eclipse—cosmic fullness alternates with emptiness. ” Sima Qian’s biography of Fan Ju quotes Cai Ze’s warning that every zenith carries the seed of decline.
37
注[一二]易曰：「鬼神害盈而福謙，人道惡盈而好謙。 」又曰：「見天地之心。」
Commentary, note 12: the Zhou yi says spirits punish arrogance and reward modesty, and human affairs follow the same pattern. ” Another line from the same tradition says the humble line reveals “the heart of Heaven and Earth.”
38
注[一三]老子曰：「功成名遂身退，天之道也。」
Commentary, note 13: the Laozi teaches that once your work is done and your name made, step back—that is the Dao of Heaven.
39
注[一四]為利所誘，怵迫於憂勤也。 怵音息律反，或音黜。
Commentary, note 14: the sage warns against letting gain lure you into frantic anxiety. The commentary gives the fanqie spelling for chu; some readers prefer the alternate pronunciation chu.
40
注[一五]莊子曰：「伯成子高，唐虞時為諸侯，至禹，去而耕。 禹往見之，則耕在野。 禹問曰：『昔堯化天下，吾子立為諸侯，堯授舜，舜授予，子去而耕，其故何也？ 』子高曰：『昔堯化天下，至公無私，不賞而人自勸，不罰而人自畏。 今子賞而不勸，罰而不威，德自此衰，刑自此作。 夫子盍行，無留吾事。 』俋俋然，耕不顧。 」亦見呂氏春秋。
Commentary, note 15: Zhuangzi tells how Bo Cheng Zigao gave up his fief when Yu succeeded Shun and went off to farm. Yu found him behind the plow, far from any court. Yu asked why he had abandoned his title now that Yao’s and Shun’s mandate had passed to Yu himself. ” Zigao answered that under Yao the world needed neither bribes nor threats because the ruler’s fairness alone moved the people. “Under your rule,” he told Yu, “rewards no longer inspire and punishments no longer frighten; virtue withers while penal law spreads.” “Be on your way,” he said; “do not disturb my plowing.” ” He bent to his furrows and would not raise his eyes. ” A parallel version appears in the Lüshi chunqiu.
41
注[一六]謂靈輒也。
Commentary, note 16: the allusion is to the retainer Ling Zhe.
42
永和中，荊州盜賊起，彌年不定，乃以固為荊州刺史。 固到，遣吏勞問境內，赦寇盜前釁，與之更始。 於是賊帥夏密等斂其魁黨六百餘人，自縛歸首。 固皆原之，遣還，使自相招集，開示威法。 半歲閒，余類悉降，州內清平。
During the Yonghe period (136–141) Jing Province erupted in banditry that dragged on for a year, so the court sent Li Gu as regional inspector. On arrival he sent officials through the region with word of amnesty, wiping the slate clean for anyone who would submit. Chieftains such as Xia Mi then brought forward six hundred-odd ringleaders in fetters to yield at the yamen. Li Gu released them, sent them home to rally their followers, and published generous terms backed by firm law. Within six months the rest had capitulated and the province was quiet.
43
上奏南陽太守高賜等臧穢。 賜等懼罪，遂共重賂大將軍梁冀，冀為千里移檄，[一]而固持之愈急。 冀遂令徙固為太山太守。 時太山盜賊屯聚歷年，郡兵常千人，追討不能制。 固到，悉罷遣歸農，但選留任戰者百餘人，以恩信招誘之。 未滿歲，賊皆弭散。 注[一]言移一日行千里，救之急也。
He filed charges against Gao Ci, administrator of Nanyang, and other officials for bribery and extortion. Gao Ci and his allies, terrified of conviction, pooled a huge bribe for Grand General Liang Ji, who fired off an urgent rescript across a thousand li, but Li Gu only tightened the investigation. Liang Ji then had him reassigned as governor of Taishan commandery. Taishan had long been overrun by gangs that a standing force of a thousand local troops could not subdue. Li Gu disbanded the militia and sent the farmers home, retaining barely a hundred seasoned fighters, then won the bandits over with mercy and good faith. Inside a year the outlaw bands had melted away. Commentary, note 1: the phrase pictures a courier galloping a thousand li in a day to rescue an ally.
44
遷將作大匠。 上疏陳事曰：「臣聞氣之清者為神，人之清者為賢。 養身者以練神為寶，安國者以積賢為道。 昔秦欲謀楚，王孫圉設□西門，陳列名臣，秦使戄然，遂為寑兵。 [一]魏文侯師卜子夏，友田子方，軾段干木，故腢俊競至，名過齊桓，秦人不敢窺兵於西河，斯蓋積賢人之符也。 [二]陛下撥亂龍飛，初登大位，聘南陽樊英、江夏黃瓊、廣漢楊厚、會稽賀純，[三]策書嗟歎，待以大夫之位。 是以巖穴幽人，智術之士，彈冠振衣，樂欲為用，四海欣然，歸服聖德。 厚等在職，雖無奇卓，然夕惕孳孳，志在憂國。 臣前在荊州，聞厚、純等以病免歸，誠以悵然，為時惜之。 一日朝會，見諸侍中並皆年少，無一宿儒大人可顧問者，誠可歎息。 宜征還厚等，以副腢望。 瓊久處議郎，已且十年，觿人皆怪始隆崇，今更滯也。
He was promoted to Court Architect, superintendent of imperial works. He presented a memorial: “I have heard that the subtlest breath becomes numinous power, and the clearest human character becomes true worth.” Self-cultivation prizes the tempered spirit; ordering the realm depends on gathering able men around the throne. When Qin planned to attack Chu, Prince Zhaoxi of Chu arrayed his best ministers at the west gate; the Qin envoy took one look and dropped the campaign. Marquis Wen of Wei studied with Bu Zixia, befriended Tian Zifang, and bowed from his chariot to recluse Duan Ganmu, so talent flocked to him, his reputation outshone Duke Huan of Qi, and Qin dared not move against the western bend of the Yellow River—that is what it means to stockpile worthy men. When Your Majesty first took the throne you summoned Fan Ying of Nanyang, Huang Qiong of Jiangxia, Yang Hou of Guanghan, and He Chun of Kuaiji, issued edicts of praise, and received them with the ceremony due senior counselors. Hermits and strategists dusted off their caps and hurried to serve; the empire rejoiced that a sage was on the throne. Those men, once in office, showed no spectacular reforms, but they worked late and rose early with the cares of the dynasty always in mind. When I governed Jing Province I learned that Yang Hou and He Chun had resigned on grounds of illness, and I grieved for the court as much as for themselves. At a recent audience every attendant at your side was a young man; not one venerable scholar stood ready for counsel—this is a sorry sight. Recall Yang Hou and his like to satisfy what the empire expects of you. Huang Qiong has languished as Gentleman Consultant for the better part of a decade; the court first exalted him, then left him in limbo, to everyone’s puzzlement.
45
[四]光祿大夫周舉，才謨高正，宜在常伯，訪以言議。 侍中杜喬，學深行直，當世良臣，久托疾病，可□令起。 」又薦陳留楊倫、[五]河南尹存、東平王惲、陳國何臨、[六]清河房植等。 [七]是日有詔徵用倫、厚等，而遷瓊、舉，以固為大司農。
Zhou Ju, Grandee of the Imperial Household, is a man of high principle and sound counsel; move him to the Regular Attendants and sound him on state affairs. Palace Attendant Du Qiao is learned, upright, and the best minister of his generation, yet he has pleaded illness for ages; command him back to duty [one verb damaged]. ” He further nominated Yang Lun of Chenliu, Yin Cun of Henan, Wang Yun of Dongping, He Lin of Chen, Fang Zhi of Qinghe, and others. The same day an edict called Yang Lun, Yang Hou, and the rest to office, promoted Huang Qiong and Zhou Ju, and named Li Gu Grand Minister of Agriculture.
