Volume 107 Biographies 45: Gao Ruli, Zhang Xingxin

高汝礪

Gao Ruli

高汝礪，字岩夫，應州金城人。登大定十九年進士第，蒞官有能聲。明昌五年九月，章宗詔宰執，舉奏中外可為刺史者，上親閱闕點注，蓋取兩員同舉者升用之。於是，汝礪自同知絳陽軍節度事起為石州刺史。承安元年七月，入為左司郎中。一日奏事紫宸殿，時侍臣皆回避，上所禦涼扇忽墮案下，汝礪以非職不敢取以進。奏事畢，上謂宰臣曰：「高汝礪不進扇，可謂知體矣。」

Gao Ruli, whose style name was Yanfu, came from Jincheng in Ying Prefecture. He took his jinshi degree in the nineteenth year of the Dading reign (1179) and soon earned a reputation for capable administration. In the ninth month of the fifth year of Mingchang (1194), Zhangzong instructed his chief ministers to nominate candidates inside and outside the court for prefectural posts. He personally reviewed the lists and marked his choices, generally elevating only those whom two nominators had named in common. On this basis Ruli rose from deputy commissioner on the Jinyang military commission to prefect of Shi Prefecture. In the seventh month of the first year of Cheng'an (1196) he was appointed director in the left bureau of the Secretariat. One day he was reporting to the throne in the Zichen Hall while the attending staff had been sent out of earshot. The emperor's hand fan slipped onto the desk; Ruli, judging that retrieval was not his office, did not pick it up and offer it back. After the audience the emperor told his chief ministers, "Gao Ruli left the fan where it fell—he clearly understands his proper bounds."

未幾，擢為左諫議大夫。以賦調軍須，郡縣有司或不得人，追胥走卒利其事急，規取貨賂，深為民害，建言：「自今若因兵調發，有犯者乞權依'推排受財法'治之，庶使小人有所畏懼。」二年六月，定制，因軍前差發受財者，一貫以下徒二年，以上徒三年，十貫處死，從汝礪之言也。時遇奏事，台臣亦令回避，汝礪乃上言：「國家置諫臣以備侍從，蓋欲周知時政以參得失，非徒使排行就列而已。故唐制，凡中書、門下及三品以上入閣，必遣諫官隨之，俾預聞政事，冀其有所開說。今省台以下，遇朝奏事則一切回避，與諸侍衛之臣旅進旅退。殿廷論事初莫得聞，及其已行，又不詳其始末，遂事而諫，斯亦難矣。顧諫職為何如哉？若曰非材，擇人可也，豈可置之言責而疏遠若此。乞自今以往，有司奏事諫官得以預聞，庶望少補。且修注之職，掌記言動，俱當一體。」上從之。

Before long he was raised to remonstrating grand master on the left. When taxes and levies were raised for military needs, local officials did not always appoint trustworthy men; pursuing clerks and runners exploited the urgency of the work to extort bribes, to the people's deep injury. He proposed: "Henceforth, whenever men are conscripted for military dispatch, offenders should temporarily be punished under the statute on taking bribes during household assessments, so that petty officials may learn to fear the law." In the sixth month of the second year (1197) a statute was fixed: anyone taking bribes during front-line conscription received two years' penal servitude for less than one string of cash, three years for more, and death for ten strings or above—following Ruli's recommendation. When officials reported to the throne, censorate officers were likewise sent away. Ruli submitted: "The state appoints remonstrators to attend the ruler so they may know current affairs in full and help judge what succeeds or fails—not merely to stand in formation and march in and out. Under Tang practice, whenever Secretariat and Chancellery ministers and officials of third rank or higher entered the privy council, remonstrators were always sent along so they could hear deliberations beforehand and perhaps offer advice. Today, whenever the Secretariat and Censorate present business at court, their officers are all sent away and march in and out with the guard staff like any other attendants. They never hear debate in the hall at the outset; when a decision is already enacted they still lack the full story from beginning to end. To remonstrate only after the fact is nearly impossible. What, then, is left of the remonstrator's role? If the men are unfit, choose better ones—but how can you assign them a speaking office and keep them this far removed? I ask that from now on remonstrators be allowed to hear in advance whenever offices report business, so the office may serve some small use. The historians who record words and deeds should be treated the same way." The emperor agreed.

又言：「年前十月嘗舉行推排之法，尋以逾時而止，誠知聖上愛民之深也。切聞周制，以歲時定民之眾寡，辨物之多少，入其數于小司徒，以施政教，以行征令，三年則天下大比，按為定法。伏自大定四年通檢前後，迄今三十餘年，其間雖兩經推排，其浮財物力，惟憑一時小民之語以為增減，有司惟務速定，不復推究其實。由是豪強有力者符同而倖免，貧弱寡援者抑屈而無訴。況近年以來，邊方屢有調發，貧戶益多。如止循例推排，緣去歲條理已行，人所通知，恐新強之家預為請囑狡獪之人，冀望至時同辭推唱。或虛作貧之，故以產業低價質典，及將財物徙置他所，權止營運。如此奸弊百端，欲望物力均一，難矣。欲革斯弊，莫若據實通檢，預令有司照勘大定四年條理，嚴立罪賞，截日立限，關防禁約。其間有可以輕重者斟酌行之，去煩碎而就簡易，戒搔擾而事鎮靜，使富者不得以苟避，困者有望於少息，則賦稅易辦，人免不均之患矣。」詔尚書省俟邊事息行之。

He also said: "Last year in the tenth month we tried the household-assessment method, then stopped because the season was late—I know how deeply Your Majesty cares for the people. I understand that under Zhou institutions the state each year fixed the people's numbers and tallied their goods, reporting to the minor minister of education to govern and levy; every three years a great comparison was made empire-wide and fixed as law. Since the comprehensive inspection around the fourth year of Dading (1164), more than thirty years have passed. Although assessments were held twice in that span, movable wealth was adjusted only on whatever commoners said at the moment; officials rushed to finish and never verified the facts. The powerful colluded and escaped; the poor, with no one to plead for them, were crushed and had no recourse. In recent years the frontiers have been levied again and again, and poor households have only multiplied. If we merely repeat the usual assessment, everyone already knows last year's rules; newly rich families will lobby in advance and the cunning will hope to chant the same story when the time comes. Some will feign poverty, mortgaging property cheaply, moving goods elsewhere, or halting business for the moment. With fraud in every form, an even distribution of wealth is hard to achieve. To end these abuses, nothing beats a truthful comprehensive inspection: order offices in advance to apply the fourth-year-of-Dading regulations, fix strict penalties and rewards, set firm deadlines, and enforce tight controls. Where rules allow discretion between lighter and heavier treatment, use it; cut red tape, keep the work simple, forbid harassment, and keep affairs calm, so the rich cannot dodge their share and the distressed may breathe a little—then taxes will be easier to collect and the people spared gross inequality." The throne ordered the Secretariat to carry it out once frontier troubles had subsided.

是歲十月，上諭尚書省，遣官詣各路通檢民力，命戶部尚書賈執剛與汝礪先推排在都兩警巡院，令諸路所差官視以為法焉。尋為同知大興府事。四年十二月，為陝西東路轉運使。泰和元年七月，改西京路轉運使。二年正月，為北京臨潢府路按察使。四年二月，遷河北西路轉運使。十一月，進中都路都轉運使。

That October the emperor told the Secretariat to send officials to every circuit to inspect the people's capacity for taxation. He ordered Minister of Revenue Jia Zhigang and Ruli to run the first assessment in the capital's two patrol districts so circuit appointees could follow their example. He was soon made vice administrator of Daxing Prefecture. In the twelfth month of the fourth year (1199) he became transport commissioner for Shaanxi East Circuit. In the seventh month of the first year of Taihe (1201) he was transferred to transport commissioner of Xijing Circuit. In the first month of the second year (1202) he became surveillance commissioner for the Northern Capital Linhuangfu Circuit. In the second month of the fourth year (1204) he was moved to transport commissioner of Hebei West Circuit. In the eleventh month he was promoted to chief transport commissioner of the Central Capital Circuit.

六年六月，拜戶部尚書。時鈔法不能流轉，汝礪隨事上言，多所更定，民甚便之，語在《食貨志》。上嘉其議，敕尚書省曰：「內外百官所司不同，比應詔言事者不啻千數，俱不達各司利害，汗漫陳說，莫能詳盡。近惟戶部尚書高汝礪，論本部數事，並切事情，皆已行之。其諭內外百司各究利害舉明，若可舉而不即申聞，以致上司舉行者，量制其罰。」

In the sixth month of the sixth year (1206) he was appointed minister of revenue. Paper money was not circulating; Ruli proposed reforms on each issue, many of which were adopted to the people's great benefit—the details appear in the Treatise on Food and Goods. The emperor praised his proposals and instructed the Secretariat: "Officials inside and outside the court have different duties. Lately more than a thousand have answered edicts to speak on affairs, yet none grasp their own office's interests; their statements are diffuse and never thorough. Recently only Minister of Revenue Gao Ruli, discussing several matters within his ministry, hit the mark on each; all have been enacted. Tell every office inside and outside the court to investigate its own interests and report clearly. If something ought to be proposed but is not reported at once, so that a superior must propose it instead, fix proportional punishment."

