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卷九十 列傳第四十: 王及善 杜景儉 朱敬則 楊再思 李懷遠 豆盧欽望

Volume 90 Biographies 40: Wang Jishan, Du Jingjian, Zhu Jingze, Yang Zaisi, Li Huaiyuan, Doulu Qinwang

Chapter 94 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Chapter 94
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1
Su Weidao
2
Su Weidao came from Luancheng in Zhaozhou. From youth he and his fellow townsman Li Jiao were both known for their literary talent, and people of the day called them "Su and Li." At twenty he was nominated as a jinshi graduate by his home prefecture. He rose through successive posts to assistant magistrate of Xianyang. Pei Xingjian, vice minister of the Ministry of Personnel, had early recognized his promise and treated him with great respect; when Pei campaigned against the Turk Ashina Duzhi, he took Weidao on as staff recorder. When Pei Judao, father of the consort of Emperor Xiaojing, was again appointed general of the Left Golden Crow Guard, he looked for a leading literary talent of the day to draft a memorial of thanks and entrusted the task to Weidao. Weidao took up his brush and finished it at once; the prose was precise in argument and eloquence, and it was widely celebrated in his generation.
3
At the beginning of the Yanzai era he rose through the posts of secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion, acting secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion, and co-signatory of the Phoenix Pavilion and Luan Terrace affairs, and soon received full appointment. In the first year of Zhengsheng he was dismissed for an offense and sent out as prefect of Jizhou, but was soon recalled and appointed vice minister of the heaven office. At the beginning of Shenli he was transferred to secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion and appointed associate of the Phoenix Pavilion and Luan Terrace of the third rank. Weidao was adept at presenting memorials and knew many precedents of the central administration, yet during several years as chief minister he never accomplished anything of note—he only greased his way through office and sought nothing beyond keeping himself in favor. He once said to others, "In handling affairs one should not strive to decide clearly. If one is wrong, reproach and punishment will surely follow—it is enough simply to remain equivocal and hold both sides." From this people of the day nicknamed him "Su the Equivocator."
4
使
During the Chang'an era he requested leave to return home and rebury his father; an edict of special favor ordered the prefectures and counties to supply his funeral arrangements. Weidao thereupon encroached on and destroyed his neighbors' grave lands and overworked the laborers; the censorate impeached him and he was demoted to prefect of Fangzhou. Before long he was appointed chief administrator of the Yizhou metropolitan prefecture. At the beginning of Shenlong, for his close association with Zhang Yizhi and Changzong, he was demoted to prefect of Mei Prefecture. He was soon reappointed chief administrator of the Yizhou metropolitan prefecture, but died before taking up the post at the age of fifty-eight; he was posthumously enfeoffed as prefect of Ji Prefecture. Weidao and his younger brother Weixuan, attendant of the crown prince's stables, were deeply devoted to each other. Whenever Weixuan's requests went unfulfilled he would openly humiliate his brother, yet Weidao received it calmly and took no offense, and commentators praised him for this. A collection of his writings circulated in his day.
5
Li Jiao
6
使
Li Jiao came from Zanhuang in Zhaozhou and was a collateral great-great-grandson of Yuan Cao, interior secretary under the Sui. For generations his family had been a prominent clan; his father Zhen'e was magistrate of Xiangcheng. Jiao was orphaned young and was famed for the filial devotion with which he served his mother. As a child he dreamed that a divine being gave him two writing brushes, and from then on his scholarship gradually flourished. At twenty he passed the jinshi examination and rose through successive posts to investigating censor. At that time the chieftains of Yong and Yan prefectures in Lingnan rebelled; when troops were dispatched to suppress them, Gaozong ordered Jiao to go oversee the campaign. Jiao thereupon proclaimed the court's intent, specially pardoned their crimes, and entered the tribal stockades in person to win them over. The rebels all surrendered; he disbanded the army and returned, and Gaozong highly praised him. He rose through successive promotions to gentleman-attendant. At that time the cruel official Lai Junchen framed the families of Di Renjie, Li Sizhen, and Pei Xuanli and memorialized requesting their execution; Empress Wu ordered Jiao, together with vice director of the Court of Judicial Review Zhang Deyu and attendant censor Liu Xian, to re-examine the case. Deyu and the others, though they knew the case was unjust, feared punishment and all sided with Junchen's memorial. Jiao said, "How can one know that injustice has been done and yet fail to speak in their defense! Confucius said, 'To see what is righteous and not act is cowardice.' " He then joined Deyu and the others in setting forth the facts of the injustice; for this he ran afoul of the imperial will and was sent out as military aide of Run Prefecture. Summoned back to court, he was transferred to secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion. Empress Wu received him with marked favor, and whenever the court required a major composition she always specially charged Jiao with writing it.
