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卷五十 列傳第二十 曹志 庾峻 郭象 庾純 秦秀

Volume 50 Biographies 20: Cao Zhi; Yu Jun; Guo Xiang; Yu Chun; Qin Xiu

Chapter 50 of 晉書 · Book of Jin
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1
Cao Zhi
2
Cao Zhi, courtesy name Yungong, came from Qiao in the Principality of Qiao. He was a natural son of Prince Si of Chen, Cao Zhi, of Wei—the celebrated poet-prince whose name is written with the same characters as his son's. From boyhood he loved learning and was praised for talent and character: unassuming, broad-minded, and also a capable horseman and archer. His father said, "This is a son who will keep our house secure." He named him heir. He was subsequently given the princely title of Jibei. While Sima Yan still held the post of General Who Comforts the Army and had gone to Ye to welcome the Prince of Chenliu, Cao Zhi sought a nighttime audience. The two talked from dusk until dawn, and Sima Yan was deeply struck by him. After Sima Yan accepted the abdication and ascended the throne, Cao Zhi was reduced in rank to Duke of Juancheng county. An edict declared: "In antiquity, even as one mandate succeeded another, the bloodlines of earlier houses often kept their altars—some enfeoffed across the submissive regions, others enrolled in the ruler's bureaucracy. Choosing worthies wherever they are found and favouring only virtue—that is the path of perfect impartiality. The princes and dukes of Wei have long kept their talents hidden and gone unused. Though an edict already called for their careful selection and posting, many offices have lately stood vacant, and proper placement has yet to come. As for the former Prince of Jibei, Cao Zhi, he practices virtue with singular purity, combines high talent with spotless conduct, and delights in antiquity and wide learning—an ornament of the Wei imperial clan. We hold him in high regard. Cao Zhi is hereby appointed Administrator of Leping." While governing the commandery Cao Zhi submitted a memorial arguing that Confucian learning and the Way deserved renewed emphasis, and asking that the doctoral scholars be allotted clerks and guard details. He was promoted to serve as Administrator of Zhangwu and then of Zhao commandery. Though he served in several commanderies, he showed little zeal for paperwork—hunting by day, reading the Classic of Poetry and the Documents by night, finding his ease in music and company. Contemporaries who watched him could not yet read the depth of the man.
3
Early in the Xianning era an edict declared: "Duke of Juancheng Cao Zhi combines steady character with plain living, wide scholarship with sound judgment. He belongs among the literati who may enlarge the education of the heir-apparents. Appoint him Palace Attendant-in-ordinary and Doctoral Lecturer at the National University." Sima Yan once read the Treatise on the Six Dynasties and asked Cao Zhi, "Did your royal father compose this?" Cao Zhi answered, "My father kept a catalogue in his own hand. Allow me to go home and check it against that record." When he came back he reported, "The catalogue contains no such title." The emperor asked, "Who did write it, then?" Cao Zhi said, "From what I have learned, it was the work of my kinsman Cao Jiong. Because his own father's literary name stood so high, Cao Jiong hoped the essay would endure under that name, and therefore published it under borrowed authorship." The emperor replied, "Such things are common enough in the record of the past." Turning to the assembled nobles he added, "Father and son have attested to the facts; that is proof enough. Henceforth no one should doubt the matter."