貞祐二年六月，宣宗南遷，次邯鄲，拜汝礪為參知政事。次湯陰，上聞汴京穀價騰踴，慮扈從人至則愈貴，問宰臣何以處之。皆請命留守司約束，汝礪獨曰：「物價低昂，朝夕或異，然糴多糶少則貴。蓋諸路之人輻湊河南，糴者既多，安得不貴？若禁止之，有物之家皆將閉而不出，商旅轉販亦不復入城，則糴者益急而貴益甚矣。事有難易，不可不知，今少而難得者穀也，多而易致者鈔也，自當先其所難，後其所易，多方開誘，務使出粟更鈔，則谷價自平矣。」上從之。

In the sixth month of the second year of Zhenyou (1214), when Xuanzong moved the court south and paused at Handan, Ruli was appointed participant in government affairs. At Tangyin he heard grain prices in Bianjing were soaring and feared they would rise further when the entourage arrived; he asked his chief ministers what to do. All urged ordering the garrison command to control prices. Ruli alone said: "Prices rise and fall from day to day, but when buyers are many and sellers few, grain must be dear. People from every circuit have poured into Henan; with so many buyers, how could grain stay cheap? If you forbid trade, households with grain will hoard it; merchants will stop bringing goods into the city; buyers will grow more desperate and prices will climb still higher. Some tasks are hard and some easy—you must know the difference. Grain is scarce and hard to obtain; paper notes are plentiful and easy to get. Tackle the hard task first, the easy one second: open every channel of incentive and get grain exchanged for notes, and grain prices will settle on their own." The emperor followed his advice.

三年五月，朝廷議徙河北軍戶家屬于河南，留其軍守衛郡縣，汝礪言：「此事果行，但便於豪強家耳，貧戶豈能徙？且安土重遷，人之情也。今使盡赴河南，彼一旦去其田園，扶攜老幼，驅馳道路，流離失所，豈不可憐。且所過百姓見軍戶盡遷，必將驚疑，謂國家分別彼此，其心安得不搖。況軍人已去其家，而令護衛他人，以情度之，其不肯盡心必矣。民至愚而神者也，雖告以衛護之意，亦將不信，徒令交亂，俱不得安，此其利害所系至重。乞先令諸道元帥府、宣撫司、總管府熟論可否，如無可疑，然後施行。」不報。

In the fifth month of the third year (1215) the court debated moving Hebei military households' families to Henan while the soldiers remained to guard local prefectures. Ruli said: "If this is carried out, only powerful families will benefit—how can poor households move? Besides, attachment to native soil is human nature. To send them all to Henan at once is to tear them from their fields, drag old and young along the roads, and leave them homeless—is that not pitiable? Commoners along the route, seeing every military household uprooted, will be alarmed and suspect the state favors one group over another—how could their hearts stay steady? The soldiers have lost their own families yet must guard others' homes—by ordinary feeling they surely will not give their full loyalty. The people are simple yet uncannily perceptive: even told the move is for their protection, they will not believe it. You will only breed disorder and leave no one secure. The stakes are very high. I ask that each circuit's marshal's office, pacification commission, and chief command first debate the plan thoroughly; if no doubt remains, then enact it." He received no answer.

軍戶既遷，將括地分授之，未有定論，上敕尚書省曰：「北兵將及河南，由是盡起諸路軍戶，共圖保守。今既至矣，糧食所當必與，然未有以處之。可分遣官聚耆老問之，其將益賦，或與之田，二者孰便。」又以諭汝礪。既而所遣官言：「農民並稱，比年以來，租賦已重，若更益之，力實不足，不敢複佃官田，願以給軍。」於是汝礪奏：「遷徙軍戶，一時之事也。民佃官田，久遠之計也。河南民地、官田，計數相半。又多全佃官田之家，墳塋、莊井俱在其中。率皆貧民，一旦奪之，何以自活？夫小民易動難安，一時避賦，遂有此言。及其與人，即前日之主，今還為客，能勿悔乎？悔則忿心生矣。如山東撥地時，腴田沃壤盡入勢家，瘠惡者乃付貧戶。無益於軍，而民則有損，至於互相憎疾，今猶未已，前事不遠，足為明戒。惟當倍益官租，以給軍糧之半，複以系官荒田、牧馬草地量數付之，令其自耕，則百姓免失業之艱，而官司不必為厲民之事矣。且河南之田最宜麥，今雨澤沾足，正播種之時，誠恐民疑以誤歲計，宜早決之。」上從其請。

After the military households had moved, the court planned to survey land and allot it to them, but no decision was fixed. The emperor instructed the Secretariat: "Northern armies are nearing Henan, so we have called up military households from every circuit to help defend the region. They have arrived, and grain must be supplied, but we still have no settled plan. Send officials to gather local elders and ask whether they prefer higher levies or allotting land to the soldiers—which is better." The same instruction was relayed to Ruli. The officials soon reported: "The peasants all said rents and levies have already been heavy in recent years; they cannot bear more and dare not keep leasing state land—they wish to give it to the army." Ruli then memorialized: "Moving military households is a temporary measure. Peasants leasing state land is a long-term arrangement. In Henan private land and state land are roughly equal in extent. Many households lease state land exclusively, with ancestral graves and farmstead wells on the same plots. They are mostly poor; if you seize the land at once, how will they live? Commoners are easily stirred and hard to reassure; for the moment they spoke thus to avoid heavier levies. Once they have given the land away, yesterday's masters become today's tenants—will they not regret it? Regret will breed resentment. When land was allotted in Shandong, fertile fields went entirely to powerful families while poor soil was handed to poor households. The army gained nothing while the people suffered; mutual hatred from that time has not ended. The recent past is warning enough. Only double the rent on state land to supply half the army's grain, and allot measured tracts of state wasteland and pasture for them to farm themselves. The people will avoid losing their livelihood, and the government need not harm them. Henan's fields suit wheat best; rain is ample and sowing season is here. I fear popular suspicion will ruin the year's harvest if we delay—decide quickly." The emperor accepted his proposal.

尋遷尚書右丞。時上以軍戶地當撥付，使得及時耕墾，而汝礪複上奏曰：「在官荒田及牧馬地，民多私耕者。今正藝麥之時，彼知將以與人，必皆棄去。軍戶雖得，亦已逾時，徒成曠廢。若候畢功而後撥，量收所得，以補軍儲，則公私俱便。乞盡九月然後遣官。」十月，汝礪言：「今河北軍戶徙河南者幾百萬口，人日給米一升，歲率三百六十萬石，半給其直猶支粟三百萬石。河南租地計二十四萬頃，歲征粟才一百五十六萬有奇，更乞於經費之外倍征以給，仍以系官閒田及牧馬地可耕者畀之。」奏可。乃遣右司諫馮開等分詣諸郡就給之，人三十畝，以汝礪總之。既而括地官還，皆曰：「頃畝之數甚少，且瘠惡不可耕。計其可耕者均以與之，人得無幾，又僻遠處不免徙就之，軍人皆以為不便。」汝礪遂言於上，詔有司罷之，但給軍糧之半，而半折以實直焉。

He was soon promoted to right vice minister of the Secretariat. The emperor wanted military households to receive land in time for planting. Ruli memorialized again: "Much state wasteland and pasture is already being farmed privately. It is wheat-planting season; once they know the land will be taken away, they will abandon their crops. Even if the military households receive the land, the season will be past and the fields will lie waste. If we wait until the harvest, take a measured share for army stores, and then allot the land, both state and people benefit. I ask that officials be sent only after the ninth month." In the tenth month Ruli said: "Nearly several million mouths of Hebei military households have moved to Henan. At one sheng of rice per person per day, the yearly total is 3,600,000 shi; even paying half in cash still requires 3,000,000 shi of grain. Henan's leased land totals 240,000 qing and yields only a little over 1,560,000 shi yearly. I ask that rents be doubled beyond ordinary expenses for this supply, and that state idle land and cultivable pasture still be allotted." The memorial was approved. Right bureau remonstrator Feng Kai and others were sent to each prefecture to grant thirty mu per person on the spot, with Ruli in overall charge. When the land-survey officials returned, they all said: "The acreage is very small and the soil too poor to farm. Even dividing all cultivable land equally, each man receives almost nothing; in remote districts they must move to claim it. The soldiers all find the arrangement unworkable." Ruli reported to the emperor; an edict halted the land grant. Only half the grain ration was kept; the other half was paid in cash at full value.

四年正月，拜尚書左丞，連上表乞致仕，皆優詔不許。會朝廷議發兵河北，護民芟麥，而民間流言謂官將盡取之。上聞，以問宰職曰：「為之奈何？」高琪等奏：「若令樞密院遣兵居其沖要，鎮遏土寇，仍許收逃戶之田，則軍民兩便。或有警急，軍士亦必盡心。」汝礪曰：「甚非計也。蓋河朔之民所恃以食者，惟此麥耳。今已有流言，而複以兵往，是益使之疑懼也。不若聽其自便，令宣撫司禁戢無賴，不致侵擾足矣。逃戶田令有司收之，以充軍儲可也。」乃詔遣戶部員外郎裴滿蒲剌都閱視田數，及訪民願發兵以否，還奏：「臣西由懷、孟，東抵曹、單，麥苗苦亦無多，訊諸農民，往往自為義軍。臣即宣佈朝廷欲發兵之意，皆感戴而不願也。」於是罷之。

In the first month of the fourth year (1216) he was appointed left vice minister of the Secretariat. He repeatedly asked to retire; each time the throne graciously refused. Just then the court debated sending troops to Hebei to protect the harvest, while rumor spread that officials would seize all the grain. The emperor heard and asked his chief ministers: "What should we do?" Gao Qi and others proposed: "Let the Bureau of Military Affairs post troops at key points to suppress local bandits and allow them to take fugitives' fields—both army and people will benefit. In an emergency the soldiers will surely fight with full loyalty." Ruli said: "That is a very poor plan. The people north of the Yellow River depend on this wheat alone for food. Rumor already circulates; sending troops will only deepen their fear. Better let them manage on their own and order the pacification commission to restrain ruffians from harassment—that is enough. Let offices take fugitives' fields for army stores—that will suffice." The throne ordered Revenue Bureau vice director Peiman Puladu to inspect the fields and ask whether the people wanted troops. On his return he reported: "I traveled west from Huai and Meng to Cao and Shan—the wheat crop is poor and sparse. Many peasants have already formed local militias on their own. I then announced the court's plan to send troops; all expressed gratitude but none wished it." The plan was dropped.