7
使 使簿 使退 簿 使 使
At that time the Right Censorate had just been established to inspect the empire; Jiao submitted a memorial on its strengths and weaknesses, saying: "Your Majesty's new Right Censorate, sent out to inspect the realm, examine the conduct of officials and people, and observe local custom, is the backbone of governance and the standard of ritual and law, and nothing could improve upon it." Yet some points remain unsettled; I beg leave to discuss them briefly. Prohibitory regulations should be kept broad, and laws kept simple—simplicity makes enforcement easy and avoids needless complexity, while breadth of scope covers much without petty intrusion. I note that in the second year of the Chuigong era the inspection commissioners of the various circuits reported upon forty-four inspection categories, and that separate items drawn from statutes, edicts, and orders added more than thirty articles. Yet inspection commissioners typically leave the capital after the third month and must file their reports by the end of the eleventh month—a tight deadline that fills their desks with paperwork and keeps them racing day and night. In each circuit they must inspect civil and military officials—often more than two thousand, never fewer than a thousand—all of whom must be graded for talent and conduct and commended or censured for their merits and faults; if they are to cover every officer's full record, they simply have no time. This is not dereliction of duty or contempt for office—it is simply that their talent is limited and their strength falls short. I ask that their workload be measured and bounded so that capacity matches the task and effort fits the time—only then can appointments and removals be held to account and outcomes judged with precision. He further said: Today's inspections need only follow the Han Six Articles; extend them, and nothing would lie outside their scope. There is no need to multiply inspection categories and waste effort on paperwork. The court's myriad affairs are never idle; when urgent business arises it is usually in the provinces, which is why official carriages follow one after another and courier traffic is unceasing. With inspection commissioners already in the field, other provincial affairs could all be entrusted to them as well, and courier traffic would drop sharply. Censorial duties cannot be left idle; without assigning censors to govern grouped prefectures, there is no way to manage such overwhelming work. I propose combining larger and smaller jurisdictions, assigning one censor for every ten prefectures on average for a one-year term, with time to reach subordinate counties in person or walk the lanes to investigate fraud and observe local custom—only then can real results be demanded and success measured. If this plan is adopted, it will greatly strengthen government. Censors go out bearing the frost tablets and return to report at the imperial gate; in self-discipline, faithful service, and upholding the law they exceed other officials a hundredfold. In investigating wickedness and exposing fraud and concealment, they surpass other officials tenfold. If Your Majesty puts my proposal to the test, selects the best men, entrusts them as your inner counsellors, governs them with gracious words, and encourages them with rewards and punishments, none will fail to give their all—even unto death. What affair of state would go ungoverned? What prohibition would fail to be enforced? What evil omen would dare to arise?
8
使
Empress Wu approved of it. She issued an edict dividing the realm into twenty circuits and selecting men fit to serve as envoys. When opponents obstructed the plan, it was ultimately not carried out. Soon he took charge of the vice ministry of the heaven office and was transferred to vice director of the Forest Pavilion.
9
At the beginning of Shenli he was promoted together with Yao Chong to co-signatory of the Phoenix Pavilion and Luan Terrace affairs; soon he was transferred to secretary of the Luan Terrace, continuing as co-signatory and also charged with compiling the national history. In the first year of Jiushi Jiao's maternal uncle Zhang Xi, vice minister of the heaven office, entered the chief ministership; Jiao was transferred to libationer of the Directorate of Education and removed from the chief ministership and from compiling history. Uncle and nephew holding the chief ministership in succession was envied by people of the day. Jiao was soon made acting vice director of the Left Secretariat and guardian of the eastern capital. In the third year of Chang'an Jiao again served as co-signatory in his former rank; soon he took charge of the chief secretariat affairs. The next year he was transferred to interior secretary. Jiao later firmly declined the burdensome duties and was again appointed libationer of the Directorate of Education, while continuing as co-signatory.
10
At the end of the Chang'an era Empress Wu was about to erect a great image at White Horse Slope; Jiao submitted a remonstrance memorial, in which he said in summary: "Your subject considers that the Dharma King is compassionate and wise and that bodhisattvas protect and sustain us—the aim is only to enrich the lives of the people, not to raise structures of earth and timber. I have heard that for this image the levy is not assessed on registered households and the funds come from monks and nuns; if the prefectures and counties cannot meet the demand, the project surely cannot be fully financed and compulsory exactions will ultimately be required—how can the people escape hardship and distress! Among registered households across the realm the poor and weak are many; some hire themselves out as laborers to earn their food, and some sell their houses or mortgage their fields to meet corvée duties. The funds for the image currently amount to more than one hundred seventy thousand strings of cash; if dispersed in charity to relieve the poor widely, giving one thousand per person would succor more than one hundred seventy thousand households. Saving them from hunger and cold, sparing them the toil of corvée, conforming to the compassionate heart of all buddhas, and partaking of the nurturing intent of the sage ruler—humans and spirits alike would rejoice and the merit would be boundless." The memorial was submitted but not accepted.
11
When Zhongzong acceded, Jiao was sent out as prefect of Yu Prefecture for currying favor with Zhang Yizhi and his brothers. Before he could take up the post he was further demoted to prefect of Tong Prefecture. After several months he was summoned and appointed vice minister of the Ministry of Personnel, enfeoffed as baron of Zanhuang County. Before long he was transferred to minister of personnel and promoted to county marquis. In the second year of Shenlong he replaced Wei Anshi as director of the secretariat. Earlier, while Jiao was at the Ministry of Personnel, he had intended to distribute private favors broadly. Hoping to regain the chief ministership, he memorialized to establish several thousand supernumerary officials. By then the bureaucracy had more than doubled and the treasury was depleted; he therefore submitted a forthright memorial accepting blame and resigning, setting forth more than ten points of benefit and harm. Because Jiao plainly spoke of flaws in current policy and immediately requested dismissal, Zhongzong wrote in his own hand to comfort and reassure him and did not accept; soon Jiao was ordered to resume his former post. In the third year he was further made grand academician of the Xiuwen Hall and supervisor of compiling the national history, enfeoffed as duke of Zhao. In the third year of Jinglong he was removed as director of the secretariat and made specially advanced, retaining the post of minister of war and made associate of the secretariat and chancellery of the third rank.
