Volume 91 Biographies 41: Huan Yanfan, Jing Hui, Cui Xuanwei, Zhang Jianzhi, Yuan Shuji

桓彥範敬暉崔玄暐張柬之袁恕己

Huan Yanfan, Jing Hui, Cui Xuanwei, Zhang Jianzhi, and Yuan Shuji

桓彥範，潤州曲阿人也。祖法嗣，雍王府諮議參軍、弘文館學士。彥範慷慨俊爽，少以門蔭調補右翊衛。聖曆初，累除司衛寺主簿。納言狄仁傑特相禮異，嚐謂曰：“足下才識如是，必能自致遠大。 ”尋擢授監察御史。

Huan Yanfan came from Qu'e in Run Prefecture. His grandfather Fasi had served as advisory staff officer to the Prince of Yong and as a scholar of the Hongwen Hall. Yanfan was openhanded, handsome, and quick of spirit; in his youth he entered service in the Right Yiwu Guard by hereditary privilege. Early in the Shengli era he rose through successive appointments to chief clerk of the Court of the Imperial Stud. Counselor Di Renjie singled him out for unusual respect and once told him, "With talent and insight like yours, you are bound to rise far on your own merit." " Before long he was elevated to investigating censor.

長安三年，曆遷御史中丞。四年，轉司刑少卿。時司仆卿張昌宗坐遣術人李弘泰占己有天分，御史中丞宋璟請收付製獄，窮理其罪，則天不許。彥範上疏曰：

In the third year of Chang'an he advanced step by step to vice censor-in-chief. The following year he was made vice minister of justice. At the time Vice Minister Zhang Changzong stood accused of sending the occultist Li Hongtai to divine that he was destined for the throne; Vice Censor-in-Chief Song Jing asked that he be placed in the imperial prison and his crime fully prosecuted, but the Empress Dowager refused. Yanfan memorialized the throne as follows:

昌宗無德無才，謬承恩寵，自宜粉骨碎肌，以答殊造，豈得苞藏禍心，有此占相？陛下以簪履恩久，不忍加刑；昌宗以逆亂罪多，自招其咎。此是皇天降怒，非唯陛下故誅。違天不祥，乞陛下裁擇。原其本奏，以防事敗。事敗即言奏訖，不敗則候時為逆。此乃奸臣詭計，疑惑聖心，今果遂其所謀，陛下何忍不察？若昌宗無此占相，奏後不合更與弘泰往還，尚令修福，復擬禳厄，此則期於必遂，元無悔心。縱雖奏聞，情實難恕，此而可舍，誰其可刑？況經兩度事彰，天恩並垂舍宥，昌宗自為得計，人亦以為應運，即不勞兵甲，天下皆從，萬方譏之，以為陛下縱成其亂也。君在，臣圖天分，是為逆臣，不誅，社稷亡矣。伏請付鸞台鳳閣三司考竟其罪。

Changzong lacks both virtue and ability, yet he has been showered with favor; he ought to offer his body to the ground to repay your extraordinary grace. How can he conceal treason in his heart and seek such a reading of his destiny? Your Majesty, out of long affection for a close attendant, is unwilling to punish him; Changzong, by his many acts of treason, has brought judgment upon himself. This is Heaven itself showing anger—it is not simply Your Majesty choosing to execute him. To go against Heaven is ill-omened; I beg Your Majesty to judge accordingly. If one traces his original report, it was written to guard against the plot's failure. If the plot failed, he would claim the memorial had already been filed and closed; if it did not fail, he would bide his time to rebel. This was the traitor's ruse to cloud Your Majesty's judgment; he has now carried out exactly what he planned—how can Your Majesty still refuse to see it? If Changzong had not sought this divination, after submitting his report he ought not to have resumed dealings with Hongtai, commissioned merit rituals, and planned further rites to avert disaster—this shows he meant to succeed at all costs and never intended to repent. Even if he did report it, the facts are unpardonable; if this man may be spared, who deserves execution? Moreover, after the affair had been exposed twice and imperial mercy spared him both times, Changzong believed his scheme was working and the people took it as Heaven's will—then without raising an army, the realm would follow him, and all the world would say Your Majesty was letting his rebellion succeed. While the sovereign still reigns, a subject plots to seize the Mandate—such a man is a traitor; if he is not put to death, the dynasty will fall. I humbly beg that he be referred to the tripartite offices of the Luan Terrace and Phoenix Pavilion for a full investigation of his crime.

疏奏不報。時又內史李嶠等奏稱：“往屬革命之時，人多逆節，鞫訊決斷，刑獄至嚴，刻薄之吏，恣行酷法。其周興、丘勣、來俊臣所劾破家者，並請雪免。 ”彥範又奏請自文明元年以後得罪人，除揚、豫、博三州及諸謀逆魁首，一切赦之。表疏前後十奏，辭旨激切，至是方見允納。彥範凡所奏議，若逢人主詰責，則辭色無懼，爭之愈厲。又嚐謂所親曰：“今既躬為大理，人命所懸，必不能順旨詭辭，以求苟免。”

The memorial went unanswered. At the same time Palace Secretary Li Qiao and others memorialized, saying, "During the recent change of dynasty many people were charged with disloyalty; trials were harsh and unforgiving, and cruel officials applied the law as they pleased." All those whose families were destroyed through prosecutions by Zhou Xing, Qiu Ji, and Lai Junchen should be cleared and restored." " Yanfan also asked that everyone punished since the first year of Wenming be pardoned, except persons in Yang, Yu, and Bo prefectures and the chief conspirators in treason cases. He submitted memorial after memorial—ten in all—with language sharp and urgent; only then was his request accepted. Whenever Yanfan memorialized on policy and the ruler rebuked him, he showed no fear in word or face and pressed his argument all the harder. He also once told his intimates, "Now that I hold the chief justiceship, with men's lives in the balance, I cannot twist my words to the ruler's liking merely to save myself."

是歲冬，則天不豫。張易之與弟昌宗入閣侍疾，潛圖逆亂。鳳閣侍郎張柬之與桓彥範及中台右丞敬暉等建策將誅之。柬之遽引彥範及暉並為左右羽林將軍，委以禁兵，共圖其事。時皇太子每於北門起居，彥範與暉因得謁見，密陳其計，太子從之。神龍元年正月，彥範與敬暉及左羽林將軍李湛、李多祚、右羽林將軍楊元琰、左威衛將軍薛思行等，率左右羽林兵及千騎五百餘人討易之、昌宗於宮中，令李湛、李多祚就東宮迎皇太子。兵至玄武門，彥範等奉太子斬關而入，兵士大噪。時則天在迎仙宮之集仙殿。斬易之、昌宗於廓下，並就第斬其兄汴州刺史昌期、司禮少卿同休，並梟首於天津橋南。士庶見者，莫不歡叫相賀，或臠割其肉，一夕都盡。明日，太子即位，彥範以功加銀青光祿大夫，拜納言，賜勳上柱國，封譙郡公，賜實封五百戶。又改為侍中，從新令也。

That winter Empress Wu fell gravely ill. Zhang Yizhi and his brother Changzong entered the inner palace to nurse her and secretly plotted treason. Vice Minister Zhang Jianzhi, Huan Yanfan, Right Vice Director Jing Hui, and others formed a plan to put them to death. Jianzhi quickly had Yanfan and Hui appointed generals of the Left and Right Forest of Feathers Armies, placed the palace guard under their command, and joined them in plotting the coup. The Crown Prince was then attending court daily at the north gate; Yanfan and Hui seized the chance to see him, laid out their plan in secret, and won his consent. In the first month of the first year of Shenlong, Yanfan and Jing Hui, with Left Forest generals Li Zhan and Li Duozuo, Right Forest general Yang Yuanyan, Left Weiwu general Xue Sixing, and others, led more than five hundred men of the palace guards and the Thousand Riders to strike down Yizhi and Changzong inside the palace, while Li Zhan and Li Duozuo were sent to the Eastern Palace to bring out the Crown Prince. At the Xuanwu Gate Yanfan and his party, escorting the Crown Prince, forced the gate and entered amid a great uproar from the troops. Empress Wu was then in the Hall of Assembled Immortals in the Palace of Welcoming Immortals. Yizhi and Changzong were beheaded under the eaves; at their homes their elder brother Changqi, prefect of Bian, and Tongxiu, vice minister of rites, were also killed, and all their heads were exposed south of the Tianjin Bridge. Every commoner and official who saw it shouted for joy; some hacked their flesh to pieces, and within a single night nothing remained. The next day the Crown Prince ascended the throne; for his service Yanfan was promoted to Silver-Gleam Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, made Counselor, granted the merit rank Pillar of the State, enfeoffed as Duke of Qiao, and given a fief of five hundred households. His title was then changed to Attendant-in-Chief, in accordance with the new regulations.