汝礪以數乞致仕不從，乃上言曰：「立非常之功，必待非常之人。今大兵既退，正完葺關隘、簡練兵士之時，須得通敏經綸之才預為籌畫，俾濟中興。伏見尚書左丞兼行樞密副使胥鼎，才擅眾長，身兼數器，乞召還朝省。」不從。時高琪欲從言事者歲閱民田征租，朝廷將從之。汝礪言：「臣聞治大國者若烹小鮮，最為政之善喻也。國朝自大定通檢後，十年一推物力，惟其貴簡靜而重勞民耳。今言者請如河北歲括實種之田，計數征斂，即是常時通檢，無乃駭人視聽，使之不安乎。且河南、河北事體不同。河北累經劫掠，戶口亡匿，田疇荒廢，差調難依元額，故為此權宜之法，蓋軍儲不加多，且地少而易見也。河南自車駕巡幸以來，百姓湊集，凡有閒田及逃戶所棄，耕墾殆遍，各承元戶輸租，其所征斂，皆准通推之額，雖軍馬益多，未嘗闕誤，詎宜一概動擾。若恐豪右蔽匿而逋征賦，則有司檢括亦豈盡實。但嚴立賞罰，許其自首，及聽人告捕，犯者以盜軍儲坐之，地付告者，自足使人知懼，而賦悉入官，何必為是紛紛也。抑又有大不可者三：如每歲檢括，則夏田春量，秋田夏量，中間雜種亦且隨時量之，一歲中略無休息，民將厭避，耕種失時，或止耕膏腴而棄其餘，則所收仍舊而所輸益少，一不可也。檢括之時，縣官不能家至戶到，裏胥得以暗通貨賂，上下其手，虛為文具，轉失其真，二不可也。民田與軍田犬牙相錯，彼或陰結軍人以相冒亂，而朝廷止憑有司之籍，倘使臨時少於元額，則資儲闕誤必矣，三不可也。夫朝廷舉事，務在必行，既行而複中止焉，是豈善計哉。」議遂寢。

Ruli had repeatedly asked to retire without success. He then submitted: "Extraordinary achievements require extraordinary men. The great armies have withdrawn; now is the time to repair the passes and train the troops. We need penetrating minds in statecraft to plan ahead and help restore the dynasty. I observe Left Vice Minister Xu Ding, also acting vice commissioner of military affairs, whose talent spans many fields. I beg that he be recalled to the central government." The request was denied. Gao Qi wished to follow memorialists who proposed yearly inspection of civilian fields for tax collection; the court was about to agree. Ruli said: "I have heard that governing a great state is like cooking a small fish—the finest analogy for good government. Since the Dading comprehensive inspection, our dynasty has assessed property every ten years, valuing simplicity and dreading to burden the people. The memorialists now ask to survey actually planted fields yearly as in Hebei and levy by count—that is constant comprehensive inspection. Will it not alarm the people and unsettle them? Moreover Henan and Hebei are not the same case. Hebei has been repeatedly plundered; people have fled and fields lie waste, so levies cannot follow old quotas. Hence the expedient method: army stores would not greatly increase, and the land is sparse and easy to survey. Since the emperor toured Henan, people have gathered and cultivated nearly every idle plot and abandoned field. Each pays rent under the original household quota at comprehensive-assessment rates. Though troops have increased, collections have never fallen short. Why stir everyone up uniformly? If you fear powerful families hide wealth and evade taxes, official inspection will not be fully truthful either. Only fix strict rewards and penalties, allow self-report, and permit denunciation. Punish offenders as thieves of army stores and give the land to accusers—that alone will make people fear, and all taxes will reach the treasury. Why create such turmoil? There are three grave objections. Yearly inspection means measuring summer fields in spring and autumn fields in summer, with mixed crops measured in season too—the people have no rest all year, will grow weary, and miss planting seasons; some will farm only fertile soil and abandon the rest, so harvest stays the same while tax yield falls. First objection. At inspection time county officials cannot visit every household; village clerks will take bribes and falsify records. Second objection. Civilian and military fields interlock; locals may collude with soldiers to confuse boundaries while the court relies only on registers. If collections fall below the original quota, army stores will surely fail. Third objection. When the court undertakes a policy it must see it through; to enact and then halt—is that sound policy?" The proposal was dropped.

興定元年十月，上疏曰：「言者請姑與宋人議和以息邊民，切以為非計。宋人多詐無實，雖與文移往來，而邊備未敢遽撤。備既不撤，則議和與否蓋無以異。或複蔓以浮辭，禮例之外別有求索，言涉不遜，將若之何？或曰：'大定間亦嘗先遣使，今何不可？ '切謂時殊事異，難以例言。昔海陵師出無名，曲在於我，是以世宗即位，首遣高忠建等報諭宋主，罷淮甸所侵以修舊好。彼隨遣使來，書辭慢易，不復奉表稱臣，願還故疆，為兄弟國。雖其樞密院與我帥府時通書問，而侵軼未嘗已也。既而征西元帥合喜敗宋將吳璘、姚良輔於德順、原州，右丞相僕散忠義、右副元帥紇石烈志甯敗李世輔於宿州，斬首五萬，兵威大振。世宗謂宰臣曰：'昔宋人，言遣使請和，乘吾無備遂攻宿州，今為我軍大敗，殺戮過當，故不敢複通問。朕哀南北生靈久困於兵，本欲息民，何較細故，其令帥府移書宋人，以議和好。 '宋果遣使告和，以當時堂堂之勢，又無邊患，竟免其奉表稱臣之禮。今宋棄信背盟，侵我邊鄙，是曲在彼也。彼若請和，於理為順，豈當先發此議而自示弱耶？恐非徒無益，反招謗侮而已。」

In the tenth month of the first year of Xingding (1217) he memorialized: "Memorialists ask to discuss peace with the Song for the moment to ease border suffering. I deem this unwise. The Song are deceitful; even if documents are exchanged, we dare not hastily withdraw border defenses. If defenses stay in place, discussing peace or not makes little difference. They may spin empty words and demand beyond ritual precedent. If their language is insubordinate, what then? Some say: "In the Dading era we also sent envoys first—why not now? I deem the times and circumstances differ; precedent cannot apply. Formerly Hailing marched without just cause—the fault was ours. When Shizong took the throne he first sent Gao Zhongjian and others to inform the Song ruler and cease Huai encroachments to restore friendship. They sent envoys in return with disrespectful letters, no longer submitting memorials as subjects, wishing to recover old territory and become brother states. Although their Bureau of Military Affairs and our command offices sometimes exchanged letters, border raids never ceased. Soon after, Western Campaign Marshal He Xi defeated Song generals Wu Lin and Yao Liangfu at Shun and Yuan; Right Chancellor Pusan Zhongyi and Right Vice Marshal Heseli Zhinning defeated Li Shipu at Suzhou, beheading fifty thousand—the army's prestige soared. Shizong told the chief ministers: "Formerly the Song claimed to send envoys for peace, then attacked Suzhou when we were unprepared. Now our army has crushed them with excessive slaughter—they dare not communicate again. I pity the people north and south long afflicted by war and wish to give them rest—why quibble over trifles? Order the command office to write the Song to discuss peace. The Song sent envoys suing for peace. With our imposing strength and no border troubles, they were finally spared submitting memorials as subjects. Now the Song have broken faith and encroached on our borders—the fault is theirs. If they sue for peace, that is reasonable; why should we initiate the proposal and show weakness? I fear it will not merely fail but invite contempt."

十一月，汝礪言：「臣聞國以民為基，民以財為本，是以王者必先愛養基本。國家調發，河南為重，所徵稅租率常三倍於舊。今省部計歲收通寶不敷所支，乃於民間科斂桑皮故紙錢七千萬貫以補之。近以通寶稍滯，又加兩倍。河南人戶，農民居三之二，今稅租猶多未足，而此令複出，彼不糶所當輸租，則必減其食以應之。夫事有難易，勢有緩急。今急用而難得者，芻糧也，出於民力，其來有限，可緩圖。而易為者，鈔法也，行於國家，其變無窮。向者大鈔滯，更為小鈔，小鈔弊，改為寶券，寶券不行，易為通寶，從權制變，皆由於上，尚何以煩民為哉。彼悉力以奉軍儲已患不足，而又添征通寶，苟不能給，則有逃亡。民逃亡則農事廢，兵食何自而得？有司不究遠圖而貪近效，不固本原而較末節，誠恐軍儲、鈔法兩有所妨。臣非於鈔法不為意也，非於省部故相違也，但以鈔法稍滯物價稍增之害輕，民生不安軍儲不給之害重耳。惟陛下外度事勢，俯察臣言，特命有司減免，則群心和悅，而未足之租有所望矣。」

In the eleventh month Ruli said: "I have heard that the state rests on the people and the people rest on wealth; therefore a ruler must first cherish and nurture that foundation. In state levies Henan bears the heaviest burden; taxes and rents collected are routinely triple the old amount. The ministries find yearly Tongbao receipts insufficient for expenditures and have levied seventy million strings in mulberry-bark and waste-paper money from the people to make up the gap. Recently, because Tongbao circulation has slowed, the levy was doubled again. Two-thirds of Henan households are farmers. Many still cannot pay their rents, yet this order appears again. If they do not sell grain to pay rent, they must cut their food to meet the levy. Some tasks are hard and some easy; some situations urgent and some not. What is urgently needed yet hard to obtain is fodder and grain, which comes from limited popular labor and can be planned gradually. What is easy is paper currency, which the state can transform endlessly. Large notes stagnated and became small notes; small notes failed and became treasure certificates; certificates failed and became Tongbao—all expedient changes from above. Why still trouble the people? They already strain to supply army stores and fall short; if they cannot pay added Tongbao levies, they will flee. If the people flee, farming collapses—whence will army food come? Offices covet quick results instead of long-term plans and tweak minor ends instead of securing the root. I fear both army stores and currency policy will suffer. I am not unconcerned with currency nor deliberately opposing the ministries—but sluggish currency and slightly rising prices are lesser harms; popular unrest and failed army stores are the greater. If Your Majesty gauges the situation and heeds my words, ordering offices to reduce and remit levies, the people will be reassured and unpaid rents may yet be collected."