4
He was subsequently promoted to Libationer of the National University. When Prince Sima You of Qi was preparing to leave for his princely fief, the court referred the matter to the Chamberlain of Ceremonies to decide what honours and ritual gear should be granted. Erudits led by Qin Xiu argued that the Prince of Qi should stay at court to steady the government rather than be sent out to a regional apanage. Cao Zhi still nursed the old wound of his father's thwarted career in Wei, and once said in bitter sorrow, "When a man wields such talent and bears such closeness to the throne, how can he be denied a place at the capital to nourish the state, and instead be banished to some remote corner by the sea? If this is the court's policy, how can the Jin dynasty hope to flourish?" Thereupon he drafted a memorial: "I have learned that the Grand Marshal, Prince of Qi, is ordered to his fief in the east with full panoply of gifts and rites, his dignity equated with the two great bulwarks of Zhou. Your Majesty reigns as a true sage; ministers of the caliber of Ji and Xie serve at your side. Within the palace you have princes as close as the ancient dukes of Lu and Wei; beyond it you have bulwarks like Qi and Jin. To preserve stability from the throne is to lay a foundation meant to last for ages. History's model guardians of the throne were men like the Duke of Zhou for royal kin or the Grand Duke Wang for outsiders—both kept their persons at the capital and, even after generations of service abroad, were brought home to lie with their ancestors. Later ages produced the so-called Five Hegemons: rulers like Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin who ruled by cunning. Their vassals pressed for rites reserved for a king—tunnel entrances to their tombs—while the hegemons themselves pressed upward for the "nine ritual gifts" meant to signal abdication. Such power never rested on legitimate authority; history shows it always ends with a vassal too bloated for his lord to control. How can that arrogant rising of ministers be mentioned in the same breath as the Duke of Shao's hymn to brotherhood in The Elder Brothers, or the loyal reproof voiced in the ode The Owl? At the founding of a dynasty like ours, what is not settled honestly at the outset can scarcely be put right later. A weak trunk cannot bear luxuriant branches. Without bone and marrow beneath, the skin has nothing to rest on. From the age of the legendary rulers onward, no single clan has ever monopolized the realm forever. He who would win men's loyalty must offer them a bulwark as immovable as stone. He who seeks a blessing that lasts many lifetimes must consult the realm at large. Thus the wisdom attributed to Heaven is drawn from the wisdom of the human community itself. Qin and Wei tried to hoard all power in their own hands—and succeeded only in destroying themselves. Zhou and Han shared their advantages with many hands and so turned both kinsmen and outsiders to account. Such is the far-sighted policy of wise sovereigns—plain as sunlight and moonlight. Even a seemingly small matter calls for the deepest counsel. Even words spoken lightly deserve the most serious reflection. I hold a merely nominal place among the ritual specialists; if what I say falls short of propriety, then I am no better than a thief dressed in scholar's robes. To see what duty requires and hold silence is something my conscience will not allow. Cao Zhi believed the court should adopt the erudits' recommendation." When the memorial was ready to go up, he met his cousin Cao Jia, Duke of Gaoyi. Cao Jia warned him, "This memorial cuts deep. Historians will note it—but are you ready for the anger you will draw today?" When the emperor read the memorial his wrath flared. "If Cao Zhi cannot read my mind," he cried, "what hope is there for the four seas?" On the grounds that the memorialists had strayed from the brief and stirred irrelevant controversy, he dismissed Zheng Mo from the chamberlainship by rescript. The bureaus then asked that Cao Zhi and his colleagues be seized on charges of conspiracy. The emperor would go no further than stripping Cao Zhi of office while letting him retire to his ducal mansion; the others he sent to the Commandant of Justice.
5
Soon afterward Cao Zhi was restored to his former post as Palace Attendant-in-ordinary. When his mother died he mourned so extravagantly that he broke down in health; joy and anger thereafter slipped beyond his control. He died in the ninth year of the era; the Chamberlain of Ceremonies proposed withholding a favourable posthumous title. Cui Bao reminded them, "Wei Ke earned the posthumous epithet Steadfast precisely because he refused a father's insane order, knowing that illness—not defiance—had caused the confusion. To fix a cruel posthumous verdict on Cao Zhi by citing his mental collapse is to pretend his ailment was not the very sort of disorder that excused Wei Ke's father—not a fair reading of precedent at all." On that reasoning they settled on the posthumous name Ding (Steadfast).
6
Yu Jun
7
退 退
Yu Jun, courtesy name Shanfu, came from Yanling in Yingchuan commandery. His grandfather Yu Cheng combined wide learning with a celebrated reputation. The Han Excellency over the Masses called him to office and he was nominated as a man of high principle, yet he declined every appointment. His uncle Yu Ni, chosen as a local merit assessor, was known for plain integrity; he rose under Wei to Grand Coachman. His father Yu Dao lived modestly, withdrew from ambition, and kept such stern integrity that he never took office. Yu Dao refused to sell cattle or horses known to kick or bite, lest they injure buyers in the market. Once his sons had risen to distinction, the court honoured him with the title of Grand Palace Grandee. Yu Jun loved learning from boyhood and showed a ready wit. During a visit to the capital he heard that the veteran scholar Su Lin lay ill at home, and he went to pay his respects. Su Lin had once studied under Yu Cheng. When he saw Yu Jun he wept and said after a long silence, "Your grandfather was a man of towering ability yet modest habits—kind, generous, quiet, and little interested in worldly gain. He cared only for cultivating character. Yanling once counted fifty or sixty thousand households; today I hear there are only a few hundred left. Your father and uncle were only infants when the realm convulsed, yet they alone survived to this day. Your uncle is one of the age's chief talents, and you brothers are rising stars beside him—all of it fruit of the virtue your grandfather laid up."
