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卷九十二 列傳第四十二: 魏元忠 韋安石 蕭至忠 宗楚客 紀處訥

Volume 92 Biographies 42: Wei Yuanzhong, Wei Anshi, Ziao Zhizhong, Zong Chuke, Ji Chune

Chapter 96 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Chapter 96
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1
Wei Yuanzhong and Wei Anshi (With appended accounts of his sons Zhi and Bin, Bin's son Kuang, his paternal cousin Kang, his grand-uncle's grandson Juyuan, and Zhao Yanzhao) Xiao Zhizhong (With appended accounts of Zong Chuke and Ji Chune)
2
調
Wei Yuanzhong came from Songcheng in Song prefecture. His birth name was Zhenzai; he changed it to avoid the taboo on the posthumous title of Empress Wu's mother. Early on he studied at the Imperial Academy, spirited and unconventional, and cared little about securing a recommendation; for years he went without an official post. At that time the Left Historiographer Jiang Rong of Zhouzhi wrote the Diagram of Strategic Terrain in the Nine Provinces, a comprehensive record of military successes and failures through history, and Yuanzhong studied the art under him. During the Yifeng reign, as Tibetans repeatedly breached the border, Yuanzhong traveled to Luoyang and submitted a sealed memorial on how well or poorly generals were chosen and armies deployed. He wrote:
3
穿
I have heard that governing the realm rests on two pillars: civil and military affairs. Though civil and military learning follow different paths, when it comes to prevailing over foes and mastering others, both aim at the same end. Today the royal design reaches far and imperial might resounds abroad: rites and music shape the educated and the common people, while disciplined armies keep all living under heaven in awe. Yet those who speak of war prize archery and horsemanship above all and never weigh matters by strategic calculation; while those who speak of letters prize literary compositions and never ask whether a man can govern the realm. Rivalry feeds on rivalry until the age has sunk into empty fashion. When I read the histories of Wei and Jin, I have always despised how He Yan and Wang Yan could spend entire days discoursing on emptiness. Looking recently at the histories of Qi and Liang, one finds no lack of talented men—yet what did any of them do for the rise or fall of states? From this it follows: Lu Ji wrote his Discourse on Perishing States yet could not avert defeat at Heqiao; Yang Youji's arrows could pierce a willow leaf yet could not stop the flight at Yanling—the lesson is plain. Long ago Zhao Qi wrote on repelling invaders and Shan Tao expounded the foundations of war; both directed campaigns from behind the curtain in ways that tacitly matched Sunzi and Wuzi. Confucius said, "The virtuous must have words to speak; the benevolent must have courage"—how then could He Yan and Wang Yan ever be mentioned in the same breath!
4
I have heard that talent arises from its age and every age truly needs talent—what age has ever lacked talent, what talent has ever lacked its age? There are things no one seeks, yet there has never been a year without goods to be had; there are scholars left unused, yet there has never been an age without men of talent. Men of resolve, whether rich or poor, high or low, all wish to win merit and fame and hope their names will live on in the histories. Ban Chao threw down his brush and sighed; Zu Ti struck the oar and swore his oath—each had talent and found the chance to use it. Yet true patrons are rare and heroic rulers seldom appear; when a man carrying jade sinks into the dust and one who could be a pillar of state languishes in a ditch, the crowd sees only his poverty—how could they know his designs? When Han appointed Han Xin, the whole army was astonished and laughed; when Shu employed Wei Yan, the ministers were resentful. Alas! The rich and honored find it easy to do good, while the poor and lowly can scarcely achieve merit—so it has always been.
5
Some men stand at the very moment to win glory yet never unfold their designs; though known to their sovereign, their gifts are never fully used—what wonder, then, that poor and obscure men go unheard? Under Emperor Wen of Han, Wei Shang and Li Guang both served on the frontier as commandery administrators. Emperor Wen failed to recognize Wei Shang's worth and had him imprisoned; he failed to recognize Li Guang's talent and could not put him to use. He often lamented that Li Guang was born in the wrong age, saying that had he lived under Emperor Gaozu, a marquisate of ten thousand households would have been nothing to speak of. Li Guang's talent and spirit were unmatched under heaven; the Xiongnu feared him and called him the Flying General—at a time when barbarian horsemen pressed the borders, he could have proved his full worth. Emperor Wen would not give him great responsibility, yet sighed that he had been born in the wrong age. He failed to recognize the worth of Wei Shang and Li Guang beside him, yet dreamed of Lian Po and Li Mu from ages past. Thus Feng Tang said: though one has men like Lian Po and Li Mu, one cannot use them—how near the truth that was. Seen in this light, is it any wonder that Jia Yi was cast aside? This is the case of a man known to his sovereign who is never allowed to use his gifts to the full. In Jin, Yang Hu proposed a plan to conquer Wu, but Jia Chong and Xun Xu blocked it. Hu sighed and said, "Under heaven, things go against one's wishes seven or eight times out of ten." Because Xun and Jia disagreed, no great campaign was ever launched. This is the case of a man placed at the moment to win glory who cannot unfold his designs. As for commoners in plain dress who hold one brilliant plan and submit a memorial at court, hoping to be summoned the same evening they arrive—how can they expect such fortune?
6
使
I ask that we survey all civil and military officials of fifth rank and above, at court and in the provinces—are there not men with Yang Hu's strategic mind or Li Guang's martial prowess who, whether used or ignored, cannot fully deploy their gifts? I humbly ask that Your Majesty issue a broad and generous edict allowing every man to speak his mind. Do not let a man of Ji An's upright spirit die in obscurity at Huaiyang. Dong Zhongshu had great talent yet was reduced to serving as a feudal lord's chancellor.