時朝廷以賈仝、苗道潤等相攻不和，將分畀州縣、別署名號以處之。汝礪上書曰：「甚非計也。蓋河北諸帥多本土義軍，一時權為隊長，亦有先嘗叛亡者，非若素宦於朝，知禮義、識名分之人也。貪暴不法，蓋無足怪。朝廷以時方多故，姑牢籠用之，庶使遣民少得安息。彼互相攻劫則勢浸弱，勢力既弱則朝廷易制。今若分地而與之，州縣官吏得輒署置，民戶稅賦得擅徵收，則地廣者日益強，狹者日益弱。久之，弱者皆並于強，強者之地不可複奪，是朝廷愈難制也。昔唐分河朔地授諸叛將，史臣謂其護養孽萌以成其禍，此可為今日大戒也。不若姑令行省羈縻和輯，多方牽制，使之不得逞。異時邊事稍息，氣力漸完，若輩又何足患哉。」議遂寢。

Because Jia Tong, Miao Daorun, and others were fighting each other, the court planned to divide prefectures and counties among them under separate titles. Ruli submitted: "This is a very poor plan. Hebei commanders are mostly local militia leaders who rose as squad chiefs; some had previously rebelled. They are not long-serving court officials who know ritual and ranks. Their greed, violence, and lawlessness are hardly surprising. The court, with troubles everywhere, temporarily kept them in harness so displaced people might gain a little rest. If they attack each other their power weakens; once weakened the court can control them easily. If you divide land among them and let them appoint officials and collect taxes freely, the strong grow stronger and the weak weaker. In time the weak will be absorbed by the strong, whose territory cannot be retaken—the court will be harder to control. When Tang divided Hebei among rebel generals, historians said they nurtured evil sprouts to their ruin—that is today's great warning. Better let the Branch Secretariat restrain and reconcile them, checking them in many ways so they cannot act freely. When border affairs quiet and strength recovers, what worry are such men?" The proposal was dropped.

上嘗謂汝礪曰：「朕每見卿侍朝，恐不任其勞，許坐殿下，而卿終不從何哉？夫君臣相遇，貴在誠實，小謹區區，朕固不較也。」汝礪以君臣之分甚嚴，不敢奉命。

The emperor once told Ruli: "Each time I see you at court I fear the strain is too much and permit you to sit below the hall—yet you never accept. Why? When ruler and minister meet, sincerity matters most; I do not mind petty formalities." Ruli held the distinction between ruler and minister too strict to obey.

三年，河南頗豐稔，民間多積粟，汝礪乃奏曰：「國家之務，莫重於食，今所在屯兵益眾，而修築新城其費亦廣，若不及此豐年多方營辦，防秋之際或乏軍興。乞于河南州府驗其物價低昂，權宜立式，凡內外四品以下雜正班散官及承廕人，免當暴使監官功酬，或僧道官師德號度牒、寺觀院額等，並聽買之。司縣官有能勸誘輸粟至三千石者，將來注授升本榜首，五千石以上遷官一階，萬石以上升職一等，並注見闕。庶幾人知勸慕，多所收穫。」上從之。

In the third year Henan was abundant and the people had stored much grain. Ruli memorialized: "Among state affairs none outweighs food. Garrisons are growing and new cities costly to build. If we do not use this abundant year to prepare, autumn defense may lack supplies. I ask that Henan prefectures verify prices and set an expedient rule: officials of fourth rank and below inside and outside the capital, miscellaneous ranks, and yin privilege holders may buy exemption from corvée and messenger duty or purchase Buddhist and Daoist offices, ordination certificates, temple plaques, and the like. County officials who induce delivery of three thousand shi shall rank first on the next promotion list; five thousand shi, one rank advancement; ten thousand shi, one grade promotion—all registered for current vacancies. Perhaps people will be encouraged and much grain collected." The emperor agreed.

同提舉榷貨司王三錫建議榷油，高琪以用度方急，勸上行之。汝礪上言曰：「古無榷法，自漢以來始置鹽鐵酒榷均輸官，以佐經費。末流至有算舟車、稅間架，其征利之術固已盡矣，然亦未聞榷油也。蓋油者世所共用，利歸於公則害及於民，故古今皆置不論，亦厭苛細而重煩擾也。國家自軍興，河南一路歲入稅租不啻加倍，又有額征諸錢、橫泛雜役，無非出於民者，而更議榷油，歲收銀數十萬兩。夫國以民為本，當此之際，民可以重困乎！若從三錫議，是以舉世通行之貨為榷貨，私家常用之物為禁物，自古不行之法為良法，切為聖朝不取也。若果行之，其害有五，臣請言之：河南州縣當立務九百餘所，設官千八百餘員，而胥隸工作之徒不與焉。費既不貲，而又創構屋宇，奪買作具，公私俱擾，殆不勝言。至於提點官司有升降決罰之法，其課一虧，必生抑配之弊，小民受病，益不能堪，其害一也。夫油之貴賤所在不齊，惟其商旅轉販有無相易，所以其價常平，人易得之。今既設官各有分地，輒相侵犯者有罪，是使貴處常貴而賤處常賤，其害二也。民家日用不能躬自沽之，而轉鬻者增取利息，則價不得不貴，而用不得不難，其害三也。鹽、鐵、酒、醋，公私所造不同，易於分別，惟油不然，莫可辨記。今私造者有刑，捕告者有賞，則無賴輩因之得以誣構良民枉陷於罪，其害四也。油戶所置屋宇、作具，用錢已多，有司按業推定物力，以給差賦。今奪其具、廢其業而差賦如前，何以自活，其害五也。惟罷之便。」上是之，然重違高琪意，乃詔集百官議於尚書省。戶部尚書高夔、工部侍郎粘割荊山、知開封府事溫蒂罕二十等二十六人議同高琪，禮部尚書楊雲翼、翰林侍讀學士趙秉文、南京路轉運使趙瑄、吏部侍郎趙伯成、刑部郎中姬世英、右司諫郭著、提舉倉場使時戩皆以為不可。上曰：「古所不行者而今行之，是又生一事也，其罷之。」

Associate monopoly commissioner Wang Sanxi proposed monopolizing oil; Gao Qi, with expenditures urgent, urged the emperor to enact it. Ruli submitted: "Antiquity had no monopoly law. From Han onward offices for salt, iron, wine monopolies, and equalized transport supplemented state expenses. Later ages counted boats and carts and taxed building frames—profit-seeking was exhausted—yet never was oil monopolized. Oil is used by everyone; if profit goes to the state, harm reaches the people. Past and present have left it alone, loathing petty severity and harassment. Since the wars began, Henan tax and rent income has more than doubled, with fixed levies and widespread corvée—all from the people—yet now oil monopoly is debated for several hundred thousand taels yearly. The state rests on the people—at such a time, can they be crushed further? If Sanxi's proposal is followed, universal goods become monopoly goods, daily household necessities become forbidden goods, and methods never used since antiquity become good law—our sage dynasty should not adopt this. If enacted, there are five harms. Henan would establish over nine hundred stations and over eighteen hundred officials, not counting clerks and laborers. Costs are already unaffordable, yet new buildings would be erected and tools seized—the public and private sectors alike disturbed beyond description. Supervisory offices have promotion and penalty rules; if quotas fall short, forced allocation abuses arise and common people suffer unbearably. First harm. Oil prices differ by region; merchants transport and trade to balance supply, so prices stay level and people obtain oil easily. With officials each allotted territory, crossing boundaries is criminal—expensive regions stay expensive and cheap regions cheap. Second harm. Households cannot buy for themselves; resellers add markup—prices rise and use grows difficult. Third harm. Salt, iron, wine, and vinegar differ in public and private manufacture and are easy to distinguish—oil cannot be marked and identified. Private manufacture is punished and informers rewarded—ruffians may frame good people. Fourth harm. Oil producers' buildings and tools already cost much; offices assess their property for corvée and levies. Seize their tools and end their trade while corvée stays the same—how can they live? Fifth harm. Only abolition is wise." The emperor agreed but loath to oppose Gao Qi and ordered all officials to deliberate at the Secretariat. Minister of Revenue Gao Kui, Works vice minister Niecai Jingshan, Kaifeng prefect Wenti Han, and twenty-three others—twenty-six in all—agreed with Gao Qi. Minister of Rites Yang Yunyi, Hanlin reader Zhao Bingwen, Nanjing transport commissioner Zhao Xuan, personnel vice minister Zhao Bocheng, penal bureau director Ji Shiying, right bureau remonstrator Guo Zhuo, and granary commissioner Shi Ji all opposed it. The emperor said: "What antiquity never did we would now do—that creates yet another burden. Abolish it."