46
注[一]秦欲伐楚，使使者往觀楚之寶器。 昭奚恤乃為□，使客東面，自居西面之□，稱曰：「理百姓，實倉廩，子西在此； 奉珪璋，使諸侯，子方在此； 守封疆，謹境界，葉公子高在此； 理師旅，正兵戎，司馬子反在此； 懷霸王之餘義，獵治亂之遺風，昭奚恤在此：惟大國所觀。 」使反，言於秦君曰：「楚多賢臣，未可謀也。 」事見新序。 國語曰，楚王孫圉聘於晉，趙簡子鳴玉以相，問圉曰：「楚之白珩猶在乎，其為寶也幾何？ 」對曰：「未嘗為寶也。 楚人有觀射父，能作訓辭以行諸侯，有左史倚相，道訓典以序百物，此楚國之寶也。 若夫古玉、白珩，先王之所玩也，何寶焉！ 」與此所引不同也。
Commentary, note 1: when Qin planned to invade Chu it first sent an envoy to scout Chu’s “treasures.” Prince Zhaoxi arranged the reception [hall layout damaged]: the envoy faced east while the prince faced west and announced: “For governing the people and filling the granaries, here is Zixi; for bearing credentials to the feudal lords, here is Zifang; for guarding frontiers and watching the marches, here is Duke Ye Gao; for commanding hosts and reviewing troops, here is Marshal Zifan; and for the moral legacy of true kingship and the arts of peace and war, here am I, Zhao Xi—let your great state look as it pleases.” ” The envoy reported to the Qin king that Chu was full of able ministers and should not be attacked. ” The anecdote is preserved in Liu Xiang’s Xin xu. The Guo yu records that when Prince Zhaoyu of Chu visited Jin, Zhao Jianzi of Jin clinked his jade ornaments and asked whether Chu still treasured its famous white jade hang. ” The prince answered that Chu had never treated such trinkets as its real treasure. Chu’s true jewels are Guan Shefu, whose diplomatic rhetoric commands the regional lords, and Yi Xiang, the Left Historian, who expounds the canonical texts that order every affair of state. Antique jades and ceremonial pendants are playthings of dead kings—what makes them “treasures”? ” The wording differs slightly from the passage cited above.
47
注[二]魏文侯受經於子夏，過段干木閭，未嘗不軾也。 李克曰：「文侯東得卜子夏、田子方、段干木，此三人者，君皆師之。 」又秦欲伐魏，或曰：「魏君賢人是禮，國人稱仁，上下和合，未可圖也。 」事見史記也。
Commentary, note 2: Marquis Wen studied the classics under Bu Zixia and always raised his chariot bar in respect when passing Duan Ganmu’s lane. Li Ke observed that east of the Taihang range Marquis Wen had won Bu Zixia, Tian Zifang, and Duan Ganmu, each honored as a teacher. ” When Qin later planned to strike Wei, advisers warned that the Wei ruler honored worthies, won the people’s love, and ruled a united state—no easy prey. ” Sima Qian records the same point.
48
注[三]謝承書曰：「純字仲真，會稽山陰人。 少為諸生，博極腢蓺。 十辟公府，三舉賢良方正，五征博士，四公車征，皆不就。 後征拜議郎，數陳□異，上便宜數百事，多見省納。 遷江夏太守。」
Commentary, note 3: Xie Cheng identifies He Chun, style Zhongzhen, as a native of Shanyin in Kuaiji. In his student days he mastered every branch of learning. He ignored ten summonses from the chief ministers, three nominations as “worthy and upright,” five calls to the imperial academy, and four imperial coach invitations. When he finally accepted appointment as Gentleman Consultant he repeatedly reported portents [one graph damaged] and offered hundreds of practical reforms, most of which the throne accepted. He rose to serve as governor of Jiangxia commandery.”
49
注[四]隆，高也。 崇，重也。 注[五]倫見儒林傳。
Commentary, note 4: long means “lofty” or “elevated.” Chong means “weighty” or “honored.” Commentary, note 5: Yang Lun is treated in the chapter on Confucian scholars.
50
注[六]臨字子陵，熙之子，為平原太守，見百家譜也。 注[七]植見黨人篇也。
Commentary, note 6: He Lin, style Ziling, son of He Xi, served as governor of Pingyuan; the pedigree books record him. Commentary, note 7: Fang Zhi is discussed in the treatise on the partisan prohibitions.
51
先是周舉等八使案察天下，多所劾奏，其中並是宦者親屬，輒為請乞，詔遂令勿考。 又舊任三府選令史，光祿試尚書郎，時皆特拜，不復選試。 固乃與廷尉吳雄上疏，以為八使所糾，宜急誅罰，選舉署置，可歸有司。 帝感其言，乃更下免八使所舉刺史、二千石，自是稀復特拜，切責三公，明加考察，朝廷稱善。
Earlier, when Zhou Ju and seven other inspectors toured the realm, their memorials implicated many eunuchs’ relatives, who lobbied the throne until an edict forbade further inquiry into those cases. The old rule had the Three Bureaus nominate clerks and the Imperial Household examine candidates for Masters of Writing posts; now every post was filled by special decree without the usual probation. Li Gu and Commandant Wu Xiong jointly urged that the inspectors’ targets be punished at once and that routine appointments be left again to the proper ministries. Moved by the memorial, the emperor removed the officials the envoys had denounced, curtailed ad hoc appointments, tightened oversight of the Three Excellencies, and won praise across the government.
52
乃復與光祿勳劉宣上言：「自頃選舉牧守，多非其人，至行無道，侵害百姓。 又宜止盤遊，專心庶政。 」帝納其言，於是下詔諸州劾奏守令以下，政有乖枉，遇人無惠者，免所居官； 其奸穢重罪，收付詔獄。
With Liu Xuan, Minister of the Imperial Household, he added: “Recent nominations for regional governors have too often produced men unfit for office—men who trample the law and prey on the people.” He also urged the emperor to give up pleasure tours and fix his mind on the daily business of rule. The throne agreed and ordered every province to impeach local officials who had governed unjustly or shown no mercy to the people; anyone guilty of serious corruption was to be jailed in the capital prison.
53
注[三]江京、劉安等坐省門下，孫程與王康等就斬京、安等，立順帝也。
Commentary, note 3: the coup in which Sun Cheng executed Jiang Jing and Liu An at the gate and raised Emperor Shun.
54
固以清河王蒜年長有德，欲立之，謂梁冀曰：「今當立帝，宜擇長年高明有德，任親政事者，願將軍審詳大計，察周、霍之立文、宣，[一]戒鄧、閻之利幼弱。」
Li Gu favored Prince Suan of Qinghe, a grown man of known virtue, and told Liang Ji to follow the precedents of Zhou Bo and Huo Guang in picking an adult ruler, not repeat the mistake of letting child emperors serve the Deng and Yan families.
55
[二]冀不從，乃立樂安王子纘，年八歲，是為質帝。 時沖帝將北卜山陵，固乃議曰：「今處處寇賊，軍興用費加倍，新創憲陵，賦發非一。 帝尚幼小，可起陵於憲陵塋內，依康陵制度，[三]其於役費三分減一。 」乃從固議。 時太后以比遭不造，委任宰輔，固所匡正，每輒從用，其黃門宦者一皆斥遣，天下鹹望遂平，而梁冀猜專，每相忌疾。 注[一]周勃立文帝，霍光立宣帝也。
Liang Ji refused, enthroned the eight-year-old son of the Prince of Le’an, Liu Zuan, who is known as Emperor Zhi. When Emperor Shun’s funeral train was to go north to the tomb, Li Gu argued that banditry everywhere had doubled military costs and that the new imperial tomb had already drained many levies. The child emperor could be buried inside Emperor Shun’s Xianling precinct on the model of Emperor Shang’s modest Kangling, cutting labor and expense by a third. The court accepted Li Gu’s plan. The Dowager, worn by repeated bereavements, leaned on her ministers and usually took Li Gu’s advice, purging the palace eunuchs; the empire hoped for peace, but Liang Ji grew jealous of any check on his power. Commentary, note 1: Zhou Bo raised Emperor Wen; Huo Guang raised Emperor Xuan.
56
注[二]謂鄧太后立殤帝，帝時誕育百餘日，二歲而崩； 又立安帝，時年十餘歲。 閻太后立北鄉侯，其年薨，又征諸王子，擬擇立之也。
Commentary, note 2: the Deng regents once enthroned the infant Emperor Shang, who died at two; they then set up Emperor An, then a boy of about ten. Empress Dowager Yan tried the Marquis of Beixiang, who died the same year, then cast about among the princes for another puppet.
57
注[三]康陵，殤帝陵也。
Commentary, note 3: Kangling is the mausoleum of the short-lived Emperor Shang.
