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卷三十八 列傳第八 宣五王 文六王

Volume 38 Biographies 8: Five Princes of Xuan; Six Princes of Wen

Chapter 38 of 晉書 · Book of Jin
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Chapter 38
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1
The five sons of Emperor Xuan of Jin and the six sons of Emperor Wen.
2
駿
Sima Gan, Prince of Pingyuan, and Sima You, Prince of Langya. (His sons Guan, Dan, Yao, and Cui)〉 Sima Jing, Marquis of Qinghui Pavilion, and Sima Jun, Prince of Fufeng. (His sons Chang and Xin)〉 Sima Rong, Prince of Liang, and the six sons of Emperor Wen (section heading).
3
The five sons of Emperor Xuan of Jin.
4
駿
Of the nine sons fathered by Emperor Xuan of Jin, his consort Empress Zhang, posthumously styled Wuxuan, gave birth to Sima Shi, the later Emperor Jing; Sima Zhao, the later Emperor Wen; and Sima Gan, Prince of Pingyuan. A concubine, Lady Fu, bore Sima Liang, Prince Wen Cheng of Runan; Sima You, Prince Martial of Langya; Sima Jing, Marquis of Qinghui Pavilion; and Sima Jun, Prince Martial of Fufeng. Another concubine, Lady Zhang, bore Sima Rong, Prince of Liang; Lady Bai bore Sima Lun, Prince of Zhao. Sima Liang and Sima Lun are treated in dedicated biographies elsewhere in this history.
5
Sima Gan, Prince of Pingyuan.
6
退 祿 祿殿
Sima Gan, Prince of Pingyuan, whose courtesy name was Ziliang. While still young he was made village marquis of Anyang in Wei on account of his princely station; he rose to colonel of the household in the guards army attached to the heir apparent, then to village marquis of Pingyang. When Wei reorganized its nobility into five ranks, his title was converted to earl of Dingtao. Upon Emperor Wu’s accession he was created prince of Pingyuan with eleven thousand three hundred taxable households, two sets of ceremonial trumpeters, two mounts for imperial son-in-law equipage, and the regalia of a palace attendant. Early in the Xianning era princes were sent out to their domains; Sima Gan was seriously ill and his moods were uneven, yet he was markedly detached, tranquil, and free of worldly cravings, so an exceptional order let him stay at the capital. Late in the Taikang era he was named grand master of splendid carriage with the additional title of palace attendant; he was specially granted use of the gold seal on purple ribbon and ranked with the three highest ministers at court. Under Emperor Hui he was promoted to left grand master of splendid carriage while retaining his palace attendant post; he might wear sword and shoes in the audience hall and approach the throne without the hurried court gait.
7
When Sima Lun, Prince of Zhao, took charge of the government, he appointed Sima Gan general of the guard. After Emperor Hui’s restoration, Sima Gan resumed his post as palace attendant and was additionally named grand mentor. When Sima Jiong of Qi overthrew Sima Lun, the whole family and officialdom feted him with beef and wine; Sima Gan alone brought a string of a hundred cash coins, went to see Jiong, and said: “Sima Lun rose in treason, and you mustered for the right—that was your achievement; I therefore offer you this hundred-coin gift. Even so, supreme power is hard to hold; you must watch your step.” When Jiong had taken the regency, Gan called on him; Jiong came out to the gate and bowed in greeting. Gan stepped inside, threw himself cross-legged on Jiong’s couch without inviting him to sit, and said: “Do not turn into that ‘white-robed boy’ again”—a pointed reference to Sima Lun. After Jiong was put to death, Gan mourned him uncontrollably and told his attendants: “The house weakens by the day; he was the best among us, and they have cut him down again—we are finished.”
8
使
When Sima Yue of Donghai raised loyalist troops and reached Luoyang, he went in person to see Sima Gan, but Gan bolted his gates and refused him entry. Yue waited a long time in his carriage until Gan sent someone out with excuses to send him away, all the while Gan himself spied on Yue through a crack in the door. Contemporaries could make nothing of his behavior: some thought him deranged, others that he was hiding his true mind from the world. He died in Yongjia 5 (311 CE), aged eighty. Amid Liu Cong’s sack of Luoyang there was no time to settle his posthumous name and title. He left two sons: the heir, Guang, had died young; his second son, Yong, was created duke of Ande county during the Taixi era and served as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary—both were accounted virtuous men. They perished in the turmoil, and the whole line was wiped out.
9
Sima You, Prince of Langya.
10
使 使使 使
During the conquest of Wu he commanded tens of thousands west from Tuzhong until Sun Hao sent him a written surrender with the imperial seal and cords. The court edict read: “Sima You, Prince of Langya, commanded his host and held Tuzhong end to end, so that the enemy armies could not go to one another’s relief. He also ordered Liu Hong, administrator of Langya, and others to drive their columns toward the Yangtze; the Wu forces panicked and dispatched envoys bearing the counterfeit seal and ribbon of their pretended dynasty. He further sent his chief clerk, Wang Heng, at the head of several columns across the river, who smashed Wu’s river-line defenses, captured their commander Cai Ji, and shepherded fifty or sixty thousand capitulations along the way. Zhuge Jing and Sun Yi both surrendered and awaited execution. The merit stacked high. Let two of his sons be created village marquises with three thousand households apiece, and award them six thousand bolts of silk.” Soon afterward he was given concurrent command over all military affairs in Qingzhou and the ceremonial regalia of a palace attendant. He was promoted to grand general with the privilege of opening his own bureau and ceremonial parity with the Three Dukes.