十月，賜金鼎一，重幣三。四年三月，拜平章政事，俄而進拜尚書右丞相，監修國史，封壽國公。五年二月，上表乞致政，不許。九月，上諭汝礪曰：「昨日視朝，至午方罷。卿老矣，不任久立，奏事畢，用寶之際，可先退坐，恐以勞致疾，反妨議政也。」是月，複乞致仕，上諭之曰：「丞相之禮盡矣，然今廷臣誰如丞相者，而必欲求去乎，姑留輔朕可也。」十月，躐遷榮祿大夫，仍諭曰：「丞相數求去，朕以社稷事重，故堅留之。丞相老矣，而官猶未至二品，故特升兩階。」十二月，上複諭曰：「向朕以卿年老，視朝之日侍立為勞，令用寶時退坐廊下，而卿違之，複侍立終朝，豈有司不為設榻耶？卿其勉從朕意。」元光元年四月，汝礪跪奏事，上命起曰：「卿大臣也，所言皆社稷計。朕之責卿，惟在盡誠，何事小謹，自今勿複爾也。」

In the tenth month he was granted one golden tripod and three sets of heavy silks. In the third month of the fourth year (1216) he was appointed grand councilor; soon after he became right chancellor of the Secretariat, supervised compilation of the national history, and was enfeoffed as Duke of Shou. In the second month of the fifth year (1217) he asked to retire from government; permission was denied. In the ninth month the emperor told Ruli: "Yesterday's court audience did not end until noon. You are old and cannot stand long. When business is finished, at the moment of applying the seal you may withdraw and sit, lest strain bring illness and hinder government." That month he again asked to retire. The emperor told him: "You have received every honor due a chancellor. Among court ministers today, who equals you, that you must leave? Stay and assist me for now." In the tenth month he was promoted by leap to grand master of glorious blessing. The emperor again said: "The chancellor has repeatedly sought to leave; because state affairs are weighty, I have kept him firmly. The chancellor is old yet his rank had not reached second grade; therefore I raised him two steps." In the twelfth month the emperor again said: "Earlier, because you are old, I found standing at court laborious and ordered you to sit in the corridor when the seal was used—but you disobeyed and stood the whole session. Did the offices not provide a couch? Please do your best to follow my wishes." In the fourth month of the first year of Yuanguang (1222), Ruli knelt to report business. The emperor told him to rise: "You are a great minister; everything you say concerns the state. All I require of you is full sincerity. Why such petty caution? Do not do so again."

七月，上謂宰臣曰：「昔有言世宗太儉者，或曰不爾則安得廣畜積。章宗時用度甚多，而得不闕乏者，蓋先朝有以遺之也。」汝礪因進言曰：「儉乃帝王大德，陛下言及此，天下福也。」九月，上又謂宰臣曰：「有功者雖有微過亦當貸之，無功者豈可貸耶？然有功者人喜謗議。凡有以功過言於朕者，朕必深求其實，雖近侍為言不敢輕信，亦未嘗徇一己之愛憎也。」汝礪因對曰：「公生明，偏生暗。凡人多徇愛憎，不合公議。陛下聖明，故能如是耳。」

In the seventh month the emperor told the chief ministers: "Some once said Shizong was too frugal; others said without that how could there be broad reserves. In Zhangzong's time expenditures were great yet nothing ran short—because the former court had left reserves." Ruli added: "Frugality is a great virtue of emperors. That Your Majesty speaks of this is fortune for the realm." In the ninth month the emperor again told the chief ministers: "Those with merit should be pardoned for minor faults—can those without merit be pardoned? Yet people love to slander those with merit. Whenever anyone speaks to me of merit or fault, I seek the facts deeply. Even close attendants I do not lightly believe, nor do I follow private likes or dislikes." Ruli replied: "Impartiality breeds clarity; partiality breeds darkness. Most people follow private likes and dislikes, not public opinion. Your Majesty is sage—that is why you can act thus."

二年正月，複乞致政，上面諭曰：「今若從卿，始終之道俱盡，于卿甚安，在朕亦為美事。但時方多故，而朕複不德，正賴舊人輔佐，故未能遂卿高志耳。」汝礪固辭，竟不許，因謂曰：「朕每聞人有所毀譽，必求其實。」汝礪對曰：「昔齊威王封即墨大夫，烹阿大夫及左右之嘗毀譽者，由是群臣恐懼，莫敢飾非，齊國大治。陛下言及此，治安可期也。」二月，上以汝礪年高，免朝拜，侍立久則憩于殿下，仍敕有司設榻焉。三月，又乞致仕，複優詔不許。上謂群臣曰：「人有才堪任事，而處心不正者，終不足貴。」汝礪對曰：「其心不正而濟之以才，所謂虎而翼者也，雖古聖人亦未易知。」上以為然。他日複謂宰臣曰：「凡人處心善良而行事忠實，斯為難得。若言巧心偽，亦複何用。然善良者，人又多目為平常。」汝礪對曰：「人材少全，亦隨其所長取之耳。」上然之。五月，上問宰執以修完京城樓櫓事，汝礪奏：「所用皆大木，顧今難得，方令計置。」上曰：「朕宮中別殿有可用者即用之。」汝礪對以不宜毀，上曰：「所居之外，毀亦何害，不愈于勞民遠致乎！」

In the first month of the second year he again asked to retire. The emperor told him: "If I grant this now, your path from start to finish is complete—for you it is peaceful, for me also a fine thing. But troubles are many and I lack virtue; I rely on old servants to assist and cannot fulfill your wish." Ruli firmly declined but was refused. The emperor then said: "Whenever I hear praise or slander, I seek the facts." Ruli replied: "King Wei of Qi enfeoffed the prefect of Jimo and executed the prefect of A and those who had slandered and praised—thereafter ministers feared to conceal wrong and Qi was well governed. Your Majesty speaks of this—order and peace may be expected." In the second month, because Ruli was old, the emperor exempted him from court obeisance; when attendance was long he might rest below the hall, and offices were ordered to provide a couch. In the third month he again asked to retire; again a gracious edict refused. The emperor told the ministers: "A man may have talent for office yet if his heart is not upright, he is not to be prized in the end." Ruli replied: "An un upright heart aided by talent is giving wings to a tiger—even ancient sages were hard to read." The emperor agreed. Another day he told the chief ministers: "A kind heart and faithful conduct are hard to find. Clever words and a false heart are useless. Yet kind people are often seen as ordinary." Ruli replied: "Talent is rarely complete; take what each excels in." The emperor agreed. In the fifth month the emperor asked about repairing the capital's towers and ramparts. Ruli reported: "Great timber is required but hard to obtain—we are arranging supply." The emperor said: "Use whatever usable timber is in my palace's separate halls." Ruli said destruction was inappropriate. The emperor said: "Beyond where I dwell, what harm? Is that not better than laboring the people to bring timber from afar!"

哀宗初即位，諫官言汝礪欺君固位，天下所共嫉，宜黜之以厲百官。哀宗曰：「昔惠帝言，我不如高帝，當守先帝法耳。汝礪乃先帝立以為相者，又可黜歟！」又有投匿名書雲：「高某不退當殺之。」汝礪因是告老，優詔不許。正大元年三月，薨，年七十一，配享宣宗廟。

When Aizong first took the throne, remonstrators said Ruli deceived the ruler and clung to office, hated throughout the realm, and should be dismissed to warn officials. Aizong said: "Emperor Hui once said he was not equal to Emperor Gao and should keep the former emperor's laws. Ruli was whom the former emperor installed as chancellor—how can he be dismissed!" An anonymous letter also said: "If Gao does not retire, kill him." Ruli therefore reported old age; a gracious edict refused. In the third month of the first year of Zhengda (1224) he died at seventy-one and received temple sacrifice at Xuanzong's shrine.

為人慎密廉潔，能結人主知，然規守格法，循嘿避事，故為相十餘年未嘗有譴訶。貪戀不去，當時士論頗以為譏雲。

He was cautious, incorrupt, and won the ruler's trust, yet he observed regulations, kept silent, and avoided controversy—so as chancellor for more than ten years he never received reprimand. His greedy clinging to office drew criticism from scholars of the day.

張行信

Zhang Xingxin

張行信，字信甫，先名行忠，避莊獻太子諱改焉。行簡弟也。登大定二十八年進士第，累官銅山令。明昌元年，以廉擢授監察禦史。泰和三年，同知山東西路轉運使，俄簽河東路按察司事。四年四月，召見於泰和殿，行信因言二事，一依舊移轉吏目以除民害，一徐、邳地下宜麥，稅粟許納麥以便民。上是其言，令尚書省議行之。崇慶二年，為左諫議大夫。時胡沙虎已除名為民，賂遺權貴，將複進用。舉朝無敢言者，行信乃上章曰：「胡沙虎殘忍凶悖，跋扈強梁，媚結近習，以圖稱譽。自其廢黜，士庶莫不忻悅。今若複用，惟恐為害更甚前日，況利害之機更有大於此者。」書再上，不報。及胡沙虎弑逆，人甚危之，行信坦然不顧也。

Zhang Xingxin, whose style name was Xinfu, was formerly named Xingzhong and changed his name to avoid the taboo of Crown Prince Zhuangxian. He was the younger brother of Zhang Xingjian. He took his jinshi degree in the twenty-eighth year of Dading (1188) and rose to magistrate of Tongshan. In the first year of Mingchang (1190) he was promoted for integrity to investigating censor. In the third year of Taihe (1203) he was vice transport commissioner of Shandong West Circuit; soon after he signed affairs on the Hedong surveillance commission. In the fourth month of the fourth year he was summoned to the Taihe Hall and proposed two reforms: restore the old practice of rotating clerks to curb abuses, and in Xu and Pi allow wheat in place of grain tax because the soil suits wheat. The emperor approved and ordered the Secretariat to implement both proposals. In the second year of Chongqing (1213) he became left remonstrating grand master. Hu Shahu had been struck from the rolls and reduced to commoner status; he was bribing powerful nobles and about to be reemployed. No one in court dared speak. Xingxin memorialized: "Hu Shahu is cruel, fierce, and rebellious, overbearing and violent, fawning on the ruler's intimates to win praise. Since his dismissal, officials and commoners alike have rejoiced. If he is reemployed, harm may exceed the past—and the stakes may be even greater." He submitted again; there was no response. When Hu Shahu committed regicide many feared for Xingxin; he remained calm and unafraid.