8
駿
He served as headquarters clerk in the commandery, was nominated as accounting officer, and the province summoned him as a staff retainer. When Chamberlain Zheng Mao met Yu Jun he was so impressed that he nominated him for a doctorate. At court the Zhuangzi and Laozi were all the fashion while the Classics and histories languished. Fearing that the high culture of the Confucian tradition would fade, Yu Jun buried himself in the orthodox canon. On the occasion of Duke Cao Mao's visit to the Imperial Academy, the young emperor quizzed Yu Jun on the Documents. Yu Jun drew on the glosses of the masters, unfolded the text layer by layer, and unraveled every knotty passage with patient clarity. He was promoted to assistant director of the Palace Library. A major lawsuit had stalled for months in Chang'an; the court named Yu Jun Attendant Censor and sent him to settle it. Both capital and province praised the outcome as just. When Sima Yan mounted the throne he ennobled Yu Jun as Marquis Within the Passes, advanced him through chief clerk of the Ministry of Works to director of the Palace Library and censor-in-chief, then appointed him palace attendant with the added title of grand counsellor of the household. While attending Sima Yan's lectures on the Classic of Poetry, he crossed swords with Household Grandee He Shao over what counted as orthodox or declining lyrics in the Airs and Elegances; after several rounds of debate no one at table could break his argument.
9
Public manners had turned brutally competitive; deference and yielding were everywhere eclipsed. Yu Jun therefore submitted a memorial:
10
He likewise loathed the age's love of display and neglect of substance, and composed a polemic against it—the editors omit the essay here on grounds of length. He died in the ninth year of the Taishi era; the court sent one full set of court dress, a suit of clothes, and three hundred thousand cash for his funeral. On his deathbed he ordered his son Yu Min to bury him the same evening he died, with no imported finery—only hemp headcloth and plain robes—and without fussing over an auspicious burial day. Yu Min followed those instructions to the letter, laying his father out only in the clothes of the season. He had two sons, Yu Min and Yu Ai.
12
Yu Min
13
= 使
Yu Min, courtesy name Ziju—the stray mark before his name is an edition artifact. He was guileless, affable, devoted to learning, and governed himself with loyalty and tolerance. While still young he rose through palace attendant-in-chief, local merit assessor for his princedom, palace attendant, and received the barony of Changcen. When Emperor Huai fell captive to Liu Yuan (Liu Yuanhai), Yu Min accompanied him to Pingyang. At one of Liu Yuan's banquets the Jin emperor was forced to serve wine to the guests. Yu Min, unable to choke back grief, bowed twice as he presented the cup, then burst into open weeping. The rebels took an instant dislike to him. When someone accused Yu Min, Wang Jun, and others of plotting to help Liu Kun, Liu Yuan seized the excuse to move against the emperor; Yu Min and his fellows were put to death. Before Luoyang fell, Yu Min was on duty as a palace attendant in the ministries. He once told his colleague Xu Xia, "The times have turned this vicious; disaster is at our door—I expect to die in this very hall!" In the end he did not escape the fate he foresaw. Late in the Taiyuan era the court posthumously honoured him with the name Zhen (Steadfast).
15
Yu Ai, younger brother of Yu Min.
16
= 滿
Yu Ai, courtesy name Zisong—the stray mark before his name is an edition artifact. He stood under seven feet tall yet girded a waist ten spans round, carrying an air of distant, understated elegance. As chancellor of Chenliu he refused to let paperwork fret him—he drank deep, took life as it came, and let events pass like water. In a throng he seemed to stand apart, self-contained and untouchable. Once, reading the 《Laozi》 and the 《Zhuangzi》, he remarked, "These texts voice exactly what most of us feel but never say aloud." Grand Commandant Wang Yan held him in the highest regard.