11
滿
As senior imperial clansman who had also crushed Wu, You disciplined himself, lived simply, and showed no trace of swagger; his staff drove themselves for him, and the common folk warmed to his rule. When his illness turned grave, the throne sent him beds, hangings, clothing, money, silk, polished rice, and grain, and dispatched a palace attendant to inquire after his health. He died in Taikang 4 (283 CE) at fifty-seven. On his deathbed he memorialized, asking to bury his mother, the Dowager Consort, by the imperial mausoleum precinct and to split his princedom among four sons; the emperor approved. His son Sima Guan, titled Prince Gong, succeeded him. His second son Sima Dan was made prince of Wuling; Sima Yao, prince of Dong’an; and Sima Cui, prince of Huailing.
12
Sima Guan, courtesy name Sizu, was appointed supernumerary attendant cavalryman at the palace. He died in the first year of the Taixi era (290 CE) at thirty-five. His son Sima Rui succeeded him—the man who became Emperor Yuan of Eastern Jin. Early in the restoration, the emperor appointed his own son Sima Pou Prince of Langya to carry on the sacrifices to the late Prince Gong. When Pou died young, another imperial son, Sima Huan, was named Prince of Langya in his place. Huan died the same day he received the title, so the princehood passed to yet another son, Sima Yu. Early in the Xianhe era, after the title had been transferred to Kuaiji, Emperor Cheng named Sima Yue (later Emperor Kang) Prince of Langya. When Kang came to the throne, he created Emperor Cheng’s eldest son, the future Emperor Ai, Prince of Langya. Upon Ai’s accession, the future Emperor Fei was installed as Prince of Langya. When Fei succeeded, the Prince of Kuaiji was deputized to oversee the sacrifices of the Langya princely house. Upon Emperor Jianwen’s enthronement the Langya princedom had no heir. On his deathbed he enfeoffed his youngest son, Sima Daozi, as Prince of Langya. Daozi was later reassigned as Prince of Kuaiji and Sima Gong (Emperor Gong) was named Prince of Langya instead. Once Gong took the throne, the separate Langya princedom was abolished.
13
Sima Dan, Prince Zhuang of Wuling, courtesy name Sihong. He began as supernumerary attendant cavalryman at the palace and was later created duke of Dongwu with a revenue of fifty-two hundred households. He moved on to serve as general of the van and central protector of the army. He was suspicious and cruel, utterly lacking the virtues of filial piety and brotherly love. His younger brother Sima Yao, Prince of Dong’an, enjoyed a good name and their parents’ favor, which Dan resented bitterly. He denounced Yao to Sima Liang, Prince of Runan, who already disliked Yao, and persuaded him to memorialize for Yao’s removal and banishment. When Sima Lun, Prince of Zhao, rebelled, he appointed Sima Dan general who commands the army. Dan had long been on close terms with Guo Si of Henei and his brother Guo Kan. Once they were deep in their cups, Guo Si and the others began lamenting the injustice done to Zhang Hua; Dan, who was prone to drunken rages, had them all murdered on the spot and sent their heads to Sima Lun. Such was the savagery of his drinking fits.
14
Sima Dan, younger brother of Sima Guan.
15
Sima Yao, younger brother of Sima Dan.
16
駿
Sima Yao, Prince of Dong’an, courtesy name Sixuan. He was first created duke of Dong’an, then served as cavalier attendant and gentleman at the yellow gate, and rose to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He had a handsome beard, a steely temperament, and natural authority; he was widely read and accomplished, devoted to his parents, and meticulous in observing mourning rites. When Yang Jun was struck down, Yao held the Cloud-Dragon Gate, coordinating several corps; for that service he was made general of the right guard and commander of the crack archers, promoted to prince of a commandery with twenty thousand households, and given concurrent posts as palace attendant, marshal general who oversees the armies, and right guard as before. He rose to right vice-director of the secretariat and was additionally named cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. On that single day more than three hundred men were executed or rewarded, every order flowing from Yao’s desk. Wen Yang, colonel of the eastern tribes, was the son of Wen Qin, whom Yao’s mother’s father, Zhuge Dan, had executed; fearing that Wen Yang might someday avenge his maternal kin, Yao had him put to death that same day on a trumped-up charge.
17
Yao’s elder brother Dan repeatedly slandered him to Sima Liang, Prince of Runan, but Liang refused to act. Now that Yao monopolized promotions and killings, Dan seized the opening to defame him; Liang believed the tale, stripped Yao of his offices while letting him keep his ducal title, then—with a charge of seditious speech—banished him to Daifang. Early in the Yongkang era he was recalled to court, his princedom restored, and successively served as director for the imperial clan, minister of the secretariat, and left vice-director. During Emperor Hui’s expedition against Sima Ying, Prince of Chengdu, Yao was at Ye in mourning for his mother and urged Ying to disband his host and submit. When the imperial army collapsed, Ying blamed Yao and had him killed. Later Sima Hun, marquis of Changle village—son of Sima Guan, Prince of Langya—was created Prince of Dong’an to maintain Yao’s ancestral sacrifices. He died soon afterward and the princedom was abolished.
18
Sima Cui, younger brother of Sima Yao.
19
Sima Jing, Marquis of Qinghui Pavilion.
20
駿
Sima Jun, Prince of Fufeng.