12
When Ruizong acceded he was sent out as prefect of Huai Prefecture, and soon retired on account of age. Earlier, when Zhongzong died, Jiao had secretly memorialized requesting that the Prince of Xiang's sons be dealt with and not kept in the capital. When Xuanzong took the throne, the palace obtained this memorial and showed it to the attending ministers. Some requested his execution; director of the secretariat Zhang Shuo said, "Although Jiao did not distinguish loyalty from rebellion, he was also scheming for his own day—a dog barks at one who is not its master; his crime should not be pursued retroactively." The emperor followed his counsel and issued an edict saying: "The integrity of serving one's ruler is not to change in peril; for a minister loyalty is the law, and duplicity admits no pardon. Specially advanced Duke of Zhao Li Jiao: formerly, when the Zong and Wei factions committed regicide, I respectfully restored order; at the moment of yielding and succession the mandate of Heaven had its rightful place, yet Jiao looked on with covetous eyes, not knowing loyalty from rebellion, and in his memorial set forth treacherous designs, which I have read with my own eyes. Because he long possessed literary learning and had repeatedly held chief ministerial posts, I have borne with him in silence and specially concealed his wickedness. Now that loyalty and treachery have been distinguished and all things are renewed, if reward and punishment should be errant, how will those below be encouraged? Although he has been covered by amnesty, he should still be dismissed; considering his age and illness, let him live out his remaining years—he should be permitted to follow his son Chang, prefect of Qian Prefecture, to his post." He was soon recalled as vice-prefect of Lu Prefecture but died. His collected works ran to fifty juan.
13
Cui Rong
14
Cui Rong came from Quanjie in Qizhou. At first he passed the eight-field examination and was selected. Through successive appointments he became gate commissioner and concurrently a resident scholar of the Chongwen Hall. When Zhongzong was crown prince he appointed Rong reader-in-attendance and also charged him with composing documents; most of the eastern palace memorials and reports were written by his hand. During Shenli Empress Wu visited Mount Song, saw the Stele of the Qimu Temple that Rong had composed, and greatly admired it; after the Feng and Shan rites were completed she ordered Rong to compose the court audience stele text. From recorder of Wei Prefecture he was elevated to assistant director of the Office for Writing the History, and soon transferred to right historiographer. In the second year of Shenli he was appointed director of the Office for Writing the History, still concurrently serving as right historiographer within the palace. In the fourth year he was transferred to secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion. In the first year of Jiushi, for offending Zhang Changzong, he was demoted to chief administrator of Wu Prefecture. Before long Changzong's anger subsided; Rong also requested recall and was appointed director of the spring office and charged with drafting edicts. In the second year of Chang'an he was again transferred to secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion. In the third year he was additionally charged with compiling the national history.
15
使 退 便 貿 便 西
At that time the relevant offices memorialized to levy taxes on market passes. Cui Rong strongly opposed this and submitted a memorial of remonstrance, saying: I humbly observe that under the regulations proposed by the relevant offices for taxing market passes, there is no restriction to artisans and merchants—all travelers would be taxed. I respectfully note that among the Nine Levies in the Rites of Zhou, the seventh is "the levy on markets and passes." I gather the intent is that markets teem with cunning crafts and passes channel secondary pursuits—the hope is to restrain such people, and therefore levies are to be increased broadly. I have carefully weighed past and present and reckoned the interests of state and household, and I believe it cannot be taxed. I respectfully set forth the facts below and humbly ask that Your Majesty's judgment decide among them. In antiquity, when society was still unsophisticated, public fields were registered but not taxed, and passes and barriers inspected travelers but imposed no levies. From the middle ages onward, decadent customs spread rapidly. Mulberry and hemp production declined, farming grew ever more arduous, and people pursued circulating wealth, competed in craftsmanship, chased quick gains by shortcuts, and forgot that annual reckoning left nothing in reserve. The result was that fields fell daily into neglect, granaries went unfilled, and sericulture and weaving were abandoned. Clothing fell into shortage, hunger and cold came in their wake, and disorder and upheaval arose. Former kings took warning from this, which is why they adapted ancient ways to changing times: those engaged in basic occupations paid regular dues, while those in secondary pursuits faced added taxes. The tax on passes and markets applied to markets and to the national gate—the gate of a pass—and only collected from merchants entering and leaving, not from ordinary travelers passing through. If today merchants are not distinguished and every category is taxed alike, the policy does not follow the ancients and the law becomes arbitrary. In this distant degenerate age, to what can one look for guidance? In this flourishing court, we invite ridicule upon ourselves. Even if one wishes to take the Zhou canon as model, this in fact violates the Rites of Zhou. I know one reason why this will not work. I respectfully note that the Attached Words of the Book of Changes states: "When Fuxi passed away, Shennong arose. He established markets at midday, gathering people from across the realm and assembling goods from across the realm. They traded and withdrew, each obtaining what he needed." Ban Gu's Treatise also says: "Wealth is the foundation by which emperors and kings gather people, secure their positions, nourish the multitudes, accord with Heaven's virtue, and govern the realm and settle the people. Officials, farmers, artisans, and merchants—the four classes each have their calling. Learning in order to hold office is called "officialdom"; opening land and growing grain is "agriculture"; applying skill to fashion tools is "craftsmanship"; circulating wealth and selling goods is "commerce." Sage kings assigned duties according to capacity, and the four classes each applied their strength and received their roles." Thus the four classes have long had their distinct occupations. How can we now move to shake them up! Xiao He said: "Once custom is settled, it must not be disturbed