1
金始克宋，兩河悉畀劉豫。 豫亡，河遂盡入金境。 數十年間，或決或塞，遷徙無定。 金人設官置屬，以主其事。 沿河上下凡二十五埽，六在河南，十九在河北，埽設散巡河官一員。 雄武、滎澤、原武、陽武、延津五埽則兼汴河事，設黃汴都巡河官一員于河陰以蒞之。 懷州、孟津、孟州及城北之四埽則兼沁水事，設黃沁都巡河官一員於懷州以臨之。 崇福上下、衛南、淇上四埽屬衛南都巡河官，則居新鄉。 武城、白馬、書城、教城四埽屬浚滑都巡河官，則處教城。 曹甸都巡河官則總東明、西佳、孟華、淩城四埽。 曹濟都巡河官則司定陶、濟北、寒山、金山四埽者也。 故都巡河官凡六員。 後又特設崇福上下埽都巡河官兼石橋使。 凡巡河官，皆從都水監廉舉，總統埽兵萬二千人，歲用薪百一十一萬三千餘束，草百八十三萬七百餘束，樁杙之木不與，此備河之恆制也。
When the Jin first overran the Song, both banks of the Yellow River were handed entirely to Liu Yu. When Yu fell, the river and its works lay wholly within Jin borders. For decades it broke out or was dammed, its channel wandering without fixed line. The Jin set up offices and staff to take charge of the work. Along the full reach of the river stood twenty-five levee sections—six south of the stream, nineteen north—each with a roving river-patrol officer. Xiongwu, Yingze, Yuanwu, Yangwu, and Yanjin also oversaw the Bian Canal; a single Combined Huang-Bian regional director at Heyin supervised them. Huaizhou, Mengjin, Mengzhou, and the four north-city sao shared Qin River duty; a Combined Huang-Qin director at Huaizhou watched over them. Upper and Lower Chongfu, Weinan, and Qishang fell under the Weinan regional director, based at Xinxiang. Wucheng, Baima, Shucheng, and Jiaocheng answered to the Xun-Hua regional director at Jiaocheng. The Caodian regional director commanded Dongming, Xijia, Menghua, and Lingcheng. The Cao-Ji regional director ran Dingtao, Jibei, Hanshan, and Jinshan. In all there were six regional river-patrol directors. Later they added a dedicated director for Upper and Lower Chongfu, who also served as Stone Bridge commissioner. Every patrol officer came up through the Directorate of Waterways' integrity screening, commanding twelve thousand sao troops. Each year the works consumed over 1.11 million bundles of fuel wood and over 1.83 million bundles of thatch, not counting piling timber—standing river-defense scale.
2
大定八年六月，河決李固渡，水潰曹州城，分流于單州之境。 九年正月，朝廷遣都水監梁肅往視之。 河南統軍使宗室宗敘言：「大河所以決溢者，以河道積淤，不能受水故也。 今曹、單雖被其患，而兩州本以水利為生，所害農田無幾。 今欲河複故道，不惟大費工役，又卒難成功。 縱能塞之，他日霖潦，亦將潰決，則山東河患又非曹、單比也。 又沿河數州之地，驟興大役，人心動搖，恐宋人乘間構為邊患。」 而肅亦言：「新河水六分，舊河水四分，今若塞新河，則二水複合為一。 如遇漲溢，南決則害于南京，北決'則山東、河北皆被其害。 不若李固南築堤以防決溢為便。」 尚書省以聞，上從之。 十年三月，拜宗敘為參知政事，上諭之曰：「卿昨為河南統軍時，嘗言黃河堤埽利害，甚合朕意。 朕每念百姓凡有差調，吏互為奸，若不早計而迫期征斂，則民增十倍之費。 然其所征之物，或委積經年，至腐朽不可複用，使吾民數十萬之財，皆為棄物，此害非細。 卿既參朝政，凡類此者皆當革其弊，擇所利而行之。」 十一年，河決王村，南京孟、衛州界多被其害。 十二年正月，尚書省奏：「檢視官言，水東南行，其勢甚大。 可自河陰廣武山循河而東，至原武、陽武、東明等縣孟、衛等州增築堤岸，日役夫萬一千，期以六十日畢。」 詔遣太府少監張九思、同知南京留守事紇石烈邈小字阿補孫監護工作。 十三年三月，以尚書省請修孟津、滎澤、崇福埽堤以備水患，上乃命雄武以下八埽並以類從事。 十七年秋七月，大雨，河決白溝。 十二月，尚書省奏：「修築河堤，日役夫一萬一千五百，以六十日畢工。」 詔以十八年二月一日發六百里內軍夫，並取職官人力之半，餘聽發民夫，以尚書工部郎中張大節、同知南京留守事高蘇董役。 先是，祥符縣陳橋鎮之東至陳留潘崗，黃河堤道四十餘里以縣官攝其事，南京有司言，乞專設埽官，十九年九月，乃設京埽巡河官一員。 二十年，河決衛州及廷津京東埽，彌漫至於歸德府。 檢視官南京副留守石抹輝者言：「河水因今秋霖潦暴漲，遂失故道，勢益南行。」 宰臣以聞。 乃自衛州埽下接歸德府南北兩岸增築堤以捍湍怒，計工一百七十九萬六千餘，日役夫二萬四千餘，期以七十日畢工。 遂於歸德府創設巡河官一員，埽兵二百人，且詔頻役夫之地與免今年稅賦。 二十一年十月，以河移故道，命築堤以備。
In the sixth month of Dading 8 the river broke at Ligudu, flooding Caozhou and splitting across Danzhou. The first month of year 9 the court sent Liang Su of the Directorate of Waterways to inspect. Henan military commissioner Zong Xu of the imperial clan said: "The Yellow River breaches because the bed is choked with silt and will not hold the flow. Cao and Dan suffer, yet both counties live by hydraulic labor—the cropland lost is small. To force the river back into its old bed would cost enormous labor and still fail at once. Even if sealed, the next cloudburst would burst it again—and Shandong's flood would dwarf what Cao and Dan see now. Along the river, sudden mass corvée would shake the people; the Song might use the unrest to raid the frontier." Su added: "The new channel carries six-tenths of the flow, the old four. Block the new stream and both become one. At flood stage a southern break would drown Nanjing; a northern break would wash Shandong and Hebei alike. Better to build a dike south of Ligu against breakout—that is the prudent course." The Secretariat memorialized; the throne agreed. Third month, year 10: Zong Xu became participation councillor. The emperor told him: "As Henan commander you once laid out the Yellow River dikes and sao—exactly what I needed. I think constantly of the people: every levy breeds clerkish fraud; wait until the deadline and the cost multiplies tenfold. What they seize often rots in storehouses for years—tens of thousands in wealth turned to trash. That harm is not small. You sit in council now—root out such abuses and keep only what truly serves the realm." Year 11 the river broke at Wangcun; Nanjing and the Meng and Wei frontier bore the brunt. First month, year 12: the Secretariat reported that inspectors found the current driving southeast with violent force. They proposed a dike from Heyin's Guangwu Mountain east along the river through Yuanwu, Yangwu, Dongming, and the Meng and Wei prefectures—11,000 laborers a day, sixty days to finish." An edict sent Zhang Jiusi of the Palace Storehouse and Nanjing deputy defender Wanyan Yaosun (courtesy Aibusun) to supervise. Third month, year 13: at the Secretariat's request to repair Mengjin, Yingze, and Chongfu sao dikes, the throne ordered Xiongwu and seven sao downstream to do the same. Autumn, seventh month, year 17: heavy rains; the river broke at Baigou. Twelfth month: the Secretariat proposed river dikes at 11,500 workers a day, sixty-day completion. Year 18, second month, first day: corvée within six hundred li—troops plus half the official staff, the rest civilians—under Zhang Dajie of the Works Bureau and Nanjing deputy Gao Su. Earlier, forty-odd li of Yellow River dike from Chenqiao in Xiangfu east to Pan hillock in Chenliu had been run by county deputies; Nanjing asked for a dedicated sao officer—in the ninth month of year 19 a Jing sao patrol officer was appointed. Year 20: breaches at Weizhou and Tingjin Jingdong sao flooded as far as Guide Prefecture. Inspector Shimo Hui, Nanjing deputy defender, reported: "Autumn floods drove the river out of its old bed; the current is shoving ever farther south." The chancellors memorialized. They raised dikes from Weizhou sao down along both banks of Guide—1,796,000-odd work units, 24,000 laborers a day, seventy days. Guide gained a new patrol officer and two hundred sao troops; corvée districts were excused that year's taxes. Tenth month, year 21: the river had left its old bed—orders to build protective dikes.