21
駿 駿
Sima Jun, Prince Martial of Fufeng, courtesy name Zizang. Even as a small child he was quick-witted: at five or six he could compose notes and recite canonical texts, to the astonishment of everyone who met him. As an adult he was noted for integrity and rectitude and stood highest in reputation among the imperial kinsmen; during Wei’s Jingchu era he was created marquis of Pingyang village. When Cao Fang was installed as Prince of Qi, Jun—only eight—was named cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and tasked with lecturing to the heir. He was soon promoted to colonel of foot soldiers and colonel of camp-squadron cavalry while retaining his position as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Promoted to village marquis, he left the capital as general who pacifies the south with plenipotentiary credentials and overall command on the north Huai front, was reassigned as marquis of Pingshou, and then became general who pacifies the east. Early in the Xianxi era his title was shifted to marquis of Dongmou; he became grand general who pacifies the east and was stationed at Xuchang.
22
駿退 使 西使
When Emperor Wu took the throne, he advanced Jun to prince of Ruyin with a revenue of ten thousand households and command over all Yu Province forces. When Wu’s Ding Feng attacked the Quepi reservoir defenses, Jun coordinated the troops that drove him back. He was raised to bearer of the imperial credentials with supreme command in Yangzhou, replacing Shi Bao at Shouchun. He was soon reassigned to overall command in Yu Province and returned to his headquarters at Xuchang. He was raised to grand general who guards the west, with plenipotentiary credentials and supreme command in Yong, Liang, and neighboring provinces, replacing Sima Liang in the defense of Guanzhong, and was invested with the nine-ornament regalia and court dress proper to a palace attendant.
23
駿 使
Jun excelled at steadying the region: he mingled stern authority with kindness, urged farming and mulberry culture, shared the corvée work with the rank and file, and—together with his staff, commanders, and troops—each tilled ten mu apiece as a personal example, detailing it all in memorials to the throne. An edict went out to every prefecture and county urging them to take agriculture seriously.
24
西 駿 駿
Early in the Xianning era, when frontier tribesmen including Tufa Shujineng rebelled, he dispatched a force against them and took more than three thousand heads. He was promoted to grand general who campaigns west. He was allowed to open a private bureau and recruit staff, with ceremonial parity to the Three Dukes, while retaining his plenipotentiary credentials and supreme command. The court further instructed Jun to send seven thousand men to relieve the Liangzhou garrison. Shujineng and Hou Tanbo planned to strike the farming militias first; Jun told Wen Yang, protector of the army that pacifies the barbarians, to move columns from Liang, Qin, and Yong forward into new camps and cow them by a show of force. Jineng then marched the twenty tribal units he led to the camp gate with bonds on their wrists, and each division handed over hostages. Two hundred thousand more frontier people—the Di leaders Jiluo and Hou Jinduo from Anding, Beidi, and Jincheng, together with northern tribesmen such as Rejiong—also submitted. He attended court that year, was transferred to the title of prince of Fufeng, had Di households straddling his borders added to his appanage, and received a feathered canopy with full bands of trumpeters. Early in the Taikang era he was raised to general of agile cavalry while keeping his bureau, credentials, and overall command unchanged.
25
Sima Chang, courtesy name Xuanshu. His title was shifted to prince of Shunyang, and he was named attendant at the palace gate, colonel of garrison cavalry, and general of roaming attack. When Liu Cong took Luoyang at the close of the Yongjia era, nothing more was heard of him.
26
Sima Xin, younger brother of Sima Chang.
27
Sima Xin, Prince Zhuang of Xinye, courtesy name Hongshu. After Prince Jun’s death, his elder brother Chang asked the throne to split the princedom so that Xin might receive a separate fief. During Taikang he was created duke of Xinye county with eighteen hundred households and ceremonial standing equal to a county-level prince. Though raised to high rank while young, he kept his conduct careful and principled. When his mother, Grand Consort Zang, died, he mourned so intensely that he surpassed the prescribed observances and was praised for his filial devotion. He was named cavalier attendant-in-ordinary.
28
使使 使
Sima Lun, having seized the throne, appointed him general of the southern center. When Sima Jiong of Qi raised loyalist forces and sent proclamations across the empire, Xin hesitated over which side to join. His intimate Wang Sui urged him: “Sima Lun is your close kinsman and the stronger party; Sima Jiong is more remote and weaker—you should side with Zhao.” His aide Sun Xun declared before everyone: “Sima Lun is a traitor whom all under Heaven should attack; duty to the state outweighs family ties—that principle is as old as the classics.” Xin accepted that counsel. He dispatched Sun Xun to Jiong, who came out, took his hand, and said, “It was the Duke of Xinye who allowed me to accomplish this great loyal act.” When Jiong marched into Luoyang, Xin buckled on mail himself and led his own troops to escort him in. For his service he was promoted from duke to prince of Xinye commandery with twenty thousand households. He rose to bearer of the imperial credentials, commander of all Jingzhou forces, grand general who guards the south, and privilege of opening a bureau with parity to the Three Dukes.
29
On the way to his posting he shared a carriage with Jiong to sweep the imperial tombs and urged him: “Sima Ying of Chengdu is your nearest kinsman and helped you win this great victory; you should keep him at court to share the regency. If you cannot do that, you must at least take his armies from him.” Jiong refused. When Jiong fell shortly afterward, Xin grew afraid and threw in his lot with Sima Ying of Chengdu.