again." Ban Gu also wrote: When Cao Can served as chancellor of Qi, Qi was settled and tranquil, and he was widely praised as a worthy chancellor. When Cao Can left office, he told his successor: "Regard the prisons and markets of Qi as your trust—be careful not to disturb them." The successor asked, "Is there any principle more important than this?" Cao Can replied, "Not at all. Prisons and markets serve to accommodate all alike; if you disturb them, where will wrongdoers find refuge? That is why I prioritized this." Prisons and markets accommodate both the good and the wicked. If driven to extremity, the wicked have nowhere to hide; when the wicked have nowhere to hide, disorder is not long in coming. The Qin used extreme punishments and the realm rebelled; Emperor Wu of Han used severe laws and prisons multiplied—such were the results. Laozi said: "When I do nothing, people transform themselves of their own accord; when I cherish stillness, people right themselves of their own accord." Cao Can wished to transform the root through the Way, not to disturb the branches. I know a second reason why this will not work. The realm is vast and the provinces many and diverse. Passes necessarily stand on perilous routes; markets necessarily cluster at strategic crossings. Consider the great merchants and wealthy traders, powerful clans and reckless youths, who hold loyalty dearer than life, form factions and bands, bend their bows at the slightest signal, and draw their swords at the slightest offense. Even when only slightly wronged they behave this way; once the law is changed, alarm is certain. Seizing the opportunity of their hardship, unrest may erupt. People may flee south to Yue or north to the northern tribes—not only would common folk turn rebellious, but alien border peoples would also be thrown into disorder. And on the frontier marches, where bandits are neighbors and Hu travelers pass year after year, if they face the same taxes, suspicion will arise; once they scatter, how can they be controlled? Though the pursuit of profit is urgent, the harm will be far deeper. Yet the relevant offices submit this proposal without grasping the larger picture. They merely wish to fill the treasury and support the army and state, not realizing that the army and state will grow more troubled and the treasury ever emptier. I know a third reason why this will not work. Mencius also said: "In antiquity, passes were established to keep out violence; today passes are used to commit violence." Now all travelers are taxed, so fundamental and secondary pursuits are treated alike. Consider all the river crossings under Heaven where boats congregate: they connect to Ba and Han in the west and reach Min and Yue in the southeast, threading through the seven marshes and ten marshlands, the Three Rivers and Five Lakes, drawing on the Yellow River and Luo, and spanning the Huai and Hai regions. Great vessels and huge ships—thousands upon tens of thousands of craft—trade back and forth from dawn until nightfall. If tax stations are placed at river crossings and estuaries, collecting taxes requires inspection, and inspection causes delay. No sooner has a vessel cleared one crossing than it is halted at the next station. Merchants pay not only state taxes but also bribes extorted by officials. Boats vary in size and cargoes in quantity; taxing goods by measurement means delays at every stop. On average, in a full day a vessel may not cover even one-tenth of its route. Such congestion inevitably provokes widespread complaint. Once profits are lost, myriad merchants abandon their trades—and when myriad merchants abandon their trades, people cannot make a living. Among them are reckless gallants and swashbucklers, dragon-slaying adventurers, brawlers from Poyang, fierce men from Fuping—who hoard silver at home and draw swords abroad. Add heavy taxes and follow with intimidation, and when beasts are cornered they fight and birds cornered they strike. How, then, can officials retain their peace? I know a fourth reason why this will not work. The beginnings of the Five Emperors cannot be examined in detail; after the Three Sage Kings, clear records exist; Through Qin and Han succession, institutions were fully established, and records of the tax on passes and markets exist in the historical texts. The First Emperor of Qin, with his grand ambitions and military power, set it aside and did not employ it; Emperor Wu of Han, with his hegemonic strategy and outstanding talent, abolished it and would not restore it. Why? Passes were meant to keep out violence; markets were meant to gather people. Tax markets and people disperse; tax passes and violence rises. When violence rises, rebellious designs emerge; when people disperse, subversive intent takes hold. Human hearts naturally turn from good and delight in calamity; they are easily stirred but hard to pacify. If one market is unsettled, the confidence of markets throughout the realm is shaken; if one pass is unsettled, anxiety spreads through every pass in the realm. Moreover, decadent customs have long prevailed and changing laws is difficult. Merely seeking to restrain secondary pursuits for small gain, one fails to see that this forfeits tranquil governance and disrupts the fundamental order. Even the petty regimes of Wei and Jin and the sordid dynasties of Qi and Sui did not pursue this policy. I know a fifth reason why this will not work. Why is it, then, that passes and markets are to be taxed? Is it not because state revenues are insufficient and border enemies cause concern—a hope that by implementing this measure, funds might become ample! Your humble subject ventures to use the chopsticks of past sages to calculate the matter. I humbly consider that Your Majesty occupies a sage age, holds the mandate of Heaven, performed the rite of sinking the jade disc in the Luo River, carved stone at Mount Song, cast the precious cauldron to expose evil, and seated himself in the Bright Hall to govern. Divine influence spreads widely and supreme virtue pervades all. The eastern barbarians were briefly alarmed and promptly subdued; the southern tribes had barely stirred before they submitted within days. More than fifty states of the Western Regions stretch over ten thousand li, their fortresses tranquil and their beacon towers quiet. The only recent sources of trouble are the two frontier peoples. Now Tibet has submitted and border incidents have ceased. Troops are still stationed for now, but in time even the border alarm may fall silent. Only Mochuo, living on borrowed time through Your Majesty's grace, has evil fulfilled and calamity full—his overthrow cannot be long delayed. Conscription is already reduced daily and heavy expenditures grow ever rarer. Yet Your Majesty still issues clear edicts, observes great simplicity, cherishes