3
二十六年八月，河決衛州堤，壞其城。 上命戶部侍郎王寂、都水少監王汝嘉馳傳措畫備禦。 而寂視被災之民不為拯救，乃專集眾以網魚取官物為事，民甚怨嫉。 上聞而惡之。 既而，河勢氾濫及大名。 上於是遣戶部尚書劉瑋往行工部事，從宜規畫，黜寂為蔡州防禦使。 冬十月，上謂宰臣曰：「朕聞亡宋河防一步置一人，可添設河防軍數。」 它日，又曰：「比聞河水泛溢，民罹其害者，貲產皆空。 今複遣官于被災路分推排，何耶？」 右丞張汝霖曰：「今推排者皆非被災之處。」 上曰：「雖然，必其鄰道也。 既鄰水而居，豈無驚擾遷避者乎？ 計其貲產，豈有餘哉！ 尚何推排為。」 十一月，又謂宰臣曰：「河未決衛州時嘗有言者，既決之後，有司何故不令朕知。」 命詢其故。
Eighth month, year 26: the river broke Weizhou's dike and wrecked the city. The throne sent Wang Ji of Revenue and Wang Rujia of the Directorate of Waterways post-haste to organize defenses. Ji ignored the drowning counties and set men to net fish for the treasury; resentment boiled up. Word reached the throne; the emperor was disgusted. The flood soon spread to Daming. The emperor sent Liu Wei of Revenue to handle Works matters with full discretion and demoted Ji to defender of Caizhou. Winter, tenth month: the emperor told his ministers, "I hear the fallen Song posted one man every pace along the dikes—we should enlarge the river-defense corps." Another day he said: "The floods have emptied people's stores—why send assessors down the disaster routes to squeeze more?" Vice director Zhang Rulin said: "The assessments aren't even hitting the flooded districts." The emperor said: "Even so—they border the water. Live beside the river and nobody flees or panics? Count their goods—what surplus remains? Why assess at all?" Eleventh month: "Before Weizhou broke, someone warned me. After the breach, why was I kept in the dark?" He ordered an inquiry.
4
二十七年春正月，尚書省言：「鄭州河陰縣聖後廟，前代河水為患，屢禱有應，嘗加封號廟額。 今因禱祈，河遂安流，乞加褒贈。」 上從其請，特加號曰昭應順濟聖後，廟曰靈德善利之廟。
Spring, first month, year 27: the Secretariat reported that at Heyin in Zhengzhou, Sheng Hou's temple— prayer had calmed the river; they asked to renew the honors." The throne agreed, adding the title "Manifest Responsive Smooth-Flowing Sacred Queen" and naming the temple "Temple of Spiritual Virtue and Beneficent Profit."
5
二月，以衛州新鄉縣令張虡、丞唐括唐古出、主簿溫敦偎喝，以河水入城閉塞救護有功，皆遷賞有差。 御史台言：「自來沿河京、府、州、縣官坐視管內河防缺壤，特不介意。 若令沿河京、府、州縣長貳官皆于名銜管勾河防事，如任內規措有方能禦大患，或守護不謹以致疏虞，臨時聞奏，以議賞罰。」 上從之，仍命每歲將泛之時，令工部官一員沿河檢視。 於是以南京府及所屬延津、封丘、祥符、開封、陳留、胙城、杞縣、長垣、歸德府及所屬宋城、甯陵、虞城，河南府及孟津，河中府及河東，懷州河內、武陟，同州朝邑，衛州汲、新鄉、獲嘉、徐州彭城、蕭、豐，孟州河陽、溫，鄭州河陰、滎澤、原武、汜水，浚州衛，陝州閿鄉、湖城、靈寶，曹州濟陰，滑州白馬，睢州襄邑，滕州沛，單州單父，解州平陸，開州濮陽，濟州嘉祥、金鄉、鄆城，四府、十六州之長貳皆提舉河防事，四十四縣之令佐皆管勾河防事。 初，衛州為河水所壞，乃命增築蘇門，遷其州治。 至二十八年，水息，居民稍還，皆不樂遷。 於是遣大理少卿康元弼按視之。 元弼還奏：「舊州民複業者甚眾，且南使驛道館舍所在，向以不為水備，以故被害。 若但修其堤之薄缺者，可以無虞，比之遷治，所省數倍，不若從其民情，修治舊城為便。」 乃不遷州，仍敕自今河防官司怠慢失備者，皆重抵以罪。
Second month: Xinxiang magistrate Zhang Xu, aide Tangut Tangguchu, and registrar Wendun Weina earned graded promotions for sealing the breach when the river drove into the city. The Censorate said: "River officials have long watched gaps in the dikes inside their jurisdictions and shrugged. Put river defense in the chief and vice magistrates' titles: reward those who hold a breach; punish negligence reported in time." The emperor agreed and ordered a Works Bureau inspector along the river each flood season. Nanjing and its counties, Guide and its counties, Henan, Hezhong, Huai, Tong, Wei, Xu, Meng, Zheng, Xun, Shan, Cao, Hua, Sui, Teng, Dan, Jie, Kai, and Ji—chiefs and deputies of four prefectures and sixteen zhou were made river-defense commissioners; magistrates and aides of forty-four counties were made river-defense overseers. Earlier the flood had wrecked Weizhou; the court had ordered Sumen raised and the seat moved. By year 28 the water had fallen back; people drifted home and refused relocation. The court sent Kang Yuanbi of the Grand Court of Review to inspect on site. Yuanbi reported: "Many have reopened the old town; the southern envoy post stands there—lack of flood prep caused the ruin. Patch the thin spots in the dike and we need not fear—far cheaper than moving the seat. Honor the people and rebuild the old walls." The seat stayed put; slack river officials would face heavy punishment from then on.