30
使
His administration in Jingzhou was severe and biting, and both native tribes and frontier peoples nursed grudges against him. When Zhang Chang rose in Jiangxia, Xin memorialized for permission to lead a punitive expedition. Prince Sima Yi of Changsha was then in charge but at odds with Sima Ying; he suspected Xin of colluding with Ying and blocked him from marching, while Zhang Chang’s forces swelled by the day. His aide Sun Xun warned him: “The proverb says: spare the foe for one day and you breed trouble for generations. You are the bulwark of the dynasty and hold the lever of command; once your memorial is in you may move—what stops you? Yet you let traitors flourish and invite unforeseeable disaster—is that how one “props up the throne and steadies the summer lands”?” As Xin was about to march, Wang Sui objected again: “Zhang Chang is a minor foe; a deputy can finish him—why defy the throne and risk your own skin under the stones?” Xin therefore stayed his hand. When Zhang Chang advanced on Fancheng, Xin rode out to meet him; his army broke and Chang cut him down. The court posthumously named him general of agile cavalry. He had no sons and adopted his nephew Shao as heir; at the close of Yongjia that line fell captive to Shi Le.
31
Sima Rong, Prince of Liang.
32
Sima Rong, posthumously styled Prince Xiao of Liang, courtesy name Zihui, was austere, cultivated, reverent, and careful, without remarkable gifts; as a princeling he was made marquis of Pingle village. When the five ranks of nobility were introduced, his title became viscount of Kaiping. Upon Emperor Wu’s accession he was created prince of Liang with five thousand three hundred fifty-eight households. When he took up his fief he was promoted to general of the northern center and put in charge of the defense of Ye.
33
Since each prince could pick his own staff, Rong appointed Zhang Fan, the Ruyin clerk who handled the annual accounts, as his chief counselor. Fan had always been a scoundrel: his real name was Xiong; his wife Lady Liu was skilled in music and had trained entertainers for Cao Shuang; Fan also haunted He Yan’s salon and gave himself to every vice. After He Yan’s execution he was banished to Hejian, changed his name, and insinuated himself into Rong’s circle. The censorate impeached him, and an edict docked Rong one county from his fief. During Xianning his domain was enlarged with Chen and Nandun in Runan to the rank of a secondary princedom. During Taikang he succeeded Kong Xun as overseer of Yuzhou forces, was given the additional title of general who pacifies the east, and was stationed at Xuchang. Soon afterward, while keeping his existing posts, he replaced Prince Sima Huang of Xiapi as overseer of Qing and Xu forces and was promoted in title to general who pacifies the east.
34
西西 西 西
Early in Yuankang he became general who campaigns west, succeeding Prince Sima Jian of Qin as commander of Guanzhong while also holding the colonelcy that protects the western Rong. He was additionally named palace attendant and given oversight of Liangzhou as well. He was soon recalled to serve as general of the guard, recorder of the secretariat, acting junior mentor to the heir apparent, with a guard of one thousand foot and one hundred horse. After a long interval he was once more grand general who campaigns west, replacing Sima Lun in Guanzhong as commander of Liang and Yong with full left and right chief clerks and majors. He also retained the western-Rong colonelcy, encamped at Haozhi, and directed Zhou Chu, general who establishes might, Lu Bo, general who rouses might, and others against the Di rebel Qi Wannian at Liumo. Rong bore a grudge against Zhou Chu, ordered him forward on a tight schedule while severing his line of retreat, and Lu Bo refused aid, so Zhou Chu was destroyed. The court laid the chief blame on him. He was soon recalled as grand general, director of the secretariat, general who commands the armies, and recorder of affairs.
35
便 使
At a large banquet Rong remarked to his aide Wang Quan, “My first cousin once removed, who serves as director of the secretariat, cannot bite off a big joint of meat. A big joint is hard to manage.” Wang Quan replied, “If you are the only one gnawing at it here, it is hard enough already.” Rong asked, “Then who is your chief clerk’s ‘big joint’?” The answer came: “Lu Bo.” Rong said, “He is only a household retainer—I kept quiet about it.” Quan shot back, “If the whole empire were made of ‘household retainers,’ I doubt the laws of the state could ever be applied again.” Rong added, “What wrong did I commit in Chang’an?” He pointed to his patched unlined gown and mended carriage blind as proof of his austerity. Quan answered, “The court and the people expect you to elevate the worthy and push the vicious away. Yet you sit among the highest ministers and offer patched clothes and blinds as your claim to purity—that is nothing to boast of.” Rong colored with embarrassment.
36
Early in Yongkang he joined Sima Lun in deposing Empress Jia; an edict named him grand mentor, acting director of the secretariat, and added twenty thousand households to his fief. While Sima Lun directed the government, a portent appeared in the stars; diviners read it as “ill for the senior minister.” Sun Xiu, fearing the omen would strike Lun, abolished the ministry of education and replaced it with a chancellorship for Rong—an empty promotion meant to satisfy the omen. Critics said, “Rong commands no real authority; the move accomplishes nothing.” Rong steadfastly refused the post. When Lun seized the throne he named Rong one of the “balancing pillars” of state, gave him a hundred tiger guards, and ten sets of hanging bells and stone chimes. After Lun’s fall an edict restored Rong as grand mentor and minister of education and made him succeed Prince Sima Tai of Gaomi as director for the imperial clan.