彥範嚐表論時政數條，其大略曰：“昔孔子論《詩》以《關雎》為始，言后妃者人倫之本，理亂之端也。故皇、英降而虞道興，任、姒歸而姬宗盛。桀奔南巢，禍階妹喜，魯桓滅國，惑以齊媛。伏見陛下每臨朝聽政，皇后必施帷幔坐於殿上，預聞政事。臣愚曆選列辟，詳求往代，帝王有與婦人謀及政者，莫不破國亡身，傾輈繼路。且以陰乘陽，違天也，以婦淩夫，違人也。違天不祥，違人不義。由是古人譬以‘牝雞之晨，惟家之索。 ’《易》曰‘無攸遂，在中饋’，言婦人不得預於國政也。伏願陛下覽古人之言，察古人之意，上以社稷為重，下以蒼生在念。宜令皇后無往正殿干預外朝，專在中宮，聿修陰教，則坤儀式固，鼎命惟永。”

Yanfan once memorialized on several points of current policy, writing in substance, "Confucius taught that the Odes begin with Guan Ju because the empress and consorts are the foundation of human relations and the source of order or chaos." When Huang and Ying came down, the way of Yu rose; when Ren and Si were wed, the house of Zhou flourished. Jie fled to Southern Nest because disaster began with Mo Xi; Duke Huan of Lu lost his state because he was bewitched by a woman of Qi. I observe that whenever Your Majesty holds court, the empress always sits behind a curtain on the dais and takes part in government beforehand. I have surveyed ruler after ruler and searched the past in detail: whenever an emperor took counsel on government from a woman, state and life were lost, and ruin followed ruin without end. For yin to dominate yang is to defy Heaven; for a wife to rule over her husband is to defy human order. To defy Heaven brings ill fortune; to defy human order is unjust. That is why the ancients said, 'When the hen crows at dawn, the household is ruined.' ' The Book of Changes says, 'Nothing is to be furthered; keep to the inner household,' meaning that women must not intervene in state affairs. I humbly beg Your Majesty to read the words of the ancients and grasp their meaning, putting the altars of state first and the welfare of the people foremost. The empress should be kept from the main hall and from meddling in outer-court affairs; let her remain in the inner palace and devote herself to women's instruction—then the queenly order will stand firm and the dynasty endure.

又曰：“臣聞京師喧喧，道路籍籍，皆云胡僧慧範矯托佛教，詭惑后妃，故得出入禁闈，撓亂時政。陛下又輕騎微行，數幸其室，上下媟黷，有虧尊嚴。臣抑嚐聞興化致理，必由進善；康國寧人，莫大棄惡。故孔子曰：‘執左道以亂政者殺，假鬼神以危人者殺。 ’今慧範之罪，不殊於此也。若不急誅，必生變亂。除惡務本，去邪勿疑，實願天聰，早加裁貶。 ”疏奏不納。時有墨敕授方術人鄭普思秘書監，葉淨能國子祭酒，彥範苦言其不可。帝曰：“既要用之，無容便止。 ”彥範又對曰：“陛下自龍飛寶位，遽下製云：‘軍國政化，皆依貞觀故事。 ’昔貞觀中嚐以魏徵、虞世南、顏師古為秘書監，孔穎達為國子祭酒。至如普思等是方伎庸流，豈足以比蹤前烈？臣恐物議謂陛下官不擇才，濫以天秩加於私愛。惟陛下少加慎擇。 ”帝竟不納。

He also wrote, "I hear the capital in an uproar and the streets full of talk, all saying that the foreign monk Huifan uses Buddhism as a pretense to delude the empress and consorts, and so comes and goes within the forbidden quarters and meddles in government." Your Majesty also rides out lightly disguised and visits his house again and again; such familiarity between sovereign and subject diminishes imperial dignity. I have also heard that to bring about good order one must advance the worthy; and to secure the realm and settle the people, nothing matters more than casting out evil. Confucius said, 'Those who use heterodox ways to disturb government shall be put to death; those who invoke spirits to harm others shall be put to death.' ' Huifan's crimes are no different. If he is not executed at once, turmoil will surely follow. When rooting out evil one must strike at the source; when removing wickedness one must not hesitate. I earnestly beg Your Majesty's wise judgment to punish him without delay. " The memorial was rejected. An informal edict then appointed the occultist Zheng Pusi Director of the Secretariat and Ye Jingneng Libationer of the Directorate of Education; Yanfan protested strenuously that this must not stand. The emperor said, "Since I mean to use them, there is no question of stopping now." " Yanfan replied, "When Your Majesty first took the throne, you issued a decree that military and civil administration should follow the precedents of the Zhenguan reign." ' In Zhenguan Wei Zheng, Yu Shinan, and Yan Shigu served as Directors of the Secretariat, and Kong Yingda as Libationer of the Directorate of Education. Men like Pusi are mere street occultists—how can they be compared with those great predecessors? I fear the world will say Your Majesty appoints office without regard to talent and lavishes imperial rank on personal favorites. I beg Your Majesty to choose your appointees with greater care. " The emperor would not listen.

時韋皇后既幹朝政，德靜郡王武三思又居中用事，以則天為彥範等所廢，常深憤怨，又慮彥範等漸除武氏，乃先事圖之。皇后韋氏既雅為帝所信寵，言無不從，三思又私通於韋氏，乃日夕讒毀彥範等。帝竟用三思計，進封彥範為扶陽郡王、敬暉為平陽郡五、張柬之為漢陽郡五、崔玄暐為博陵郡王、袁恕己為南陽郡王，並加特進，令罷知政事。彥範仍賜姓韋氏，令與皇后同屬籍，仍賜雜彩、錦繡、金銀、鞍馬等。雖外示優崇，而實奪其權也。易州刺史趙履溫者，即彥範之妻兄也。彥範誅易之後，奏言先與履溫共謀其事，於是召拜司農少卿。履溫德之，乃以二婢遺彥範。及彥範罷知政事，履溫又協奪其婢，大為時論所譏。尋出為洺州刺史，轉濠州刺史。

Empress Wei was already meddling in government, and Prince Dejing Wu Sansi again held sway at court; because Empress Wu had been overthrown by Yanfan and his allies, he nursed a deep grudge and feared they would gradually destroy the Wu clan—so he moved against them first. Empress Wei had long enjoyed the emperor's trust, and he never refused her counsel; Sansi was also carrying on a secret affair with her, and day and night he slandered Yanfan and his colleagues. The emperor at last took Sansi's advice, ennobling Yanfan as Prince of Fuyang, Jing Hui as Prince of Pingyang, Zhang Jianzhi as Prince of Hanyang, Cui Xuanwei as Prince of Boling, and Yuan Shuji as Prince of Nanyang, all with the rank of Special Advancement, and removing them from active government. Yanfan was even given the surname Wei and enrolled in the same clan register as the empress, along with gifts of colored silks, brocades, gold and silver, saddles, and horses. Outwardly they were honored; in truth their power was stripped away. Zhao Lüwen, prefect of Yi, was the elder brother of Yanfan's wife. After Yanfan killed Yizhi, he reported that he had plotted the coup with Lüwen from the start, and Lüwen was summoned and made vice minister of agriculture. Grateful, Lüwen gave Yanfan two maidservants. When Yanfan was removed from office, Lüwen forcibly took the maidservants back, to widespread public scorn. He was soon sent out as prefect of Ming, then transferred to prefect of Hao.