6
二十九年五月，河溢于曹州小堤之北。 六月，上諭旨有司曰：「比聞五月二十八日河溢，而所報文字如此稽滯。 水事最急，功不可緩，稍緩時頃，則難固護矣。」 十二月，工部言：「營築河堤，用工六百八萬餘，就用埽兵軍夫外，有四百三十余萬工當用民夫。」 遂詔命去役所五百里州、府差顧，於不差夫之地均征顧錢，驗物力科之。 每工錢百五十交外，日支官錢五十文，米升半。 仍命彰化軍節度使內族裔、都水少監大齡壽提控五百人往來彈壓。 先是，河南路提刑司言：「沿河居民多困乏逃移，蓋以河防差役煩重故也。 竊惟禦水患者，不過堤埽，若土功從實計料，薪槁樁杙以時征斂，亦複何難。 今春築堤，都水監初料取土甚近，及其興工乃遠數倍，人夫懼不及程，貴價買土，一隊之間多至千貫。 又許州初科薪槁十八萬餘束，既而又配四萬四千，是皆常歲必用之物，農隙均科則易輸納。 自今堤埽興工，乞令本監以實計度，量一歲所用物料，驗數折稅，或令和買，於冬月分為三限輸納為便。」 詔尚書省詳議以聞。
Fifth month, year 29: the river topped the small dike north of Caozhou. Sixth month: "I hear the river topped on the twenty-eighth of the fifth month—yet your report crawled in. Water work brooks no delay—wait a moment and the levee is lost." Twelfth month: Works reported 6.08 million work units for dikes—sao troops and soldiers aside, 4.3 million needed civilians. Prefectures within five hundred li were to hire labor; where no corvée was levied, hire fees were spread by property assessment. Each work unit paid 150 cash plus fifty wen and one and a half sheng of rice per day. Imperial clansman Daling Shou, Zhanghua Army commissioner and vice director of waterways, was sent with five hundred men to keep order. Earlier the Henan judicial commissioner had said river corvée was driving riverside families into flight. Flood defense is dikes and sao—honest earthwork tallies and timely fuel and piling levies should be manageable. This spring the Directorate estimated borrow-pits nearby; at mobilization the haul was several times farther. Teams missed deadlines and bought soil at a thousand strings a gang. Xuzhou was levied 180,000 bundles of thatch, then 44,000 more—annual staples better assessed in the slack season. Hereafter let the Directorate measure real need, annual material totals, commuted tax or winter negotiated purchase in three installments." The throne told the Secretariat to deliberate and report.
7
明昌元年春正月，尚書省奏：「臣等以為，自今凡興工役，先量負土遠近，增築高卑，定功立限，榜諭使人先知，無令增加力役。 並河防所用物色，委都水監每歲於八月以前，先拘籍舊貯物外實闕之數，及次年春工多寡，移報轉運司計置，於冬三月分限輸納。 如水勢不常，夏秋暴漲危急，則用相鄰埽分防備之物，不足，則複於所近州縣和買。 然複慮人戶道塗泥淖，艱於運納，止依稅內科折他物，更為增價，當官支付，違者並論如律，仍令所屬提刑司正官一員馳驛監視體究，如此則役作有程，而河不失備。」 制可之。 四年十一月，尚書省奏：「河平軍節度使王汝嘉等言：'大河南岸舊有分流河口，如可疏導，足泄其勢，及長堤以北恐亦有可以歸納排瀹之處，乞委官視之。 濟北埽以北宜創起月堤。 '臣等以為宜從所言。 其本監官皆以諳練河防故注以是職，當使從汝嘉等同往相視，庶免異議。 如大河南北必不能開挑歸納，其月堤宜依所料興修。」 上從之。
Mingchang 1, spring: the Secretariat proposed that every project first fix haul distance and lift height, set labor quotas and deadlines, post notices—no surprise corvée. River materials: each year before the eighth month the Directorate would inventory stores, report shortfalls and spring work to the transport office, and collect in three winter installments. Summer floods could draw neighboring sao stores; shortfalls would be bought nearby. Muddy roads might force in-kind tax swaps at markup, paid in cash—violators prosecuted, judicial commissioners riding post to inspect—so work stayed on schedule and the river stayed guarded." Approved. Eleventh month, year 4: Wang Rujia of He Ping Army reported that old diversion mouths on the south bank might vent the current; north of the long dike there might be outlets to receive water—he asked for inspection. He also proposed moon dikes north of Jibei sao. The Secretariat favored the plan. Skilled Directorate staff should inspect with Rujia to avoid dispute. If diversions proved impossible, moon dikes should be built as estimated." The emperor agreed.
8
十二月，敕都水監官提控修築黃河堤，及令大名府差正千戶一員，部甲軍二百人彈壓勾當。
Now the river chewed the long dike in ten-odd places with ponded water outside—raising the long dike and new moon dikes looked doubtful on the old estimates.
9
五年春正月，尚書省奏：「都水監丞田櫟同本監官講議黃河利害，嘗以狀上言，前代每遇古堤南決，多經南、北清河分流，南清河北下有枯河數道，河水流其中者長至七八分，北清河乃濟水故道，可容三二分而已。 令河水趨北，齧長堤而流者十餘處，而堤外率多積水，恐難依元料增修長堤與創築月堤也。 可於北岸牆村決河入梁山濼故道，依舊作南、北兩清河分流。 然北清河舊堤歲久不完，當立年限增築大堤，而梁山故道多有屯田軍戶，亦宜遷徙。 今擬先于南岸王村、宜村兩處決堤導水，使長堤可以固護，姑宜仍舊，如不能疏導，即依上開決，分為四道，俟見水勢隨宜料理。」 尚書省以櫟等所言與明昌二年劉瑋等所案視利害不同，及令陳言人馮德輿與櫟面對，亦有不合者，送工部議。 複言：「若遽於牆村疏決，緣瀕北清河州縣二十餘處，兩岸連亙千有餘裏，其堤防素不修備，恐所屯軍戶亦卒難徙。 今歲先于南岸延津縣堤決堤泄水，其北岸長堤自白馬以下，定陶以上，並宜加功築護，庶可以遏將來之患。 若定陶以東三埽棄堤則不必修，止決舊壓河口，引導積水東南行，流堤北張彪、白塔兩河間，礙水軍戶可使遷徙，及梁山濼故道分屯者，亦當預為安置。」 宰臣奏曰：「若遽從櫟等所擬，恐既更張，利害非細。 比召河平軍節度使王汝嘉同計議，先差幹濟官兩員行戶工部事覆視之，同則就令計實用工物、量州縣遠近以調丁夫，其督趣春工官即充今歲守漲，及與本監官同議經久之利。」 詔以知大名府事內族裔、尚書戶部郎中李敬義充行戶工部事，以參知政事胥持國都提控。 又奏差德州防禦使李獻可、尚書戶部郎中焦旭于山東當水所經州縣築護城堤，及北清河兩岸舊有堤處別率丁夫修築，亦就令講究河防之計。
Li proposed breaching at Qiang village on the north bank into the Liangshan marsh old bed to restore the two Qing rivers. The river was driving north, chewing the long levee in ten-odd places with ponded water outside—raising the long dike and new moon dikes looked doubtful on the old estimates. Li proposed breaching at Qiang village on the north bank into the Liangshan marsh old bed to restore the two Qing rivers. The North Qing's old levee had crumbled for years—they should set a schedule to raise the main dike, and relocate the garrison farms clogging the Liangshan old bed. For now they would breach at Wangcun and Yicun on the south bank to ease the long dike, or—if that failed—open four channels as planned and adapt to the current. The Secretariat noted Li's plan clashed with Liu Wei's Mingchang 2 inspection and Feng Deyu's face-to-face review, and referred the dispute to the Works Bureau. They warned that a rush breach at Qiang village would threaten twenty-odd North Qing counties along a thousand-odd li of unmended levee and garrisons that could not be moved in time. They proposed breaching Yanjin's south-bank dike this year while strengthening the long levee from Baima to Dingtao against future floods. East of Dingtao they would abandon three sao levees, open old mouths, and send ponded water southeast between Zhang Biao and Baita—relocating flooded garrisons and Liangshan settlers in advance." The chancellors said sudden adoption of Li's scheme risked great harm. They would send two capable officers with Wang Rujia to reinspect, then scale labor and corvée, keep spring overseers on flood watch, and seek a lasting plan with the Directorate. Li Jingyi, imperial clansman and prefect of Daming, was named acting Works commissioner; Xu Chiguo, participation councillor, directed the effort. Li Xiankai of Dezhou and Jiao Xu of Revenue were sent to raise city dikes along Shandong's flood path and repair North Qing levees while studying long-term defense.