胡沙虎誅，上封事言正刑賞，辭載《胡沙虎傳》。又言：「自兵興以來，將帥甚難其人，願陛下令重臣各舉所知，才果可用，即賜召見，褒顯獎諭，令其自效，必有奮命報國者。昔李牧為趙將，軍功爵賞皆得自專，出攻入守不從中覆，遂能北破大敵，西抑強秦。今命將若不以文法拘繩、中旨牽制，委任責成，使得盡其智能，則克復之功可望矣。」上善其言。時方擢任王守信、賈耐兒者為將，皆鄙俗不材、不曉兵律。行信懼其誤國，上疏曰：「《易》稱'開國承家，小人勿用'。聖人所以垂戒後世者，其嚴如此。今大兵縱橫，人情洶懼，應敵興理，非賢智莫能。狂子庸流，猥蒙拔擢，參預機務，甚無謂也。」於是上皆罷之。權元帥右都監內族訛可率兵五千護糧通州，遇兵輒潰，行信上章曰：「禦兵之道，無過賞罰，使其臨敵有所慕而樂於進，有所畏而不敢退，然後將士用命而功可成。若訛可敗衄，宜明正其罪，朝廷寬容，一切不問，臣恐禦兵之道未盡也。」詔報曰：「卿意具悉，訛可等已下獄矣。」

After Hu Shahu was executed, he submitted a sealed memorial on correcting punishments and rewards—the text appears in the biography of Hu Shahu. He also said: "Since the wars began, good commanders have been hard to find. I beg Your Majesty to have great ministers each recommend men they know. If talent proves usable, summon them, praise them, and let them prove themselves—some will surely give their lives for the state. Li Mu as Zhao's general controlled rewards himself and attacked and defended without interference from the center—thus he defeated great enemies in the north and checked powerful Qin in the west. If commanders are not bound by paperwork and central edicts but entrusted with full responsibility to use their abilities, recovery may be hoped for." The emperor approved. Wang Shouxin, Jia Naier, and others were being promoted as generals—all vulgar, untalented men ignorant of military law. Xingxin feared they would harm the state and memorialized: "The Book of Changes says, 'In founding a state and sustaining a house, do not employ petty men. The sage's warning to posterity was that strict. Great armies roam and the people are alarmed; meeting the enemy and restoring order requires wisdom. Mad fools and vulgar men have been promoted to state affairs—this is absurd." The emperor dismissed them all. Acting marshal right director Eke of the inner tribe led five thousand men to escort grain to Tongzhou and fled at the first contact. Xingxin memorialized: "Controlling troops is nothing but reward and punishment—give them reason to advance gladly and fear to retreat—then they will obey and success is possible. Eke was defeated and his crime should be clearly punished. The court has been lenient and asked nothing—I fear military discipline is incomplete." The edict replied: "Your intent is understood; Eke and others are already imprisoned."

時中都受兵，方遣使請和，握兵者畏縮不敢戰，曰：「恐壞和事。」行信上言：「和與戰二事本不相干，奉使者自專議和，將兵者惟當主戰，豈得以和事為辭。自崇慶來，皆以和誤，若我軍時肯進戰，稍挫其鋒，則和事成也久矣。頃北使既來，然猶破東京，略河東。今我使方行，將帥輒按兵不動，於和議卒無益也。事勢益急，芻糧益艱，和之成否蓋未可知，豈當閉門坐守以待弊哉。宜及士馬尚壯，擇猛將銳兵，防衛轉輸，往來拒戰，使之少沮，則附近蓄積皆可入京師，和議亦不日可成矣。」上心知其善而不能行。

The central capital was under attack while envoys sued for peace. Commanders shrank from fighting, saying, "We fear harming peace talks." Xingxin submitted: "Peace and war are separate matters. Envoys handle peace; commanders should fight. Peace is no excuse for inaction. Since Chongqing we have been misled by peace. If our army had fought and blunted the enemy, peace would have been achieved long ago. Northern envoys came, yet the enemy still captured Dongjing and raided Hedong. Our envoys are just departing while commanders hold their troops still—this does not help peace at all. The situation grows urgent and supplies scarcer—whether peace succeeds is unknown. How can we shut the gates and wait to be exhausted? While troops are still strong, choose fierce generals to guard supply lines and fight skirmishes that discourage the enemy—then nearby stores can reach the capital and peace may soon follow." The emperor knew this was sound but could not enact it.

二年三月，以朝廷括糧恐失民心，上書言：「近日朝廷令知大興府胥鼎便宜計畫軍食，鼎因奏許人納粟買官。既又遣參知政事奧屯忠孝括官民糧，戶存兩月，餘悉令輸官，酬以爵級銀鈔。時有粟者或先具數於鼎，未及入官。忠孝複欲多得以明己功，凡鼎所籍者不除其數，民甚苦之。今米價踴貴，無所從糴，民糧止兩月又奪之，將不獨歸咎有司，亦怨朝廷不察也。大兵在邇，人方危懼，若複無聊，或生他變，則所得不償所損矣。」上深善其言，即命與近臣往審處焉。仍諭忠孝曰：「極知卿盡心於公，然國家本欲得糧，今既得矣，姑從人便可也。」四月，遷山東東路按察使，兼轉運使，仍權本路宣撫副使。將行，求入見，上禦便殿見之。奏曰：「臣伏見奧屯忠孝飾詐不忠，臨事慘刻，與胡沙虎為黨。」歷數其罪，且曰：「無事時猶不容一相非才，況今多故，可使斯人與政乎？願即罷之。」上曰：「朕始即位，進退大臣自當以禮，卿語其親知，諷令求去可也。」行信以告右司郎中把胡魯白忠孝，忠孝不恤也。

In the third month of the second year (1215), fearing grain requisition would lose popular support, he wrote: "The court ordered Daxing prefect Xu Ding to plan army supplies. Ding allowed people to pay grain for offices. Then participant in government affairs Aotun Zhongxiao was sent to requisition grain—each household kept two months' supply, the rest to the state, paid in rank, silver, and notes. Some who had grain had already registered amounts with Ding but not yet delivered to the state. Zhongxiao wanted more to show his merit and did not deduct what Ding had registered—the people suffered greatly. Rice prices soar and there is nowhere to buy. Seizing the people's two-month reserve will make them blame officials and resent the court's blindness. Great armies are near and people are alarmed. If driven further to despair, other troubles may arise—the gain will not repay the loss." The emperor strongly approved and ordered him with close ministers to investigate and settle the matter. He also told Zhongxiao: "I know you serve the public zealously. The state wanted grain and has it. For now, ease the burden on the people." In the fourth month he became surveillance commissioner of Shandong East Circuit, also transport commissioner, and acting pacification vice commissioner of that circuit. Before departing he sought an audience; the emperor received him in the privy hall. He reported: "I observe that Aotun Zhongxiao is deceitful and disloyal, harsh in affairs, and was Hu Shahu's partisan." He listed Zhongxiao's crimes and said: "In peaceful times an unfit chancellor was not tolerated—how in today's troubles can such a man govern? I beg that he be dismissed at once." The emperor said: "I have just taken the throne; dismissing great ministers must follow ritual. Tell his friends to hint that he should resign." Xingxin told right bureau director Bahulu to inform Zhongxiao; Zhongxiao paid no heed.

三年二月，改安武軍節度使，兼冀州管內觀察使。始至，即上書言四事，其一曰：「楊安兒賊党旦暮成擒，蓋不足慮。今日之急，惟在收人心而已。向者官軍討賦，不分善惡，一概誅夷，劫其資產，掠其婦女，重使居民疑畏，逃聚山林。今宜明敕有司，嚴為約束，毋令劫掠平民。如此則百姓無不安之心，奸人誑脅之計不行，其勢漸消矣。」其二曰：「自兵亂之後，郡縣官豪，多能糾集義徒，摧擊土寇，朝廷雖授以本處職任，未幾遣人代之。夫舊者人所素服，新者未必皆才，緩急之間，啟釁敗事。自今郡縣闕員，乞令尚書省選人擬注。其舊官，民便安者宜就加任使，如資級未及，令攝其職，待有功則正授。庶幾人盡其才，事易以立。」其三曰：「掌軍官敢進戰者十無一二，其或有之，即當責以立功，不宜更授他職。」其四曰：「山東軍儲皆鬻爵所獲，及或持敕牒求仕，選曹以等級有不當鬻者往往駁退。夫鬻所不當，有司罪也，彼何責焉。況海岱重地，群寇未平，田野無所收，倉廩無所積，一旦軍餉不給，複欲鬻爵，其誰信之？」朝廷多用其議。八月，召為吏部尚書。九月，改戶部尚書。十二月，轉禮部尚書，兼同修國史。

In the second month of the third year (1216) he became military commissioner of Anwu Army and observation commissioner within Jizhou. On arrival he submitted four proposals. The first: "Yang An'er's band will soon be captured—hardly worth worry. Today's urgency is only winning the people's hearts. Government troops collecting levies made no distinction between good and evil, killed indiscriminately, seized property, and abducted women—driving residents to flee into the hills. Offices should be clearly ordered to forbid troops from plundering civilians. Then the people will be reassured, schemes to deceive and coerce will fail, and the rebels' power will fade." The second: "Since the wars, local magnates have often rallied militias to crush bandits. Though the court grants them local posts, they are soon replaced. The old officials are what people trust; replacements are not necessarily capable—in a crisis this breeds trouble. Henceforth when prefectures and counties have vacancies, let the Secretariat nominate candidates. Old officials whom the people trust should be kept or promoted; if rank is insufficient, let them act in the post and grant regular appointment after merit. Then all may use their talents and affairs will be easier to accomplish." The third: "Few commanders dare fight. Those who do should be pressed for merit, not given other posts." The fourth: "Shandong army stores come from selling offices. Some hold edicts for appointment; the selection office often rejects ranks that should not have been sold. Selling improper ranks is the offices' fault—why blame the buyers? The sea-Tai region is vital; bandits are not pacified; fields and granaries are empty. If pay fails and you sell offices again, who will believe it?" The court largely adopted his proposals. In the eighth month he was summoned as minister of personnel. In the ninth month he became minister of revenue. In the twelfth month he became minister of rites and co-compiler of the national history.