7
He also wrote:
8
西
I have heard that the way of emperors and kings is to exalt grand strategy. Grand strategy depends on extraordinary men. Our own state's fine generals are proof enough. Li Jing shattered the Turks, Hou Junji destroyed Gaochang, Su Dingfang opened the Western Regions, and Li Ji pacified Liaodong—though they served the state's majesty, their victories owed much to their own ability. An old saying has it: "Men have no fixed ways; governments rise and fall; armies are not inherently strong or weak—it is the general who makes the difference." Seen in this light, securing the borders and winning glory depend on fine generals. Zhao Chongguo's campaign against the Xianling and Feng Ziming's attack on the Southern Qiang wasted neither plan nor opportunity—proof of what fine generals can achieve. Yet the use of arms is the gravest business of kings, on which survival itself depends. Appoint the right man and you crush the vicious and restrain the violent. Appoint the wrong man and you ruin the state and destroy the people. Duan Xiaoxuan of Northern Qi said, "Commanding a great army is like carrying a tray of water." It spills in an instant; one misstep and there is no stopping it! Seen in this light, Zhou Yafu's holding fast behind his walls to break Wu and Chu, and Sima Yi's closing camp to wear down Zhuge Liang, were both supreme strategies. Each repelled the enemy without fighting and preserved the army intact to win. This shows that when a great general faces battle, intelligence is the foundation. Emperor Gaozu of Han, heroic and magnanimous, still said, "I would rather match wits than strength"; Cao Cao, whose commanding spirit crowned the age, still followed the teachings of Sunzi and Wuzi. Men with Xiang Yu's spirit and Yuan Shao's foundation both abandoned strategy for impulse and were destroyed in the end—what hope for those beneath them?
9
The wise and the foolish, the clear-sighted and the blind, belong to different orders; the many calculations of the skilled and the few plans of the inept are worlds apart. When Wei employed Bo Zhi to resist Han, Han Xin dismissed him as a mere boy; when Yan entrusted Murong Ping to resist Qin, Wang Meng called him a lackey. Bo Zhi and Murong Ping were men utterly lacking in wisdom and courage. Men of middling talent, devoid of strategy, once made marshals swell with pride and believe nothing can withstand their charge—what do they know of martial discipline, resolute command, or the study of the Odes and Rites? Li Xin asked to take two hundred thousand men alone against Yan and Ying, and in the end brought shame on Qin's army; Fan Kuai vowed to take a hundred thousand men and sweep the Xiongnu, only to be rebuffed at once by Ji Bu—such cases are legion.
10
使 西 使 姿 調
Today the court mostly appoints sons of general families; some from families of men who died in service are also promoted. Such men are not known for ability or strategy; though they serve with utmost loyalty, they cannot escape defeat—how can they be entrusted with command beyond the frontier? In Later Han, when Ma Xian campaigned against the Western Qiang, Huangfu Gui declared he would certainly fail; When Emperor Wen of Song sent Wang Xuamo to recover Henan, Shen Qingzhi knew beforehand he would fail. Xie Xuan, a scholar in bearing, held off Fu Jian's hosts from across the realm, and Chi Chao foresaw his certain victory; Huan Wen led tens of thousands of troops ten thousand li to strike Chengdu, and Liu Zhenchang expected a decisive victory. Though ages differ, human affairs follow the same patterns; judge the broad outcome by a man's keen resolve and strategic insight. The clear-sighted judge step by step, and the shape of victory or defeat reveals itself plainly. Jing Fang said, "Those who come after will view our age just as we view antiquity." How different in spirit, then, are the sages of old from the wise men of today? It is the moment when affairs hang in the balance. Men win glory in their own age—why seek worthies only from the past or wait for talent from the future? This comes down to knowing talent or not, and using it or not. When judging merit, speak of what a man accomplished, not where he came from; speak of what he can do, not what connections he had. Chen Tang, Lü Meng, Ma Long, and Meng Guan all rose from poverty and obscurity to win great merit, yet none came from a family of generals. Dong Zhongshu said, "Governing is like a lute: when badly out of tune, one must loosen the strings and stretch them anew before it can be played." When yin and yang fall out of harmony, a scholar is raised to be chancellor; when barbarians grow rebellious, a common soldier is promoted to general—that is what it means to stretch the strings anew. With the four seas so vast and hundreds of millions of people, how could there not be outstanding and matchless men among them? I fear only that Your Majesty has not thought to seek them—how could such men be far away?
11
He also wrote:
12
I have heard that reward is the foundation of rites and punishment the root of penal law. When rites honor strategists, they give their all; when rewards are generous, men of honor face death lightly; when penal law is just, gentlemen are encouraged; when punishments are severe, the base are chastened for their faults. Reward and punishment are the cords that bind army and state, the medicine of government and instruction. Raise those cords and the myriad affairs govern themselves; apply that medicine and civil and military alike obey. The Tibetans swarm like ants and bees and are no true match—yet Xue Rengui and Guo Daifeng, entrusted with command beyond the passes and ordered on independent campaigns, could not rouse their troops or seize the moment to sweep them away. After defeat they could not turn disaster to triumph or win merit from the crisis; they cast off their armor, lost their army, and fled. By fortune they met lenient treatment and were merely dismissed; the state's laws are so lax they might as well have holes big enough to swallow a boat—what could exceed this? The Emperor still remembers past service and awaits their future merit—is the court today really so short of capable men that it needs these two alone? When rewards fail to encourage, goodness ceases; when punishments fail to chastise, evil runs unchecked. Rengui exerted himself in the eastern sea campaign yet won no real merit; he hoarded gold and silk and was insatiable in bribes—if he goes unpunished now, indulgence of evil will only grow worse. I am lowly and presumptuous to speak on matters not my own—do I wish to come between Emperor and ministers, or breed ill will toward Rengui? It is simply that once reward and punishment are bent, a century may pass before they are restored—and that is what weighs on my mind.