10
他日，上以宋閻士良所述《黃河利害》一帙，付參知政事馬琪曰：「此書所言亦有可用者，今以賜卿。」 二月，上諭平章政事守貞曰：「王汝嘉、田櫟專管河防，此國家之重事也。 朕比問其曾于南岸行視否？」 乃稱：'未也。 '又問水決能行南岸乎？ 又雲：'不可知。 '且水趨北久矣，自去歲便當經畫，今不稱職如是耶！ 可諭旨令往盡心固護，無致失備，及講究所以經久之計。 稍涉違慢，當並治罪。」 三月，行省並行戶工部及都水監官各言河防利害事。 都水監元擬于南岸王村、宜村兩處開導河勢，緣北來水勢去宜村堤稍緩，唯王村岸向上數裏臥卷，可以開決作一河，且無所犯之城市村落。 又擬於北岸牆村疏決，依舊分作兩清河入梁山故道，北清河兩岸素有小堤不完，複當築大堤。 尚書省謂：「以黃河之水勢，若於牆村決注，則山東州縣膏腴之地及諸鹽場必被淪溺。 設使修築壞堤，而又吞納不盡，功役至重，虛困山東之民，非徙無益，而又害之也。 況長堤已加護，複于南岸疏決水勢，已寢決河入梁山濼之議，水所經城邑已勸率作護城堤矣，先所修清河舊堤宜遣罷之。 監丞田櫟言定陶以東三埽棄堤不當修，止言：'決舊壓河口以導漸水入堤北張彪、白塔兩河之間，凡當水沖屯田戶須令遷徙。 '臣等所見，止當堤前作木岸以備之，其間居人未當遷徙，至夏秋水勢泛溢，權令避之，水落則當各複業，此亦戶工部之所言也。」 上曰：「地之相去如此其遠，彼中利害，安得悉知？ 惟委行省盡心措畫可也。」 四月，以田櫟言河防事，上諭旨參知政事持國曰：「此事不惟責卿，要卿等同心規畫，不勞朕心爾。 如櫟所言，築堤用二十萬工，歲役五十日，五年可畢，此役之大，古所未有。 況其成否未可知，就使可成，恐難行也。 遷徒軍戶四千則不為難，然其水特決，尚不知所歸，儻有潰走，若何枝梧。 如令南岸兩處疏決，使其水趨南，或可分殺其勢。 然水之形勢，朕不親見，難為條畫，雖卿亦然。 丞相、左丞皆不熟此，可集百官詳議以行。」 百官鹹謂：「櫟所言棄長堤，無起新堤，放河入梁山故道，使南北兩清河分流，為省費息民長久之計。 臣等以為黃河水勢非常，變易無定，非人力可以斟酌，可以指使也。 況梁山濼淤填已高，而北清河窄狹不能吞伏，兼所經州縣農民廬井非一，使大河北入清河，山東必被其害。 櫟又言乞許都水監符下州府運司，專其用度，委其任責，一切同於軍期，仍委執政提控。 緣今監官已經添設，又於外監署司多以沿河州府長官兼領之，及令佐管勾河防，其或怠慢已有同軍期斷罪的決之法，凡櫟所言無可用。」 遂寢其議。
The emperor handed Ma Qi a fascicle on Yellow River policy by the Song writer Yan Shiliang: "Some of this may be useful." Second month: the emperor told Grand Councillor Shouzhen, "Rujia and Li own the river works—a matter of state weight. I asked if they had walked the south bank." They said, "Not yet." Could a breach send the river south? Again: "We cannot know." The current had run north for years—they should have planned last year. "Go guard the works with all your heart, plan for the long term. Slack off and you will all be punished together." Third month: the traveling office, Works commissioners, and Directorate staff each reported on river defense. The Directorate favored breaching at Wangcun—several li of lying roll above Wangcun could be cut without hitting towns, while Yicun looked slower. They also wanted Qiang village on the north bank to restore the two Qing rivers into Liangshan, rebuilding the great dike where small levees had failed. The Secretariat warned: breaching at Qiang village would drown Shandong's fertile fields and salt works. Even repaired levees might not hold the flow—massive labor would only exhaust Shandong for no gain. The long dike was already strengthened; south-bank cuts and the Liangshan diversion were set aside; cities were building walls; old Qing levee work should stop. Aide Li wanted three sao east of Dingtao left unrepaired, opening old mouths to pond water north of the dike and relocating every household in the flood path. The ministers preferred timber revetments and seasonal evacuation—not mass relocation, matching the traveling Works office. The distances are too great for us to know every consequence—let the traveling office plan with full heart." Fourth month: the emperor told Chiguo, "River work is not yours alone—all of you must plan as one so I need not worry. Li spoke of two hundred thousand work units, fifty days a year, five years to finish—unprecedented scale. Success was uncertain; even if possible, execution looked doubtful. Moving four thousand garrison households was manageable, but an uncontrolled breach could run anywhere—how would they brace it? South-bank cuts might split the current—but without seeing the river, neither he nor his ministers could dictate details. Gather the officials and debate before acting. without seeing the river, neither he nor his ministers could dictate details. Gather the officials and debate before acting." The assembly backed Li's plan to abandon the long levee, reopen Liangshan, and split the Qing rivers as a long-term saving of labor. The throne replied that the Yellow River obeyed no human command— Liangshan was silt-choked, the North Qing too narrow, and farms and wells lined the route—forcing the river north would drown Shandong. Li had also asked military-deadline funding and executive control for the Directorate— but posts were already filled, chiefs and magistrates already oversaw the dikes, and slackness already carried military penalties—none of Li's extras applied." The plan was shelved.
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八月，以河決陽武故堤，灌封丘而東，尚書省奏：「都水監、行部官有失固護。」 詔命同知都轉運使高旭、武衛軍副都指揮使女奚列奕小字韓家奴同往規措。 尚書省奏：「都水監官前來有犯，已經戒諭，使之常切固護。 今王汝嘉等殊不加意，既見水勢趨南，不預經畫，承留守司累報，輒為遷延，以至害民。 即是故違制旨，私罪當的決。」 詔汝嘉等各削官兩階，杖七十罷職。
Eighth month: a breach at Yangwu's old dike flooded Fengqiu eastward—the Secretariat blamed the Directorate and traveling officers for weak guard. Gao Xu of Transport and Wanyan Yilie of the Martial Guard were sent to organize repairs. The Secretariat noted the Directorate had been warned before— yet Rujia and others ignored the southward current, delayed on repeated alerts, and harmed the people. That was deliberate disobedience—private offense merited beating." Rujia and the rest lost two ranks, took seventy blows, and were dismissed.