human labor and treasure, and has ordered reductions in the stipends of enfeoffed nobles and the gifts of princesses and consorts alike. This is Your Majesty leading by personal example—the very spirit of Yao and Shun. Moreover, Guanzhong and Hebei have suffered flood and drought for years. Fugitives in many regions have only now been pacified; imposing heavy taxes may provoke widespread alarm. Moreover, years of peace have accumulated and light taxation has long prevailed. The people have enjoyed deep grace and know contentment. A sudden change of law will inevitably breed widespread resentment. Resentment breeds alarm, alarm breeds unrest—and when the interior is unsettled, how can the exterior be defended? King Wen said: "Emperors and kings enrich their people; hegemons enrich their territory. A well-governed state seems to have too little; a chaotic state seems to have too much." The ancients said: "Emperors store wealth throughout the realm; feudal lords store it among the people; farmers store it in granaries; merchants store it in coffers." I ask Your Majesty to consider this carefully. If military campaigns require funds and state reserves are strained, then by all means double the assessments on merchants and add levies on common folk. That would preserve national wealth and strength, spare the people worry and fear, and bring great fortune to the realm. I know a sixth reason why this will not work. Your Majesty attends closely to memorials, fixes thought on the source of governance, braves this scorching heat, and holds court early and works late. Day after day, no urgent business is neglected. With openness before Heaven and responsiveness after Heaven, You respond with careful attention. What does one such as I know of the merits and faults of present policy? I frankly offer these blind words and submit this memorial in fear and trepidation. When the memorial was submitted, Empress Wu accepted it and shelved the proposal.
16
In the fourth year he was appointed vice director of the Ministry of Rites, still charged with drafting edicts. At that time Zhang Yizhi and his brothers gathered many literary men; Rong, together with chief secretariat Li Jiao, secretary of the Phoenix Pavilion Su Weidao, vice director of the Forest Pavilion Wang Shaozong, and others, all lowered themselves to serve them for their literary talents. When Yizhi was executed Rong was demoted to prefect of Yuan Prefecture. Soon he was summoned and appointed vice director of the Directorate of Education, concurrently compiling the national history. In the second year of Shenlong, for his participation in completing the Veritable Records of Wu Zetian, he was enfeoffed as viscount of Qinghe County, granted five hundred rolls of goods, and commended in an imperial letter with the seal. Rong's prose was classical and elegant, rarely matched in his day; the court's required compositions—the "Ode on the Precious Diagram Emerging from the Luo," the Lament Text for Wu Zetian, and other major works—were all handed to Rong by personal imperial edict. While composing the lament text he strained his mind with extreme effort, fell ill, and died at the age of fifty-four. In gratitude for his service as reader-in-attendance he was posthumously made prefect of Weizhou and given the posthumous name Wen. His collected works ran to sixty juan.
17
His two sons Yuxi and Qiao, during Kaiyuan, successively served as secretaries of the secretariat.
18
Lu Zangyong
19
調
Lu Zangyong, courtesy name Ziqian, was a grandnephew of Chengqing, minister of revenue. His father Jing was famed in his day and rose to military aide of Wei Prefecture. From youth Zangyong was famed for his literary learning. At first he passed the jinshi selection but received no appointment; he therefore composed the "Rhapsody on Fragrant Herbs" to express his intent. He soon retired to Mount Zhongnan and studied the arts of grain abstinence and breath cultivation.
20
西
During the Chang'an era he was summoned and appointed left remonstrance official. At that time Empress Wu was planning to construct Xingtai Palace on Mount Wan'an. Zangyong submitted a memorial in protest, saying: "Though I am but a foolish subject who does not grasp the changing times, in my private reading I have encountered countless examples of emperors and kings of old." I have read that Tang Yao's virtue lay in earthen steps three feet high, unshorn thatch, and unadorned wooden rafters. Yu the Great's way was to keep his dwellings modest, his fare simple, and to devote all his strength to digging canals and irrigation works. Emperor Wen of Han showed his wisdom when he spared the wealth of ten ordinary households and canceled plans for a terrace pavilion. All of them won lasting renown and stand as great models among emperors and kings. Surely this was because they mastered their desires, set aside personal indulgence, and broadly gave aid to the people until they reached true benevolence and forbearance! Your Majesty already has no lack of lofty towers, deep halls, detached palaces, and separate lodges. If you further drain the people's strength for construction, I fear observers will take Your Majesty to be indifferent to the people's welfare and intent only on gratifying yourself. Moreover, in recent years, though harvests have been fairly good, the common people still have nothing put by. With Your Majesty's journeys west and tours east, the people have had no respite, and construction work has left scarcely a month free. Instead of using this moment to spread virtue and benevolent rule, Your Majesty would again expand palaces and gardens on a grand scale—I fear the people will find it hard to endure. Today those nearest Your Majesty mostly treat agreement with your wishes as loyalty. Officials throughout the court all treat speaking against Your Majesty as something to be dreaded. Even now Your Majesty remains unaware that the people have lost their livelihoods, and unaware that those around you are damaging Your Majesty's reputation for benevolence. I have heard that loyal ministers do not shrink from the risk of death if by doing so they can guide their ruler toward benevolent rule. A wise ruler does not resent frank and forthright counsel, for by accepting it he wins a name that endures for a thousand years. If Your Majesty would truly proclaim a policy of enlightened forbearance and decline further work on the grounds that it would overtax the people, all under Heaven would surely see Your Majesty as one who spares human labor and willingly burdens himself. I am but a humble and ignorant official, unversed in what may not be said, yet I dare risk my life to bring this before Your Majesty. I humbly ask that this memorial be forwarded to the responsible officials for deliberation on its merits, for then all under Heaven would be greatly blessed.