13
使
The ancients said, "In a state without reward and punishment, even Yao and Shun cannot bring transformation." Today punishment cannot be enforced and rewards are not believed, so people everywhere say, "Recent campaigns promise rewards that are never paid." This is because men of middling talent fail to grasp the larger design, fearing that rewarding merit would drain the treasury; they fixate on pennies, thinking that will benefit the state. They pursue immediate profit and forget long-term design—missing by a hair's breadth, erring by a thousand li. Though the common people are humble, they cannot be deceived about what they hope for; watching for imperial favor, they will surely act on what they see. Once they see cause, they expect real response—how can the throne issue unbelievable orders and set empty reward statutes? Recent campaigns have failed to win merit—perhaps for no other reason than this. Master Wen said, "When words are alike, trust lies before the words;" when orders are alike, sincerity lies outside the order." Lord Shang moved a tree to display trust, and Cao Cao cut his hair to clarify the law—this was not mere ritual, but had its reason. Since Su Dingfang pacified Liaodong and Li Ji took Pyongyang, rewards have gone unpaid and merit has stagnated; for years confusion has reigned, true and false mixed, and though sifted, clarity has not been reached. I hold that officials do not uphold the law, starting negligently from the capital; false merit arises from the fault of the responsible offices. The precedent is close at hand—in the Ministry of Personnel itself; not one desk officer beheaded, not one clerk executed, to make the realm take notice: how can the Emperor see far and not near! The divine land is the head of civilization, honored by all states; the Secretariat is the root of government, the model for the four quarters—setting standards and proclaiming policy, order and disorder depend on it. Therefore I disclose without end, risking death to speak fully.
14
使 使
A bright mirror shows form and past affairs inform the present; I do not claim knowledge of antiquity—let me speak from recent affairs. In the Zhenguan era, Wannian county assistant Sima Xuanjing twisted the law for profit; Taizong judged his treachery and had him executed in the market. During the campaign against Goguryeo, overall commander Zhang Junyi failed to advance against the enemy and was beheaded beneath his banner. The crimes of false merit outnumber Xuanjing's; the defeats of Rengui and others outweigh Junyi's. Had Rengui and Guo Daifeng been punished early, would the other generals have dared to fail afterward? Han Feizi said, "A fond father has many failed sons; a strict household has no unruly slaves." Though this saying is small, it illustrates what is large. Gongsun Hong said, "The ruler's fault is lack of breadth; the minister's fault is lack of frugality." I fear the Emperor's fault lies in lack of breadth, in being too fond a father—this too is an eclipse of sun and moon. Today's generals and officials are mostly greedy and violent; they pursue horses and hounds and seek only wealth—none has Zhao She's or Wu Qi's spirit of spending gold to nurture troops; on campaign they are all alike. I fear that pacifying the Tibetans cannot be expected soon.
15
The Emperor was greatly impressed and appointed him Rectifier in the Secretariat, with attendance at court and service in the inner guard. Soon afterward he was made supervisory censor.
16
殿
In the Wenhua era he was promoted to palace attendant censor. That year Xu Jingye seized Yangzhou in rebellion; Left Jade Bell Guard General Li Xiaoyi commanded the army against him, and Empress Wu ordered Yuanzhong to oversee military affairs. Xiaoyi reached Linhuai, where flank general Lei Renzhi was defeated by Jingye's vanguard; Jingye also captured Runzhou and turned to face Xiaoyi. Xiaoyi feared Jingye's momentum and held his army without advancing. Yuanzhong said to Xiaoyi, "The court has entrusted you with command beyond the passes because you are imperial kin; the safety of the realm depends on your single decision. The realm has long been at peace; at news of this rebel, all await his destruction. If the army now holds back, it will disappoint hopes near and far; should the court replace you with another general, how will he escape the charge of delay? Advance quickly and win great merit; otherwise disaster will come. Xiaoyi agreed and arrayed his troops for attack.
17
退
Jingye was encamped at Xia'a Creek, and his younger brother Jingyou led a flank force against Huaiyin. Yuanzhong asked to strike Jingyou first; the generals all said, "Better attack Jingye first—once Jingye falls, Jingyou will be taken without a fight." If we attack Jingyou, Jingye will come to his rescue and we will be caught between two armies. Yuanzhong said, "No. The rebels' best troops are all at Xia'a, massed for a decisive battle—one defeat and all is lost. Jingyou is a gambler by origin, unskilled in war; his force is small and weak, morale easily shaken—the great army will surely defeat him. Once Jingyou is defeated, we advance in victory. If he marches to rescue Huaiyin, he cannot arrive in time; he will also fear we advance on Jiangdu and must intercept us on the road. He will be weary while we wait at ease—defeat is certain. It is like hunting: take the weak first—how abandon prey sure to fall and rush at the strong? That cannot be right. Xiaoyi agreed, attacked Jingyou, and routed him in one battle; Jingyou fled. Xiaoyi then advanced and faced Jingye across the creek. Front-army commander Su Xiaoxiang was defeated; Xiaoyi again grew afraid and wished to withdraw. When Jingye reached Xia'a, a meteor had fallen on his camp; now crows cried over the lines. Yuanzhong said, "This proves the rebels will be defeated. The wind favors us and the reeds are dry—fire attack will prevail." He pressed for battle and pacified Jingye. Yuanzhong was promoted to Director in the Ministry of Justice for his merit and soon became magistrate of Luoyang.
18
鹿
Soon he fell into Zhou Xing's prison and was taken to the execution ground; Empress Wu, remembering his merit in pacifying Jingye, spared his life and exiled him to Guizhou. When the edict-bearer was about to reach the market, a herald was sent ahead; the executioner hastily released Yuanzhong and told him to rise. Yuanzhong said, "Not knowing whether the edict is genuine, how can I act rashly?" He waited calmly for the proclaimed edict, then rose to give thanks; onlookers marveled at his composure facing death. In the first year of Shenglü he was summoned as attendant censor, then promoted to vice censor-in-chief. Again he was framed by Lai Junchen and Hou Sizhi and twice exiled to the south. He returned and was appointed vice censor-in-chief. Yuanzhong was exiled three times; many at the time said he was innocent. Empress Wu once asked him, "You have been slandered again and again—why?" He replied, "I am like a deer; those who weave accusations are like hunters—they need my flesh for their stew." They kill me to advance—what crime have I committed?"