17
Seeing endless peril closing in on the throne, Yu Ai knew calamity would find him too; he wrote the Rhapsody on Intent to steady his heart, much as Jia Yi once wrote the Rhapsody on the Owl. The piece opens: "The highest truth folds back into primal unity; honour and disgrace run on the same string. Since life and death are already level, why lament once duty ends and death arrives? Every creature is set on its course before a beginning can be named; only when the appointed hour comes is the pattern plain. If spring, summer, autumn, and winter rotate in their proper round, how can anyone keep the present moment at arm's length? What sense is there in calling one span long and another short, except where passion clings too fiercely? The lineage runs unbroken from root to tip; the greatest virtue is to release private craving. Even the twitch of the smallest worm is spirit at work; fool and sage alike are fashioned from the same stuff. The perfected man sheds the world's grime, while human nature stretches wide without a farther shore. He races through the boundless inner courtyard and rests his frame in the silent, empty lodge. Heaven and earth are briefer than a mayfly's morning; aeons flash past before the first dawn breaks. Glance backward and the universe shrinks to half a speck of down. He drifts in dark immensity—depth without limit, desolation without charm. Suddenly he shares one body with spontaneity itself, melting and pouring away on every side." His nephew Yu Liang read the work and asked, "If you still harbour intent, no poem can exhaust it; if you have left intent behind, what is left for a rhapsody to say? Yu Ai replied, "Between having intent and having none—that is where I stand!"
18
簿
He rose to director in the Ministry of Personnel. The age seethed with intrigue and sudden shifts, yet Yu Ai stayed quiet and let events run their course. He served on Grand Mentor Sima Yue of Donghai's staff, then moved to the post of army libationer. Yue's bureau glittered with talent, yet Yu Ai usually stood apart with folded arms, refusing to jostle for favour. Guo Xiang of Henan, chief clerk to the governor of Yuzhou, excelled at the 《Laozi》 and 《Zhuangzi》; contemporaries ranked him just below Wang Bi. Yu Ai knew his worth and used to say, "Guo Zixuan has nothing to fear beside Yu Zisong." Later Guo Xiang became chief clerk to the Grand Mentor, running business with a heavy hand. Yu Ai told him plainly, "You are a leading intellect of our day, but the esteem I once felt for you is spent."
19
輿 穿-{}- 輿
Yu Ai enjoyed towering repute among the silk-robed elite, yet he piled up riches, and gossips mocked him for it. Wen Jiao of the capital bureau denounced him, yet Yu Ai only grew to admire Wen Jiao, likening him to a thousand-foot pine: knotted and rugged, yet the timber you want for a palace ridgepole. Liu Yu then enjoyed Yue's confidence and ruined many colleagues; only Yu Ai kept his heart outside the fray, offering no foothold for intrigue. Knowing Yu Ai was tight-fisted yet rich, Liu Yu talked Yue into ordering him to put up ten million cash for an exchange, expecting miserliness that could be turned against him. Before the whole company Yue raised the demand. Yu Ai was dead drunk by then—his turban slipped onto the crossbow rack and he fished it back by threading his head through the slit—then drawled, "I keep twenty million at home; help yourself to whatever share you like." Liu Yu dropped his scheme in admiration. Sima Yue was delighted and remarked, "Never gauge a gentleman's mind with a small man's calculus." Wang Yan refused his friendship, yet Yu Ai pursued his company relentlessly. Wang Yan said, "You cannot force this." Yu Ai shot back, "Call me 'lord' if you wish; I'll still call you darling if I wish. I follow my family's customs; you follow yours." Wang Yan could only marvel. When Shi Le rose in revolt, Yu Ai died alongside Wang Yan at the age of fifty.