37
'
He died in the second year of Yongkang; his obsequies followed the model used for Sima Liang, Prince Wen Cheng of Runan. Academician Cai Ke of Chenliu argued over his posthumous name: “Rong stood as chief minister with grave duties, was both a senior kinsman and director for the imperial clan—the cynosure of court and country. Yet in moments that demanded steadfast integrity he showed no unshakable will; when crisis came he would not risk his life for what was right; when Crown Prince Minhuai was cast down he never spoke a word of protest; during the Huainan uprising he failed to use the situation to uphold the loyal side; when Sima Lun seized the throne he would not leave the court and wash his hands of it. In the state of Song, when the Dang clan stirred up disorder, Hua Yuan felt he could no longer hold office and said, “The bond between ruler and minister is precisely what I am charged to uphold. When the ruling house sinks and loses its rectitude, my fault is grave!” Even little Song still had ministers who refused an unearned salary—how much more should a Son of Heaven’s court do so—yet here was a chief counselor who clung to place; if he is not rebuked, what force has the law? He cited the Posthumous Epithet Canon: “He who wins a name without labor is styled Ling.” Rong saw what was right and did not act—he cannot be called diligent; he should receive the posthumous name Ling.” Sun Lin, attendant-in-ordinary of Liang, and Rong’s faction protested; the secretariat answered: “When the Jias tyrannized the government and Sima Lun usurped, both gripped the realm by force—Rong could not simply walk away—so how can you fault him for not leaving the court?” Cai Ke rejoined: “As a kinsman-minister, when the dynasty fell into chaos he did not put it right; when the sovereign was toppled he did not save him—that is no way to serve as chief minister. That is why the Spring and Autumn Annals condemns Hua Yuan and Yue Ju as “no longer ministers.” The Jias were cruel, but not more so than Empress Lü, and Wang Ling could still shut his doors; Sima Lun was wicked, but not more than King Zhou of Shang, and yet the Viscount of Wei could still depart. Not long ago Grand Commandant Chen Zhun, though unrelated to the throne and though his brother Chen Hui bore an old blood-feud against him, still pleaded illness and quit rather than serve a usurping court. How much less excuse had Rong, who was Lun’s own elder brother, for failing to withdraw? When Zhao Dun remonstrated and was ignored, he fled into exile yet still bore blame in the Annals—how much more one who never left his post but bowed north to a usurper? The prior verdict should stand: censure him in death to uphold the standard for ministers and make plain what it means to serve a ruler.” The court at first accepted Cai Ke’s recommendation. Rong’s old retainers kept pressing their grievances, so the posthumous decision was revised.
38
The six sons of Emperor Wen of Jin.
39
Emperor Wen fathered nine sons. Empress Wang the civil and illustrious bore Sima Yan, who became Emperor Wu; Sima You, Prince Xian of Qi; Sima Zhao, Prince Ai of Chengyang; Sima Dingguo, Prince Dao Hui of Liaodong; and Sima Guangde, Prince Shang of Guanghan. The mothers of Sima Jian, Prince Ping of Le’an; Sima Ji, Prince of Yan; the imperial son Yongzuo; and Sima Yanzuo, Prince of Leping, are not recorded. Sima Ji, Prince of Yan, inherited the Qinghui pavilion marquisate; his life is narrated in another chapter. Yongzuo died in childhood and has no biography.
40
Sima You, Prince of Qi.
41
退
Sima You, posthumously Prince Xian of Qi, courtesy name Dayou, showed remarkable intelligence even as a boy. As a man he was calm, even-tempered, and fair; he befriended the worthy and gave freely; he loved canonical learning, could write well, and excelled at correspondence—his contemporaries set him up as a pattern. His talent and prestige outshone those of Emperor Wu, and Emperor Xuan repeatedly singled him out for praise. Because Emperor Jing had no issue, he designated You as his successor. He earned the village marquisate of Changle for his part in the expedition against Wang Ling. When Emperor Jing died, You was only ten; his mourning touched everyone present and drew universal admiration. He succeeded to the marquisate of Wuyang. He housed Empress Yang Jingxian in a separate mansion and won renown for the filial care he showed her. He subsequently held the posts of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and colonel of foot soldiers. At eighteen he soothed and inspected his command; awe and kindness attended his rule. When the five noble ranks were introduced he was transferred to marquis of Anchang and promoted to general of the guard. Mourning Emperor Wen, he wasted himself past what ritual allowed and could rise from his couch only with a walking staff. His attendants tried to feed him rice and dry provisions kneaded with restorative pills; he wept and refused them. The empress dowager went in person to urge him: “If you should fall ill on top of this, what will become of you? You must look ahead and think broadly—you cannot fix on a single course of grief.” She kept sending servants to make him eat, while Marshal Xi Xi urged him: “The sages taught that one may mourn without destroying one’s nature. Moreover, you stand as the emperor’s nearest kinsman and shoulder the burden of chief counselor. A commoner still guards his life for his ancestors’ sake; how much more should you, who uphold the realm and aid the throne, drown yourself in endless sorrow to outdo Yan Hui and Min Ziqian! Do not give the wise cause to mock you and the foolish cause to cheer.” Xi himself brought a meal; You had no choice but to force down a little food for his sake. When Xi left, You told his attendants, “Marshal Xi means to keep me mindful of mourning propriety so that this frail body may survive.”
42
使
When Emperor Wu took the throne, You was created prince of Qi. The government was still being organized, yet You held supreme military authority and brought calm inside and outside the capital; everyone looked to him and rallied. The court debated an edict that would let each prince pick his own chief officials; You memorialized as follows: “The ancient sage-kings enfeoffed myriad domains to bind the lords to the throne; their precedent runs in an unbroken line and ought not be altered lightly. When rulers do not stay long in one place, hearts turn to opportunism; when the people lack a steady sovereign, customs grow hollow and thin. Therefore the late emperor, scanning the enduring pattern of rule, sought to revive the model of the ancients: he carved out domains, drew borders, and instituted five noble ranks—some to honor virtue, some to repay merit. Yet Your Majesty, answering Heaven’s call and founding the dynasty, has planted your kinsmen across the map and now proposes to let each prince remove his own senior officers. The foundation is still fresh and the statutes new: though Ba–Shu has yielded, Wu remains outside the fold. We should wait until the realm is tranquil before debating a return to antique practice.” He sent this memorial three times running; each time the throne refused. Later his state chancellor reported vacancies among senior staff; the secretary of his princely household asked to fill them by appointment. You issued an order: “I am ashamed to receive such favor; my sole anxiety is that I may not prove worthy. The assessment and placement of officials is the court’s business, not something a prince’s administration should decide. Let them apply through the central government.” At that time the Wang princes’ clothing and rations all came from the palace treasury; You memorialized that his land rents were enough to live on and asked to be excused from those grants. He sent more than ten such memorials; the emperor still refused. Though You never took up residence in his fief, he split his rents and taxes to support every civil and military subordinate down to the rank and file, and gave gifts for sickness, death, and mourning. Whenever flood or drought struck his appanage, he offered extra relief and deferred repayment until a good harvest, forgiving two-tenths of the debt; his people depended on him.