21
退 退 使
During Shenlong he rose through successive posts to diarist and was concurrently charged with drafting edicts; soon he was promoted to secretary of the secretariat. Zangyong often felt that popular custom was riddled with taboos at odds with ultimate principle, so he wrote the "Discourse on Unblocking Stagnation" to set forth his views. He wrote: The Guest said, "The Way of Heaven is abstruse and subtle, and the divine principle works in hidden transformation; sages take it as their model, and the common people live by its course. Da Rao devised the sexagenary cycle, Rong Cheng wrote the calendrical system, Huang Gong fixed the transformations, the Dark Lady revealed the design, the Eight Gates govern the seasons, and the Six Spirits oversee affairs. Those who follow them grow strong in arms and rich in state; those who defy them find their generals weakened and their court endangered—the effect is immediate, like shadow and echo, as if tally halves were joined. Has the Master heard of this as well?" The Host said, "Why should that be so? What you describe are narrow studies learned by rote and dim convictions held blindly—you know only the eccentric claims of partial schools and have not examined the comprehensive doctrine of the open road. The Book of Changes says, "He does not violate what precedes Heaven," and the Commentary calls it "the master of human and divine affairs." Its scope does not overreach, and so the three powers hold emptiness at their center; Its advance and retreat are without error, and so the hundred kings have nothing beyond it. Hence the saying, "When a state is about to rise, listen to people; when it is about to fall, listen to spirits." And again, "Fortune and misfortune have no fixed gate—only people summon them. When people give no cause, portents do not arise on their own." From this it follows that gain and loss, rise and fall, all turn on human affairs; and good fortune, misfortune, regret, and distress have nothing to do with heavenly timing. Moreover, High Heaven is impartial and assists only virtue; for those who do wrong, Heaven sends down disaster. When Gaozong cultivated virtue, the mulberry and grain changed of themselves; when the ruler of Song acknowledged his fault, the Punishment Star withdrew from its station—this is how the Way of Heaven follows human action. Ancient rulers who governed well found that when punishments and prisons were not abused, people lived long; when levies and taxes were reduced, people grew wealthy; when laws and commands were steady, the state was calm; and when rewards and punishments were fair, the army was strong. Ritual is what gentlemen rally to, and reward is what they die for; when ritual and reward never flag, gentlemen compete to lead. Depart from this path, and even if one chooses auspicious times to punish or issue orders, success is impossible. Since later ages fell into error, custom has been full of hoping for lucky breaks; people compete to praise occult powers and recite strange doctrines, bending government and education to solitary-void divination and abandoning trust and reward for calendrical reckoning. They forced parallels with past histories, altered old classics, and treated empty texts as proof. When armies were destroyed and generals defeated, the cases were hushed up and never heard of; when outcomes happened by lucky coincidence, they embellished one another. This not only further confused virtue; it also made scholars smug in their own opinions. Alas, corrupt custom has reached this extreme! In the past, launching troops on a jiazi day was said to be no day for success; and using the Day of Past Dissolution was unlike the moment for securing victory. If human affairs are properly managed, where would one fail to succeed? Even when encircling a city in defense or facing layered sieges in battle, one need not lack favorable terrain or violate the Way of Heaven. If the army is strong, the general wise, grain stocked, and walls solid, then even after repeatedly shifting the Kui and Gang stars, moving the Year Star, calculating the White Tiger while seated, and planning marches by the Greedy Wolf—matching every ill omen for hard fighting—one still mostly invites the plight of ants swarming a corpse. Hence the saying: employ the worthy and use the capable, and affairs succeed without regard to days and times; clarify laws and examine commands, and affairs turn out well without divination; care for the weary and reward merit, and blessing comes without prayer or sacrifice. This is what is meant by saying that heavenly timing is inferior to terrain, and terrain is inferior to human harmony. Taigong marched in rain, defying heavenly timing; Han Xin fought with water at his back, contrary to terrain advantage—yet both relied on human affairs and alike achieved great success. Felling trees to behead Pang Juan and raising fire to slaughter Zhang He did not require secretly matching the Year Virtue, secretly aligning with the Sun's circuit, jointly deploying the Three Gates, or together occupying the Four Kills. The sword-biting at Duyang came down to Ji Ju's scheming alone; the mournful song at Gaixia was in truth the step toward having one's seal cut off. If one relied equally on occult suppression instead of sound planning, then the total slaughter at Changping would surely have needed the Eternal Ford, and the annihilation at Xiangcheng could also have been permanently avoided. From this one knows that constraint and excessive taboos ultimately destroy great achievement; when the people contribute their abilities, one must leave petty reckonings aside. The golden rooster and jade crane became the disaster of the state of Chu; The Ten Thousand Completions and Pillow Book brought about the disaster of Huainan. Carving talismans to catch thieves instead brought about one's own death; Disheveling one's hair to summon spirits instead brought extermination upon one's clan. Alas, the war-drum and ruddy whip could not avert the rise of the Red symbol; Building walls and cutting dikes—how could they save the weeping of Su Ling! The predicted fire disaster did not come to pass, and Pixie Zao lacked the power to read Heaven; Leaping onto the chariot step brought disaster; the king's grandson took his lesson from observing virtue. Nine probes and nine transformations—this is called the long road; Human planning and ghostly planning alike ultimately return to the proper Way. These are all precedents set forth in the classics and histories, the universal norms of sages and worthies—is humanity really so far away? Why cling so rigidly?" The Guest then, abashed, withdrew from his mat and said, "I am a dull and ignorant man who has not reached the supreme Way. Allow me to follow these words and return to the proper path. From now on, if I burn the yarrow and tortoise, destroy calendars, abolish the six harmonies, and reject the five phases, and with vast clarity of mind—what then shall I become?" The reply said, "This is what is meant by going too far is no better than falling short. The sexagenary cycle matches sun and moon; calendars align with the seasons; metal and wood complete the modeled images; yarrow and tortoise are used to divine fortune and misfortune. Sages use these to illuminate virtue and conduct and to assist deliberation; kept in their place, they harmoniously aid success; clung to rigidly, they freeze one in attachment to things. The meaning of waxing and waning—is it not found here!" The Guest then crawled along the wall in prostration, utterly subdued and breathless, mouth agape and heart overwhelmed, not knowing how to answer.