20
Guo Xiang
21
簿
Guo Xiang, courtesy name Zixuan, showed a sharp logical mind early on, delighted in the 《Laozi》 and 《Zhuangzi》, and shone at qingtan debate. Wang Yan used to say, "Hearing Guo Xiang speak is like watching a cataract hang in the air: it floods out and never runs dry." He declined every provincial and commandery appointment. He lived quietly at home, passing the time with essays and treatises. Later he accepted a retainer's post under the minister of education and worked his way up to gentleman at the Yellow Gates. Sima Yue of Donghai made him chief clerk to the Grand Mentor and leaned on him heavily. Guo Xiang soon monopolized power, searing court and camp alike, and men of principle quietly withdrew their respect. He died of illness at the close of the Yongjia era, leaving twelve commemorative essays.
22
Before his day dozens of scholars had glossed the 《Zhuangzi》, yet none had mapped its full design. Xiang Xiu went beyond older commentaries with a brilliant new reading that opened the text's subtleties and gave new life to Dark Learning—only the 《Autumn Floods》 and 《Perfect Joy》 chapters remained unfinished when he died. His son was still a child, so the manuscript fell apart, though stray copies still circulated. Guo Xiang, a man of thin integrity, saw that Xiang Xiu's gloss was not in wide circulation and appropriated it as his own. He added fresh notes only on 《Autumn Floods》 and 《Perfect Joy》, revised 《Horse's Hoofs》, and for the rest merely tweaked wording here and there. When Xiang Xiu's authentic draft resurfaced, the world ended up with two 《Zhuangzi》 traditions—Xiang's and Guo's—though the doctrine is really one.
23
Yu Chun
24
簿 西
Yu Chun, courtesy name Moufu, commanded wide learning, moral clarity, and was revered as the age's leading Confucian. The commandery made him chief clerk; he joined the southern campaign staff, rose through gentleman at the Yellow Gates to marquis within the passes, then served as palace secretariat director and governor of Henan. Early on, seeing Jia Chong's treachery, Yu Chun joined Ren Kai in urging that Chong be posted west to guard Guanzhong—an affront Chong never forgave. At a banquet Jia Chong gave for courtiers Yu Chun arrived late. Jia needled him, "You usually elbow your way to the front; why drag in last today?" Yu Chun answered, "A petty market errand detained me this morning—that is why I am late." Wits said Yu Chun's forebears had once been market constables while Jia Chong's had been market bosses—barbs the two men now traded openly. Jia Chong, puffed up by rank and reputation, fumed more than ever. When Yu Chun pressed him to drink, Jia Chong refused to lift his cup on cue. Yu Chun snapped, "An elder raises his cup in blessing—how dare you ignore it?" Jia Chong retorted, "While your aged father goes unsupported at home, what right have you to lecture others?" Yu Chun's temper broke: "Jia Chong! The realm is sliding into chaos, and you alone are the cause." Jia shouted back, "I have served two emperors and crushed Ba and Shu—what crime have I committed to unsettle the realm?" Yu Chun answered, "Then where is Duke Cao Mao of Gaoguixiang?" The guests scattered in silence. Jia Chong's guards moved to seize Yu Chun, but Army Protector Yang Xiu and Palace Attendant Wang Ji shielded him until he could slip away. Smarting with humiliation, Jia Chong memorialized to resign his posts. Yu Chun, frightened, returned the seals of the Henan governorship and his marquisate and filed a self-accusation that read:
25
忿
Palace attendant censor-in-chief Kong Xun indicted Yu Chun and asked that he be cashiered. The edict intoned: "Ancient kings exalted hierarchy, fixed noble and base in their places, praised self-restraint, and warned against drowning in wine—all to spread the Way and give the realm a mirror. Once a Guanghan man insulted his chancellor and earned the penalty for lèse-majesté; Guan Fu vented drunken spite and paid with his life. Yu Chun, a man of middling gifts, sits among chief ministers yet spurns humility, ignores the lesson of the overturned cart, insults his betters, and lets reckless words fly from his lips. He should be disgraced in public to restore court decency." Yu Chun was stripped of office.