12
上謂宰臣曰：「李愈論河決事，謂宜遣大臣往，以慰人心，其言良是。 向慮河北決，措畫堤防，猶嘗置行省，況今方橫潰為害，而止差小官，恐失眾望，自國家觀之，雖山東之地重于河南，然民皆赤子，何彼此之間。」 乃命參知政事馬琪往，仍許便宜從事。 上曰：「李愈不得為無罪，雖都水監官非提刑司統攝，若與留守司以便宜率民固護，或申聞省部，亦何不可使朕聞之。 徒能張惶水勢而無經畫，及其已決，乃與王汝嘉一往視之而還，亦未嘗有所施行。 問王村河口開導之月，則對以四月終，其實六月也，月日尚不知，提刑司官當如是乎？」 尋命戶部員外郎何格賑濟被浸之民。 時行省參知政事胥持國、馬琪言：「已至光祿村周視堤口。 以其河水浸漫，堤岸陷潰，至十餘裏外乃能取土。 而堤面窄狹，僅可數步，人力不可施，雖窮力可以暫成，終當複毀。 而中道淤澱，地有高低，流不得泄，且水退，新灘亦難開鑿。 其孟華等四埽與孟陽堤道，沿汴河東岸，但可施功者，即悉力修護，將于農隙興役，及凍畢工，則京城不至為害。」 參知政事馬琪言：「都水外監員數冗多，每事相倚，或複邀功，議論紛紜不一，隳廢官事。 擬罷都水監掾，設勾當官二員。 又自昔選用都、散巡河官，止由監官辟舉，皆諸司人，或有老疾，避倉庫之繁，行賄請托，以致多不稱職。 擬升都巡河作從七品，于應入縣令兼舉人內選注外，散巡河依舊，亦于諸司及丞簿廉舉人內選注，並取年六十以下有精力能幹者。 到任一年，委提刑司體察，若不稱職，即日罷之。 如守禦有方，致河水安流，任滿，從本監及提刑司保申，量與升除。 凡河橋司使副亦擬同此選注。」 繼而胥持國亦以為言，乃從其請。 閏十月，平章政事守貞曰：「馬琪措畫河防事，未見功役之數，加之積歲興功，民力將困，今持國複病，請別遣有材幹者往議之。」 上曰：「堤防救護若能成功，則財力固不敢惜。 第恐財殫力屈，成而複毀，如重困何？」 宰臣對曰：「如盡力固護，縱為害亦輕，若恬然不顧，則為害滋甚。」 上曰：「無乃因是致盜賊乎？」 守貞曰：」宋以河決興役，亦嘗致盜賊，然多生於凶歉。 今時平歲豐，少有差役，未必至此。 且河防之役，理所當然，今之當役者猶為可耳。 至於科征薪芻，不問有無，督輸迫切則破產業以易之，恐民益困耳。」 上曰：「役夫須近地差取，若遠調之，民益艱苦，但使津濟可也。 然當俟馬琪至而後議之。」 庚辰，琪自行省還，入見，言：「孟陽河堤及汴堤已填築補修，水不能犯汴城。 自今河勢趨北，來歲春首擬于中道疏決，以解南北兩岸之危。 凡計工八百七十余萬，可於正月終興工。 臣乞前期再往河上監視。」 上以所言付尚書省，而治檢覆河堤並守漲官等罪有差。 他日，尚書省奏事，上語及河防事，馬琪奏言：「臣非敢不盡心，然恐智力有所不及。 若別差官相度，儻有奇畫，亦未可知。 如適與臣策同，方來興功，亦庶幾稍寬朝延憂顧。」 上然之，命翰林待制奧屯忠孝權尚書戶部侍郎、太府少監溫昉權尚書工部侍郎，行戶、工部事，修治河防，且諭之曰：「汝二人皆朕所素識，以故委任，冀副朕意。 如有錯失，亦不汝容。」
The emperor told his ministers: "Li Yu was right that a great minister should go to steady the people after a breach. Hebei breaches had warranted a traveling office—this disaster deserved more than minor deputies. Shandong mattered no less than Henan; the people were all his children." Ma Qi, participation councillor, was sent with full discretion. "Li Yu is not innocent—Directorate officers need not wait on the judicial commissioner; they could have rallied the defender's office and reported upward. He only panicked at the flood and planned nothing; after the breach he merely toured with Rujia and did nothing. Asked when Wangcun would be opened, he said end of the fourth month—it was the sixth, and he did not even know the calendar. Is that fit for a judicial commissioner?" Revenue aide He Ge was sent to relieve the flooded counties. Chiguo and Ma Qi reported from Guanglu village at the breach. Floodwater had undercut the bank for more than ten li before borrow-pits were reachable. The crown was only a few paces wide—men could not work it; forced labor would collapse again. Silt blocked the mid-channel with uneven bed; when the water fell, fresh shoals would be hard to cut. Where the Bian east bank at Menghua sao and the Mengyang dike allowed work, they would repair through the farming slack and finish before freeze-up so the capital would be safe. Ma Qi said the outer Directorate was overstaffed—officials bickered and ruined the work. He proposed dropping aides and naming two handlers. Patrol posts had been filled by Directorate patronage—clerks dodging warehouses through bribes, often unfit. Regional directors would rise to rank 7 and be drawn from magistrate candidates; roving officers from integrity lists under sixty with vigor. After one year the judicial commissioner could dismiss the unfit immediately. Those who kept the river quiet would be jointly recommended for promotion. Bridge deputies would be chosen the same way. Chiguo agreed; the throne approved. Intercalary tenth month: Shouzhen noted Ma Qi had not reported work totals, corvée was exhausting the people, and Chiguo was ill—send another capable officer." If the dikes can be saved, I will not spare treasure— but I fear spending everything to build levees that collapse again." The ministers said solid guard lightened the harm; neglect worsened it." Will this breed bandits?" Shouzhen said Song river works had sparked banditry in famine years— but peace and harvest made that unlikely now. River labor was duty; the current corvée was still bearable. Forced fodder levies regardless of supply were what broke households." Take laborers nearby, not from afar, and keep the ferries open," the emperor said. He would wait for Ma Qi's return before deciding. On gengchen Ma Qi reported: Mengyang and the Bian dikes were patched—the river could not take Bian city. The current was running north; next spring he would cut the mid-channel to ease both banks. The job totaled 8.7 million-odd work units, to start at month's end. He asked to return early to the river. The memorial went to the Secretariat; inspectors and flood-watch officers were punished by degree. Later Ma Qi told the emperor he had done his utmost but might lack wit— another survey might find a better plan— and if it matched his, work could proceed with less court anxiety." The throne agreed and sent Aotun Zhongxiao (acting Revenue) and Wen Fang (acting Works) to the river. "You are men I know—do not fail me. Err and I will not spare you."
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承安元年七月，敕自今沿河傍側州、府、縣官雖部除者皆勿令員闕。 泰和二年九月，敕御史台官：「河防利害初不與卿等事，然台官無所不問，應體究者亦體究之。」 五年二月，以崔守真言：「黃河危急，芻槁物料雖雲折稅，每年不下五六次，或名為和買，而未嘗還其直。」 敕委右三部司正郭澥、御史中丞孟鑄講究以聞。 澥等言：「大名府、鄭州等處自承安二年以來，所科芻槁未給價者，計錢二十一萬九千餘貫。」 遂命以各處見錢差能幹官同各州縣清強官一一酬之，續令按察司體究。
Cheng'an 1, seventh month: along-river posts would not be left vacant even for central appointees. Taihe 2, ninth month: the Censorate was told river defense was their business too—inspect what ought to be inspected. Year 5: Cui Shouzhen reported that though fodder was commuted or "negotiated purchase," payment came five or six times a year and was never made. Guo Xie and Censor-in-chief Meng Zhu were ordered to investigate. They found 219,000-odd strings unpaid for fodder from Daming, Zhengzhou, and elsewhere since Cheng'an 2. Capable officers were to repay county by county from local cash; the inspection office would follow up.