二年，光祿卿、駙馬都尉王同皎以武三思與韋氏奸通，潛謀誅之。事泄，為三思誣構，言同皎將廢皇后韋氏，彥範等通知其情。乃貶彥範為瀧州司馬、敬暉崖州司馬、袁恕己竇州司馬、崔玄暐白州司馬、張柬之新州司馬，並仍令長任，勳封並削。彥範仍復其本姓桓氏。

In the second year Grand Master Wang Tongjiao, who was also Commandant of Cavalry by marriage to the throne, learned of Wu Sansi's affair with the Wei clan and secretly plotted to kill him. When the plot was exposed, Sansi framed him, claiming Tongjiao meant to depose Empress Wei and that Yanfan and his allies had tipped him off. Yanfan was demoted to military adjutant of Long, Jing Hui to adjutant of Ya, Yuan Shuji to adjutant of Dou, Cui Xuanwei to adjutant of Bai, and Zhang Jianzhi to adjutant of Xin; all were ordered to remain in exile for life, and their honors and fiefs were revoked. Yanfan was also restored to his original surname, Huan.

是歲秋，武三思又陰令人疏皇后穢行，榜於天津橋，請加廢黜。中宗聞之怒，命御史大夫李承嘉推求其人。承嘉希三思旨，奏言：“彥範與敬暉、張柬之、袁恕己、崔玄暐等教人密為此榜。雖托廢後為名，實有危君之計，請加族滅。 ”製依承嘉所奏。大理丞李朝隱執奏云：“敬暉等既未經鞫問，不可即肆誅夷。請差御史按罪，待至，準法處分。 ”大理卿裴談奏云：“敬暉等隻合據敕斷罪，不可別俟推鞫，請並處斬籍沒。 ”中宗納其議，仍以彥範等五人嚐賜鐵券，許以不死，乃長流彥範於州，敬暉於崖州，張柬之於瀧州，袁恕己於環州，崔玄暐於古州，並終身禁錮，子弟年十六已上者亦配流嶺外。擢授承嘉金紫光祿大夫，進封襄武郡公。韋氏又特賜承嘉彩物五百段、端錦被一張。擢拜裴談為刑部尚書，左貶李朝隱為聞喜令。三思俄又諷節湣太子抗表請夷彥範等三族。中宗以既有前命，不依其請。三思猶慮彥範等重被進用，又納中書舍人崔湜之計，特令湜姨兄嘉州司馬周利貞攝右台侍御史，就嶺外並矯製殺之。彥範赴流所，行至貴州，利貞遇之於途，乃令左右執縛，曳於竹槎之上，肉盡至骨，然後杖殺，時年五十四。

That autumn Wu Sansi secretly had a memorial on the empress's misconduct posted at the Tianjin Bridge, calling for her deposition. Zhongzong was furious and ordered Censor-in-Chief Li Chengjia to find who was responsible. Chengjia, eager to please Sansi, reported that Yanfan, Jing Hui, Zhang Jianzhi, Yuan Shuji, Cui Xuanwei, and others had someone post the placard in secret. Though they used deposing the empress as a pretext, they truly meant to endanger the sovereign; I ask that their entire clans be destroyed. " An edict approved Chengjia's report. Assistant chief justice Li Chaoyin objected, saying, "Jing Hui and the others have not even been questioned; they cannot be executed out of hand." Send investigating censors to establish their guilt, and when they arrive, punish them according to law. " Chief justice Pei Tan argued that Jing Hui and the others should be condemned by edict alone, without further trial, and asked that all be executed and their property confiscated. " Zhongzong accepted Pei's view, but because the five men had once been given iron tallies sparing their lives, they were exiled instead: Yanfan to Feng, Jing Hui to Ya, Zhang Jianzhi to Long, Yuan Shuji to Huan, and Cui Xuanwei to Gu, all for life under guard; sons and brothers sixteen or older were also sent beyond the mountains. Chengjia was promoted to Golden-Gleam Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and enfeoffed as Duke of Xiangwu. Empress Wei also gave Chengjia five hundred lengths of colored silks and a brocade coverlet. Pei Tan was made Minister of Justice; Li Chaoyin was demoted to magistrate of Wenxi. Soon afterward Sansi induced the Heir Apparent of Jiemin to memorialize demanding the extermination of Yanfan's clan and those of his allies. Zhongzong, citing his earlier promise, refused the request. Sansi still feared Yanfan and his allies might return to power, so he took the advice of drafting officer Cui Shi and sent Shi's cousin Zhou Lizhen, military adjutant of Jia, as acting attendant censor of the Right Terrace to the south, where he forged edicts and killed them all. Yanfan was on his way to exile when he reached Gui Prefecture; Lizhen met him on the road, had him seized and bound, dragged him over a bamboo raft until his flesh was worn to the bone, then clubbed him to death; he was fifty-four.

睿宗即位，延和元年，並追復其官爵，仍特還其子孫實封二百戶。玄宗即位，開元六年，詔曰：“皇輿肇建必有輔佐之臣；天步多艱，爰仗經綸之業。故侍中、譙國公桓彥範，侍中、平陽郡公敬暉，中書令兼吏部尚書、漢陽郡公張柬之，特進、博陵郡公崔玄暐，中書令、南陽郡公袁恕己等，並德惟神降，材與運生，道協台嶽，名書讖緯。寅亮帝載，勤勞王家，參復禹之元謀，奉升唐之景命。雖殂謝既久，而勳烈益彰，撫彝鼎以念功，想旂常而增感。緬遵故實，用表徽懿，俾列在清廟，登於明堂，克申從祀之儀，式茂疇庸之典。並可配享中宗孝和皇帝廟庭，其子北鹹加收擢。 ”建中元年，重贈司徒。

When Ruizong came to the throne, in the first year of Yanhe their offices and titles were posthumously restored, and two hundred households of fief were returned to their descendants. When Xuanzong ascended the throne, in the sixth year of Kaiyuan an edict declared, "When the imperial house is first founded, there must be ministers to assist it;" when the times are perilous, one must rely on those who can order the realm. The late Attendant-in-Chief Huan Yanfan, Duke of Qiao; Attendant-in-Chief Jing Hui, Duke of Pingyang; Director of the Secretariat and Minister of Personnel Zhang Jianzhi, Duke of Hanyang; Cui Xuanwei, Duke of Boling; Director of the Secretariat Yuan Shuji, Duke of Nanyang; and the others—all seemed heaven-sent in virtue, born for their age in talent, aligned with the pillars of state, and named in the books of prophecy. They assisted the throne, labored for the royal house, helped restore the primal design of Yu, and upheld the splendid mandate in raising the Tang dynasty. Though they died long ago, their achievements shine ever brighter; touching the ritual vessels one recalls their service, and thinking of the banners in the ancestral hall one's gratitude deepens. Following ancient precedent to display their excellence, let them be enshrined in the Clear Temple and honored in the Bright Hall, that the rites of attendant sacrifice may be fulfilled and the canon of rewarding merit richly observed. All are to share sacrifice in Zhongzong's temple, and their sons are to receive further promotion. " In the first year of Jianzhong he was posthumously made Minister of Education.

初，暉與彥範等誅張易之兄弟也，洛州長史薛季昶謂暉曰：“二凶雖除，產、祿猶在。請因兵勢誅武三思之屬，匡正王室，以安天下。 ”暉與張柬之屢陳不可，乃止。季昶歎曰：“吾不知死所矣。 ”翌日，三思因韋後之助，潛入宮中，內行相事，反易國政，為天下所患，時議以此歸咎於暉。暉等既失政柄，受製於三思，暉每推床嗟惋，或彈指出血。柬之歎曰：“主上疇昔為英王時，素稱勇烈，吾留諸武，冀自誅鋤耳。今事勢已去，知復何道。”

When Hui and Yanfan killed the Zhang brothers, Luozhou chief administrator Xue Jichang told Hui, "The two villains are gone, but Chan and Lu still live." Use the army's momentum to destroy Wu Sansi and his faction, set the royal house right, and secure the realm. " Hui and Zhang Jianzhi repeatedly said it could not be done, and the plan was abandoned. Jichang sighed, "I no longer know where I shall meet my end." " The next day, with Empress Wei's help, Sansi slipped back into the palace, took charge of government from within, reversed state policy, and became a scourge to the realm; public opinion blamed Hui. Once Hui and his allies lost power and fell under Sansi's control, Hui would push away his couch and sigh in anguish, sometimes flicking his finger until it bled. Jianzhi sighed, "When our lord was Prince of Ying, he was famed for courage; I left the Wu clan alive, expecting he would destroy them himself." Now the moment has passed—what can be done?