26
使 忿 西
The court added a charge that he failed to care for an aged father and asked the ritual code to judge his guilt. Grand tutor He Zeng, grand commandant Xun Yi, and general of agile cavalry Prince Sima You ruled: "Any verdict must rest on ritual and written law. At eighty, one son may stay home from office; at ninety, the whole household may stand aside. The new code says the same. Yu Chun's father is eighty-one; of six brothers, three remain at home, so the old man is not left unattended. Yu Chun's choice not to resign therefore breaks neither ritual nor statute. The minister of works noted that Yu Chun sat among chief ministers and ought to set an example above the common run. Yet Yu Chun, blind drunk, spewed insults instead. We grant he has not shown heroic filial piety, but his lapse is the common human sort and merits censure, not ruin." Minister Shi Bao countered: "Yu Chun chose office over parents and scorned good counsel—both unfilial and disloyal. Strip his titles and lands." Western bureau clerk Liu Bin offered yet another opinion:
27
Henan clerks led by Pang Zha tabled a joint appeal:
28
' ' 祿
The emperor spoke again: "Since mid-antiquity judges have often truckled to the mighty while venting spite on the weak—which is how men like Shi Ji and Yu Dingguo won fame by doing justice. To fault Yu Chun now for lacking perfect sobriety is to demand sagehood of a man reeling at a banquet. I suspect Duke Jia was drunk himself; had he been sober he would never have raised, before a hundred guests, the charge that Yu Chun refused to quit office to nurse his father. The Great Jin follows the sages' statutes on when officials may serve or retire: anyone with an eighty-year-old parent ought to go home to care for him, not Yu Chun alone. The classic warns: take a drunkard's taunts as seriously as if he demanded you produce a black ram. That means you do not punish mere drunkenness, lest you lose all sense of proportion. Yu Chun is pardoned precisely so the realm may learn restraint the next time wine flows at court. The opinions of Prince Sima You and clerk Liu Bin were sound." Yu Chun was reappointed libationer of the National University with the added title of palace attendant-in-ordinary. At open court General of the Rear Xun Pan memorialized that Yu Chun's earlier dismissal for unfiliality disqualified him from fresh promotion. Palace attendant Zhen De rose to argue: "True filial piety means bringing glory to one's parents and supporting them on official income. The throne had already forgiven Yu Chun's slip, elevated him as an inner-court adviser, and entrusted him with the education of cadets—the very model of a subject who answered a summons without waiting for his carriage. Yet Xun Pan presumed to use private spite to overturn a settled consensus, posturing as righteous while slandering the court—he deserves demotion." Xun Pan was stripped of his post.
29
Long before, Xun Pan and Yu Chun had both been recruited by the grand general: Xun Pan arrived in glossy equipage while Yu Chun came plainly dressed, and Xun Pan nursed a grudge for the contrast. He now used the affair to smear Yu Chun. Once Xun Pan fell, Yu Chun was ashamed on his behalf and visited him again and again to cheer him up; contemporaries praised Yu Chun's breadth of mind.
30
He rose to palace attendant but stepped down to mourn his father. He was recalled as palace attendant censor-in-chief, then moved to director in the Masters of Writing. He was named governor of Wei commandery but never took up the post, receiving instead the ministership of the household. He died at sixty-four. His son was Yu Fu.
32
Yu Fu
33
=
Yu Fu, courtesy name Yuncang—the stray mark before his name is an edition artifact. From youth he was known for spotless conduct and rose through a doctorate. When Prince Sima You of Qi prepared to leave for his fief, the court ordered the ritual bureau to decide what honours and gifts to bestow. Yu Fu joined erudits Taishu Guang, Liu Tun, Miao Wei, Guo Yi, Qin Xiu, Fu Zhen, and others in a memorial of remonstrance that read:
34
Yu Fu drafted the protest and showed it to his father Yu Chun, who raised no objection. Chamberlain Zheng Mo and Libationer Cao Zhi were likewise drawn into the business. Emperor Wu, furious that the scholars answered beside the point, referred the case to the bureaus. Directors Zhu Zheng and Chu Li reported that Yu Fu and his colleagues had exceeded their brief, confused the throne, and peddled slander thinly veiled as frankness, and asked that Yu Fu and seven others be sent to the Commandant of Justice. Yu Chun appeared at the Commandant of Justice and confessed: "My son showed me his draft; I listened like a fool." The emperor forgave Yu Chun.