58
初，順帝時諸所除官，多不以次，及固在事，奏免百餘人。 此等既怨，又希望冀旨，遂共作飛章虛誣固罪曰：「臣聞君不稽古，無以承天； [一]臣不述舊，無以奉君。 昔堯殂之後，舜仰慕三年，坐則見堯於牆，食則鶯堯於羹。 [二]斯所謂聿追來孝，不失臣子之節者。 [三]太尉李固，因公假私，依正行邪，離閒近戚，自隆支黨。 至於表舉薦達，例皆門徒； 及所辟召，靡非先舊。 或富室財賂，或子豻婚屬，其列在官牒者凡四十九人。 又廣選賈豎，以補令史； 募求好馬，臨□呈試。 出入踰侈，輜軿曜日。 大行在殯，路人掩涕，固獨胡粉飾貌，搔頭弄姿，[四]盤旋偃仰，從容冶步，曾無慘怛傷悴之心。 山陵未成，違矯舊政，善則稱己，過則歸君，斥逐近臣，不得侍送，作威作福，莫固之甚。 臣聞台輔之位，實和陰陽，琁機不平，寇賊奸軌，[五]則責在太尉。 [六]固受任之後，東南跋扈，兩州數郡，[七]千里蕭條，兆人傷損，大化陵□，而詆疵先主，苟肆狂狷。 存無廷爭之忠，沒有誹謗之說。 夫子罪莫大於累父，臣惡莫深於毀君。
Under Emperor Shun many offices had been sold or misfilled; once in power Li Gu secured the dismissal of over a hundred appointees. Those ousted officials nursed a grudge and curried Liang Ji’s favor by circulating an anonymous memorial: “A ruler who ignores antiquity cannot answer Heaven’s charge; and a minister who forgets precedent cannot serve his sovereign.” After Yao died, Shun mourned three years until he seemed to see Yao in every wall and taste him in every bowl. That is the “dutiful son who follows his father’s way” praised in the Odes—true loyalty between ruler and subject. They accused Grand Commandant Li Gu of twisting public office for private ends, slandering the imperial in-laws, and building a clique. Every man he recommended to high office, they said, was his protégé; and everyone he called to office was an old ally. Forty-nine names on the rolls, they charged, were bought with gold or tied by marriage. He supposedly packed the clerkships with shopkeepers; and staged horse trials [one character illegible] to show off costly mounts. His retinue and curtained carriages flaunted wealth in broad daylight. While the catafalque still stood in the palace, passersby wept—yet Li Gu, they claimed, powdered his face and minced about the court as if at a levee, showing no grief. Before the tomb was finished he overturned precedent, claimed every success and blamed the throne for every failure, barred palace attendants from the obsequies, and wielded ministerial authority as no one had before. The Three Excellencies harmonize Heaven and Earth; when the cosmic pivots slip and bandits multiply, the Grand Commandant bears the blame. Since his appointment the southeast has burned while thousands of li lie waste—yet he reviles the late emperor and struts unchecked [one character damaged in “great transformation”]. In life he never spoke truth at audience; in death he would leave only malice. No son’s sin is heavier than shaming his father; no minister’s crime is blacker than traducing his ruler.
59
固之過釁，事合誅辟。 」[八]事奏，冀以白太后，使下其事。 太后不聽，得免。 注[一]書曰：「粵若稽古帝堯。 」鄭玄注曰：「稽，同也。 古，天也。 言能同天而行者帝堯。」
Li Gu’s offenses deserve death. ” When the document reached Liang Ji, he showed it to the Dowager and asked her to order an inquiry. She refused to act, and Li Gu escaped conviction. Commentary, note 1: the Shang shu opens, “Examining antiquity, Emperor Yao…” ” Zheng Xuan glosses ji as “to match” or “align with.” Gu here means “Heaven” or “high antiquity.” The line praises a ruler whose conduct matches Heaven—here, Emperor Yao.”
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注[二]太公兵法曰：「帝堯王天下之時，金銀珠玉弗服也，錦銹文綺弗衣也，奇怪異物弗視也，玩好之器弗寶也，淫佚之樂弗聽也，宮垣室屋弗堊色也，榱桷柱楹弗藻飾也，茅茨之蓋弗翦齊也，滋味重累弗食也，溫飯暖羹酸餧不易也。」
Commentary, note 2: the apocryphal military canon ascribes to Yao a life of deliberate austerity—plain clothes, plain food, undecorated halls.
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注[三]聿，述也。 詩大雅曰：「文王烝哉，遹追來孝。 」言文王能述追王季勤孝之行也。
Commentary, note 3: yu means “to carry on” or “hand down.” The Book of Poetry says of King Wen that he “carried forward the filial duty that reaches his forebears.” ” That is, King Wen continued King Ji’s devoted service to his father.
62
注[四]西京雜記曰：「武帝遇李夫人，就取玉簪搔頭，自此宮人搔頭皆用玉。」
Commentary, note 4: Liu Xiang’s miscellany says Emperor Wu borrowed Lady Li’s jade hairpin to scratch his head, starting a court fashion.
63
注[五]書曰：「琁機玉衡以齊七政。 」孔安國注曰：「琁，美玉也。 機，衡也。 王者正天文之器，可運轉者也。 」又曰：「寇賊奸軌。 」注曰：「腢行攻劫曰寇，殺人曰賊，在外曰奸，在內曰軌。」
Commentary, note 5: the Shang shu describes the celestial instrument used to align the seven luminaries. ” Kong Anguo glosses the instrument’s jade components. Ji is the crossbar of the sighting instrument. It is the sovereign’s armilary sphere, meant to be turned and read. ” Another passage lists “bandits, rebels, traitors, and villains within.” ” The gloss distinguishes bandits who raid in packs, murderers called “rebels,” outside agitators, and inside conspirators.”
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注[六]續漢志曰「太尉掌四方兵事功課，歲盡則奏殿最而行賞罰」也。
Commentary, note 6: the Later Han offices treatise makes the Grand Commandant answer for military security and year-end performance reviews.
65
注[七]謂九江賊徐鳳、馬免等攻燒城邑，廣陵賊張嬰等攻殺江都長。 九江、廣陵是荊、楊之地，故雲兩州也。
Commentary, note 7: the outbreaks led by Xu Feng and Ma Mian in Jiujiang and Zhang Ying in Guangling. Those commanderies lay in Jingzhou and Yangzhou—hence “two provinces.”
66
注[八]據吳佑傳，此章馬融之詞。
Commentary, note 8: Wu You’s biography attributes the forged text to Ma Rong’s pen.
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冀忌帝聰慧，恐為後患，遂令左右進鴆。 帝苦煩甚，使促召固。 固入，前問：「陛下得患所由？ 」帝尚能言，曰：「食□餅，今腹中悶，得水尚可活。 」時冀亦在側，曰：「恐吐，不可飲水。 」語未絕而崩。 固伏屍號哭，推舉侍醫。 冀慮其事洩，大惡之。
Liang Ji feared the boy’s intelligence and ordered an attendant to bring poisoned gruel. The child grew violently ill and cried for Li Gu to be fetched. Li Gu rushed in and asked what had brought on the sudden illness. ” The emperor could still whisper that he had eaten a cake, that his belly was knotted with pain, and that water might save him. ” Liang Ji, standing beside the bed, said water would only make him vomit. ” Before the sentence ended the boy was dead. Li Gu threw himself on the body, weeping, and seized the court physician for questioning. Liang Ji feared exposure and hated Li Gu all the more.
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因議立嗣，固引司徒胡廣、司空趙戒，[一]先與冀書曰：「天下不幸，仍遭大憂。
In the debate over the succession Li Gu enlisted Hu Guang and Zhao Jie and wrote first to Liang Ji: “The empire mourns another untimely death.”
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皇太后聖德當朝，攝統萬機，明將軍體履忠孝，憂存社稷，而頻年之閒，國祚三絕。 [二]今當立帝，天下重器，誠知太后垂心，將軍勞慮，詳擇其人，務存聖明。 然愚情眷眷，竊獨有懷。 遠尋先世廢立舊儀，近見國家踐祚前事，未嘗不詢訪公卿，廣求腢議，令上應天心，下合觿望。
The Dowager’s virtue steadies the court, and you, General, claim to guard the altars—yet three emperors have died in quick succession. Choosing the next ruler is the heaviest charge in the realm; we know you and the Dowager weigh every candidate in search of a worthy man. Yet I cannot help adding one plea of my own. Every past enthronement consulted the high ministers and listened to public opinion so that Heaven and the people might both be satisfied.