43
使
He was promoted to general of agile cavalry, allowed to open a bureau and recruit staff, with ceremonial parity to the Three Dukes. He humbled himself, kept an open mind, and dealt with others in good faith. He often lamented that high ministers never audited their clerks, yet military administration required stern discipline; so he issued a directive: “The kings of old governed by clear penalties and strict laws, using the rod to correct slack and delay. Even the courts of Yao and Shun needed oversight and accountability. I had meant to codify these points so that rough standards would exist. Fearing tedium or excessive brevity, I had not settled the essentials, so I asked Messrs. Liu and Cheng to draft a careful version. On reflection, when Zichan of Zheng cast the penal code in bronze, Shu Xiang condemned it; when Fan Xuanzi of Jin framed new regulations, Confucius mocked the idea. Let everything revert to the old rules—no additions, no cuts. Where standing regulations do not reach, decide case by case. Let every clerk give his utmost and aspire to the old standard of selfless service to the throne. Where gaps appear, look to your superiors for correction—perhaps that will spare you blame.” After this, discipline inside and outside his bureau became strict and orderly. When the court proposed to disband his camp guard, several thousand veterans who loved him refused to go; they waylaid the metropolitan intendant to plead their case, and the emperor returned his troops to him.
44
' ' 便 使 使
Whenever the court debated weighty policy, he laid out his views with full care. An edict cited successive crop failures and called for austerity measures; You replied: “The kings of old taught that every policy must begin by setting the root straight. Put farming first and honor the fundamental—that is the state’s great guideline. The frontiers are quiet; soldiers can stack their arms; grant broad furloughs so they can return to the plow. Yet many prefects and chancellors still fail to work wholeheartedly for the common good and leave the land’s yield untapped. Emperor Xuan of Han once sighed, “Who will help Us rule the realm? Only capable commandery governors!” He enforced rewards and punishments, promoted the able and dismissed the dull, and the realm responded—hence his many celebrated governors. Today there is land to spare, yet multitudes leave it idle; fictitious registrations swell the rolls; count the empire on that basis and the hungry will be legion. Order every province and commandery to root out fraud that injures farming, verify acreage under cultivation, and align high and low in a single effort. Then the nation’s granaries can approach ancient plenty—why panic over a single season of flood or drought? Rigorously grade officials, promote and dismiss on merit, and everyone will fear your majesty yet feel your kindness—none will fail to exert themselves. Inside the capital idlers multiply by the day: clever crafts and useless trades, clothes and ornaments of garish luxury, rich men hoarding every pleasure—bad habits left over from Wei that shallow example has not yet purged, wasting coin and grain by the myriad. Reissue the old prohibitions and enforce them to the letter. Turn people from extravagance to thrift, keep them from missing the farming seasons, and put their strength into the fields so the granaries fill again. Then honor and disgrace, ritual and restraint, will follow of themselves—here is the true way to renew custom and return to fundamentals.”
45
He was transferred to grand general who guards the army, given the additional titles of palace attendant and feather-canopy escort with trumpets, and made acting junior mentor to the heir apparent. A few years later he was named grand mentor to the heir apparent and presented an admonition: “The high sovereigns of old founded states and set up rulers, reading heaven above and earth below, widening the enterprise and the Way so the people would be safe and sacrifices unbroken; because the mandate must run on, they named a crown prince. They honored him to spread the Way and set him up as their second self; once the heir’s virtue is planted, the state has a pillar to lean on. Cherish the humane and merit is won; cozy up to sycophants and the state capsizes—so the mentor’s talent must be chosen from the worthy and clear-sighted. Under King Cheng of Zhou, the Duke of Zhou and the Duke of Shao tutored the boy king: abroad they shone with virtue, at home they bound the house with kinship—duty knit the bond, affection came of itself. Qin cast off its princes and fell like an avalanche; Han enfeoffed sons and brothers and its mandate endured. Chu was thrown into chaos by Fei Wuji; Song met catastrophe through the plot of Gongshu Yili. Zhang Yu’s smooth flattery in the end ruined mighty Han. When aides are disloyal, ruin strikes one’s own person; not only the man himself—he loses his state as well. Never say father and son cannot be set at odds—remember Jiang Chong; never say nearest kin cannot turn traitor—remember Pan Chong. Honeyed speech muddies the truth; dripping slander parts parent from child—think of Li Ji. Duke Xian of Jin came to doubt his heir Shen Sheng. Bind kin with principle, not with doting; cultivate the person with reverence, not with borrowed dignity. Humility leaves room; self-seeking blinds you. No task is too small to mind; the great foundation cannot be neglected. Learn danger from ruin, survival from peace. The heir attends to duty; I venture to set this before your gate.” His contemporaries judged the piece a masterpiece.