19
祿
In the second year of Shenglü he was promoted to Vice Minister of the Phoenix Pavilion and made Associate Director of the Phoenix Pavilion and Crane Terrace, with concurrent duty as prefect of Bingzhou. Soon he was given the silver-blue glory grandee rank and became censor-in-chief of the Left Bureau for Correcting Governance, with concurrent duty as prefect of Luoyang. His administration was known as pure and strict. In the Chang'an era, the Prince of Xiang was marshal of Bingzhou and Yuanzhong was his deputy. Attendant Zhang Yizhi often let his slaves bully the people; Yuanzhong had them flogged to death, and the powerful all feared him. The Turks and Tibetans repeatedly raided the frontier; Yuanzhong served as overall commander against them. In the field he held to caution; he won no victories, yet never suffered defeat.
20
使 殿
When Zhongzong was crown prince, Yuanzhong served as Left Vice Director of the Crown Prince's household. Zhang Yizhi and Changzong's power grew daily, and the court flocked to them. Yuanzhong once told Empress Wu, "I received the late emperor's favor and Your Majesty's kindness; if I do not die loyal and let petty men reach your side, that is my crime." Empress Wu was displeased. Yizhi and Changzong thereby harbored resentment. When Empress Wu fell ill, they slandered Yuanzhong and Director of Rites Gao Jian, claiming they plotted: "The ruler is old; we should seize the crown prince and command the realm." Empress Wu was misled and imprisoned Yuanzhong; she summoned the crown prince, the Prince of Xiang, and all chancellors, and had Changzong confront Yuanzhong in the hall—without resolution. Changzong again brought Attendant Zhang Shuo to testify against Yuanzhong. Shuo at first feigned agreement, but when Empress Wu questioned him, he firmly declared Yuanzhong had said no such thing. Empress Wu then saw Yuanzhong had been slandered, yet because of Changzong demoted him to military adjutant of Gaoyao in Duan prefecture.
21
祿
When Zhongzong took the throne, Yuanzhong was summoned that same day and appointed Minister of the Court of Imperial Stud and Associate Director of the Secretariat and Chancellery. Within ten days he was promoted to Minister of War, with governance as before. Soon he was made Palace Attendant, with concurrent duty as Minister of War. Empress Wu had died; Zhongzong was in mourning and for days did not attend to affairs—military and civil policy was entrusted to Yuanzhong alone. Soon he became Director of the Secretariat, was given the glory grandee rank, enfeoffed as Duke of Qi, and made supervisor of the national history. In the second year of Shenlong, Yuanzhong with Wu Sansi, Zhu Qinming, Xu Yanbo, Liu Chong, Wei Chengqing, Cui Rong, Cen Xi, Xu Jian, and others compiled the Veritable Record of Empress Zetian in twenty chapters. They arranged and presented her collected works in one hundred twenty chapters. Zhongzong praised the work and bestowed a thousand lengths of goods on Yuanzhong; he also enfeoffed his son Sheng, adviser in the Prince of Wei's household, as Baron of Rencheng. Yuanzhong especially enjoyed favor and held power at court. When Yuanzhong first became chancellor under Empress Wu, commentators held him fair and upright. When he again held power, the realm looked to him with hope that he would bring real benefit. Yuanzhong then courted the powerful and suppressed the worthy; he neither rewarded good nor punished evil nor strove to reform government—commentators thought less of him for it. In the autumn of the fourth year he replaced Tang Jing as Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and Director of the Secretariat, still overseeing the Ministry of War and the national history. Soon Yuanzhong asked leave to return home to sweep the tombs; he was granted a brocade robe, a thousand taels of silver, a thousand riders and four attendants, with a handwritten edict: "To tour one's home in brocade by day—let this be that day;" to scatter gold in generosity—surely this is the season." At home he hoarded the silver and gave nothing to the needy. On his return the Emperor met him at White Horse Temple with such favor.
22
Princess Anle once privately asked to depose Crown Prince Jiemin and make herself heir apparent. Zhongzong asked Yuanzhong, who firmly refused, and the matter ended. Soon he became Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, with other posts unchanged. Yuanzhong resented Wu Sansi's monopoly of power and longed to destroy him. In the autumn of the third year Crown Prince Jiemin raised troops to kill Sansi; Yuanzhong and Left Feathered Forest General Li Duozuo and others secretly joined the plot. After killing Sansi the crown prince led troops to the palace to depose Empress Wei; he met Yuanzhong's son Sheng, Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Stud, at Yongshou Gate and ordered him to follow. At the Xuanwu Tower Duozuo and others hesitated; Yuanzhong wavered, and the plot failed—Sheng was killed by the mutineers. Zhongzong, remembering Yuanzhong's merit and his long favor under Gaozong and Empress Wu, did not blame him for Sheng's death and entrusted him as before.
23
Sansi's faction, Minister of War Zong Chuke and Palace Attendant Ji Chune, again testified that Yuanzhong and Sheng had long plotted with Crown Prince Jiemin and asked to exterminate their clans; Zhongzong refused. Yuanzhong grew fearful and petitioned to retire. An edict allowed him to resign as Left Vice Director and retire as Special Advanced Grandee and Duke of Qi, still attending on the first and fifteenth of each month. Chuke appointed Yao Tingyun vice censor-in-chief to impeach Yuanzhong, and he was demoted to outer assistant in Qú prefecture. Yang Zaisi and Li Qiao followed Chuke to condemn Yuanzhong; only Xiao Zhizhong argued for leniency. Chuke sent Ran Zuyong and Yang Zaisi to memorialize that Yuanzhong, having committed treason, should not receive an inner appointment. He was then demoted to commandant of Wuchuan in Si prefecture. Soon Chuke had Censor Yuan Shouyi memorialize that when Empress Wu was ill at Sanyang Palace, Di Renjie asked Zhongzong to oversee the state while Yuanzhong secretly opposed it. This proves Yuanzhong long harbored treason—he should be severely punished." Zhongzong told Yang Zaisi and others, "As I see it, Shouyi is greatly in error. A minister must serve with one heart—when the ruler is slightly unwell, how can one immediately ask the crown prince to govern? That was Di Renjie currying private favor; Yuanzhong was not at fault. Shouyi, using past events, frames Yuanzhong—how is that reasonable?" Chuke and others thereupon desisted. Yuanzhong died at Fuling on the road, aged over seventy.