四年二月，為太子少保，兼前職。時尚書省奏：「遼東宣撫副使完顏海奴言，參議官王澮嘗言，本朝紹高辛，黃帝之後也。昔漢祖陶唐，唐祖老子，皆為立廟。我朝迄今百年，不為黃帝立廟，無乃愧于漢、唐乎！」又雲：「本朝初興，旗幟尚赤，其為火德明矣。主德之祀，闕而不講，亦非禮經重祭祀之意。臣聞於澮者如此，乞朝廷議其事。」詔問有司，行信奏曰：「按《始祖實錄》止稱自高麗而來，未聞出於高辛。今所據欲立黃帝廟，黃帝高辛之祖，借曰紹之，當為木德，今乃言火德，亦何謂也？況國初太祖有訓，因完顏部多尚白，又取金之不變，乃以大金為國號，未嘗議及德運。近章宗朝始集百僚議之，而以繼亡宋火行之絕，定為土德，以告宗廟而詔天下焉。顧澮所言特狂妄者耳。」上是之。

In the second month of the fourth year he became junior guardian of the heir apparent, keeping his other posts. The ministry reported: Liaodong vice-commissioner Wanyan Hainu said deliberation officer Wang Huan had claimed the dynasty succeeds Gaoxin and descends from the Yellow Emperor. Han claimed Yao of Tang; Tang claimed Laozi—both had temples built. Our dynasty is a century old and has no temple to the Yellow Emperor—is this not a shame beside Han and Tang!" He also said: "At the dynasty's founding, red banners were favored—the Fire virtue is obvious. Omitting sacrifice to the dynastic virtue ignores what the ritual classics stress about worship. This is what I heard from Huan; I ask the court to consider it." The emperor asked the ministries; Xingxin replied: "The Founding Ancestor's Veritable Records say only that he came from Goryeo—nowhere that he descended from Gaoxin. The proposal rests on building a Yellow Emperor temple; the Yellow Emperor was Gaoxin's forebear—if we claim that succession, the virtue should be Wood, not Fire. What sense does that make? Moreover, the founding Grand Ancestor taught: the Wanyan favored white; gold does not tarnish—hence Great Jin as the name. Dynastic virtue was never debated. Only under Zhangzong did officials finally debate it and fix Earth virtue—succeeding the extinguished Song's Fire line—announcing it at the ancestral temple and proclaiming it to the realm. Huan's words are simply reckless." The emperor agreed.

八月，上將祔享太廟，詔依世宗十六拜之禮。行信與禮官參定儀注，上言宜從四十四拜之禮，上嘉納焉，語在《禮志》。祭畢，賜行信寶券二萬貫、重幣下端，諭之曰：「太廟拜禮，朕初欲依世宗所行，卿進奏章，備述隨室讀祝，殊為中理。向非卿言，朕幾失之，故特以是旌賞，自今每事更宜盡心。」是年十二月，行信以父暐卒，去官。

In the eighth month, before enshrining tablets in the grand ancestral temple, the emperor ordered Shizong's sixteen-bow rite followed. Xingxin and the ritual officers drafted the rites and urged the forty-four-bow ceremony; the emperor accepted with praise—details are in the Treatise on Rites. After the rite, he received twenty thousand strings in treasure notes and fine silks. The emperor said: "For the temple bows I first meant to follow Shizong, but your memorial on reading prayers at each chamber was entirely sound. Without you I would have erred; this reward is in recognition. Henceforth give your utmost in every affair." That December Xingxin left office upon his father Wei's death.

興定元年三月，起復舊職，權參知政事。六月，真拜參知政事。時高琪為相，專權用事，惡不附己者，衣冠之士，動遭窘辱，惟行信屢引舊制力抵其非。會宋兵侵境，朝廷議遣使詳問，高琪等以為失體，行信獨上疏曰：「今以遣使為不當，臣切惑之。議者不過曰：'遣使則為先示弱，其或不報，報而不遜，則愈失國體。 '臣獨以為不然。彼幸吾釁隙，數肆侵掠，邊臣以兵卻之複來，我大國不責以辭而敵以兵，茲非示弱乎。至於問而不報，報而不遜，曲自在彼，何損於我。昔大定之初，彼嘗犯順，世宗雖遣丞相烏者行省於汴，實令元帥撒合輦先為辭詰之，彼遂伏罪。其後宋主奪取國書，朝廷複欲加兵，丞相婁室獨以為不可，及刑部尚書梁肅銜命以往，尋亦屈焉。在章宗時，倡狂最甚，猶先理問而後用兵。然則遣使詳問正國家故事，何失體之有。且國步多艱，戍兵滋久，不思所以休息之，如民力何。臣書生無甚高論，然事當機會，不敢不罄其愚，惟陛下察之。」上複令尚書省議，高琪等奏：「行信所言固遵舊制，然今日之事與昔不同。」詔姑待之。已而高汝礪亦上言先遣使不便，議遂寢，語在汝礪傳。

In the third month of Xingding 1 he was recalled to his old post as acting vice grand councilor. In the sixth month he was formally appointed vice grand councilor. Gao Qi was chief minister and monopolized power, punishing dissent. Scholar-officials were humiliated at every turn; only Xingxin repeatedly invoked precedent to oppose him. When Song forces raided the border, the court debated dispatching envoys; Gao Qi called it demeaning. Xingxin alone memorialized: "I am baffled that sending envoys should be deemed improper. Critics say only: 'Envoys show weakness first; no reply, or an impertinent one, shames us further. I disagree. They exploit our divisions and raid repeatedly; our borders repel them only to see them return—we rebuke with arms, not words. Is that not weakness? If they ignore inquiry or answer rudely, the fault is theirs—not ours. Early in Dading they violated the peace. Shizong sent chief minister Wuzhe to Bian as commissioner but had Marshal Sahelian challenge them first—and they confessed their fault. Later the Song emperor seized our state letter; the court again wanted force. Only chief minister Lou Shi objected; Minister of Justice Liang Su went with orders—and Song yielded. Even under Zhangzong, at their most arrogant, inquiry preceded arms. Detailed inquiry by envoy is established practice—how is that a loss of dignity? The realm is hard-pressed and garrisons long deployed—we must find relief for the people. I am only a scholar without grand theories, but the moment demands speech—I offer my humble view for Your Majesty's consideration." The emperor sent the matter back to the ministry. Gao Qi replied: "Xingxin cites old practice, but times have changed." The emperor ordered a deferral. Gao Ruli then argued against prior envoys and the plan died—the account is in his biography.

時監察禦史多被的決，行信乃上言曰：「大定間，監察坐罪大抵收贖，或至奪俸，重則外降而已，間有的決者，皆有為而然。當時執政程輝已嘗面論其非是，又有敕旨，監察職主彈劾，而或看循者，非謂凡失察皆然也。近日無問事之大小、情之輕重，一概的決，以為大定故實、先朝明訓，過矣。」於是詔尚書省更定監察罪名制。

Investigating censors were often flogged on the spot. Xingxin said: "Under Dading, censorial offenders usually paid fines, lost salary, or were demoted; flogging was rare and always for cause. Chief minister Cheng Hui had denounced this in person, and an edict had said censorial laxity in impeachment—not every oversight failure warranted flogging. Lately every offense, great or small, is flogged on the spot as "Dading practice" and "former instruction"—that goes too far." The ministry was ordered to revise censorial penalties.

史館修《章宗實錄》，尚書省奏：「舊制，凡修史，宰相執政皆預焉。然女直、漢人各一員。崇慶中，既以參知政事梁絪兼之，複命翰林承旨張行簡同事，蓋行簡家學相傳，多所考據。今修《章宗實錄》，左丞汝礪已充兼修，宜令參知政事行信同修如行簡例。」制可。

While compiling Zhangzong's Veritable Records, the ministry reported: "By old rule, every history project includes the ruling chief ministers. One Jurchen and one Han official each. Under Chongqing, vice councilor Liang Yin was assigned and Academician Zhang Xingjian joined him—Xingjian came from a scholarly house and brought strong research. Ruli already co-compiles Zhangzong's records; Xingxin should join as Xingjian did." Approved.

二年二月，出為彰化軍節度使，兼涇州管內觀察使，諭之曰：「初，朕以朝臣多稱卿才，乃令參決機務。而廷議之際，每不據正，妄為異同，甚非為相之道。複聞邇來殊不以幹當為意，豈欲求散地故耶？今授此職，卿宜悉之。」初，內族合周避敵不擊，且詭言密奉朝旨，下獄當誅。諸皇族多抗表乞從末減，高琪以為自古犯法無告免者，行信獨曰：「事無古今，但合周平昔忠孝，或可以免。」又以行信族弟行貞居山東，受紅襖賊偽命，樞密院得宋人書，有干涉行信事，故出之。其子莒，時為尚書省令史，亦命別加注授焉。

In the second month of year two he was sent out as commissioner of Zhanghua and observer of Jing Prefecture. The emperor said: "Many praised your talent, so I brought you into council. Yet in debate you constantly strayed from principle and argued for argument's sake—that is no way to serve as minister. I also hear you have been negligent—do you seek a quiet post? This post is yours; understand my meaning." Earlier, clansman He Zhou had fled the enemy and falsely claimed secret imperial orders—he was jailed and faced death. Clansmen petitioned for leniency. Gao Qi said criminals never escape by pleading. Xingxin alone said: "Antiquity matters less than his past loyalty and filial piety—mercy may be warranted." His clansman Xingzhen in Shandong had taken office under the Red Coats; the Bureau of Military Affairs found a Song letter implicating Xingxin—that is why he was sent out. His son Ju, a ministry clerk, was registered for appointment elsewhere.