46
In Xianning 2 (276 CE) he succeeded Jia Chong as minister of works while retaining his posts as palace attendant and grand mentor. Emperor Wen doted on him: whenever he saw You he would pat the couch and cry his pet name, “This is Taofu’s place!”—more than once he nearly named him heir. On his deathbed he fretted over You’s safety and, weeping, rehearsed for Emperor Wu the tragedies of Liu Chang, Prince of Huainan, and Cao Zhi, Prince Si of Chen. As death approached he took You’s hand and placed him in Emperor Wu’s keeping. When the empress dowager recovered from a grave illness, Emperor Wu joined You in offering her a longevity toast; You wept openly, remembering how near death she had been, and the emperor was abashed. While attending the ailing emperor he wore a look of constant grief, which contemporaries praised as rare filial feeling. On her deathbed she wept and warned the emperor: “Taofu is quick-tempered, and you as his elder brother have not been kind; if I pass away, I fear you two will not endure each other. So I lay this charge on you—do not forget what I have said.”
47
滿 簿 殿
In his later years Emperor Wu’s sons were all frail, while the heir apparent lacked virtue; officials inside and outside the palace looked to You as the better choice. Xun Xu, who supervised the secretariat, and the palace attendant Feng Dan had both crawled up by flattery; You detested them. They saw that the court favored You and feared that if You succeeded, they would suffer; so they said casually to the emperor, “When Your Majesty is gone, the heir apparent will never be enthroned.” The emperor asked, “Why do you say that?” Xun Xu replied, “Every official at court and in the provinces is loyal to the Prince of Qi—how could the heir ever take the throne? Issue an edict sending the Prince of Qi to his fief: the whole bureaucracy will protest—then you will see that I spoke the truth.” Feng Dan added, “If you mean to send princes to their domains and complete the five-rank system, you should start with your nearest kinsman. No one is closer than the Prince of Qi.” The emperor trusted Xun Xu and took Feng Dan’s advice; in Taikang 3 he promulgated an edict: “Of old the nine bestowals created a hegemon: some stayed at court to assist government, others went out to hold the four quarters. As with Lü Wang of Zhou, who could punish the five marquises and nine hegemons, so now the palace attendant, minister of works, and Prince of Qi, You, combine luminous virtue with steadfast loyalty. As the emperor’s uterine brother who has borne the burden of chief minister, aided the founding, and labored for the dynasty, he should hold a station that matches the world’s expectations. He is therefore appointed grand marshal and commander of all Qingzhou forces, retaining his palace attendant title and plenipotentiary credentials, with his original thousand-man guard, household cavalry, tent majors, and heavy wagons unchanged, plus an extra band of trumpeters, twenty mounted attendants, and five cavalry majors. Let the appropriate bureaus study precedent and carry out the rest.” You took the order ill; his chief clerk Ding Yi comforted him: “When the Grand Duke of Qi received his fief, his domain still stretched to the eastern sea; Duke Huan’s nine coalitions made him first among the five hegemons. How much more yourself, whose virtue is broad and luminous, who strengthens a great bulwark—when you quietly turn your carriage east, no one under your rule will want for anything. Need the crimson gates of the capital alone define the ruler’s sway?” You answered, “I have no power to set the age right; spare me the speeches.”
48
輿
The following year a formal patent addressed him: “Alas! Heaven’s mandate is not fixed: it has already moved from Wei. Our Jin, having received Heaven’s clear mandate, has exalted its princes and founded this kingdom in the east, granting you the dark soil of Qing to shield the dynasty. Be diligent and never slack—thus you will long guard the ancestral shrines.” A further edict told the court of sacrifices to fix the regalia of investiture and added Jinan commandery to enlarge the princedom of Qi. His son Sima Shi was simultaneously created prince of Beihai. The full insignia of enfeoffment followed—tally and patent, hanging bells and stone chimes, eight files of dancers, the yellow battle-axe, and the secondary equipage of the imperial carriage.
49
He held himself strictly to ritual and seldom erred. If he borrowed a book, he corrected its errors in his own hand before giving it back. His nature ran deeper than most: mention his painful memories and he would weep. Even Emperor Wu treated him with wary respect; whenever they sat together the emperor weighed every word. His sons were Sima Rui, Sima Zan, and Sima Shi.
50
使
Sima Rui, courtesy name Jinghui, was transferred to continue the line of Prince Dingguo of Liaodong. Early in Taikang his title was shifted to prince of Donglai. During Yuankang he served as colonel of foot soldiers and colonel of garrison cavalry. Rui was a violent drunk who repeatedly humiliated his younger brother Sima Jiong, who bore with him for fraternal duty’s sake. When Jiong raised loyalist troops, Sima Lun seized Rui and his brother Sima Shi, prince of Beihai, and had them jailed for execution. Zu Na, a gentleman of the heir’s household under Lun, memorialized: “Guilt does not pass to the innocent; evil dies with the doer—that is the merciful rule of the sages and the standing law of every dynasty. Gun was put to death, yet his son Yu rose to greatness; the Guan and Cai uncles were punished, yet their fiefs of Xing and Wei were not blamed. By Warring States and Qin–Han times magnanimity had faded and suspicion ruled: hostages and collective guilt became tools—bad customs left over from the three earlier dynasties. Rui and Shi are sons of Prince Xian, shoots of bright virtue; they deserve a general amnesty in keeping with the law on gentle treatment of kin.” Soon afterward Sun Xiu died, and Rui and his brother went free. When Jiong marched into Luoyang with his army, Rui went out on the road to welcome him. Jiong refused to see him at once and made him wait at the vanguard until credentials were issued. Rui fumed, “I nearly died for you, and you show not a spark of brotherly feeling!”