14
宣宗貞祐三年十一月壬申，上遣參知政事侯摯祭河神於宜村。 三年四月，單州刺史顏盞天澤言：「守禦之道，當決大河使北流德、博、觀、滄之境。 今其故堤宛然猶在，工役不勞，水就下必無漂沒之患。 而難者若不以犯滄鹽場損國利為說，必以浸沒河北良田為解。 臣嘗聞河側故老言，水勢散漫，則淺不可以馬涉，深不可以舟濟，此守禦之大計也。 若日浸民田，則河徙之後，淤為沃壤，正宜耕墾，收倍于常，利孰大焉。 若失此計，則河南一路兵食不足，而河北、山東之民皆瓦解矣！」 詔命議之。 四年三月，延州刺史溫撒可喜言：「近世河離故道，自衛東南而流，由徐、邳入海，以此，河南之地為狹。 臣竊見新鄉縣西河水可決使東北，其南有舊堤，水不能溢，行五十餘裏與清河合，則由浚州、大名、觀州、清州、柳口入海，此河之故道也，皆有舊堤，補其缺罅足矣！ 如此則山東、大名等路，皆在河南，而河北諸郡亦得其半，退足以為禦備之計，進足以壯恢復之基。」 又言：「南岸居民，既已籍其河夫修築河堰，營作戍屋，又使轉輸芻糧，賦役繁殷，倍於他所，夏秋租稅，猶所未論，乞減其稍緩者，以寬民力。」 事下尚書省，宰臣謂：「河流東南舊矣。 一旦決之，恐故道不容，衍溢而出，分為數河，不復可收。 水分則淺狹易渡，天寒輒凍，禦備愈難，此甚不可！」 詔但令量宜減南岸郡縣居民之賦役。 五年夏四月，敕樞密院，沿河要害之地，可壘石岸，仍置撒星樁、陷馬塹以備敵。
Xuanzong, Zhenyou 3, eleventh month, renshen day: Hou Zhi sacrificed to the river god at Yicun. Fourth month, year 3: Danzhou prefect Yan Zhan Tianze said defense meant breaching the great river north through De, Bo, Guan, and Cang. The old dike still stood—the work was light, and the current running downhill would not drown the land. Objectors who skip the argument about damaging the Cang salt works always fall back on flooding Hebei's good farmland. River elders say dispersed water is too shallow for horses and too deep for boats—a cornerstone of defense. Daily flooding sounds dire, but after the river moves the silt turns to rich soil and yields can double—what gain compares? Lose this plan and Henan Route runs short of army grain while Hebei and Shandong unravel. An edict ordered the matter debated. In the third month of the fourth year Yanzhou inspector Wen Saxike said: "Lately the river has left its old channel, running southeast from Weizhou to the sea via Xu and Pi, which has pinched Henan's territory. West of Xinxiang the water could be cut northeast; old dikes to the south would contain it; after fifty-odd li it would meet the Qing River and reach the sea via Junzhou, Daming, Guanzhou, Qingzhou, and Liukou—the old course, already diked, needing only gaps filled. Shandong and Daming would lie south of the river, Hebei would recover half its ground—enough for defense in retreat and a stronger base for recovery. He also asked relief for south-bank residents already drafted for dikes and guard posts and for fodder transport—burdens heavier than elsewhere, land tax aside—to trim the lighter levies. The Secretariat received it; the chief ministers said the southeast course was entrenched. A sudden breach might overflow the old channel, split into many streams, and prove irreversible. Split channels run shallow and freeze in winter, easing enemy crossings—this must not be done. The edict only ordered easing levies on south-bank prefectures and counties. In the fourth month of summer, year five, the Privy Council was told to build stone banks along the river at key points and add scattered-star piles and horse-trap moats against attack.
15
金都于燕，東去潞水五十里，故為閘以節高良河、白蓮潭諸水，以通山東、河北之粟。 凡諸路瀕河之城，則置倉以貯傍郡之稅，若恩州之臨清、曆亭，景州之將陵、東光，清州之興濟、會川，獻州及深州之武強，是六州諸縣皆置倉之地也。 其通漕之水，舊黃河行滑州、大名、恩州、景州、滄州、會州之境，漳水東北為禦河，則通蘇門、獲嘉、新鄉、衛州、浚州、黎陽、衛縣、彰德、磁州、洺州之饋，衡水則經深州會於滹沱，以來獻州、清州之餉，皆合于信安海壖。 溯流而至通州，由通州入閘，十餘日而後至於京師。 其他若霸州之巨馬河，雄州之沙河，山東之北清河，皆其灌輸之路也。 然自通州而上，地峻而水不留，其勢易淺，舟膠不行，故常徙事陸挽，人頗艱之。 世宗之世，言者請開盧溝金口以通漕運，役眾數年，竟無成功，事見《盧溝河》。 其後亦以閘河或通或塞，而但以車挽矣。 其制，春運以冰消行，暑雨畢。 秋運以八月行，冰凝畢。 其綱將發也。 乃合眾，以所載之粟苴而封之，先以付所卸之地，視與所封樣同則受。 凡綱船以前期三日修治，日裝一綱，裝畢以三日啟行。 計道裏分溯流、沿流為限，至所受之倉，以三日卸，又三日給收付。 凡挽漕腳直，水運鹽每石百里四十八文，米五十文一分二厘七毫，粟四十文一分三毫，錢則每貫一文七分二厘八毫。 陸運傭直，米每石百里百一十二文一分五毫，粟五十七文六分八厘四毫，錢每貫三文九厘六毫。 餘物每百斤行百里，平路則春冬百三十一文五分，夏秋百五十七文八分，山路則春冬百四十九文，夏秋二百一文。 凡使司院務納課傭直，春冬九十文三分，夏秋百一十四文。 諸民戶射賃官船漕運者，其腳直以十分為率，初年克二分，二年克一分八厘，三年克一分七厘，四年克一分五厘，五年以上克一分。
With the capital at Yan, fifty li east stood the Lu River; sluices regulated the Gaoliang River, Bailian Pond, and other waters to feed Shandong and Hebei grain inland. River cities stored tax grain from nearby commanderies—Linqing and Liting in Enzhou, Jiangling and Dongguang in Jingzhou, Xingji and Huichuan in Qingzhou, Wuqiang in Xian and Shen—the six prefectures' granary counties. Grain routes: the old Yellow River through Huazhou, Daming, Enzhou, Jingzhou, Cangzhou, and Huizhou; the Zhang as the northeast Yu River to Sumen, Huojia, Xinxiang, Weizhou, Junzhou, Liyang, Weixian, Zhangde, Cizhou, and Mingzhou; the Heng meeting the Hutuo at Shenzhou for Xian and Qing—all ending at Xin'an coastal depots. Upstream to Tongzhou, through its sluice, then ten-odd days to the capital. Buzhou's Juma, Xiongzhou's Sha, and Shandong's North Qing River also fed the network. Above Tongzhou the land rose, water did not hold, channels shoaled, and boats grounded—so haulage went by land at great cost. Under Shizong, memorialists urged opening the Lugou golden mouth for transport; years of labor failed—see "Lugou River." Later the sluice river ran intermittently and carts alone carried the grain. Spring convoys ran from ice-out until the summer rains ended. Autumn convoys ran from the eighth month until freeze-up. When a convoy was to sail— crews bundled and sealed the grain, sent samples ahead to the discharge point, and accepted cargo only if it matched the seal. Ships were overhauled three days ahead; one convoy loaded per day; three days after loading, they sailed. Mileage set upstream and downstream limits; three days to unload at the granary and three to issue receipts. Water porterage: salt 48 wen per shi per 100 li; rice 50.127 wen; millet 40.13 wen; cash 1.728 wen per string. Land porterage: rice 112.15 wen per shi per 100 li; millet 57.684 wen; cash 3.96 wen per string. Other goods per 100 jin per 100 li: level roads 131.5 wen spring/winter, 157.8 wen summer/autumn; mountain roads 149 wen spring/winter, 201 wen summer/autumn. Office tax porterage: 90.3 wen spring/winter, 114 wen summer/autumn per 100 jin per 100 li. Households renting official transport ships paid porterage on a ten-part scale: 20% the first year, then 18%, 17%, 15%, and 10% from the fifth year on.