三思既深憤惋，以許州司功參軍鄭愔素被暉等廢黜，因令上表陳其罪狀。中宗詔曰：“則天大聖皇后，往以憂勞不豫，凶豎弄權。暉等因興甲兵，鏟除妖孽，朕錄其勞效，備極寵勞。自謂勳高一時，遂欲權傾四海，擅作威福，輕侮國章，悖道棄義，莫斯之甚。然收其薄效，猶為隱忍，錫其郡王之重，優以特進之榮。不謂溪壑之誌，殊難盈滿，既失大權，多懷怨望。乃與王同皎窺覘內禁，潛相謀結，更欲權兵絳闕，圖廢椒宮，險跡醜辭，驚視駭聽。屬以帝圖伊始，務靜狴牢，所以久為含容，未能暴諸遐邇。自同皎伏法，釁跡彌彰，倘若無其發明，何以懲茲悖亂？跡其巨逆，合置嚴誅。緣其昔立微功，所以特從寬宥，咸宜貶降，出佐遐藩。暉可崖州司馬，柬之可新州司馬，恕己可竇州司馬，玄暐可白州司馬，並員外置。 ”暉到崖州，竟為周利貞所殺。睿宗即位，追復五王官爵，贈暉秦州都督，諡曰肅湣。建中初，重贈太尉。

Sansi, nursing deep resentment, used Zheng Yin, a records officer of Xu whom Hui and his allies had once demoted, and had him memorialize their crimes. Zhongzong's edict read, "The Great Sage Empress Wu, worn down by care and labor, fell ill, and wicked men seized power." Hui and his allies raised troops and destroyed these monsters; I recorded their service and lavished favor upon them. Thinking their merit unmatched, they sought to dominate the realm, wielding power arbitrarily, scorning the laws of state, and abandoning righteousness—nothing could be worse. Yet for their slight service I still showed forbearance, ennobling them as princes and honoring them with the rank of Special Advancement. I did not expect their greed to be so insatiable; stripped of power, they nursed deep resentment. They joined Wang Tongjiao in spying on the inner palace, plotting in secret to seize troops at the capital gates and depose the empress—deeds and words so vile as to shock all who heard them. Because the dynasty had only just been restored and peace was the priority, I long bore with them and did not expose their crimes to the world. Since Tongjiao was executed, their guilt has become ever clearer; without this exposure, how could such treason be punished? Given their great treason, they deserve severe punishment. Because they once rendered slight service, I show special leniency: all are to be demoted and sent to distant prefectures. Hui is demoted to military adjutant of Ya, Jianzhi to adjutant of Xin, Shuji to adjutant of Dou, and Xuanwei to adjutant of Bai—all as supernumerary appointments. " When Hui reached Ya Prefecture, Zhou Lizhen killed him. When Ruizong came to the throne, the five princes' honors were restored; Hui was posthumously made regional inspector of Qin, with the temple name Solemn and Mournful. Early in Jianzhong he was posthumously made Grand Commandant.

曾孫元膺，開成三年，自試太子通事舍人為河南縣丞。

His great-grandson Yuanying, in the third year of Kaicheng, advanced from probationary communications officer to the Crown Prince to assistant magistrate of Henan.

崔玄暐，博陵安平人也。父行謹，為胡蘇令。本名曄，以字下體有則天祖諱，乃改為玄暐。少有學行，深為叔父秘書監行功所器重。龍朔中，舉明經，累補庫部員外郎。其母盧氏嚐誡之曰：“吾見姨兄屯田郎中辛玄馭云：‘兒子從宦者，有人來雲貧乏不能存，此是好消息。若聞貲貨充足，衣馬輕肥，此惡消息。 ’吾常重此言，以為確論。比見親表中仕宦者，多將錢物上其父母，父母但知喜悅，竟不問此物從何而來。必是祿俸餘資，誠亦善事。如其非理所得，此與盜賊何別？縱無大咎，獨不內愧於心？孟母不受魚鮓之饋，蓋為此也。汝今坐食祿俸，榮幸已多，若其不能忠清，何以戴天履地？孔子云：‘雖日殺三性之養，猶為不孝。 ’又曰：‘父母惟其疾之憂。 ’持宜修身潔已，勿累吾此意也。 ”玄暐遵奉母氏教誡，以清謹見稱。尋授天宮郎中，遷鳳閣舍人。

Cui Xuanwei came from Anping in Boling. His father Xingjin served as magistrate of Husu. His original name was Ye; because part of the character violated the taboo on Empress Wu's ancestral name, he changed it to Xuanwei. In youth he was learned and upright, and his uncle, Director of the Secretariat Xinggong, held him in high regard. During Longshuo he passed the Mingjing examination and rose to vice director of the stores bureau. His mother, Lady Lu, once warned him, "I heard my cousin Xin Xuanyu, director of agriculture, say: 'When a son enters office, word that he is poor and struggling to get by is good news.'" If one hears he is flush with goods, well dressed, and riding fine horses—that is bad news.'" ' I have always treasured these words as sound doctrine. Lately I have seen many relatives in office send money and goods to their parents; the parents rejoice and never ask where the gifts came from. If it truly comes from surplus salary, that is indeed a good thing. If it was gained improperly, how is that different from theft? Even if no great crime is committed, does one feel no shame within? Mencius's mother refused the gift of fish and salted meat for just this reason. You now live on official salary and enjoy great honor; if you cannot remain loyal and upright, how can you face Heaven and earth? Confucius said, "Even if one sacrifices three animals every day for one's parents, it is still unfilial." ' He also said, 'Parents care only that their children be free of illness.' ' Keep your conduct pure and do not betray what I mean by this.'" " Xuanwei followed his mother's counsel and was famed for integrity and discretion. He was soon made director of the heaven bureau, then promoted to drafting officer of the Phoenix Pavilion.

則天季年，宋璟劾奏張昌宗謀為不軌，玄暐亦屢有讜言，則天乃令法司正斷其罪。玄暐弟升時為司刑少卿，又請置以大辟。其兄弟守正如此。是時，則天不豫，宰相不得召見者累月。及疾少間，玄暐奏言：“皇太子、相王仁明孝友，足可親侍湯藥。宮禁事重，伏願不令異姓出入。 ”則天曰：“深領卿厚意。 ”尋以預誅張易之功，擢拜中書令，封博陵郡公。中宗將授方術人鄭普思為秘書監，玄暐切諫，竟不納。尋進爵為王，賜實封四百戶，檢校益州大都督府長史，兼知都督事。其後被累貶，授白州司馬，在道病卒。建中初，贈太子太師。

Late in Empress Wu's reign, Song Jing impeached Zhang Changzong for treasonous plotting; Xuanwei also spoke out repeatedly, and the empress ordered the courts to judge the case properly. Xuanwei's brother Sheng, then vice minister of justice, also asked that the death penalty be imposed. The brothers were so steadfast in righteousness. At that time Empress Wu was ill, and the chief ministers went months without audience. When her illness eased slightly, Xuanwei memorialized, "The Crown Prince and the Prince of Xiang are benevolent, filial, and fit to attend you with medicine in person." The inner palace is a grave matter; I beg that no outsiders of other surnames be allowed in. " The empress said, "I am deeply grateful for your thoughtful concern." " Soon, for his part in killing Zhang Yizhi, he was made Director of the Secretariat and enfeoffed as Duke of Boling. Zhongzong was about to make the occultist Zheng Pusi Director of the Secretariat; Xuanwei protested strongly, but the emperor would not listen. He was soon raised to prince, given a fief of four hundred households, made acting chief administrator of Yi, and placed in charge of regional military affairs. He was later implicated in the purge, demoted to military adjutant of Bai, and died of illness on the way to exile. Early in Jianzhong he was posthumously made Grand Tutor of the Crown Prince.