24
Wei Anshi came from Wannian in Jingzhao, great-grandson of Zhou Grand Minister of Works and Duke of Yun, Wei Xiaokuan. His grandfather Jin, at the end of the Daye era, was Vice Minister of the Household. When Emperor Yang went to Jiangdu, he left Jin with Duan Da, Yuan Wenshu, and others to guard Luoyang, with concurrent duty over the Ministry of the Household. Li Mi pressed the eastern capital; Jin fought him outside the Shangdong Gate. Defeated, he was taken by Mi; when Wang Shichong killed Wenshu and others, Jin alone escaped. After Mi's defeat he returned to Luoyang; Shichong usurped the throne and deeply trusted him. When Luoyang fell, Gaozu, who knew Jin of old, appointed him Remonstrator and Reviewer and concurrent Vice Director of the Yellow Gate. He served as prefect of Ling prefecture and died there. His father Wan was prefect of Cheng prefecture. His uncle Kun was Vice Minister of the Household. Kun's younger brother Sui was Outer Assistant in the Ministry of Revenue.
25
Anshi passed the classics examination and became Qianfeng Assistant; Su Liangsi greatly honored him. In the first year of Yongchang he rose thrice to Yongzhou Arms Officer; Liangsi, then Left Chancellor, told him, "Great timber needs great use—why waste yourself in county posts?" He recommended Anshi to Empress Wu, who promoted him to Outer Assistant in the Ministry of Provisions, Magistrate of Yongchang, and Vice Director of Bingzhou. Empress Wu wrote by hand to praise him: "I hear that at your post you attend to all affairs, govern well, and rule with benevolence and clarity. Such service deeply comforts me." Soon he became Prefect of Bingzhou, then of De and Zheng prefectures. Anshi was grave, spoke little, and governed with purity and strictness; wherever he served, officials and people feared him. In the Jiushi era he became Right Vice Director of the Secretariat, then Vice Director of the Crane Terrace and Associate Director of the Phoenix Pavilion and Crane Terrace, with concurrent duty as Left Vice Director of the Crown Prince's household. In the third year of Chang'an he was Divine Capital Guardian, with concurrent duty over the Ministries of Astronomy and Punishments. Later he lectured with Cui Shenqing and others, and soon oversaw the Office of the Master of Documents. That year he was also made Vice Director of the Left Platform with his previous ranks unchanged.
26
殿 退
Zhang Yizhi's brothers and Wu Sansi relied on favor for power; Anshi several times humiliated them and was deeply resented. At an inner banquet Yizhi brought Shu merchants including Song Bazi to gamble before the throne. Anshi memorialized, "Shu merchants and other base sorts should not attend this feast." He ordered them driven out; all at table turned pale. Empress Wu, finding his words straight, deeply praised and encouraged him. Vice Director Lu Yuanfang, seated there, later said, "This is a true chancellor—not our equal." Empress Wu once wished to take a shortcut to Xingtai Palace; Anshi memorialized, "Even the son of a wealthy house is warned against sitting beneath the eaves; the sovereign should not lightly court danger. This road was newly built and not naturally firm; if Your Majesty's carriage passes, we dare not escape blame." Empress Wu at once turned her carriage back. Anshi soon memorialized Yizhi's crimes; an edict ordered him and Tang Xiujing to investigate, but before it finished affairs changed. In the fourth year he became Chief Administrator of the Yangzhou Metropolitan Prefecture.
27
西
At the beginning of Shenlong he was summoned as Minister of Punishments. That year he became Minister of Personnel and again held power. Soon he replaced Zhang Jianzhi as Director of the Secretariat, was enfeoffed as Duke of Yun, granted three hundred households of fief as a former palace officer, and became Chief Administrator of the Prince of Xiang's household. Soon he became Minister of the Household and again Palace Attendant, supervising the national history. Zhongzong and Empress Wei once visited his home on the Lantern Festival night with gifts beyond counting. Zhongzong once visited Princess Anle's western lodge; she prepared boats and asked to board the tower ship. Anshi remonstrated, "Light boats and unforeseen waters are not fit for a sovereign." The Emperor desisted.
28
使婿 簿婿 使
When Ruizong took the throne he became Junior Tutor of the Crown Prince and was re-enfeoffed as Duke of Xun. Soon he again served as Palace Attendant and Director of the Secretariat. In the second year of Jingyun he was given Grandee with the Opening of an Office and Equal Treatment to the Three Excellencies. Princess Taiping and Dou Huaizhen secretly plotted and tried to draw Anshi in; the princess repeatedly sent her son-in-law Tang Jun to invite him, but he refused. Ruizong once secretly summoned him and said, "I hear the court favors the Eastern Palace—why do you not investigate?" Anshi replied, "Your Majesty, how can you speak words that would lose the state? This must be the Princess's scheme. The crown prince has great merit, is benevolent, bright, and filial, and is praised by all—I pray Your Majesty not believe slander." Ruizong started and said, "I understand; speak no more." Taiping listened behind the curtain and fabricated rumors to have him interrogated; Guo Yuanzhen protected him. Soon he became Left Vice Director and Tutor of the Crown Prince, still Third Rank chancellor; though honored in name, his power was removed. That winter he left government, became Special Advanced Grandee, and was made Eastern Capital Guardian. Director Li Yuancheng was Anshi's son-in-law; when his wife died Lady Xue suspected a former maid had killed her by curse. The maid had long been remarried; Lady Xue had her seized and beaten to death. Vice Censor-in-Chief Yang Maoqian impeached him and he was sent out as Prefect of Pu. Soon he was moved to Prefect of Qing.