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且永初以來，政事多謬，地震宮廟，彗星竟天，誠是將軍用情之日。 傳曰：『以天下與人易，為天下得人難。 』昔昌邑之立，昏亂日滋，霍光憂愧發憤，悔之折骨。 [三]自非博陸忠勇，[四]延年奮發，大漢之祀，幾將傾矣。 [五]至憂至重，可不熟慮！ 悠悠萬事，唯此為大。 國之興衰，在此一舉。 」冀得書，乃召三公、中二千石、列侯大議所立。 固、廣、戒及大鴻臚杜喬皆以為清河王蒜明德著聞，又屬最尊親，宜立為嗣。 先是蠡吾侯志當取冀妹，時在京師，冀欲立之。 觿論既異，憤憤不得意，而未有以相奪。 [六]中常侍曹騰等聞而夜往說冀曰：「將軍累世有椒房之親，秉攝萬機，賓客縱橫，多有過差。 清河王嚴明，若果立，則將軍受禍不久矣。 不如立蠡吾侯，富貴可長保也。 」冀然其言。 明日重會公卿，冀意氣凶凶，而言辭激切。 自胡廣、趙戒以下，莫不懾憚之。 皆曰：
Since the Yongchu reign omens have multiplied—tremors in the palace, a comet across the sky—this is the moment for deepest sincerity. The classics say, “Giving away the realm is easy; finding a worthy to receive it is hard.” ” King Changyi’s brief reign showed how quickly a bad choice brings chaos—Huo Guang nearly broke himself with remorse. Had not Huo Guang (Lord Bolu) and Tian Yannian acted with desperate loyalty, the Han house would have fallen then. The burden could not be heavier—think long before you choose. Among the endless affairs of state, none outweighs this. The dynasty’s fate turns on this single decision. ” Liang Ji read the letter and convened the high nobility to debate the succession. Li Gu, Hu Guang, Zhao Jie, and Grand Herald Du Qiao all named Prince Suan of Qinghe, the most senior and virtuous of the Liu princes. Liang Ji preferred his future brother-in-law Zhi, Marquis of Liwu, who was already in Luoyang. Opinion was split; neither side could yet force a decision. That night Regular Attendant Cao Teng warned Liang Ji: “Your clan has married into the palace for generations; your clients break every rule; Prince Suan is strict and perceptive—if he mounts the throne your house will not survive long.” Better enthrone the Marquis of Liwu and keep your fortune secure.” Liang Ji took the advice. Next day he reconvened the assembly, truculent and sharp-tongued. From Hu Guang and Zhao Jie downward, no one dared defy him. They chorused:
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「惟大將軍令。 」而固獨與杜喬堅守本議。 冀厲聲曰：「罷會。 」固意既不從，猶望觿心可立，復以書勸冀。 冀愈激怒，乃說太后先策免固，竟立蠡吾侯，是為桓帝。 注[一]謝承書「戒字志伯，蜀郡成都人也。 戒博學明經講授，舉孝廉，累遷荊州刺史。 梁商弟讓為南陽太守，恃椒房之寵，不奉法，戒到州，劾奏之。 遷戒河閒相。 以冀部難理，整厲威嚴。 遷南陽太守。 糾豪傑，恤吏人，奏免中官貴戚子弟為令長貪濁者。 征拜為尚書令，出為河南尹，轉拜太常。 永和六年特拜司空」也。
“We await the Grand General’s order alone.” Only Li Gu and Du Qiao held out for Prince Suan. Liang Ji snarled, “This session is ended.” Though outvoted, Li Gu still hoped public sentiment would favor Prince Suan and wrote again to Liang Ji. Liang Ji, furious, persuaded the Dowager to strip Li Gu of office first, then enthroned the Marquis of Liwu as Emperor Huan. Commentary, note 1: Xie Cheng gives Zhao Jie’s style as Zhibo and his origin as Chengdu. He rose through learning and the classics, took the “filial and incorrupt” path, and eventually became inspector of Jing Province. When Liang Rang, brother of Liang Shang, abused his post as governor of Nanyang, Zhao Jie impeached him on arrival. He was then named chancellor of the kingdom of Hejian. Hejian was unruly, so he ruled with strict authority. He returned as governor of Nanyang. He curbed local strongmen, looked after officials and commoners, and removed corrupt magistrates who were kin of eunuchs and great clans. He served as Director of the Secretariat, Intendant of Henan, and Minister of Ceremonies in turn. In Yonghe 6 he was specially named Minister of Works.”
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注[二]順帝崩，沖帝立一年崩，質帝一年崩。
Commentary, note 2: Emperor Shun died, Emperor Chong reigned one year and died, Emperor Zhi one year and died.
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注[三]昌邑王賀，武帝孫昌邑哀王子也。 昭帝崩，霍光立之。
Commentary, note 3: the deposed King He of Changyi was a grandson of Emperor Wu. On Emperor Zhao’s death Huo Guang raised him to the throne.
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注[四]霍光封博陸侯。 前書音義曰：「博，大。 陸，平。 取其嘉名，無此縣也。 食邑北海、河東也。」
Commentary, note 4: Huo Guang held the title Marquis of Bolu. An earlier commentary glosses bo as “great.” Lu means “level” or “peaceful.” The title was an honorific bundle of graphs, not the name of a single county. His income came from estates in Beihai and Hedong.”
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注[五]霍光召丞相已下議曰：「昌邑王行昏亂，恐危社稷，如何？ 」腢臣皆驚愕失色。 大司農田延年前離席案□曰：「今日之議，不得旋踵，腢臣後應者，臣請□斬之！ 」於是廢立遂定。
Commentary, note 5: Huo Guang asked his colleagues whether King He’s debauchery threatened the state. ” The ministers sat in shocked silence. Tian Yannien leaped up, struck the table, and swore that anyone who hesitated would die under the axe [characters damaged]. ” On that word King He was deposed.
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注[六]未有別理而易奪之。
Commentary, note 6: Li Gu had given no fresh cause for dismissal yet was stripped at will.
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後歲餘，甘陵劉文、魏郡劉鮪各謀立蒜為天子，梁冀因此誣固與文、鮪共為妖言，下獄。 門生勃海王調貫械上書，證固之枉，河內趙承等數十人亦要鈇鍎詣闕通訴，[一]太后明之，乃赦焉。 及出獄，京師市裡皆稱萬歲。 冀聞之大驚，畏固名德終為己害，乃更據奏前事，遂誅之，時年五十四。 [二]注[一]字林曰：「鈇鍎，椹也。 」鍎音質。 椹音竹心反。
A year later Liu Wen and Liu Wei raised Prince Suan’s banner; Liang Ji framed Li Gu as their accomplice and jailed him. His student Wang Tiao wore the convict’s collar to petition for justice, and dozens led by Zhao Cheng of Henei gathered at the gate with executioners’ axes until the Dowager saw the truth and ordered his release. When Li Gu walked free the capital streets rang with cheers. Liang Ji, terrified by Li Gu’s popularity, re-opened the old charges and had him killed at fifty-four. Commentary: the word list defines the heavy axe and block carried to the gate. Zhi is glossed with the “quality” reading. Zhen uses the fanqie spelling “bamboo + heart.”
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注[二]固臨終，□子孫素棺三寸，幅巾，殯殮於本郡磽埆之地，不得還墓塋，污先公兆域。 見謝承書也。
Commentary, note 2: Li Gu’s deathbed instructions—a thin pine coffin, plain winding sheet, burial in poor soil of his commandery lest his corpse pollute the family cemetery—are recorded in Xie Cheng. The same details appear in Xie Cheng’s history.
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臨命，與胡廣、趙戒書曰：「固受國厚恩，是以竭其股肱，不顧死亡，志欲扶持王室，比隆文、宣。 [一]何圖一朝梁氏迷謬，公等曲從，以吉為凶，成事為敗乎？ 漢家衰微，從此始矣。 公等受主厚祿，顛而不扶，傾覆大事，後之良史，豈有所私？ 固身已矣，於義得矣，夫復何言！ 」廣、戒得書悲籩，皆長歎流涕。 注[一]文帝、宣帝皆腢臣迎立，能興漢祚。
Facing execution he wrote to Hu Guang and Zhao Jie: “The Han has loaded me with favors; I gave my limbs and life to raise it as Wen and Xuan were raised.” “Who could have dreamed that the Liang clan would lead you astray in one morning—that you would call good evil and turn victory into ruin?” From this day the Han begins its slide. You feed richly from the throne yet let it fall—do you think later historians will spare you?” For myself I am done; I have kept faith—there is nothing left to say.” Hu Guang and Zhao Jie read the letter and wept aloud. Commentary, note 1: Emperors Wen and Xuan were both brought to the throne by ministers and restored the dynasty.