玄暐與弟升甚相友愛。諸子弟孤貧者，多躬自撫養教授，頗為當時所稱。升，官至尚書左丞。玄暐少時頗屬詩賦，晚年以為非己所長，乃不復構思，唯篤誌經籍，述作為事。所撰《行己要範》十卷、《友義傳》十卷、《義士傳》十五卷、訓注《文館辭林策》二十卷，並行於代。

Xuanwei and his brother Sheng were deeply devoted to each other. He personally raised and taught many orphaned and poor younger kinsmen, winning wide praise in his day. Sheng rose to Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. In youth Xuanwei wrote poetry and rhapsodies, but in later years he decided they were not his strength and gave them up, devoting himself to the classics and scholarly writing. He wrote Essentials of Conduct in ten scrolls, Record of Friendship in ten scrolls, Record of Men of Righteousness in fifteen scrolls, and Annotated Examinations of the Forest of Literary Phrases in twenty scrolls—all widely read in his time.

子璩，頗以文學知名，官曆中書舍人、禮部侍郎。璩子渙，自有傳。

His son Qu was known for literary talent and served as drafting officer of the Secretariat and Vice Minister of Rites. Qu's son Huan has a separate biography.

曾孫郢，開成三年，自商州防禦判官兼殿中侍御史，入為監察御史。

His great-grandson Ying, in the third year of Kaicheng, advanced from staff judge on the Shang defense command and attendant censor within the palace to investigating censor.

張柬之，字孟將，襄州襄陽人也。少補太學生，涉獵經史，尤好《三禮》，國子祭酒令狐德棻甚重之。進士擢第，累補青城丞。永昌元年，以賢良征試，同時策者千餘人，柬之獨為當時第一，擢拜監察御史。

Zhang Jianzhi, courtesy name Mengjiang, came from Xiangyang in Xiang Prefecture. In youth he entered the Imperial Academy, studied the classics and histories, especially favored the Three Rites, and was highly regarded by Libationer Linghu Defen. He passed the jinshi examination and served successively as assistant magistrate of Qingcheng. In the first year of Yongchang he took the worthy-and-good examination; among more than a thousand candidates he alone ranked first and was made investigating censor.

聖曆初，累遷鳳閣舍人。時弘文館直學士王元感著論云：“三年之喪，合三十六月。 ”柬之著論駁之曰：

Early in the Shengli era he rose to drafting officer of the Phoenix Pavilion. At that time Wang Yuangan, direct academician of the Hongwen Hall, wrote a treatise arguing that the three-year mourning period totals thirty-six months. " Jianzhi wrote a rebuttal, stating:

三年之喪，二十五月，不刊之典也。謹案《春秋》：“魯僖公三十三年十二月乙巳，公薨。 ”“文公二年冬，公子遂如齊納幣。 ”《左傳》曰“禮也。 ”杜預注云：“僖公喪終此年十一月，納幣在十二月。士婚禮，納采納徵，皆有玄纁束帛，諸侯則謂之納幣。蓋公為太子，已行婚禮。 ”故《傳》稱禮也。《公羊傳》曰：“納幣不書，此何以書？譏喪娶。在三年之外何以譏？三年之內不圖婚。 ”何休注云：“僖公以十二月薨，至此冬未滿二十五月，納采、問名、納吉，皆在三年之內，故譏。 ”何休以公十二月薨，至此冬十二月才二十四月，非二十五月，是未三年而圖婚也。按《經》書“十二月乙巳公薨”，杜預以《長曆》推乙巳是十一月十二日，非十二月，書十二月，是《經》誤。 “文公元年四月，葬我君僖公”，《傳》曰，緩也。諸侯五月而葬，若是十二月薨，即是五月，不得言緩。明知是十一月薨，故注僖公喪終此年，至十二月而滿二十五月，故丘明《傳》曰，禮也。據此推步，杜之考校，豈公羊之所能逮，況丘明親受《經》於仲尼乎？且二《傳》何、杜所爭，唯爭一月，不爭一年。其二十五月除喪，由來無別。此則《春秋》三年之喪，二十五月之明驗也。

The three-year mourning is twenty-five months—an immutable standard. I respectfully cite the Spring and Autumn Annals: "In the thirty-third year of Duke Xi of Lu, on the day yisi of the twelfth month, the duke died." " "In the second year of Duke Wen, in winter, the duke's son Sui went to Qi to present betrothal gifts." " The Zuo Commentary says, "This was ritual propriety." " Du Yu comments, "Duke Xi's mourning ended in the eleventh month of that year; the betrothal gifts were presented in the twelfth." In a gentleman's wedding rites, the proposal and betrothal gifts both include dark and light silks bound as offerings; for feudal lords this is called presenting betrothal gifts. The duke, as crown prince, had already performed the marriage rites. " Hence the Commentary calls it proper ritual. The Gongyang Commentary asks, "Betrothal gifts are not normally recorded—why is this recorded?" To condemn marriage during mourning. If it were outside the three-year period, why censure it? Within the three-year mourning one must not contemplate marriage. " He Xiu comments, "Duke Xi died in the twelfth month; by this winter twenty-five months had not passed; the proposal, name inquiry, and auspicious confirmation all fell within the mourning period—hence the censure." " He Xiu, reckoning from the duke's death in the twelfth month to this winter's twelfth month as only twenty-four months—not twenty-five—concludes that the mourning had not ended and marriage was premature. The Classic records "on yisi of the twelfth month the duke died," but Du Yu, using the Long Calendar, calculated that yisi fell on the twelfth day of the eleventh month; the twelfth-month date in the Classic is an error. "In the first year of Duke Wen, in the fourth month, we buried our lord Duke Xi"; the Commentary calls this delayed. Feudal lords are buried in the fifth month after death; if he died in the twelfth month, burial in the fourth month of the following year would be on time, not delayed. Since it is clear Duke Xi died in the eleventh month, Du Yu notes that his mourning ended within that year and was complete at twenty-five months by the twelfth month; hence Qiu Ming's Commentary calls this proper ritual. By this calculation, Du Yu's textual work is beyond what the Gongyang Commentary can match—especially since Qiu Ming received the Classic directly from Confucius. Moreover, He Xiu and Du Yu dispute only one month between the two Commentaries—not an entire year. That mourning ends at twenty-five months has never been in dispute. This is clear proof from the Spring and Autumn Annals that the three-year mourning lasts twenty-five months.

《尚書·伊訓》云：“成湯既沒，太甲元年，惟元祀十有二月，伊尹祀於先王，奉嗣王祗見厥祖。 ”孔安國注云：“湯以元年十一月崩。 ”據此，則二年十一月小祥，三年十一月大祥。故《太甲》中篇云：“惟三祀十有二月朔，伊尹以冕服奉嗣王歸於亳。 ”是十一月大祥，訖十二月朔日，加王冕服吉而歸亳也。是孔言“湯元年十一月”之明驗。《顧命》云：“四月哉生魄，王不懌”，是四月十六日也。 “翌日乙丑，王崩”，是十七日也。 “丁卯，命作冊度”，是十九日也。 “越七日癸酉，伯相命士須材”，是四月二十五日也。則成王崩至康王麻冕黼裳，中間有十月，康王方始見廟。則知湯崩在十一月，淹停至殮訖，方始十二月，祗見其祖。《顧命》見廟訖，諸侯出廟門俟，《伊訓》言“祗見厥祖，侯甸群後鹹在’，則崩及見廟，殷、周之禮並同。此周因於殷禮，損益可知也。不得元年以前，別有一年。此《尚書》三年之喪，二十五月之明驗也。

The Book of Documents, "Instructions of Yi," says: "After Cheng Tang died, in the first year of Tai Jia, in the twelfth month of the inaugural year, Yi Yin sacrificed to the former kings and brought the heir king to appear reverently before his ancestor. " Kong Anguo comments: "Tang died in the eleventh month of the first year. " From this it follows that the lesser memorial came in the eleventh month of the second year and the greater memorial in the eleventh month of the third year. Thus the middle section of "Tai Jia" says: "In the twelfth month of the third year, on the first day of the month, Yi Yin in cap and robes brought the heir king back to Bo. " This marks the greater memorial in the eleventh month; by the new moon of the twelfth month the king had put on his cap and robes in auspicious fashion and returned to Bo. This confirms Kong Anguo's claim that Tang died in the eleventh month of the first year. The "Charge to the Chung" says: "On the sixteenth of the fourth month, the king was displeased"—that is, the sixteenth day of the fourth month. "On the following day, yichou, the king died"—the seventeenth day. "On dingmao, he ordered the written charge to be prepared"—the nineteenth day. "Seven days later, on guiyou, the prime minister ordered the officers to gather the materials"—the twenty-fifth day of the fourth month. From King Cheng's death until King Kang appeared at the ancestral temple in hemp cap and embroidered robe, ten months passed before Kang first entered the temple. This shows Tang died in the eleventh month; only after the waiting period and encoffining were complete, in the twelfth month, did the heir reverently appear before his ancestor. In "Charge to the Chung," after the temple visit the feudal lords waited outside the gate; "Instructions of Yi" says "reverently appearing before his ancestor, the marquisates, domains, and assembled nobles were all present"—so from death to the temple visit, Yin and Zhou practice was the same. This shows how Zhou drew on Yin ritual—what was kept, reduced, or added can be seen clearly. One cannot count an extra year before the first year of the reign. This is clear proof from the Book of Documents that the three-year mourning period lasts twenty-five months.