29
輿 輿
At Pu, Director Jiang Jiao made a request Anshi refused; Jiao was greatly angered. In Kaiyuan 2, Jiao's brother Hui was vice censor-in-chief; because when Anshi was chancellor he had received Zhongzong's testament, and Zong Chuke and Wei Wen had deleted the Prince of Xiang's role in assisting government without Anshi correcting it, Hui ordered Hong Ziyu to impeach them. Ziyu said the matter was covered by amnesty and refused. Supervisory Censor Guo Zhen, pleasing Jiao, skipped rank to memorialize; an edict said, "Prefect Wei Anshi, Tutor Wei Sili, Minister Zhao Yanzhao, and others long held power in the former court, forming factions heard on every road. At the end of Jinglong disaster struck; gods and men were angry, yet they did not speak straight—they deleted the retired emperor's words on assisting government and used the Wei clan's policy of holding court. They concealed this and again received rank, yet still clung to crooked ways and favor. They should be demoted to encourage loyalty to one's lord." Anshi was made Military Adjutant of Mian, Sili of Yue, Yanzhao of Yuan—all outer posts. At Mian, Hui memorialized that Anshi had hidden official goods while inspecting Ding Mausoleum construction. An edict ordered the prefecture to collect the goods. Anshi sighed, "This simply means I must die!" He died in anger and agitation, aged sixty-four. In Kaiyuan 17 he was posthumously made Prefect of Pu. At the beginning of Tianbao, because of his son's honor, he was posthumously given Grandee with Opening of an Office, Left Vice Director, Duke of Xun, with posthumous title Cultured and Upright. His two sons Zhi and Bin were both known early for their talent.
30
Zhi, courtesy name Yinqing, came from a family long numbered among the eminent clans of Guanzhong—refined in bearing, distinguished in rank, and prosperous through the generations. Anshi became a father only in his later years. While serving as military aide in Bingzhou he had Zhi and Bin, both precocious boys who stood apart even among gifted children. Zhi carried himself with a grave, dignified bearing even as a boy, aloof from his peers—and Anshi doted on him above all. In Shenlong 2, when Anshi was chief minister, the ten-year-old Zhi was made libationer of the eastern pavilion in the Prince of Wen's household and given the rank of Chaosan Daifu. He rose to assistant director in the Secretariat, showed real literary gifts, and wrote an elegant clerical hand; poets and promising scholars were already calling at his door. At the opening of the Kaiyuan era he entered mourning for his father and observed the rites with more than customary rigor. For eight years he kept his doors closed. He and his brother Bin spurred each other on, poring over the classics without rest by day or night, until both won contemporary fame for their literary brilliance. Wang Wei, Cui Hao, Lu Xiang, and other leading literary names of the day often exchanged verse with Zhi and kept his company. When Lord Song of Guangping met Zhi he exclaimed, "The great virtue and worthy example of the clan are embodied in this lad alone." He served as magistrate of Luoyang, then moved to bureau director in the Ministry of Personnel. Zhang Jiuling, the reigning master of prose, as chief minister brought Zhi in as a drafting official. Zhi shared charge of imperial edicts with Sun Su and Liang She—a pairing the age spoke of with admiration.
31
調 使
He later became vice minister of rites. Zhi delighted in cultivating younger talent and had an especially keen eye for writing; he knew every aspiring poet of the day. Previously the examiners had promoted candidates on the strength of a single good performance and thus failed to measure their full ability. Zhi first rebuked the old practice, then had every candidate declare his strengths in verse and prose and sit a preliminary day-long trial so he could see what each did best before the formal examination. No merit went unrecognized, and his reputation spread everywhere. As vice minister of personnel he deplored the practice whereby candidates falsely assumed vacant posts or "foot-in" slots: with so few openings, finding worthy men was hard—legitimate appointees were squeezed out while impostors pushed ahead. Stern and upright by nature, Zhi confronted every candidate who looked dubious: at his desk, with a sharp rap and relentless questioning, all eventually confessed. Each year he recovered hundreds of improper appointments to give long-waiting candidates their chance. He often told friends, "Let me run the board of appointments for a year or two, and there will be nobody left worth selecting."
32
輿
Zhi came from great wealth and entered high office young. A dozen maids and chamber attendants waited at his side; stewards managed his wardrobe, library, medicine, and meals; his equipage, horses, and servants rivaled a princely house. Confident that his talent, pedigree, and person destined him for one of the Three Ducal offices, he held himself loftily aloof. He was generous with younger men, but regarded his peers among the high ministers with thinly veiled contempt. Where friendship was grounded in principle he made no distinction of rank. For plain scholars in hemp sashes he would always clear a seat and rush out shoeless to receive them—conduct for which the age honored him.
33
使使祿 使
Li Linfu resented him and had him sent out as prefect of Xiangyang and commissioner for the circuit, then reassigned as commissioner for Chenliu, with the additional rank of Yinqing Guanglu Daifu. During Tianbao he inherited the title Duke of Xun, then was demoted to prefect of Zhongli because of kin association, and demoted again to prefect of Yiyang. He was soon transferred to Hedong as prefect and circuit commissioner.
34
使
In the twelfth year he came in for his performance review at Huaqing Palace. Chancellor of the Right Yang Guozhong hated Zhi's ability and reputation and feared he might reach the top of government. He summoned Wu Xiangzhi of Hedong and asked, "Can you get someone to accuse Zhi?" I'll make you a censor. Wu Xiangzhi replied, "I can." He duly denounced Zhi for collusion with the censor-in-chief Ji Wen in a plot against the throne, and induced Zhi's nephew Wei Yuanzhi to corroborate the charge. Zhi was demoted to assistant magistrate of Guilin in Guizhou; before he could take up the post he was demoted again to assistant magistrate of Pingle in Zhaozhou.
35
祿
When An Lushan rebelled and took Luoyang, Zhi's beloved younger brother Bin fell into rebel hands. Guozhong tried to frame Zhi for colluding with the rebels, secretly posting officials to watch his residence in the hope of driving him to death by grief. Local worthies urged Zhi: "When Duke Yan of Zhang was driven into exile he took shelter with the Chen clan and so escaped with his life." If an imperial order comes down, who dares appeal? Better take a light boat far away and hide among the rivers and caverns until the storm passes—would that not be wise? Zhi answered with deep feeling: "My family has built up the dynasty's trust over generations—not just one reign." My conscience is clear before Heaven. If this is my appointed end, how dare I flee the law? Yan Gong's scheme shames me for its goodwill, but I cannot accept it. He thanked them and sent them away, then lay still and did not stir.