16
初，世宗大定四年八月，以山東大熟，詔移其粟以實京師。 十月，上出近郊，見運河湮塞，召問其故。 主者雲戶部不為經畫所致。 上召戶部侍郎曹望之，責曰：「有河不加浚，使百姓陸運勞甚，罪在汝等。 朕不欲即加罪，宜悉力使漕渠通也。」 五年正月，尚書省奏，可調夫數萬，上曰：「方春不可勞民，令宮籍監戶、東宮親王人從、及五百內裏軍夫浚治。」 二十一年，以八月京城儲積不廣，詔沿河恩獻等六州粟百萬余石運至通州，輦入京師。 明昌三年四月，尚書省奏：「遼東、北京路米粟素饒，宜航海以達山東。 昨以按視東京近海之地，自大務清口並咸平銅善館皆可置倉貯粟以通漕運，若山東、河北荒歉，即可運以相濟。」 制可。 承安五年，邊河倉州縣，可令折納菽二十萬石，漕以入京，驗品級養馬於俸內帶支，仍漕麥十萬石，各支本色。 乃命都水監丞田櫟相視運糧河道。
In the eighth month of Dading 4 Shizong, with Shandong in great harvest, ordered grain moved to the capital. In the tenth month the emperor rode out, saw the canal choked, and asked why. Officials blamed the Revenue Bureau for lack of planning. He summoned Revenue Vice Minister Cao Wangzhi: "You leave a river undredged and force the people into costly land haulage—the fault is yours. I will not punish you yet—exert every effort to open the transport canal." In the first month of year five the Secretariat proposed tens of thousands of laborers; the emperor said spring must not burden the people and ordered palace registry households, Eastern Palace followers, and five hundred inner-palace troops to dredge. In year twenty-one, with capital stores low, over a million shi from En, Xian, and four other river prefectures went to Tongzhou and then by cart to the capital. In the fourth month of Mingchang 3 the Secretariat said Liaodong and Beijing routes were rich in grain and should feed Shandong by sea. A recent survey from Dawu Qingkou to Xianping found sites for coastal granaries; if Shandong or Hebei failed, grain could be shifted to help." Approved. In Cheng'an 5, river granary districts could commute twenty thousand shi of beans and ten thousand shi of wheat to the capital, with grades checked for horse upkeep from salaries, all in kind. Director of Waterways Vice Commissioner Tian Li was sent to survey the transport channel.
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泰和元年，尚書省以景州漕運司所管六河倉，歲稅不下六萬余石，其科州縣近者不下二百里，官吏取賄延阻，人不勝苦，雖近官監之亦然。 遂命監察御史一員往來糾察之。 五年，上至霸州，以故漕河淺澀，敕尚書省發山東、河北、河東、中都、北京軍夫六千，改鑿之。 犯屯田戶地者，官對給之。 民田則多酬其價。 六年，尚書省以凡漕河所經之地，州縣官以為無與於己，多致淺滯，使綱戶以盤淺剝載為名，奸弊百出。 於是遂定制，凡漕河所經之地，州府官銜內皆帶「提控漕河事」，縣官則帶「管勾漕河事」，俾催檢綱運，營護堤岸。 為府三：大興、大名、彰德。 州十二：恩、景、滄、清、獻、深、衛、浚、滑、磁、洺、通。 縣三十三：大名、元城、館陶、夏津、武城、曆亭、監清、吳橋、將陵、東光、南皮、清池、靖海、興濟、會川、交河、樂壽、武強、安陽、湯陰、監漳、成安、滏陽、內黃、黎陽、衛、蘇門、獲嘉、新鄉、汲、潞、武清、香河、漷陰。
In Taihe 1 the Secretariat reported Jingzhou's six river granaries took sixty thousand shi yearly from counties up to two hundred li away while officials extorted and delayed—misery even under nearby supervisors. An investigating censor was appointed to tour and correct abuses. In year five, at Buzhou, finding the old canal shallow, he ordered six thousand laborers from Shandong, Hebei, Hedong, Zhongdu, and Beijing to cut a new channel. Garrison-field land was compensated by the state in kind. Civilian fields were mostly bought out at price. In year six the Secretariat complained that river prefects ignored transport channels until they shoaled, letting convoy crews fake "shallow-water stripping" for endless fraud. Regulations then required prefects to carry "supervise grain-transport river affairs" and counties "manage grain-transport river affairs" to hurry convoys and tend dikes. Three prefectures: Daxing, Daming, Zhangde. Twelve prefectures: En, Jing, Cang, Qing, Xian, Shen, Wei, Jun, Hua, Ci, Ming, and Tong. Thirty-three counties: Daming, Yuancheng, Guantao, Xiajin, Wucheng, Liting, Jianqing, Wuqiao, Jiangling, Dongguang, Nanpi, Qingchi, Jinghai, Xingji, Huichuan, Jiaohe, Leshou, Wuqiang, Anyang, Tangyin, Jianzhang, Cheng'an, Fuyang, Neihuang, Liyang, Wei, Sumen, Huojia, Xinxiang, Ji, Lu, Wuqing, Xianghe, and Huayin.
18
十二月，通濟河創設巡河官一員，與天津河同為一司，通管漕河閘岸，止名天津河巡河官，隸都水監。 八年六月，通州刺史張行信言：「船自通州入閘，凡十余日方至京師，而官支五日轉腳之費。」 遂增給之。
In the twelfth month one patrol officer was added for the Tongji River, merged with Tianjin River under one office managing sluices and banks—the Tianjin River patrol officer under the Directorate of Waterways. In the sixth month of year eight Tongzhou inspector Zhang Xingxin said ships needed ten-odd days from Tongzhou to the capital but porterage was paid for only five. Porterage was increased.
19
貞祐三年，既遷於汴，以陳、潁二州瀕水，欲借民船以漕，不便。 遂依觀州漕運司設提舉官，募船戶而籍之，命戶部勾當官往來巡督。 四年，從右丞侯摯言，開沁水以便饋運。 上又念京師轉輸之勞，命出尚廄牛及官車，以助其力。 興定四年十月，諭皇太子曰：「中京運糧護送官，當擇其人，萬有一失，樞密官亦有罪矣！ 其船當用毛花輦所造兩首尾者，仍張幟如渡軍之狀，勿令敵知為糧也。」 陝西行省把胡魯言：」陝西歲運糧以助關東，民力浸困，若以舟自渭入河，順流而下，可以紓民力。」 遂命嚴其偵候，如有警，則皆維于南岸。 時朝延以邳、徐、宿、泗軍儲，京東縣挽運者歲十余萬石，民甚苦之。 元光元年，遂於歸德府置通濟倉，設都監一員，以受東郡之粟。 定國軍節度使李複亨言：「河南駐蹕，兵不可闕，糧不厭多，比年，少有匱乏即仰給陝西，陝西地腴歲豐，十萬石之助不難。 但以車運之費先去其半，民何以堪？ 宜造大船二十，由大慶關渡入河，東抵湖城，往還不過數日，篙工不過百人，使舟皆容三百五十斛，則是百人以數日運七千斛矣！ 自夏抵秋可漕三千余萬斛，且無稽滯之患。」 上從之。 時又於靈璧縣潼郡鎮設倉都監及監支納，以方開長直溝，將由萬安湖舟運入汴至泗，以貯粟也。
In Zhenyou 3, after the move to Bian, Chen and Ying on the water made borrowing civilian boats awkward, so they copied Guanzhou's transport office with a commissioner, registered boat households, and sent Revenue agents to supervise. In year four, on Right Vice Minister Hou Zhi's advice, the Qin River was opened for supply transport. Mindful of capital transport burdens, he also sent imperial stable oxen and official carts to help. In the tenth month of Xingding 4 he told the crown prince: "Choose the Zhongjing grain escort carefully—one slip and Privy Council officials share the guilt! Use Maohua workshop double-ended boats with ferry-style banners so enemies do not know they carry grain." Shaanxi Branch Secretariat Ba Hulu said Shaanxi's yearly grain for Guandong exhausted the people; boats from the Wei downriver could ease that burden. He ordered strict scouting and, on alarm, all boats to moor on the south bank. The court noted Pi, Xu, Su, and Si stores and Jingdong counties' yearly carting of over one hundred thousand shi and the people's great suffering. In Yuanguang 1 Guide Prefecture gained a Tongji granary with a director to receive eastern commandery grain. Dingguo Army jiedushi Li Fuheng said: "At Henan troops and grain must be ample; lately any shortfall turns to Shaanxi, whose fertile fields could spare one hundred thousand shi. Yet carting wastes half the cost upfront—how can people endure it? Build twenty large boats from Daqing Pass into the river to Hucheng: a round trip in days, under one hundred polemen, each holding 350 hu—one hundred men could move seven thousand hu in days. From summer through autumn three million-odd hu could move without backlog. The emperor agreed. They also placed granary directors at Tongjun in Lingbi for the Changzhi ditch, planning Wan'an Lake boat transport into Bian and Si for storage.