《禮記三年問》云：“三年之喪，二十五月而畢，哀痛未盡，思慕未忘，然而服以是斷之者，豈不送死有已，復生有節？ ”又《喪服四製》云：“變而從宜，故大祥鼓素琴，告人以終。 ”又《間傳》云：“期而小祥，食菜果。又期而大祥，有醯醬。中月而禫，食酒肉。 ”又《喪服小記》云：“再期之喪，三年也。期之喪，二年也。九月七月之喪，三時也。五月之喪，二時也。三月之喪，一時也。 ”此《禮記》三年之喪，二十五月之明驗也。

The Records of Rites, "Three-Year Inquiry," says: "The three-year mourning ends at twenty-five months. Grief is not yet spent and longing is not yet forgotten, yet mourning dress stops here—is this not because sending off the dead must have its limit and returning to life must have its proper measure? " Again, "Four Principles of Mourning Garments" says: "One changes to follow what is fitting; therefore at the great memorial one strikes the plain zither to tell others that mourning is over. " Again, "Treatise on Progressive Stages" says: "After one full cycle comes the lesser memorial, and one may eat vegetables and fruit. After another cycle comes the great memorial, and one may have vinegar and sauce. In the month between comes the sacrificial release of mourning, and one may eat wine and meat. " Again, "Small Record on Mourning Garments" says: "Mourning lasting two full cycles is the three-year mourning. Mourning of one cycle is two years. Mourning of nine or seven months spans three seasons. Mourning of five months spans two seasons. Mourning of three months spans one season. " This is clear proof from the Records of Rites that the three-year mourning period lasts twenty-five months.

《儀禮士虞禮》云：“期而小祥。又期而大祥。中月而禫，是月也吉祭。 ”此禮周公所製，則《儀禮》三年之喪，二十五月之明驗也。

The Rites of Etiquette and Ceremonial, "Officer's Sacrificial Rites," says: "After one cycle comes the lesser memorial. After another cycle comes the great memorial. In the month between comes the sacrificial release of mourning, and in that month the auspicious sacrifice is held. " This rite was established by the Duke of Zhou, so the Rites of Etiquette and Ceremonial provides clear proof that the three-year mourning lasts twenty-five months.

此四驗者，並禮經正文，或周公所製，或仲尼所述，吾子豈得以《禮記》戴聖所修，輒欲排毀？漢初高堂生傳《禮》，既未周備，宣帝時少傳後蒼因淹中孔壁所得五十六篇著《曲台記》，以授弟子戴德、戴聖、慶溥三人，合以正經及孫卿所述，並相符會。列於學官，年代已久。今無端構造異論，既無依據，深可歎息。其二十五月，先儒考校，唯鄭康成注《儀禮》“中月而禫”，以“中月間一月，自死至禫凡二十七月”。又解禫云：“言澹澹然平安之意也。 ”今皆二十七月復常，從鄭議也。逾月入禫，禫既復常，則二十五月為免喪矣。二十五月、二十七月，其議本同。

These four proofs are all canonical ritual texts—some made by the Duke of Zhou, some set forth by Confucius. How can you, sir, simply because Dai Sheng compiled the Records of Rites, seek to dismiss and tear them down? In early Han Gaotang Sheng transmitted the Rites, but it was incomplete. Under Emperor Xuan, the junior guardian Hou Cang used the fifty-six chapters found in the Kong wall at Yanzhong to compose the "Record of the Qu Platform" and taught it to his disciples Dai De, Dai Sheng, and Qing Pu. Combined with the orthodox classic and Sun Qing's teachings, everything matched. It has stood in the official curriculum for many years. Now you invent strange doctrines without basis—a cause for deep regret. On the question of twenty-five months, earlier scholars agreed on almost everything; only Zheng Xuan, commenting on the Rites of Etiquette and Ceremonial's phrase "in the intervening month comes the sacrificial release of mourning," counted one month in between and held that from death to sacrificial release was twenty-seven months in all. He also explained sacrificial release, saying: "It expresses the meaning of calm and peace. " Today everyone returns to normal life at twenty-seven months, following Zheng Xuan's view. Entering sacrificial release one month later, once that release marks a return to normal life, twenty-five months is when mourning ends. The twenty-five-month and twenty-seven-month positions are fundamentally the same.

竊以子之於父母喪也，有終身之痛，創巨者日久，痛深者愈遲，豈徒歲月而已乎？故練而慨然者，蓋悲慕之懷未盡，而踴擗之情已歇；祥而廓然者，蓋哀傷之痛已除，而孤邈之念更起。此皆情之所致，豈外飾哉。故《記》曰：三年之喪，義同過隙，先王立其中製，以成文理。是以祥則縞帶素紕，禫則無所不佩。今吾子將徇情棄禮，實為乖僻。夫棄縗麻之服，襲錦縠之衣，行道之人，皆不忍也，直為節之以禮，無可奈何。故由也不能過製為姊服，鯉也不能過期哭其母。夫豈不懷，懼名教逼己也。若孔、鄭、何、杜之徒，並命代挺生，範模來裔，宮牆積仞，未易可窺。但鑽仰不休，當漸入勝境，詎勞終年矻矻，虛肆莠言？請所有掎擿先儒，願且以時消息。

I believe that mourning for one's parents brings lifelong pain. Great wounds take long to heal; the deeper the grief, the slower it fades. How could it be only a matter of months and years? That is why at lian one still sighs deeply: grief and longing are not yet spent, but the fierce beating of the breast has already stopped; at xiang one feels suddenly emptied because the sharp pain of mourning has lifted, yet thoughts of loneliness and distance rise anew. All of this comes from genuine feeling—how could it be mere outward show? Thus the Record says: the three-year mourning, in principle, passes like a crack in time; the ancient kings set a middle measure to give culture its proper form. Therefore at xiang one wears a white sash and plain hem; at sacrificial release one may wear every ornament again. Now you would indulge feeling and cast off ritual—a truly perverse course. To cast off coarse hemp mourning dress and put on brocaded silk—any passerby would find it unbearable to watch. Ritual restrains us because there is no other way. That is why Zilu could not exceed the prescribed mourning for his elder sister, and Boyu's son Li could not mourn his mother past the allotted time. Was it that they felt no grief? No—they feared the constraints of civilization and propriety. Masters such as Confucius, Zheng Xuan, He Xiu, and Du Yu were born for their age and became models for later generations. Their learning stands like a palace wall piled many ren high—not easily looked over. Only by drilling and looking upward without ceasing can one gradually reach mastery. Why toil all year in fruitless labor and spread empty weeds of words? I ask that your attacks on earlier scholars may for now be set aside and allowed to rest.

時人以柬之所駁，頗合於禮典。

People of the time felt that Jianzhi's refutations largely accorded with the ritual canon.