36
使 使 使 使 使西使 西使使使
More than a year later Tong Pass fell. When Suzong took the throne at Lingwu, Zhi was recalled as prefect of Wu and commissioner for Jiangnan East. Before he reached his post, Suzong sent the eunuch Jia Youyan with a handwritten edict summoning him back. Before he reached Fengxiang, Prince Yong of Jiangdong had raised troops on his own authority. Zhi was ordered to win over the region, appointed censor-in-chief and military commissioner of Jiangdong. Ji Guangchen, who had followed Prince Yong downriver, had not meant to rebel but fled in fear of punishment with nowhere to go. Zhi memorialized that Guangchen be made prefect of Danyang, vice censor-in-chief, and river-defense commissioner to reassure the discontented. He then went with Huainan commissioner Gao Shi and Huaixi commissioner Lai Tian to Anzhou. Zhi said to Shi and Tian, "The heartland is still unreclaimed and the Jiang-Huai region trembles. The fate of men's loyalty hangs on what we do today." Unless we bind ourselves in sworn alliance and show the realm that the three commanders speak with one voice across a thousand miles, we cannot succeed. Zhi proposed Tian as host of the ceremony and drafted a covenant. Mounting the altar he swore before the assembly: "Huaixi commissioner and concurrent censor-in-chief Lai Tian, Jiangdong commissioner and censor-in-chief Wei Zhi, Huainan commissioner and censor-in-chief Gao Shi—we bear the imperial mandate, each guarding our sector, rallying the three frontiers and cutting down the wicked. Our aims are one and our hearts united." Whoever breaks this oath shall fall from life and perish with his clan. Heaven and Earth, the spirits of our ancestors—bear witness to these words. Zhi and the others spoke with burning conviction, blood and tears mingling. The whole army was stirred; every man wept. Later the region south of the Yangtze raised a stele to commemorate their loyal valor.
37
使 便 使
Before long an edict ordered Zhi to proceed to the emperor's camp. Zhi feared that although Guangchen had received imperial favor he still wavered, and that delay might bring disaster upon himself. He wished to reassure Guangchen before answering the summons, and sent an urgent memorial to that effect. Zhi rode hard to Liyang, met Guangchen, announced the imperial message, offered comfort and rewards, and gave him several of his own horses to ease his fears. That same day he reached the emperor's camp and was received by Suzong, who held him in high regard and appointed him censor-in-chief. Remonstrance official Du Fu memorialized that Fang Guan had the stature of a great minister and the makings of a true chancellor, yet the court would not keep him. The language was extravagant and far-fetched. Suzong ordered Cui Guangyuan, Zhi, and Minister of Justice Yan Zhenqing to investigate. Zhi entered and reported: "Du Fu's defense of Fang Guan, though Fang was demoted, still upheld the proper role of a remonstrating minister." The emperor took offense and grew distant from him. Court formations had grown so disorderly that men at the head of the ranks were seen weeping over one another. Zhi was removed as censor-in-chief—Yan Zhenqing took his place—and appointed minister of personnel instead. Thereafter the favored ministers then in power were all recent appointees who feared and avoided him, and his reforms never took hold. When clansmen felled cypresses at a family tomb and he failed to stop them, he was sent out as prefect of Jiangzhou. In Qianyuan 2 he returned to the capital as minister of ceremonies. When Lü Yin returned to the chancellorship he recommended Zhi as minister of rites and intendant of the eastern capital, with charge of secretariat affairs and oversight of the eastern capital region. When the rebel Shi Siming threatened the He-Luo region, vice commander Li Guangbi planned to hold Heyang and ordered Zhi to lead eastern capital officials into the passes for safety while troops guarded Shaanzhou. An edict promoted him to minister of personnel while keeping him as intendant, but ordered him to remain at Yongle and not enter the capital until Guangbi had recovered the He-Luo region, when he was to resume his former duties.
38
歿 祿使 歿
Zhi had long been expected for the highest offices, but was repeatedly pushed aside by Li Linfu and Yang Guozhong. When war engulfed the heartland and the empire's troubles multiplied, Zhi felt himself born to govern yet was slandered by juniors and mistrusted by his sovereign. Depressed and unable to act, he sighed: "Has my road ended here? Ambition thwarted—is this not fate?" He fell ill and died at Guozhou in the eighth month of Shangyuan 1, aged sixty-five. He was posthumously made grand general of Jingzhou. In Yongtai 1 an edict declared: "A loyal minister, though dead, does not abandon his charge; service to the throne brooks no selfishness. To honor him at life's end is the constant way." The late Jinzi Guanglu Daifu, Minister of Personnel, concurrent censor-in-chief, intendant of the eastern capital with charge of remaining secretariat affairs, commissioner for the eastern capital region, Shangzhuguo, Duke of Xun Wei Zhi—was diligent and perceptive, upright and stern, a champion of ritual and moral order, a scholar among scholars, a writer of the highest elegance. Lately, as a veteran counselor, he had guarded and governed the eastern capital; the realm relied on his steadfast defense of that critical region. Yet the rebel barbarians pressed close on He-Luo. He was posted to Shaan and Guo, awaiting the day they would be destroyed. He had barely received the honor of a court voice when he was suddenly stricken with mortal illness. We had looked for him to live out a long span and hoped for his recovery; his sudden death fills us with shock and grief. Let the carriage be raised to return him, extending the grace of the three funeral shrouds; and let the sash be added at the window, honoring the dignity owed a minister of the Eight Seats. He is posthumously appointed left vice director of the Department of State Affairs. Court ritualist Cheng Hao proposed the posthumous name "Loyal and Filial." Minister of justice Yan Zhenqing argued that loyalty means giving one's life for the state in peril, while filial piety means daily care for parents at home—the two virtues are distinct and cannot easily be fused into "Loyal and Filial." Principal secretary of the bureau of receptions Gui Chongjing objected as well, and debate raged on. Right vice director Guo Yingyi missed the point and asked that the court ritualists' proposal be adopted. Zhi's son was Yun.