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州郡收固二子基、茲於郾城，皆死獄中。 [一]小子燮得脫亡命。 冀乃封廣、戒而露固屍於四衢，[二]令有敢臨者加其罪。 固弟子汝南郭亮，[三]年始成童，[四]遊學洛陽，乃左提章鉞，[五]右秉鈇鍎，詣闕上書，乞收固屍。 不許，因往臨哭，陳辭於前，遂守喪不去。 夏門亭長呵之曰：[六]「李、杜二公為大臣，不能安上納忠，而興造無端。 卿曹何等腐生，公犯詔書，干試有司乎？ 」[七]亮曰：「亮含陰陽以生，戴干履坤。 義之所動，豈知性命，何為以死相懼？ 」亭長歎曰：「居非命之世，[八]天高不敢不局，地厚不敢不蹐。 [九]耳目適宜視聽，口不可以妄言也。 」太后聞而不誅。 南陽人董班亦往哭固，而殉屍不肯去。 [一０]太后憐之，乃聽得襚斂歸葬。 二人由此顯名，三公並辟。 班遂隱身，莫知所歸。 注[一]續漢書曰，基，偃師長。 袁宏紀曰，基字憲公，茲字季公，並為長史，聞固策免，並□官亡歸巴漢。 南鄭趙子賤為郡功曹，詔下郡殺固二子。 太守知其枉，遇之甚寬，二子托服藥夭，具棺器，欲因出逃。 子賤畏法，□吏驗實，就殺之。
Provincial agents seized his sons Li Ji and Li Ci at Yancheng and killed them in jail. His youngest son Li Xie alone escaped into hiding. Liang Ji rewarded Hu Guang and Zhao Jie while displaying Li Gu’s body at a crossroads and threatening anyone who approached. Guo Liang of Runan, Li Gu’s pupil barely fifteen, came to the capital with petition and axe in hand to beg for his teacher’s body. Refused, he wept at the corpse and refused to leave. The warden of the Xia Gate barracks snarled: “Li Gu and Du Qiao were chief ministers who could not steady the throne yet stirred endless trouble.” What pack of bookworms dares defy an imperial edict and bait the law?” ” Guo Liang answered, “Heaven and Earth gave me life to serve the right; your blade does not frighten me.” When duty calls, what is my life to me? Threats of death do not move me.” ” The warden sighed, “We live when Heaven itself is unsafe—though the sky is high we must walk bent double.” “We may look and listen, but the mouth must stay shut.” The Dowager heard and spared him. Dong Ban of Nanyang likewise mourned and would not leave the body. Moved by pity, she allowed the rites of encoffining and burial at home. Both men won fame and summons from the Three Excellencies. Dong Ban vanished and was never traced. Commentary, note 1: the Later Han history says Li Ji governed Yanshi county. Yuan Hong records their styles and says both were chief clerks who abandoned office and fled to the southwest when Li Gu fell. Zhao Zijian, merit clerk of Hanzhong, received orders to execute the two sons. The governor knew the case was wrongful and colluded in a sham death by poison so they might flee. Zhao Zijian, afraid of the statute, sent clerks to verify the “corpses” and murdered both youths.
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注[二]爾雅曰：「四達謂之衢。 」郭璞注曰：「交通四出者也。」
Commentary, note 2: the Erya defines a major intersection as a “crossroads.” ” Guo Pu glosses it as where four roads meet.”
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注[三]謝承書曰：「亮字恆直，朗陵人也。」
Commentary, note 3: Xie Cheng identifies Guo Liang as Hengzhi of Langling.
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注[四]成童，年十五也。 禮記曰「十五成童，舞象」也。
Commentary, note 4: “completed boy” means fifteen sui. The Liji says that at fifteen a boy performs the “elephant” dance.
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注[五]章謂所上章也。 蒼頡篇曰：「鉞，斧也。」
Commentary, note 5: zhang here means the written petition he carried. The Cangjie word list defines yue as a battle-axe.
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注[六]洛陽北面西頭門，門外有萬壽亭。
Commentary, note 6: the Xia Gate was the western end of Luoyang’s north wall, beside the Longevity kiosk.
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注[七]腐生者，猶言腐儒也。
Commentary, note 7: “rotten students” means pedantic scholars.
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注[八]非命謂衰亂之時，人多不得其死也。
Commentary, note 8: an “unnatural age” is one when men die before their time.
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注[九]局，曲也。 蹐，累足也。 言天高而有雷霆，地厚而有淪陷，上下皆可畏懼也。 詩云「謂天蓋高，不敢不局，謂地蓋厚，不敢不蹐」也。
Commentary, note 9: ju means “crouched” or “hunched.” Ji means walking on tiptoe in fear. Heaven sends thunder from its height; Earth opens chasms in its depth—both inspire dread. The Odes say, “They call Heaven high, yet I dare not stand straight; they call Earth thick, yet I dare not plant a firm foot.”
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注[一０]殉，巡也。 楚國先賢傳曰：「班字季，宛人也。 少游太學，宗事李固，才高行美，不交非類。 嘗耦耕澤畔，惡衣蔬食。 聞固死，乃星行奔赴，哭泣盡哀。 司隸案狀奏聞，天子釋而不罪。 班遂守屍積十日不去。 桓帝嘉其義烈，聽許送喪到漢中，赴葬畢而還也。」
Commentary, note 10: xun here means keeping vigil beside the bier. The Chu worthy Dong Ban, style Ji, came from Wan. He studied at the academy, chose Li Gu as his teacher, shunned bad company, and was known for talent and character. He had farmed beside a marsh in rough cloth and simple fare. When Li Gu died he rushed by night to Luoyang and wept his heart out. The Metropolitan Governor reported him, but the emperor pardoned the offense. Dong Ban kept vigil ten days without stirring. Emperor Huan honored his loyalty and let him accompany the hearse to Hanzhong before returning home.”
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固所著章、表、奏、議、教令、對策、記、銘凡十一篇。 弟子趙承等悲歎不已，乃共論固言多，以為德行一篇。 [一]注[一]謝承書曰：「固所授弟子，穎川杜訪、汝南鄭遂、河內趙承等七十二人，相與哀歎悲憤，以為眼不復瞻固形容，耳不復聞固嘉訓，乃共論集德行一篇。」
Li Gu’s surviving papers—memorials, petitions, edict responses, and the like—fill eleven items. His students, led by Zhao Cheng, compiled his moral teaching into a separate memoir. Xie Cheng lists seventy-two disciples who collated Li Gu’s ethical teachings after his death.
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燮字德公。 初，固既策罷，知不免禍，乃遣三子歸鄉里。 時燮年十三，姊文姬為同郡趙伯英妻，賢而有智，見二兄歸，具知事本，默然獨悲曰：「李氏滅矣！ 自太公已來，積德累仁，何以遇此？ 」[一]密與二兄謀豫藏匿燮，託言還京師，人咸信之。 有頃難作，下郡收固三子。
Li Xie’s courtesy name was Degong. When Li Gu knew dismissal meant death, he sent his three sons home to Hanzhong. Li Xie was only thirteen. His elder sister Wenji, married to Zhao Boying in their home commandery and a woman of rare good sense, saw her brothers ride in and knew the worst; alone she whispered, “The Li family is finished.” “Since our grandfather’s day we have piled virtue—how have we earned this?” ” She hid Li Xie with her brothers and spread word that he had gone back to Luoyang. Soon the warrant came for all three sons.
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二兄受害，文姬乃告父門生王成曰：「君執義先公，有古人之節。 今委君以六尺之孤，[二]李氏存滅，其在君矣。 」成感其義，乃將燮乘江東下，入徐州界內，令變名姓為酒家傭，[三]而成賣卜於巿。 各為異人，陰相往來。 注[一]太公謂祖父合也。
After the elder brothers died she told Wang Cheng, “You kept faith with my father like a man of old.” “I entrust you with this boy—the Li line lives or dies in your hands.” Wang Cheng took Li Xie down the Yangzi into Xu Province, hid him as a potboy in an inn, and himself peddled divinations in the street. They passed as strangers yet met in secret. Commentary, note 1: “Grand Duke” here means Li Gu’s grandfather Li He.