20
盧溝河
Lugou River
21
大定十年，議決盧溝以通京師漕運，上忻然曰：「如此，則諸路之物可徑達京師，利孰大焉！」 命計之，當役千里內民夫，上命免被災之地，以百官從人助役。 已而，敕宰臣曰：「山東歲饑。 工役興則妨農作，能無怨乎？ 開河本欲利民，而反取怨，不可！ 其姑罷之。」 十一年十二月，省臣奏複開之，自金口疏導至京城北入壕，而東至通州之北，入潞水，計工可八十日。 十二年三月，上令人覆按，還奏：「止可五十日。」 上召宰臣責曰：「所餘三十日徒妨農費工，卿等何為慮不及此。」 及渠成，以地勢高峻，水性渾濁。 峻則奔流漩洄，齧岸善崩，濁則泥淖淤塞，積滓成淺，不能勝舟。 其後，上謂宰臣曰：「分盧溝為漕渠，竟未見功，若果能行，南路諸貨皆至京師，而價賤矣。」 平章政事駙馬元忠曰：「請求識河道者，按視其地。」 竟不能行而罷。 二十五年五月，盧溝決于上陽村。 先是，決顯通寨，詔發中都三百里內民夫塞之，至是複決，朝延恐枉費工物，遂令且勿治。 二十七年三月，宰臣以「孟家山金口閘下視都城，高一百四十餘尺，止以射糧軍守之，恐不足恃。 儻遇暴漲，人或為奸，其害非細。 若固塞之，則所灌稻田俱為陸地，種植禾麥亦非曠土。 不然則更立重閘，仍於岸上置埽官廨署，及埽兵之室，庶幾可以無虞也」。 上是其言，遣使塞之。 夏四月丙子，詔封盧溝水神為安平侯。 二十八年五月，詔盧溝河使旅往來之津要，令建石橋。 未行而世宗崩。 章宗大定二十九年六月，複以涉者病河流湍急，詔命造舟，既而更命建石橋。 明昌三年三月成，敕命名曰廣利。 有司謂車駕之所經行，使客商旅之要路，請官建東西廊，令人居之。 上曰：「何必然，民間自應為耳。」 左丞守貞言：「但恐為豪右所占，況罔利之人多止東岸，若官築則東西兩岸俱稱，亦便於觀望也。」 遂從之。
In Dading 10 they debated cutting the Lugou for capital transport; the emperor said gladly: "Then goods from every route could reach the capital—what gain compares? He ordered plans drawn; it would draft commoners within a thousand li, exempt disaster areas, and use officials' followers as labor. Soon he told the chief ministers: "Shandong is in famine. Works would hinder farming—how could people not resent it? The canal was meant to help the people, not breed resentment—impossible! Stop it for now." In the twelfth month of year eleven ministers urged reopening from the golden mouth to the capital moat and east to Tongzhou's north into the Lu River—eighty days' labor. In the third month of year twelve reinspection reported only fifty days were needed. He summoned the chief ministers: "The extra thirty days only waste farming—why did you not foresee this?" When the channel opened, the ground was high and steep and the water muddy. Steep grades made swirling currents that ate the banks; mud silted the bed until boats could not pass. Later he told ministers: "Diverting the Lugou for transport still fails; if it worked, southern goods would flood the capital and prices would fall." Chief Councilor and imperial son-in-law Yuan Zhong asked experts to survey the ground. In the end it could not operate and was abandoned. In the fifth month of year twenty-five the Lugou broke at Shangyang Village. It had earlier broken at Xiantong Stockade and Zhongdu labor within three hundred li was drafted to seal it; when it broke again the court feared waste and ordered no repair for now. In the third month of year twenty-seven ministers said the Mengjiashan golden-mouth sluice stood 140-odd chi above the capital, guarded only by archer-grain troops—hardly safe. A sudden flood or treachery could do great harm. Blocking it would dry the irrigated paddies, yet grain and wheat could still be planted. Or build heavier sluices with sao offices and barracks on the bank—then perhaps safe." The emperor agreed and sent envoys to seal it. On bingzi day in the fourth summer month the Lugou water spirit was enfeoffed as Marquis of Anping. In the fifth month of year twenty-eight an edict ordered stone bridges at Lugou ferry crossings for envoys and travelers. Before work began Shizong died. In the sixth month of Dading 29 Zhangzong again, travelers suffering from the swift current, first ordered boats, then stone bridges. In the third month of Mingchang 3 it was finished and named Guangli by edict. Offices said the imperial route and merchant traffic met there and asked the state to build east and west galleries for lodgings. The emperor said: "Why force it? People will build on their own." Left Vice Minister Shouzhen said powerful families might seize the sites and profiteers clustered on the east bank—state galleries on both banks would aid oversight. The court agreed.
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六月，盧溝堤決，詔速遏塞之，無令泛溢為害。 右拾遺路鐸上疏言：「當從水勢分流以行，不必補修玄同口以下、丁村以上舊堤。」 上命宰臣議之，遂命工部尚書胥持國及路鐸同檢視其堤道。
In the sixth month the Lugou dike broke; an edict ordered swift blocking lest it flood widely. Right Reminder Lu Duo urged diverting with the current rather than repairing the old dike from below Xuantong Mouth to above Ding Village. The emperor ordered ministers to debate and sent Works Minister Xu Chiguo with Lu Duo to inspect the dikes.
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滹沱河
Hutuo River
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大定八年六月，滹沱犯真定，命發河北西路及河間、太原、冀州民夫二萬八千，繕完其堤岸。 十年二月，滹沱河創設巡河官二員。 十七年，滹沱決白馬崗，有司以聞，詔遣使固塞，發真定五百里內民夫，以十八年二月一日興役，命同知真定尹鶻沙虎、同知河北西路轉運使徐偉監護。
In the sixth month of Dading 8 the Hutuo struck Zhending; twenty-eight thousand laborers from Hebei West Circuit, Hejian, Taiyuan, and Jizhou repaired its banks. In the second month of year ten two Hutuo River patrol officers were created. In year seventeen it broke at Baima Hill; envoys were sent to seal it and Zhending drafted labor within five hundred li from the first day of the second month, year eighteen, under Associate Administrator Gushahu and Associate Transport Commissioner Xu Wei.
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大定二十年春正月，詔有司修護漳河閘，所須工物一切並從官給，毋令擾民。 明昌二年六月，漳河及盧溝堤皆決，詔命速塞之。 四年春正月癸未，有司言修漳河堤埽計三十八萬餘工，詔依盧溝河例，招被水闕食人充夫，官支錢米，不足則調礙水人戶，依上支給。
In the first month of spring, Dading 20, offices were told to maintain Zhang River sluices with state labor and materials and not trouble the people. In the sixth month of Mingchang 2 the Zhang and Lugou dikes both broke; an edict ordered quick repairs. On guiwei day in the first spring month of year four offices reported 380,000-odd work units to repair Zhang River dike-sao; following the Lugou precedent, flood-starved people were hired at state pay, then flood households if needed, on the same terms.