初，行信言：「今法，職官論罪，多從的決。伏見大定間世宗敕旨，職官犯故違聖旨，徒年、杖數並的決。然其後三十餘年，有司論罪，未嘗引用，蓋非經久為例之事也。乞詳定之。」行信既出，上以其章付尚書省。至是，宰臣奏：「自今違奏條之所指揮、及諸條格，當坐違制旨者，其徒年、杖數論贖可也。特奉詔旨違者，依大定例。」制可。行信去未久，上嘗諭宰臣曰：「自張行信降黜，卿等遂緘默，此殊非是。行信事，卿等具知，豈以言之故耶！自今宜各盡言，毋複畏忌。」

Earlier Xingxin had said: "Under current law, official crimes are mostly punished with on-the-spot flogging. Shizong's Dading edict said deliberate defiance of imperial orders meant flogging on the spot for labor and rod terms alike. For thirty years afterward, no office cited it—it was never enduring precedent. I ask that this be clarified." After Xingxin's dismissal, the emperor sent his memorial to the ministry. The chief ministers proposed: henceforth violation of statutory commands may be redeemed—servitude terms and rod strokes included. Deliberate defiance of edicts would still follow the Dading rule." Approved. Soon after Xingxin's demotion, the emperor told his ministers: "Since Zhang Xingxin was demoted, you have fallen silent—that is wrong. You know Xingxin's case well—it is not because he spoke out! Henceforth speak freely—without fear."

行信始至涇，即上書曰：「馬者甲兵之本，方軍旅未息，馬政不可緩也。臣自到涇，聞陝右豪民多市於河州，轉入內地，利蓋百倍。及見省差買馬官平涼府判官烏古論桓端市於洮州，以銀百鋌幾得馬千疋，雲生羌木波諸部蕃族人戶畜牧甚廣。蓋前所遣官或抑其直，或以勢陵奪，遂失其和，且常患銀少，所以不能多得也。又聞蕃地今秋薄收，鬻馬得銀輒以易粟。冬春之交必艱食，馬價甚低。乞令所司輦銀粟於洮、河等州，選委知蕃情、達時變如桓端者貿易之。若捐銀萬兩，可得良馬千疋，機會不可失，惟朝廷亟圖之。」

On reaching Jing, Xingxin immediately wrote: "Horses are the foundation of arms; while war continues, horse policy cannot wait. Since my arrival I hear Shaanxi magnates buy horses at He Prefecture and resell inland at enormous profit. Provincial buyer Wanyan Huanduan at Tao Prefecture spent a hundred silver ingots and nearly got a thousand horses—the Sheng Qiang, Mubo, and other Tibetan tribes raise vast herds. Earlier buyers lowballed prices or seized by force, alienating tribes and lacking silver—so yields were poor. Tribal lands had a poor harvest; sellers trade silver for grain at once. By winter and spring they will be hungry—horse prices will be very low. Send silver and grain to Tao, He, and similar prefectures and appoint men like Huanduan who know the tribes and read the seasons to trade. Ten thousand taels could buy a thousand good horses—this chance must not be missed; I urge immediate action."

又曰：「此者沿邊戰士有功，朝廷遺使宣諭，賜以官賞，莫不感戴聖恩，願出死力，此誠得激勸之方也。然贈遺使者或馬或金，習以為常，臣所未諭也。大定間，嘗立送宣禮，自五品以上各有定數，後竟停罷。況今時務與昔不同，而六品以下及止遷散官者，亦不免饋獻，或莫能辦，則斂所部以應之，至有因而獲罪者。彼軍士效死立功，僅蒙恩賞，而反以饋獻為苦，是豈朝廷之意哉。乞令有司依大定例，參以時務，明立等夷，使取予有限，無傷大體，則上下兩得矣。」

He also wrote: "Meritorious border fighters receive imperial envoys, rewards, and offices—they gratefully pledge their lives. That truly inspires them. Yet gifting envoys horses or gold has become routine—I do not understand why. Under Dading, announcement gifts were fixed by rank for fifth grade and above—then abolished. Times have changed, yet sixth rank and below—and men with only provisional ranks—must still give gifts; some levy their districts and face punishment for it. Men who risk death for merit barely receive reward, then suffer mandatory gifts—is that the court's intent? Restore Dading limits, adapted to present needs, so gifts are bounded and honor preserved—benefiting all."

又曰：「近聞保舉縣令，特增其俸，此朝廷為民之善意也。然自關以西，尚未有到任者，遠方之民不能無望。豈舉者猶寡，而有所不敷耶？乞詔內外職事官，益廣選舉，以補其闕，使天下均受其賜。且丞、簿、尉亦皆親民，而獨不增俸，彼既不足以自給，安能禁其侵牟乎。或謂國用方闕，不宜虛費，是大不然。夫重吏祿者，固使之不擾民也，民安則國定，豈為虛費。誠能裁減冗食，不養無用之人，亦何患乎不足。今一軍充役，舉家廩給，軍既物故，給其子弟，感悅士心，為國盡力耳。至於無男丁而其妻女猶給之，此何謂耶？自大駕南巡，存贍者已數年，張頤待哺，以困農民。國家糧儲，常患不及，顧乃久養此老幼數千萬口，冗食虛費，正在是耳。如即罷之，恐其失所，宜限以歲月，使自為計，至期而罷，複將何辭。」上多採納焉。

He also wrote: "I hear recommended county magistrates have received higher salaries—a worthy intent to serve the people. Yet west of the Pass none have taken up posts—distant subjects still wait. Are recommendations too few, or funds insufficient? Order officials everywhere to broaden recommendations and fill vacancies so all the realm shares the benefit. Assistants, clerks, and constables serve the people too, yet their pay was not raised—they cannot live honestly without extortion. Some say the treasury is empty and this would waste funds—that is wrong. Higher salaries keep officials from harassing the people; secure subjects make a secure state—not waste. Cut needless expenditures and idle mouths—and insolvency need not be feared. Today one soldier enlists and the whole household is fed; when he dies, his brothers inherit the rations—that wins loyalty and strength for the state. Yet rations continue to widows and daughters where no men remain—what sense is that? Since the emperor's southern progress, dependents have been fed for years—mouths waiting to be fed, draining the farmers. Granaries always run short, yet millions of idle mouths are fed for years—that is the true waste. Abrupt cuts would leave them destitute; set a deadline so they can prepare—when it expires, they will have no complaint." The emperor largely adopted his proposals.

元光元年正月，遷保大軍節度使，兼鄜州管內觀察使。二月，改靜難軍節度使，兼邠州管內觀察使。未幾，致仕。哀宗即位，徵用舊人，起為尚書左丞。言事稍不及前，人望頗減。尋複致仕家居，惟以抄書教子孫為事，葺園池汴城東，築亭號「靜隱」，時時與侯摯輩遊詠其間。正大八年二月乙丑，薨於嵩山崇福宮，年六十有九。初遊嵩山，嘗曰：「吾意欲主此山。」果終於此。

In the first month of the first year of Yuanguang (1222) he became military commissioner of Baoda Army and observation commissioner within Fu Prefecture. In the second month he became military commissioner of Jingnan Army and observation commissioner within Bin Prefecture. Before long he retired. When Aizong took the throne he recalled old servants and appointed Xingxin left vice minister of the Secretariat. His memorials were somewhat weaker than before and public esteem declined. He soon retired again, living at home and copying books to teach his descendants. He laid out a garden east of Bianjing and built a pavilion called Quiet Seclusion, often visiting it with Hou Zhi and others to compose poetry. On the yichou day of the second month of the eighth year of Zhengda (1231) he died at Chongfu Palace on Mount Song, aged sixty-nine. On his first visit to Mount Song he said: "I mean to make this mountain my home." He did indeed end his days there.

為人純正真率，不事修飾，雖兩登相位，殆若無官然。遇事輒發，無所畏避，每奏事上前，旁人為動色，行信處之坦如也。及薨之日，雖平昔甚媢忌者，亦曰正人亡矣。初至汴，父暐以御史大夫致仕，猶康健，兄行簡為翰林學士承旨，行信為禮部尚書，諸子侄多中第居官，當世未之有也。

He was pure, upright, and frank, without affectation; though twice chancellor, he behaved almost as if he held no office. He spoke out at once on every issue, fearing nothing. When he reported to the throne others paled while he remained calm. On the day he died, even those who had envied him said an upright man was gone. When he first reached Bianjing, his father Wei had retired as censor-in-chief and was still healthy; his brother Xingjian was Hanlin expositor; Xingxin was minister of rites; many sons and nephews held degrees and office—unmatched in their day.

贊曰：高汝礪禔身清慎，練達事宜，久居相位，雖為大夫士所鄙，而人主寵遇不衰。張行信礪志謇諤，言無避忌，然一簉政途，便多坎壈，及其再用，論事稍不及前，豈以汝礪為真可法耶。宣宗伐宋，本非萬全之策，行信諫，汝礪不諫，又沮和議。胡沙虎之惡未著，行信兩疏擊之。汝礪與高琪共事，人疑其黨附。優劣可概見於斯矣。

The encomium says: Gao Ruli was pure and cautious, skilled in affairs, and long held the chancellorship. Though despised by scholar-officials, the ruler's favor never waned. Zhang Xingxin was resolute and blunt, speaking without fear; yet once in office he met many setbacks, and when recalled his counsel was weaker—was Ruli truly a model? Xuanzong's war on Song was never a sure plan—Xingxin remonstrated, Ruli did not, and blocked peace talks. Before Hu Shahu's wickedness was manifest, Xingxin twice memorialized against him. Ruli served with Gao Qi and people suspected partisan loyalty. Their relative merit may be seen in summary here.

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