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注[二]六尺謂年十五以下。
Commentary, note 2: “six-foot orphan” means a boy under fifteen.
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注[三]謝承書曰：「燮遠遁身於北海劇，托命滕咨家以得免。 」與此不同。
Commentary, note 3: Xie Cheng says Li Xie hid in Ju county in Beihai with a man named Teng Zi—a variant of the tavern tale. ” That version differs from the story told here.
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燮從受學，酒家異之，意非恆人，以女妻燮。 燮專精經學。 十餘年閒，梁冀既誅而□眚屢見。 明年，史官上言宜有赦令，又當存錄大臣冤死者子孫，於是大赦天下，並求固後嗣。 燮乃以本末告酒家，酒傢具車重厚遣之，皆不受，遂還鄉里，追服。 姊弟相見，悲感傍人。 既而戒燮曰：「先公正直，為漢忠臣，而遇朝廷傾亂，梁冀肆虐，令吾宗祀血食將絕。 今弟幸而得濟，豈非天邪！ 宜杜絕觿人，勿妄往來，慎無一言加於梁氏。 加梁氏則連主上，禍重至矣。 唯引咎而已。 」燮謹從其誨。 後王成卒，燮以禮葬之，感傷舊恩，每四節為設上賓之位而祠焉。
The innkeeper, seeing Li Xie’s brilliance, apprenticed him and married him to his daughter. Li Xie buried himself in the Confucian canon. A decade passed: Liang Ji fell, and ill omens kept appearing at court. The next year the court astronomers urged a general amnesty and a search for heirs of unjustly executed ministers; an edict pardoned the empire and specifically sought a descendant of Li Gu. Li Xie confided the truth to his father-in-law, who offered money and a carriage; Li Xie refused everything and went home to mourn his kin. Brother and sister embraced while onlookers wept. His sister warned him: “Our father died a Han loyalist while the Liang clan ran riot and nearly wiped out our line.” “That you survived is Heaven’s own mercy.” Shun the crowd, speak no word against the Liangs. Any attack on the Liangs will touch the emperor himself and bring worse disaster. Confine yourself to self-blame and silence.” Li Xie obeyed her to the letter. When Wang Cheng died, Li Xie gave him a full funeral and each quarter set a place for him at the family sacrifice.
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州郡禮命，四府並辟，皆無所就，後征拜議郎。 及其在位，廉方自守，所交皆捨短取長，好成人之美。 時穎川荀爽、賈彪，雖俱知名而不相能，燮並交二子，情無適莫，世稱其平正。 [一]注[一]論語曰：「君子之於天下也，無適也，無莫也，義之與比。」
He turned down every provincial and metropolitan summons until the court named him Gentleman Consultant. In office he stayed honest, chose friends for their virtues, and delighted in advancing others’ good names. When rivals Xun Shuang and Jia Biao of Yingchuan would not speak, Li Xie befriended both without taking sides, and the world called him even-handed. Commentary, note 1: the Lun yu says the gentleman cleaves to right, not to factions.”
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靈帝時拜安平相。 先是安平王續為張角賊所略，國家贖王得還，朝廷議復其國。
Under Emperor Ling he became chancellor of the kingdom of Anping. Earlier rebels had kidnapped King Xu of Anping; after ransom the court debated restoring his fief.
98
燮上奏曰：「續在國無政，為妖賊所虜，守藩不稱，損辱聖朝，不宜復國。 」時議者不同，而續竟歸藩。 燮以謗毀宗室，輸作左校。 未滿歲，王果坐不道被誅，乃拜燮為議郎。 京師語曰：「父不肯立帝，子不肯立王。」
Li Xie argued that the king’s capture proved his unfit rule and that restoring his state would shame the dynasty. The assembly split, but the king kept his domain anyway. For impugning the Liu blood he was sentenced to hard labor in the Left Camp. Within the year King Xu was executed for debauchery, and Li Xie was vindicated with a consultant’s post. Luoyang wits said, “The father would not make a bad emperor; the son would not save a bad king.”
99
擢遷河南尹。 時既以貨賂為官，詔書復橫發錢三億，以實西園。 [一]燮上書陳諫，辭義深切，帝乃止。 先是穎川甄邵諂附梁冀，為鄴令。 有同歲生得罪於冀，亡奔邵，邵偽納而陰以告冀，冀即捕殺之。 邵當遷為郡守，會母亡，邵且埋屍於馬屋，先受封，然後發喪。 邵還至洛陽，燮行塗遇之，使卒投車於溝中，笞捶亂下，大署帛於其背曰「諂貴賣友，貪官埋母」。 乃具表其狀。 邵遂廢錮終身。
He rose to Intendant of Henan. Office-selling was already rife when the throne ordered another three hundred million cash squeezed from the commanderies for the Western Garden treasury. Li Xie’s passionate memorial stopped the levy. Zhen Shao of Yingchuan had curried favor with Liang Ji as magistrate of Ye. When a schoolmate sought refuge, Zhen Shao sheltered him in public and betrayed him in secret; Liang Ji had the fugitive killed. Zhen Shao was due for promotion when his mother died; he hid her corpse in a horse stall, took his seal, then announced her death. Li Xie ambushed him, overturned his cart, flogged him, and pinned a placard on his back: “Toadies to power, sells his friends, buries his mother for a title.” He laid the whole case before the throne. Zhen Shao was disgraced and banned from office forever.
100
燮在職二年卒，時人感其世忠正，鹹傷惜焉。 注[一]事見宦者傳。
Li Xie died in office two years later; the world mourned a house that had given the Han two generations of integrity. Commentary, note 1: see the chapter on palace eunuchs for Liang Ji’s fall and the amnesty.
101
杜喬字叔榮，河內林慮人也。 [一]少為諸生，舉孝廉，辟司徒楊震府。 稍遷為南郡太守，轉東海相，入拜侍中。 注[一]續漢書曰：「累祖吏二千石。 喬少好學，治韓詩、京氏易、歐陽尚書，以孝稱。 雖二千石子，常步擔求師。 」林慮，今相州縣也。
Du Qiao, style Shurong, came from Linlu in Henei commandery. As a young scholar he took the “filial and incorrupt” nomination and entered the bureau of Yang Zhen, Minister over the Masses. He rose to governor of Nan commandery, chancellor of Donghai, and Palace Attendant at court. Commentary, note 1: Xie Cheng notes several generations of two-thousand-picul forebears. Du Qiao mastered the Han poetry tradition, Jing Fang’s Zhou yi, and the Ouyang Shang shu, and was known for filial piety. Though his father ranked at two thousand piculs, he walked the roads himself to find teachers. Linlu is the modern Lin county in the Xiangzhou region.
102
漢安元年，以喬守光祿大夫，使徇察兗州。 表奏太山太守李固政為天下第一；
In 142 CE he served as acting Grandee of the Imperial Household on an inspection tour of Yan Province. His highest praise went to Li Gu’s administration in Taishan;
103
陳留太守梁讓、濟陰太守汜宮、濟北相崔瑗等臧罪千萬以上。 讓即大將軍梁冀季父，宮、瑗皆冀所善。 還，拜太子太傅，遷大司農。
He impeached Liang Rang of Chenliu, Si Gong of Jiyin, and Cui Yuan of Jibei for embezzlement exceeding ten million. Liang Rang was Liang Ji’s uncle; Si Gong and Cui Yuan were the general’s protégés. After the tour he became Grand Tutor to the crown prince and then Grand Minister of Agriculture.
104
注[二]蒼頡篇：「紱，綬也。」
Commentary, note 2: the word list glosses fu as the official ribbon.
105
注[三]易旅卦九四曰：「旅於處，得其資斧。 」前書音義曰：「資，利也。」
Commentary, note 3: the Zhou yi’s Lu line speaks of the traveler who finds lodging and the “profit axe” of authority. ” An old commentary glosses zi as “gain” or “advantage.”