是歲，突厥默啜表言有女請和親，則天盛意許之，欲令淮陽郡王延秀娶之。柬之奏曰：“自古無天子求娶夷狄女以配中國王者。 ”表入，頗忤其旨。神功初，出為合州刺史，尋轉蜀州刺史。舊例，每歲差兵募五百人往姚州鎮守，路越山險，死者甚多。柬之表論其弊曰：

That year the Turk khan Moqi submitted a memorial saying he had a daughter and sought a marriage alliance. Wu Zetian gladly agreed and intended to have the Prince of Huaiyang, Yanxiu, marry her. Jianzhi submitted a memorial: "Since antiquity no Son of Heaven has ever sought to take a barbarian woman's daughter as a match for a Chinese king. " When the memorial was submitted, it greatly offended her wishes. At the start of the Shenggong era he was appointed prefect of Hezhou, and soon afterward transferred to prefect of Shuzhou. By established practice, five hundred conscripted troops were sent each year to garrison Yaozhou. The route crossed dangerous mountains, and many died along the way. Jianzhi submitted a memorial on the abuses, saying:

臣竊按姚州者，古哀牢之舊國。絕域荒外，山高水深，自生人以來，洎於後漢，不與中國交通。前漢唐蒙開夜郎滇筰，而哀牢不附。至光武季年，始請內屬，漢置永昌郡以統理之，乃收其鹽布毯罽之稅，以利中土。其國西通大秦，南通交趾，奇珍異寶，進貢歲時不闕。劉備據有巴蜀，常以甲兵不充。及備死，諸葛亮五月渡瀘，收其金銀鹽布以益軍儲，使張伯岐選其勁卒搜兵以增武備。故《蜀志》稱自亮南征之後，國以富饒，甲兵充足。由此言之，則前代置郡，其利頗深。今鹽布之稅不供，珍奇之貢不入，戈戟之用不實於戎行，寶貨之資不輸於大國，而空竭府庫，驅率平人，受役蠻夷，肝腦塗地，臣竊為國家惜之。

Your subject respectfully observes that Yaozhou was the ancient state of Ailao. It lies in a remote wilderness beyond the frontier, with high mountains and deep waters. From the beginning of human history down to the Later Han, it had no contact with China. In the Former Han, when Tang Meng opened Yelang, Dian, and Zuozuo, Ailao still did not submit. Only in the final years of Emperor Guangwu did it first ask to come under Han rule. The Han then established Yongchang commandery to govern it and collected taxes on salt, cloth, felt, and wool to benefit the heartland. The region connected west to Da Qin and south to Jiaozhi, and rare treasures were sent as tribute year after year without interruption. When Liu Bei held Ba and Shu, he often lacked enough armor and troops. After Liu Bei died, Zhuge Liang crossed the Lu River in the fifth month, took its gold, silver, salt, and cloth to fill the army's stores, and had Zhang Boqi select strong local soldiers to raise troops and strengthen defenses. The Records of Shu says that after Zhuge Liang's southern campaign, the state grew rich and its armor and troops were fully supplied. From this it is clear that establishing a commandery there in earlier times brought great benefit. Today salt and cloth taxes are not paid, rare tribute does not arrive, weapons are not put to use in the army, and wealth is not delivered to the empire—yet the treasury is drained, common people are driven out, forced to serve among the barbarians, and left to die in the wilderness. Your subject grieves for the state.

昔漢以得利既多，曆博南山，涉蘭倉水，更置博南、哀牢二縣。蜀人愁怨，行者作歌曰：“曆博南，越蘭津，渡蘭蒼，為他人。 ”蓋譏漢貪珍奇鹽布之利，而為蠻夷之所驅役也。漢獲其利，人且怨歌。今減耗國儲，費用日廣，而使陛下之赤子身膏野草，骸骨不歸，老母幼子，哀號望祭於千里之外。於國家無絲發之利，在百姓受終身之酷。臣竊為國家痛之。

In the past, once Han had gained great profit there, it crossed Mount Bonan, forded the Lancang River, and established the counties of Bonan and Ailao. The people of Shu groaned in resentment, and travelers sang: "Cross Bonan, pass Lancang Ford, ford the Lancang—for someone else's sake. " This mocked Han for coveting rare goods and salt-and-cloth profits, and for being driven to labor by the barbarians. Han gained the profit, yet the people still sang songs of resentment. Today national stores are being drained and costs rise daily, while Your Majesty's people leave their bodies to rot in the wild, their bones never return home, and old mothers and young children wail and gaze toward distant sacrifices a thousand li away. The state gains not the slightest benefit, while the people suffer cruelty that lasts a lifetime. Your subject grieves deeply for the state.

往者，諸葛亮破南中，使其渠率自相統領，不置漢官，亦不留兵鎮守。人問其故，亮言置官留兵有三不易。大意以置官夷漢雜居，猜嫌必起；留兵運糧，為患更重；忽若反叛，勞費更多。但粗設紀綱，自然安定。臣竊以亮之此策，妙得羈縻蠻夷之術。

In the past, when Zhuge Liang conquered the Southern Center, he let the tribal chiefs govern one another, appointed no Han officials, and left no garrison troops behind. When people asked why, Zhuge Liang said that appointing officials and leaving troops presented three serious difficulties. In essence, appointing officials meant barbarians and Han would live mixed together, and suspicion was bound to arise; leaving troops meant transporting grain, which created even greater hardship; if they rebelled suddenly, the labor and expense would be even greater. Only by establishing a rough framework of order would the region settle naturally. Your subject believes this policy of Zhuge Liang's masterfully captured the art of keeping barbarian peoples under loose control.

今姚府所置之官，既無安邊靜寇之心，又無葛亮且縱且擒之伎。唯知詭謀狡算，恣情割剝，貪叨劫掠，積以為常。扇動酋渠，遺成朋黨，折支諂笑，取媚蠻夷，拜跪趨伏，無復慚恥。提挈子弟，嘯引凶愚，聚會蒲博，一擲累萬。劍南逋逃，中原亡命，有二千餘戶，見散在彼州，專以掠奪為業。姚州本龍朔中武陵縣主簿石子仁奏置之，後長史李孝讓、辛文協並為群蠻所殺。前朝遣郎將趙武貴討擊，貴及蜀兵應時破敗，噍類無遺。又使將軍李義總等往征，郎將劉惠基在陣戰死，其州乃廢。臣竊以諸葛亮稱置官留兵有三不易，其言乃驗。至垂拱四年，蠻郎將王善寶、昆州刺史爨乾福又請置州，奏言所有課稅，自出姚府管內，更不勞擾蜀中。及置州後，錄事參軍李棱為蠻所殺。延載中，司馬成琛奏請於瀘南置鎮七所，遣蜀兵防守，自此蜀中騷擾，於今不息。

The officials now stationed at the Yao prefecture office have neither the will to secure the frontier and pacify raiders, nor Zhuge Liang's skill of alternately releasing and capturing. They know only scheming and cunning, plundering as they please, greedy for loot and robbery until such conduct becomes routine. They stir up tribal chiefs, form cliques, grovel and flatter to win favor with the barbarians, bowing and kneeling without a trace of shame. They drag along younger relatives, rally the vicious and foolish, gather for gambling, and stake tens of thousands on a single throw. More than two thousand households of fugitives from Jiannan and outlaws from the central plains are now scattered through that prefecture, making plunder their sole occupation. Yaozhou was originally established on a memorial submitted in the Longshuo era by Shi Ziren, registrar of Wuling county. Later the chief administrators Li Xiaorang and Xin Wenxie were both killed by barbarian bands. The previous court sent General Zhao Wugui to attack, but he and the Shu troops were promptly defeated, and not one survivor was left. The court again sent General Li Yizong and others to campaign, but General Liu Huiji died in battle and the prefecture was abolished. Your subject believes Zhuge Liang's warning that appointing officials and leaving troops had three serious difficulties has been borne out. By the fourth year of the Chuigong era, the barbarian general Wang Shanbao and Kunzhou prefect Cuan Qianfu again requested that the prefecture be established, stating that all taxes and levies would be raised within the Yao prefecture's jurisdiction and would no longer burden Shu. After the prefecture was reestablished, the recording secretary Li Leng was killed by the barbarians. During the Yanzai era, Sima Chengchen submitted a memorial requesting seven garrisons south of the Lu River and the dispatch of Shu troops to guard them. From that time Shu fell into unrest, and the disturbance has not ceased to this day.