35
駿 駿 駿
Commandant Liu Song renewed the charge of grave lèse-majesté against Yu Fu and company, recommending public execution pending a full collegial review. The Masters of Writing asked leave to let the commandant enforce the death verdict. Xiahou Jun of the Masters of Writing told Zhu Zheng, "The court would kill men for daring to remonstrate! Those eight senior seats exist for exactly such crises—you must join me in blocking this." Zhu Zheng refused. Xiahou Jun rose in fury and said, "Then I expected too much of you!" He therefore drafted a lone rebuttal. Left director Wei Shu, right director Prince Sima Huang of Xiapi, and the rest sided with Xiahou Jun. After a week the emperor ruled: "Yu Fu and his fellow scholars ignored the law, evaded the question, and spread lies that poisoned public opinion. Yu Fu led the memorial and should bear the heaviest blame. Yet Yu Fu and his kin had all confessed in person, and imperial good faith must not be broken. Qin Xiu and Fu Zhen had already escaped once for empty rhetoric; fear taught them nothing and they deserve added punishment to expose malice. Still I cannot bring myself to kill them outright. Qin Xiu, Fu Zhen, Yu Fu, and the others were stricken from the rolls." Years later Yu Fu was recalled as palace attendant-in-ordinary. He ended his career as libationer of the National University.
36
Qin Xiu
37
Qin Xiu, courtesy name Xuanliang, came from Yunzhong in Xinxing commandery. His father Qin Lang had served Wei as general of agile cavalry on the right. From youth Qin Xiu studied diligently and was famed for blunt integrity. During the Xianning era he held a doctorate. When He Zeng died, the court asked the ritualists for a posthumous title. Qin Xiu argued:
38
The late grand tutor He Zeng, though born to privilege, first rose through conspicuous dignity and austerity. He won praise for delighting his parents at table and once impeached the minister Yin Mo—both deeds show the heart of a loyal servant. Yet his temperament was arrogant and spendthrift, heedless of proper bounds. The Classic of Poetry says: "Lofty stands that southern mountain, its crags sheer as a wall; awesome sits Minister Yin, and every eye is fixed on you." The verse praises a minister whose virtue towers so high that every step follows ritual. Zuo Qiuming adds: frugality is the crown of virtue; extravagance is the chief of vices. When the Great Jin took the throne it honoured modesty; He Zeng basked in favour across two reigns and dazzled for generations. Past his sixtieth year he piled three dukedoms on one frame, drew income from a great princedom, doubled as tutor and guardian, and wielded the minister of education's staff of equity. Both sons flanked the throne in gold-marten ministerial rank. Set against ancient exemplars, the duty was crushing: had his entire household perished in service it would scarcely match such rank. Instead he flaunted luxury to every corner of the realm, walked outside the Way, yet clung to offices no norm would allow. By classical standards he failed both as minister and as steadfast partner warned of in the Changes. Nothing did more to stain the new dynasty's brilliance, corrupt public ethics, advertise vice to the world, and teach the young to sneer at restraint. In living memory no chief minister has wallowed in scandal, faced censorial impeachment, dragged his sons through the mire, and still won lavish pardon as He Zeng did.
39
The Duke of Zhou lamented how the Ji brothers had slipped from virtue and how the great teaching faltered, which is why posthumous names were invented—to seal a life's moral ledger. Zeng Shen followed that lesson, straightening his limbs on his deathbed and refusing an improper mat—proof that a gentleman polishes his end to the last breath. Even Qi scribes, mere retainers in a chaotic age, branded a murderous lord and kept recording despite repeated peril. How much less may officers of our dynasty, charged with preserving the rites, flinch from the mighty and shrink from speaking the full ritual truth! Guan Zhong said propriety, justice, integrity, and honour are the four cables of state; let them slack and the realm collapses. Chief ministers are the realm's mirror: if they live in open excess yet escape posthumous censure, the court has no standard of justice left. Why should great lords fear the law at all? And where are those four moral cables supposed to anchor themselves? The Posthumous Canon states: when title and deed diverge the name is Miu; when a man rides chaos to do as he pleases the name is Chou. He Zeng's life fits both clauses; he should be called Duke Miu-Chou.
40
The court rejected Qin Xiu's formula, yet everyone who heard it shivered.