106
益州刺史種暠舉劾永昌太守劉君世以金蛇遺梁冀，事發覺，以蛇輸司農。 冀從喬借觀之，喬不肯與，冀始為恨。 累遷大源臚。 時冀小女死，令公卿會喪，喬獨不往，冀又銜之。
Chong Hao, inspector of Yi Province, charged Liu Junshi of Yongchang with bribing Liang Ji with a golden snake; the snake was impounded by the Minister of Agriculture. Liang Ji asked to borrow the exhibit; Du Qiao refused, and the general began to hate him. He was promoted to Grand Herald, chief of diplomatic receptions. When Liang Ji’s daughter died he ordered the whole bureaucracy to attend the funeral; Du Qiao stayed away, deepening the feud.
107
遷光祿勳。 建和元年，代胡廣為太尉。 桓帝將納梁冀妹，冀欲令以厚禮迎之，喬據執舊典，不聽。 [一]又冀屬喬舉汜宮為尚書，喬以宮臧罪明著，遂不肯用，因此日忤於冀。 先是李固見廢，內外喪氣，腢臣側足而立，唯喬正色無所回橈。
He became Minister of the Imperial Household. In 147 CE he succeeded Hu Guang as Grand Commandant. When Emperor Huan married Liang Ji’s sister, the general demanded an extravagant bride-price; Du Qiao held to ancient precedent and blocked him. Liang Ji also ordered him to nominate the disgraced Si Gong for the Secretariat; Du Qiao refused and defied him daily. After Li Gu fell the court went in fear of its shadow—only Du Qiao still met Liang Ji’s eye without flinching.
108
[二]由是海內歎息，朝野瞻望焉。 在位數月，以地震免。 宦者唐衡、左悺等因共譖於帝曰：「陛下前當即位，喬與李固抗議言上不堪奉漢宗祀。 」[三]帝亦怨之。 及清河王蒜事起，梁冀遂諷有司劾喬及李固與劉鮪等交通，請逮案罪。 而梁太后素知喬忠，但策免而已。 [四]冀愈怒，使人脅喬曰：「早從宜，妻子可得全。 」[五]喬不肯。 明日冀遣騎至其門，不聞哭者，遂白執系之，死獄中。 妻子歸故郡。 與李固俱暴屍於城北，家屬故人莫敢視者。 注[一]時有司奏曰：「春秋迎王后於紀，在塗則稱後。 今大將軍冀女弟宜備禮章，時進征幣。 」奏可。 於是悉依孝惠帝納後故事，聘黃金二萬斤，納采鴈璧乘馬，一依舊典。
The empire drew breath in admiration; every eye turned to him. He held the Grand Commandant’s post only a few months before an earthquake edict removed him. Eunuchs Tang Heng and Zuo Guan told the emperor that Du Qiao and Li Gu had opposed his enthronement as unfit to serve the Han altars. The emperor nursed a grudge. When the Liu Wei plot broke, Liang Ji had Du Qiao and Li Gu impeached as accomplices. The Dowager knew his loyalty and stopped at dismissal. Liang Ji sent killers with an ultimatum: kill yourself and your family lives. Du Qiao refused. Next morning Liang Ji’s men listened at the door for funeral wails, heard none, burst in, and took Du Qiao to a cell where he died. His family was sent home to Henei. His body was displayed beside Li Gu’s; no friend dared approach. Commentary, note 1: officials cited the Annals rule for escorting a bride of state. They asked that Liang Ji’s sister receive the full queenly betrothal rites.” The throne approved. The wedding followed Emperor Hui’s precedent—two ten-thousand jin of gold and the full classical gifts.
109
注[二]回，邪也。 橈，曲也。
Commentary, note 2: hui means “devious.” Rao means “bent” or “supple.”
110
注[三]抗，舉也。
Commentary, note 3: kang means “to lift” or “present openly.”
111
注[四]續漢書曰：「喬諸生耿伯嘗與鮪同止，冀諷吏執鮪為喬門生。」
Commentary, note 4: Liang Ji framed a link between Du Qiao and Liu Wei through a student named Geng Bo.
112
注[五]從宜，令其自盡也。
Commentary, note 5: “take the appropriate course” was euphemism for suicide.
113
喬故掾陳留楊匡聞之，號泣星行到洛陽，乃著故赤幘，托為夏門亭吏，守衛屍喪，驅護蠅蟲，積十二日，都官從事執之以聞。 梁太后義而不罪。 匡於是帶鈇鍎詣闕上書，並乞李、杜二公骸骨。 太后許之。 成禮殯殮，送喬喪還家，葬送行服，隱匿不仕。 匡初好學，常在外黃大澤教授門徒。 補蘄長，[一]政有異績，遷平原令。 時國相徐曾，中常侍璜之兄也，匡恥與接事，托疾牧豕雲。 [二]注[一]蘄，今徐州縣也，音機。
Yang Kuang, Du Qiao’s former clerk, raced to Luoyang in mourning guise, posed as a gate guard, and kept the flies off both corpses for twelve days until the police arrested him. The Dowager called it loyalty and released him. He then petitioned at the gate with axe in belt for the bones of Li Gu and Du Qiao. She granted the request. He encoffined Du Qiao, sent the hearse to Henei, and withdrew from public life. Yang Kuang had taught students in the marshes of Waihuang. He served as magistrate of Qi with distinction, then governed Pingyuan county. When the kingdom chancellor proved to be the eunuch Xu Huang’s brother, Yang Kuang feigned illness and herded pigs rather than serve under him. Commentary: Qi county lies in modern Xuzhou; the name is read ji.
114
注[二]袁山松書，匡一名章，字叔康也。
Commentary, note 2: Yuan Song gives Yang Kuang’s alternate name Zhang and style Shukang.
115
論曰：夫稱仁人者，其道弘矣！ [一]立言踐行，[二]豈徒徇名安己而已哉，[三]將以定去就之□，正天下之風，使生以理全，死與義合也。 [四]夫專為義則傷生，[五]專為生則騫義，[六]專為物則害智，[七]專為己則損仁。 若義重於生，捨生可也； 生重於義，全生可也。 [八]上以殘闇失君道，下以篤固盡臣節。 臣節盡而死之，則為殺身以成仁，去之不為求生以害仁也。 [九]順桓之閒，國統三絕，太后稱制，賊臣虎視。 李固據位持重，以爭大義，確乎而不可奪。 [一０]豈不知守節之觸禍，恥夫覆折之傷任也。 [一一]觀其發正辭，及所遺梁冀書，雖機失謀乖，猶戀戀而不能已。 至矣哉，社稷之心乎！ 其顧視胡廣、趙戒，猶糞土也。 注[一]弘，大也。 言非一塗也。
The historian’s judgment: to call a man “humane” is to set a high standard. True words and deeds are not vanity; they set the moral weather of the age so that life rests on principle and death on duty. Single-minded zeal for duty can cost your life; single-minded love of life can forfeit honor; clinging to things dulls judgment; selfishness erodes humanity. When duty outweighs life, a man may die for it; when life outweighs duty, he may rightly save himself. Above, a vicious ruler forfeits the Way; below, a loyal minister spends his last measure of fidelity. To die when duty is done is “destroying the body to complete benevolence”; to withdraw without betraying humanity is not “clinging to life at benevolence’s expense.” Between Emperors Shun and Huan three child emperors died, regents and eunuchs glared like tigers. Li Gu used his high office to fight for the right heir and would not be moved. He knew integrity would invite ruin yet could not bear to fail the trust placed in him. Read his straight speech and his final letter to Liang Ji: his tactics failed, yet his heart could not let go. What depth of loyalty to the altars of state! In Li Gu’s eyes Hu Guang and Zhao Jie were no better than filth. Commentary, note 1: hong means “vast” or “great.” The “way” of the humane man admits more than one course.
116
注[二]立其言，必踐而行之。
Commentary, note 2: what he professes he must live out.
117
注[三]徇，求也。
Commentary, note 3: xun means “to seek” or “pursue.”
118
注[四]□，節也。 立身之道，唯孝與忠，全生死之義，須得其所。
Commentary, note 4: the damaged character glosses as “moral bearing” or “integrity.” Self-cultivation rests on filial piety and loyalty; life and death must each be accorded its proper moral weight.
119
注[五]貴義則賤生也。
Commentary, note 5: to exalt duty is necessarily to devalue mere survival.
120
注[六]騫，違也。
Commentary, note 6: qian means “to violate” or “turn away from.”
121
注[七]為物則役智，故為害。
Commentary, note 7: letting material things rule you enslaves the mind and does harm.
122
注[八]孟子曰：「魚我所欲，熊掌我所欲也。 二者不可得兼，捨魚而取熊掌者也。
Commentary, note 8: Mencius’ dilemma of fish versus bear’s paw. If both cannot be had, he gives up the fish and keeps the bear’s paw.