且姚府總管五十七州，巨猾遊客，不可勝數。國家設官分職，本以化俗妨奸，無恥無厭，狼籍至此。今不問夷夏，負罪並深，見道路劫殺，不能禁止，恐一旦驚擾，為禍轉大。伏乞省罷姚州，使隸巂府，歲時朝覲，同之蕃國。瀘南諸鎮，亦皆悉廢，於瀘北置關，百姓自非奉使入蕃，不許交通往來。增巂府兵選，擇清良宰牧以統理之。臣愚將為穩便。

Moreover, the Yao prefecture office oversees fifty-seven prefectures, and great scoundrels and roaming adventurers are beyond counting. The state appoints officials and divides duties precisely to reform customs and check wrongdoing, yet these men are shameless and insatiable, and have reduced the region to such disorder. Today, without distinction between barbarians and Chinese, all are deeply guilty. Robbery and murder occur on the roads and cannot be stopped. I fear that if unrest breaks out suddenly, the disaster will grow far worse. I humbly ask that Yaozhou be abolished and placed under Xi prefecture, with seasonal court audiences handled like those of tributary states. All garrisons south of the Lu River should likewise be abolished, a pass established north of the Lu River, and ordinary people forbidden to travel into barbarian territory except on official missions. Increase the selection of troops for Xi prefecture and appoint upright, capable administrators to govern the region. Your subject believes this would be the stable and prudent course.

疏奏，則天不納。

When the memorial was submitted, Wu Zetian rejected it.

後累拜荊州大都督府長史。長安中，召為司刑少卿，遷秋官侍郎。時夏官尚書姚崇為靈武軍使，將行，則天令舉外司堪為宰相者。崇對曰：“張柬之沉厚有謀，能斷大事，且其人年老，惟陛下急用之。 ”則天登時召見，尋同鳳閣鸞台平章事。未幾，遷鳳閣侍郎，仍知政事。及誅張易之兄弟，柬之首謀其事。中宗即位，以功擢拜天官尚書、鳳閣鸞台三品，封漢陽郡公，食實封五百戶，未幾，遷中書令，監修國史。月餘，進封漢陽郡王，加授特進，令罷知政事。

Later he was appointed chief administrator of the Jingzhou Grand Protectorate. During the Chang'an era he was summoned to serve as vice minister of justice and later promoted to vice minister of the autumn office. At that time Summer Office Minister Yao Chong was about to depart as military commissioner of Lingwu, and Wu Zetian ordered recommendations of officials outside the central administration who were fit to serve as chancellors. Chong replied: "Zhang Jianzhi is steady and shrewd, capable of deciding great affairs, and he is already advanced in years. Your Majesty should appoint him at once. " Wu Zetian summoned him immediately, and soon afterward he was made associate director of the Phoenix Pavilion and Crane Platform. Before long he was promoted to vice director of the Phoenix Pavilion and continued to manage state affairs. When the Zhang Yizhi brothers were executed, Jianzhi was the chief planner of the coup. When Emperor Zhongzong took the throne, Jianzhi was promoted for his merit to minister of the heaven office and third rank of the Phoenix Pavilion and Crane Platform, enfeoffed as Duke of Hanyang with five hundred taxable households, and soon afterward made director of the Secretariat and supervisor of the national history. After little more than a month he was advanced to Prince of Hanyang commandery, granted special advancement, and relieved of his duties in state affairs.

玄孫璟，開成二年，自宜城尉遷壽安尉。

His great-great-grandson Jing was transferred from magistrate of Yicheng to magistrate of Shou'an in the second year of Kaicheng.

袁恕己，滄州東光人也。長安中，曆遷司刑少卿，兼知相王府司馬事。敬暉等將誅張易之兄弟，恕己預其謀議，又從相王統率南衙兵仗，以備非常。及事定，加銀青光祿大夫，行中書侍郎、同中書門下三品，封南陽郡公，食實封五百戶。將作少匠楊務廉素以工巧見用，中興初，恕己恐其更啟遊娛侈靡之端，言於中宗曰：“務廉致位九卿，積有歲年，苦言嘉謀，無足可紀。每宮室營構，必務其侈，若不斥之，何以廣昭聖德？ ”由是左授務廉陵州刺史。恕己俄擢拜中書令，仍加特進，封南陽郡王，罷知政事。則天崩，遺製加實封滿七百戶。後與敬暉等累遭貶黜，流於環州。尋為周利貞所逼，飲野葛汁數升，恕己常服黃金，餌毒發，憤悶，以手掘地，取土而食，爪甲殆盡，竟不死，乃擊殺之。建中初，贈太子太傅。

Yuan Shuji was a native of Dongguang in Cangzhou. During the Chang'an era he rose to vice minister of justice and concurrently managed affairs as marshal of the Prince of Xiang's household. When Jing Hui and the others planned to execute the Zhang Yizhi brothers, Shuji joined their deliberations and followed the Prince of Xiang in commanding the southern palace troops and arms against any emergency. When the affair was settled, he was granted silver-blue gleaming grand master of splendid happiness, acting vice director of the Secretariat and third rank of the Secretariat and Chancellery, and enfeoffed as Duke of Nanyang with five hundred taxable households. Assistant director of palace construction Yang Wulian had long been valued for his craftsmanship. At the beginning of the restoration, Shuji feared he would again open the way to pleasure and extravagance, and said to Emperor Zhongzong: "Wulian has risen to one of the nine ministers and served for many years, yet he has offered no earnest counsel or fine plan worth recording. Whenever palace buildings are constructed, he always pursues extravagance. If he is not dismissed, how can Your Majesty's sagely virtue be broadly displayed? " On this account Wulian was demoted to prefect of Lingzhou. Shuji was soon promoted to director of the Secretariat, granted special advancement, enfeoffed as Prince of Nanyang commandery, and relieved of his duties in state affairs. When Wu Zetian died, her final edict increased his taxable households to seven hundred. Later he and Jing Hui and the others were repeatedly demoted and exiled to Huanzhou. Soon Zhou Lizhen forced him to drink several sheng of wild kudzu poison. Shuji habitually took gold, so when the poison took effect he fell into rage and distress, dug at the ground with his hands, and ate the soil until his fingernails were nearly gone. He still did not die, and so was beaten to death. At the beginning of the Jianzhong era he was posthumously granted the title of grand tutor of the crown prince.

曾孫德文，舉進士，開成三年，授秘書省校書郎。

His great-grandson Dewen passed the jinshi examination and in the third year of Kaicheng was appointed collator of the Secretariat.

史臣曰：昔夫差入越，勾踐保於會稽，不聽子胥之言，而有甬東之歎。此五王除凶返正，得計成功。當是時，彥範、敬暉握兵全勢，三思、攸暨其黨半殲，若從季昶之言，寧有利貞之禍？蓋以心懷不忍，遽失後圖，黜削流移，理固然也。且芟蔓而不能拔本，建謀而尚欠防微，死即無辜，禍由自掇。失斷召亂也，不亦宜哉！

The historian writes: Long ago, when Fuchai invaded Yue, Goujian took refuge at Kuaiji. Because he did not heed Wu Zixu's counsel, he ended with the lament of exile to Yongdong. These five princes removed the wicked and restored legitimate rule, achieving success through sound planning. At that time Yanfan and Jing Hui held full military power, and Sansi, Youji, and their faction were half destroyed. If they had followed Ji Chang's advice, would they have suffered Zhou Lizhen's disaster? Because their hearts could not bear to go further, they suddenly lost their later plans. Demotion, stripping of rank, and exile were only to be expected. Moreover, they cut the creepers but failed to uproot the root. They formed plans yet still neglected to guard against trouble at its first signs. Though their deaths were undeserved, they brought the disaster on themselves. Failure to act decisively invites disorder—is this not exactly what one would expect!

讚曰：嗟彼五王，忠於有唐。知火在木，謂其無傷。禍發既克，勢摧靡當。何事不敏，周身之防。

The encomium says: Alas for those five princes, loyal to Tang. Seeing fire in the wood, they thought it would do no harm. Once disaster broke out they were overcome, and their power was crushed beyond resistance. In what matter were they not remiss? They failed to guard themselves thoroughly.

Cite this Chapter