22
During Jinglong he served as vice minister of the Ministry of Personnel. Zangyong's nature lacked firm uprightness; he was often pressed by powerful figures and considerably undermined public justice. He was further transferred to secretary of the Yellow Gate and concurrently made a scholar of the Zhaowen Hall, then transferred to vice minister of works and right vice director of the Department of State Affairs. During Xiantian, for relying on Princess Taiping, he was sentenced to exile in Lingnan. At the beginning of Kaiyuan he was recalled as chief administrator of the Qianzhou metropolitan prefecture and concurrently judged metropolitan affairs, but died before taking up the post at the age of fifty-some. His collected works ran to twenty juan.
23
Zangyong was skilled in seal and clerical script and fond of zither and chess; he was called a man of many talents in his day. In youth he was close friends with Chen Zi'ang and Zhao Zhengu; both died early, and Zangyong generously supported their sons, for which he was praised in his time. Yet when he first retired from the world he had a character of integrity and frugality, traveling between Mount Shaoshi and Mount Zhongnan; people of the day called him "the hermit who follows the imperial carriage"; once he entered court service he fawned and flattered, devoted himself to the powerful, and lived in extravagance and dissipation—for this he was ridiculed by the world.
24
Xu Yanbo
25
使
Xu Yanbo came from Xiaqiu in Yanzhou. From youth he was famed for his essays; Xue Yuanchao, commissioner for pacification of the Hebei circuit, memorialized recommending him; he passed the policy examination and rose through successive posts to military recorder of Pu Prefecture. At that time Wei Hao of the revenue section was skilled at adjudication, Li Gen of the labor section was adept at letters, and Yanbo was elegant in literary composition; people of the day called them "the three unmatched talents of Hedong."
26
During Shenli Yanbo was successively appointed gentleman-attendant; at that time many princes, dukes, and officials were secretly framed by cruel officials such as Zhou Xing and Lai Junchen for careless speech; Yanbo therefore composed the "Discourse on the Pivot of Power" to warn his generation, saying: The Book of Documents says, "It is the mouth that gives rise to disgrace; it is armor and helmet that give rise to warfare."
27
滿
It also says, "Make yourself upright, and measure your words." The Book of Changes says, "Be careful in speech and moderate in food and drink." It also says, "When what one puts forth is good, it is answered from a thousand li away; when what one puts forth is not good, it is opposed from a thousand li away." The Book of Rites also says, "What may be said but cannot be done, the gentleman does not say it; what may be done but cannot be said, the gentleman does not do it." Alas! The ancient sages knew how great a matter speech is and how urgent a matter it is. They exhorted with subtle principles, instructed with canonical models, and guarded against its dangers with the Classic of Rites. Those who uphold orthodox teaching—how can they fail to study its glosses and commentaries and live by its distilled precepts? Therefore it is said, "Speech is the pivot and trigger of the gentleman. When it moves, things respond; when things respond, the signs of gain and loss appear. Those who succeed in it find neighbors as close as those across rivers and seas; those who fail find heart and liver torn apart like Chu and Yue. Only then does one know that prosperity and decline, glory and disgrace, depend upon speech! Speech is the handle of virtue, the master of conduct, the beginning of intent, and the ornament of the person. It can both save a person and destroy a person. Therefore the Doctrine of the Mean was engraved upon the heart, moral maxims were inscribed on the right-hand steps and upon the back, Nan Rong repeated the white-jade maxim, and Jizi set forth the Great Plan—all for good reason. Therefore one must gather and inspect every flaw, weigh anxious contention carefully, recognize that inconstancy paves the way to disorder, and recognize that lack of discretion leads to danger. Profit arising from the mouth—there is talk dense enough to overturn a state; when the Way does not proceed from the heart, it turns into those slanderous barbs like reed pipes! Should one not fear this! There are those who fail to discern right from wrong, who detect the faintest signs of offense, break through gates of bronze and moats of iron, seal up the roots of calamity and disorder, employ revilement as a complete stratagem, and treat shouting abuse as excellent virtue. Consider, for instance, the question-and-answer at the Wu Palace, which set Jing and Qi racing to answer the call; when Han and Wei applied the elbow hold, Zhi Bo was endangered and destroyed. Duke Ai of Cai tied up Xi Gui and quickly brought upon himself the punishment of armored troops; Zheng Man plotted against the minister of the ancestral temple and received execution by cauldron and boiling. Sima Qian spoke lightly in criticism and in the end was sent down to the Silkworm Chamber; Zhang Hong's persuasion again cost teeth at Dragon Abyss. All such excessive speech—its currents are not one. Some are vile as dung and soil; some the moment they move become swords and blades; some are debased in mind; some grease their lips with flattery. Wielding depravity and working witchcraft, they hold to it without slackening; going forth they always hit the mark; turning from it they go ever farther astray. How strange—like Han Lu gathering voices and Li howling in a pack: to die by chance would be good fortune. How then can an upright reputation be established? Even if Qu Boyu looked ashamed and later apologized to Yuan Kai; even if Jiang Ji left behind regret and lost his reputation before Wang Ling; even if Xi Shou lost his teeth before Ji