123
生亦我所欲也，義亦我所欲也。 二者不可得兼，捨生而取義者也。」
Life is dear to him; so is moral duty. If he cannot keep both, he chooses duty over life.”
124
注[九]論語：「無求生以害仁，有殺身以成仁。」
Commentary, note 9: the Lun yu says one may die to preserve humanity but must not live to destroy it.
125
注[一０]確，堅貌也。 易曰：「確乎其不可拔。 」論語曰：「臨大節而不可奪。」
Commentary, note 10: que describes rock-like firmness. The Zhou yi speaks of unshakable firmness. ” The Lun yu says the gentleman at the supreme crisis cannot be swayed from his course.”
126
注[一一]易曰：「鼎折足，覆公餗。 」言不勝其任。
Commentary, note 11: the ding hexagram’s broken legs that spill the sacrificial stew. ” The image is of a minister who fails under responsibility.
127
贊曰：李、杜司職，朋心合力。 [一]致主文、宣，抗情伊、稷。 [二]道亡時晦，終離罔極。 [三]燮同趙孤，[四]世載弦直。 [五]注[一]朋猶同也。
The verse-eulogy: Li Gu and Du Qiao served in harness, hearts as one. They would have raised the throne to the level of Emperors Wen and Xuan, rivaling Yi Yin and Hou Ji in devotion. The age turned cruel; they met slander without limit. Li Xie lived the tale of the Zhao orphan; the line kept sounding the note of unbending rectitude. Commentary, note 5: peng means “in league” or “of one party.”
128
注[二]伊尹、後稷也。
Commentary, note 2: the ancient ministers Yi Yin and Hou Ji.
129
注[三]離，被也。 毛詩曰：「讒人罔極。」
Commentary, note 3: li means “to suffer” or “undergo.” The Book of Poetry says slanderers know no bound.
130
注[四]趙朔之子趙武。 史記曰，晉景公三年，大夫屠岸賈殺趙朔，朔客程嬰、公孫杵臼匿朔遺腹子於中山。 居十五年，後景公與韓厥立趙孤，而攻滅屠岸賈也。
Commentary, note 4: the “Zhao orphan” is Zhao Wu, posthumous son of Zhao Shuo. Sima Qian records how Tu’an Gu slew Zhao Shuo and how Cheng Ying and Gongsun Chujiu hid the infant Zhao Wu in Zhongshan. Fifteen years later Duke Jing and Han Jue restored the Zhao heir and destroyed the Tu’an clan.
131
注[五]載，行也。
Commentary, note 5: zai means “to carry on” or “transmit.”
132
校勘記
Editorial collation (textual notes).
133
二０七三頁三行合在* (數) **[方]*術傳據集解引錢大昕說改。
Collation: page 2073 line 3—cross-reference marker incomplete in the source. Editorial mark “several” in the apparatus. Emended per Qian Daxin to point to the treatise on techniques and arts.
134
二０七六頁一二行斗為天喉舌藝文類聚四十八引續漢書，「斗」上有「北」字，太平御覽五引本書，亦有「北」字。 按：校補謂據下文皆止言鬥，則「北」字非本有。
Note: parallel texts add “north” before “Dipper” in the quotation about Heaven’s mouthpiece. The collator argues “north” is a later interpolation because the sequel mentions only the Dipper.
135
二０七七頁二行* (猶) **[由]*此言之據殿本改。
Page 2077 line 2—apparatus lacuna. Variant gloss “still” or “likewise.” Reading “from this it follows” adopted from the Dian edition.
136
二０七七頁一一行斟元陳樞按：殿本「元」下有「氣」字。
The palace text inserts “qi” after “yuan” in the apocryphon.
137
二０七八頁一０行腢下繼望刊誤謂「繼」當作「系」。 今按：繼亦音系，訓縛，亦維繫之義，見集韻，劉說非。
Note on a miswritten graph: one editor wanted “xi” instead of “ji.” The collator defends the received reading with phonetic and semantic parallels in Jiyun.
138
二０七八頁一三行智者見變思刑愚者鶯怪諱名按：集解引惠棟說，謂「刑」通鑒作「形」。 胡注，此二語蓋本之緯書。
Variant: Hu Sanxing notes the Zizhi tongjian reads “form” for “punishment.” Hu Sanxing traces the couplet to prognosticatory literature.
139
二０七八頁一四行加近者月食既於端門之側按：殿本「加」作「如」，考證云「如」字本或作「加」。
Collation on “add” versus “like” before the eclipse at the Duan Gate.
140
二０七九頁五行為其與*[公]*盟也據刊誤補，與公羊傳合。
Emendation restores “the duke” to match the Gongyang text.
141
二０七九頁一三行可敬* (威) **[畏]*也據殿本改。
Apparatus note on “reverence” at page 2079 line 13. Variant gloss “majesty.” Reading “awe” confirmed from the palace edition.
142
二０八０頁一五行臣聞氣之清者為神至安國者以積賢為道按：集解引沉欽韓說，謂以上語並見繁露，「神」彼作「精」。 校補引柳從辰說，謂袁紀「神」亦作「精」，「練神」作「積精」。
Parallel in Chunqiu fanlu uses “essence” for “spirit” in Li Gu’s memorial. Liu Congchen notes Yuan Hong’s chronicle agrees with “essence.”
143
二０八一頁一行軾段干木按：「段」原誤「□」，逕改正。 注同。
Duan Ganmu’s surname restored from a corrupted blank. The same correction applies to the commentary.
144
二０八一頁一一行子方在此按：集解引沉欽韓說，謂「子方」今新序作「大宗子敖」。
Shen Qinhan notes the Xin xu parallel names “Grand Scion Ao” instead of “Zifang.”
145
二０八八頁二行小子燮按：「燮」原皆斗「瀠」，汲本、殿本同，惟集解本不鬥，今徑改正。
The name Li Xie was misprinted as ying in most editions; corrected to Xie.
146
二０八八頁三行乃左提章鉞按：集解引沉欽韓說，謂案文「鉞」字衍。
Shen Qinhan argues the word “yue” (axe) is a scribal excess.
147
二０八八頁八行太后聞而不誅按：校補引柳從辰說，謂御覽三八五引李固別傳，作「太后聞而誅之」。
Liu Congchen notes an alternate reading: the Dowager executed Guo Liang instead of sparing him.
148
二０八九頁七行司隸案狀奏聞按：汲本、殿本「案」作「察」。
Variant graphs: “investigate” written 察 vs. 案 in different editions.
149
二０九一頁三行靈帝時拜安平相按：集解引惠棟說，謂華陽國志「安平」作「東平」。
Hui Dong notes Huayang guozhi reads Dongping instead of Anping for Li Xie’s post.
150
二０九一頁九行先受封然後發喪按：刊誤謂甄邵遷為郡守，不得言「受封」，或「封」上脫一「璽」字。 先受璽封謂拜郡詔也。
Editors suspect a missing “seal” before “appointment” in Zhen Shao’s promotion line. The gloss explains “seal appointment” as the commission to governor.
151
二０九二頁二行累祖吏二千石按：校補謂「祖」亦「世」字諱改。
“Ancestors” may be a euphemism taboo-avoidance for “generations.”
152
二０九二頁五行濟陰太守汜宮按：殿本「汜」作「泛」。
Dian edition uses Fan instead of Si for the corrupt official’s name.
153
二０九二頁一０行故陳資斧而人靡畏李慈銘謂「資」治要作「質」，即鍎字。 今按：注引旅卦以釋資斧，則章懷所見本亦作「資」也。
Li Ciming argues “zi” should be “zhi,” the executioner’s block, in the Zhengyao parallel. The commentary’s quotation supports the reading “zi” as in received texts.
154
二０九三頁一二行聘黃金二萬斤按：汲本、殿本作「一萬斤」。
Bride-price variants: one vs. two ten-thousand jin of gold.
155
二０九四頁二行喬故掾陳留楊匡按：集解引汪文台說，謂類聚九十七引謝承書，「楊匡」作「楊章」。
Wang Wentai notes Xie Cheng gives the name Yang Zhang instead of Yang Kuang.
156
二０九四頁四行葬送行服按：王先謙謂「葬送」疑誤倒。
Wang Xianqian proposes transposing “burial” and “escort” in the phrase.