51
滿 輿 輿 輿宿
Once Jiong held power, an edict named Rui cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and grand general, with concurrent posts as commander of the rear army and palace attendant, specially advanced, and a fief of twenty thousand households. Rui then asked Jiong for the right to open his own bureau; Jiong replied, “The princes of Wu and Yuzhang, sons of Emperor Wu, still lack that privilege—you must wait.” Rui’s resentment deepened; he secretly accused Jiong of arrogating power and conspired with Wang Yu, general of the left guard, to depose him. The plot was uncovered and Rui was reduced to commoner status. Soon an edict declared: “The grand marshal, learned and decisive, led the loyalists and restored the altars. No deed recorded on bamboo or silk, not even the Duke of Zhou’s or Shao’s, matches his merit; hence he was given the highest office. Sima Rui of Donglai nursed secret envy, hid a wicked heart, and plotted with Wang Yu to slander and murder him. When Wang Yu was seized, Rui fled in a cart beside a servant in blue clothes, in disguise, and only returned after a night abroad. His treachery was flagrant and his deceit spread through the court. The memorial he earlier lodged against Jiong was venomous in the extreme—worse than the revolt of Guan and Cai or the malice of Ya and Qing. The Spring and Autumn Annals teach that great duty may cut kinship ties—banish Sima Rui to Shangyong.” He was later re-enfeoffed marquis of Weiyang. Early in Yongning the internal historian of Shangyong, Chen Zhong, acting on Jiong’s orders, murdered him. When word came, the court executed Chen Zhong, restored Rui’s title, and reburied him with princely honors.
52
Sima Zan, younger brother of Sima Rui.
53
Sima Zan, courtesy name Jingqi, was appointed heir to Prince Guangde of Guanghan. He died in Taikang 1 at the age of six and was posthumously titled Prince Chong.
54
Sima Shi, younger brother of Sima Zan.
55
Sima Zhao, Prince of Chengyang.
56
Sima Zhao, posthumously Prince Ai of Chengyang, courtesy name Qianqiu, died at ten. When Emperor Wu took the throne he issued an edict: “My late brother Qianqiu was bright as a child and showed precocious gifts, but died too young; the late emperor and empress especially pitied him. The late empress wished to continue his line but never managed it; whenever I recall her purpose my heart grieves anew. Let my imperial son Jingdu continue his line—irregular, yet common in recent times, and it fulfills the late empress’s wish.” Zhao was then given a posthumous title and augmented fief. Jingdu died in the sixth year of Taishi; the fifth son, Xian, was appointed to continue Prince Ai’s line. When he died, the sixth son, Zhi, was made prince of Donghai to carry on Prince Ai’s sacrifices. After he died, early in Xianning the thirteenth son, Xia, was created prince of Qinghe to continue Zhao’s line.
57
Sima Dingguo, Prince of Liaodong.
58
Sima Guangde, Prince of Guanghan.
59
Sima Jian, Prince of Le’an.
60
Sima Yanzuo, Prince of Leping.
61
使
Sima Yanzuo, Prince of Leping, courtesy name Dasi, suffered from a serious chronic illness and was unfit to bear a princely title. Early in Taikang an edict read: “My brother Yanzuo was orphaned young and knows little; I pity him deeply. He has long been gravely ill; I daily hoped he would improve, but the malady is now incurable, and my grief is deep. Create him prince of Leping so that he has rank and title and my heart may be eased.” He died soon afterward, leaving no heir.
62
使
The historian remarks: Sima Gan’s moods were unreadable; his contemporaries could never plumb him. Yet amid the turmoil of the age and the princes’ feuds he kept clear of harm and died in his bed—a “stupidity” no one could match! Sima You of Langya tempered martial glory with warmth and courtesy; Sima Jun of Fufeng spread civil virtue and added filial devotion—both stand out among the clan. The Prince of Qi, doubly tied to the two princes styled Xian, embodied the moral influence of the “South” hymns; his virtue lit court and countryside and all eyes turned to him as pillar of state. Then jealousy of his power hemmed him in, his grace was twisted into fault, Feng Dan and Xun Xu spun their “tangled weeds” intrigue, and Emperor Wu’s stubborn love for his heir prevailed. So the dragon regalia of high office was stripped from him and he was shunted to a petty fief; before he could even take the road he died of grief—how pitiful! Had he lived longer and those intrigues been lifted—had he taken the regent’s stitched robe and the dynastic chart’s charge, steadied the heir, and set the government right—by Heaven’s signs the rise and fall of Jin might have run a different course, and by human effort the cruelty of the age might have been tamed: then the War of the Eight Princes might never have flared and the Five Hu might never have torn the realm apart! The Book of Odes says, “When such men depart, the state is wasted”—that was true of Sima You; “Slanderers know no limit and throw the four quarters into chaos”—that fits Xun Xu and Feng Dan.
63
退
The summation reads: Among the grandsons of Emperors Wen and Xuan, some shone and some sank. Fufeng left a legacy of kindness; Langya disciplined his own heart. Dan was chief among the cruel sycophants; Rong helped open the first rift. Gan seemed detached, yet his nature defied steady norms. But Prince Xian of Qi was singular—no common mortal. He brought order from his household, weaving martial vigor with civil pattern. The great tree breaks under the weight of its own foliage; the orchid is consumed by its own fragrance—such was the fate of excellence in a poisoned age.
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