Zhang; even if Cao Man clenched his tongue before Lord Liu—what good would it do! Confucius said, "I wish to speak no more." He also said, "To do good all one's life and have one word ruin it—how regrettable." Laozi also said, "Much speaking ends in exhaustion." He also said, "Those who are clever and deeply observant and yet approach death are those who discuss others." How deeply the sages thought and how grandly they considered—to the utmost of stopping what is beginning and guarding against what is sprouting! What must not be spoken yet is spoken is called reckless; what may be spoken yet is not spoken is called secretive. Clamping the tongue and bowing in silence—how can the feelings of both parties be communicated; pocketing the mouth and dwelling thus—who will open the instruction of counsel and clarity? Then what the superior speaks, the subordinate listens to; what the subordinate speaks, the superior employs. Words of sage wisdom are like Heaven and Earth—people live beneath their nurturing canopy; Words of great elegance are like bells and drums—people find joy in striking and sounding them. Made as a mirror of tortoise shell—such were the words of the Duke of Zhou; Coming forth as metal and stone—such were the words of Zengzi; Preserving his house and state—such were the words of Zichan; Standing without decay—such were the words of Zang Sun. These are called virtuous words—reaching our ancestral apex, filling all under Heaven, and bequeathing to posterity. The Yin dynast lord sweetly indulged in wine and spirits; Sun Qing admonished him with lute and zither; Queli was valued more than the four seasons; Ying capital lightly held its thousand chariots. Is this not correct! Is this not glorious! But one should deeply probe the ways of the world, earnestly hold in mind the great instruction, respond only after careful thought, and act only after refined deliberation. Plan in the heart before speaking and choose one's company before talking. Do not press hurriedly toward hostile factions, and do not hide and scheme for deceptive encounters. Without the utmost virtue of the former kings one dares not act; without the model words of the former kings one dares not speak. Cut off the trailing threads of whispered scheming and beat down the blazing momentum. Naturally the great blessing will come to you and this pure felicity will be granted—then from what would regret and distress arise, and from what would resentment and hatred come? Confucius said, "Going all day without forgetting oneself brings no calamity;" speaking all day without forgetting oneself brings no worry." Only thus may one speak. Be on guard! Be on guard!"
28
祿
In the first year of Shenlong he was transferred to vice director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and concurrently charged with compiling the national history; for his participation in completing the Veritable Records of Wu Zetian he was enfeoffed as viscount of Gaoping County and granted five hundred rolls of goods. Before long he was sent out as prefect of Wei Prefecture; he was famed for good governance and was commended in an imperial letter with the seal. Soon he was transferred to prefect of Pu Prefecture, entered court as vice minister of works, and soon was appointed director of the Court of Imperial Stud and concurrently made a scholar of the Zhaowen Hall. In the third year of Jinglong Zhongzong personally performed the southern suburban sacrifice; Yanbo composed the "Rhapsody on the Southern Suburb" and presented it—the language was very classical and elegant. At the beginning of Jingyun he was given the silver-blue-golden grand master of the palace and transferred to right attendant cavalier and guest of the crown prince, still concurrently a scholar of the Zhaowen Hall. In the first year of Xiantian, on account of illness he requested to retire; his request was granted. He died in the second year of Kaiyuan.
29
Yanbo served his widowed sister-in-law with great respect and raised his nephews as he did his own sons. From his later years in composing essays he favored a forceful and abstruse style, which many younger writers imitated. His collected works ran to twenty juan and circulated in his time.
30
The Historian's Comment
31
使
The historian says: Talent comes from intelligence; conduct comes from nature. Thus whether essays are skillful or clumsy depends on the depth or shallowness of intelligence; whether conduct is upright or devious, genuine or false, depends on the goodness or wickedness of nature. Intelligence and nature are endowed by vital force and cannot be forced to grow stronger. Su Weidao, Li Jiao, and the like all served as chief ministers, each occupying the highest eminence. Judging their ability in memorials and reports, they were not without depth and richness; yet tested by the way of assisting and harmonizing, they had no steadfast integrity. Therefore Di Renjie had a saying: "Su and Li are sufficient as literary officials." Were they not petty and narrow-minded men! The disease of equivocation especially deserves ridicule. Cui Rong, Lu Zangyong, Xu Yanbo, and the like did not yield to Su and Li in literary achievement; they knew the way of holding to constancy but lacked the resourcefulness to meet change. In the depth of remonstrance Cui compared with Lu and Xu was somewhat superior.
32
Appraisal
33
The appraisal says: Fang, Du, Yao, and Song all established great merit. All praised these two pairs as models of fine conduct. Su and Li in literary learning were heroes of their generation. Yet as chief ministers they fell short; to call them the same is not fitting. All men may have words, but not necessarily virtue. Cui, Lu, and Xu all devoted themselves to brush and ink. Their writing may be admired, but in righteousness there is nothing to take as a model. Holding office and keeping to constancy—this saying is not wrong.
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