41
Qin Xiu detested flatterers as mortal foes and scorned Jia Chong. When the Wu campaign began and Jia Chong was named grand commander, Qin told friends, "A clerk's wit now commands a conquest—I mean to weep the hosts onto the road." A friend warned him: "Jian Shu wept only because he foresaw Qin's defeat. Wu is ruled by a tyrant ripe for collapse; our armies will walk in unopposed. To wail now would be folly and a punishable insult. Qin Xiu relented. Sun Hao had already capitulated to Wang Jun before Jia Chong heard the news; he was still insisting Wu could not be taken and begging to recall the troops. Jia Chong's plea reached court the same day as the victory bulletin, and the whole capital concluded that a man so high in rank and so low in judgment proved Qin Xiu a prophet.
42
'' '' ''
After Jia Chong died Qin Xiu argued that he had spurned his own kin for heirs and adopted an outsider—trampling ritual and sentiment alike to wreck the natural order of the family. When the state of Zeng made a Ju prince's grandson heir, the Annals recorded it as "Ju extinguished Zeng". The sage knew full well how dear a daughter's son can be; duty still forbids treating him as a true heir. The throne's own edict said no precedent applies unless the merit, the lack of heirs, and the blood tie all match the Grand Tutor's unique case. Adopting a daughter's son is therefore barred except for founders of towering merit. May the Son of Heaven's rites be bent that far? It severs ancestral sacrifice at the root and invites catastrophe into the court. The Posthumous Canon calls a man who scrambles the norms "Huang"; Jia Chong should be Duke Huang. The court refused.
43
Wang Jun earned the credit for conquering Wu but Wang Hun's slander nearly ruined him. The emperor declined Qin Xiu's advice yet never settled the score fairly, merely naming Wang Jun general who supports the state—an insult the realm resented on his behalf. Qin Xiu therefore wrote: "Since our dynasty began, the title general who supports the state has been a sinecure for court favourites. So Wang Jun first drew a minister's stipend without merit, then earned the sneering reward reserved for imperial pets. Everyone under heaven sees the slight—who could fail to feel cheated? Shu was the lesser foe, Wu the greater: after Shu fell both generals who took it were raised to the three highest posts. Wang Jun conquers Wu yet is demoted—how can the realm not be baffled? Even the three martial founders had to swallow indignities from Wu while it still stood. Sun Hao's hollow prestige still shook the heartland: each time he sortied, the court knew he was dying, yet every garrison trembled as if doom were near. Had someone offered to borrow the emperor's hosts, crush Wu, and seal a brotherly pact with the throne, I suspect every minister would have leapt at the bargain. Wang Jun led the armies of the west and finished Wu in weeks. Even if you poured Wu's plunder into his lap, it would still be largesse he never owned—yet you quibble over his reward?
44
Later he joined Liu Tun and others debating Prince Sima You's fief issue, crossed the emperor's will, and was stricken from the rolls. Soon he was recalled to a doctorate. Qin Xiu was prickly and blunt, and crossed paths with many. He spent the better part of two decades as a doctoral scholar and died in harness.
45
Historiographer's appraisal
46
The historians write: Prince Xian of Qi combined royal virtue with true kinship—he was meant to steady the realm, guide policy, align every branch of government, and model the human order. Emperor Wu listened to corrupt advisers, brooded on long-term succession, and so banished him to a distant green fief to rule the eastern march. The news drew gasps near and far; court and countryside alike felt betrayed. Men like Cao Zhi took the rites to heart, kept to the Confucian path, risked themselves without self-interest, and wore the state's worries on their sleeves. So they could speak truth at the palace gate and brush the emperor's temper: though their careers bent for a season, the Way itself grew stronger. For generations the Yu family stood for unstained honour in Ru and Ying, a house from which the age drew its finest scholars. Yu Chun loathed sycophants by nature, yet wine loosened his tongue; striking the rat without smashing the vase is never simple. Theft of another's goods is theft by law; Guo Zixuan stole another's glory—what is that if not theft?
47
The verse praises: Among Wei's princely shields, Jibei's name shone bright. Yingchuan bred statesmen, and Yu Jun rose among them. The lord of Changcen chose duty; the libationer turned his back on pomp. Three cups undid Yu Moufu, and drunken brawling followed. Guo Xiang stole the credit; Qin Xiu exposed the wicked. Yu Fu offered wise remonstrance and nearly boiled in the cauldron for it.
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