39
祿
Bin, when Anshi became chief minister at the start of the Jingyun era, was appointed director of communications to the crown prince. From youth he was polished and cultivated, devoted to letters, stern and imposing in bearing, with the deportment of a great minister. He was as renowned as his elder brother Zhi. In Kaiyuan 17, Situ Prince Ye of Xue sought a husband for his daughter, Princess Ping'en, and because of Bin's talent and pedigree memorialized to match them in marriage. He was promoted to secretary assistant. At the start of Tianbao he became vice director of the directorate of education. Xu Anzhen, Wang Wei, and Cui Hao, the leading writers of the day, singled him out for praise. During Tianbao he was made a drafting official and also an academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. His elder brother Zhi had first served as drafting official and soon rose to vice minister of rites. Zhi served in the southern secretariat; Bin again held charge of imperial edicts. He was transferred to vice minister of ceremonies. In Tianbao 5, Chancellor of the Right Li Linfu framed Minister of Justice Wei Jian. Bin was demoted to prefect of Baling through kin association, then transferred to prefect of Lin'an with the rank of Yinqing Guanglu Daifu. When Bin received fifth rank, his brother Zhi was prefect of Hedong, his elder cousin You was general of the right Jinwu Guard, and cousin Tao was junior tutor of the crown prince. All four bore halberds at their gates at once—a display of rank rarely matched.
40
祿
In the fourteenth year An Lushan rebelled and took Luoyang. Bin fell into rebel hands, was given the false title of vice director of the palace gate, and died of grief and rage. After the two capitals were recovered, Suzong in Qianyuan 1 posthumously made him director of the secretariat. Anshi's elder brother Shuxia has a separate biography. His paternal cousin's son was Kang; his father's elder cousin's son was Juyuan.
41
Kang passed the Mingjing examination in his early twenties, rose to bureau director in the Ministry of Personnel, and was known for purity and prudence. At the start of Jingyun he was magistrate of Yongchang. Without harsh punishments he kept government uniformly strict. The capital district was complex and demanding. Of all who governed it before and after, none matched Kang in balancing lenience and severity. Soon he was promoted to vice censor-in-chief of the right office. Officials and commoners petitioned the throne to keep him, but in vain; they raised a stele at the crossroads to record his legacy of good rule. In Kaiyuan 3 he left the post of left subordinate director to become long administrator of Yizhou. In the fourth year he returned to the capital as vice director of the palace gate.
42
輿 使使
In the eighth year the rebel Hu Kang Daibin of the Hequ region gathered followers and rose in revolt. Kang was ordered to proceed with full credentials to pacify the region. Kang had no military experience and the bandits did not fear him. He lingered on the road and dared not advance, then fell from his horse and pleaded illness, and never reached the rebels at all. Soon, retaining his original rank, he was made acting director of the office of the imperial stud and replaced Wang Jun as censor-in-chief, with additional charge of investigating the capital region. At the time his younger brother Zheng was magistrate of Wannian. The two brothers together governed the same region—a distinction the age admired. Soon, because he had recommended an unworthy man as censor, he was sent out as military commissioner of Anzhou and then transferred to prefect of Pu. In the eleventh year he became director of the court of judicial review. That year he replaced Lu Xiangxian as minister of justice, and soon also shared charge of personnel selection. He died in the fourteenth year. Kang served with purity and frugality and never built up estates. At his death his family could barely afford the funeral. Xuanzong learned of his poverty and specially ordered a funeral carriage and relay transport to send him home. He was posthumously made junior tutor of the crown prince, with the posthumous name Zhen ("Upright"). As investigating commissioner for the capital region Kang recommended Liang Shengqing of Fengtian, Wang Wei of Xinfeng, Wang Bing of Jincheng, and Wang Tao of Huayuan as judges and fiscal commissioners. All later rose to prominence, and the age credited Kang with a discerning eye for talent.
43
Juyuan was the great-grandson of Zong, governor of Jingzhao under Zhou. His grandfather Kuangbo inherited the title Duke of Yun, was re-enfeoffed as Duke of Shu under Sui, and rose to director of imperial wardrobe attendants. Under Empress Wu, Juyuan rose to vice director of the bureau of guest affairs, then director of the treasury, right vice director of the secretariat, and concurrent associate director of the Phoenix Pavilion and Luan Terrace. In the third year he was transferred to vice minister of war while continuing as associate director. He had administrative talent and audited secretariat documents, issuing orders and pressing collections. Though subordinates resented him, the treasury profited. At the start of Zhensheng he was sent out as prefect of Fu, then appointed minister of earthly affairs and intendant of the divine capital. In Chang'an 2 he was recalled to minister of justice, also made senior mentor to the crown prince, and again intendant of the divine capital.
44
調
At the start of Shenlong he entered as minister of works and was enfeoffed as viscount of Tong'an. He was again transferred to minister of personnel and third rank under the secretariat and chancellery, and advanced to earl of Xun. At the time Anshi was chief minister; because Juyuan was a close kinsman, he was removed from managing state affairs. Juyuan soon became palace attendant and chief minister, was advanced to duke of Shu, attached himself to Empress Wei's third-rank kin, was reckoned as her brother, and entered the imperial genealogy. That year Juyuan was ordered with Tang Xiujing, Li Huaiyuan, Zhu Qinming, and Su Huan to compile the Chui Gong Code and Post-Code Edicts—twenty volumes in all—which were promulgated throughout the realm. Wu Sansi already held a substantive fief of several thousand households in Beizhou when a great flood struck. Prefect Song Jing proposed that land tax, corvée, and fief obligations all be remitted; Juyuan argued that though grain fields were flooded, mulberry and silkworm crops remained and corvée and tax could still be collected. The population north of the Yellow River largely fled as a result.
45
In Jinglong 2 five-colored clouds appeared on a skirt in Empress Shuntian Yisheng's wardrobe and lingered long before fading. Juyuan hailed this as a marvelous omen and asked that it be proclaimed to the realm. The request was granted. Zhongzong had painters depict the phenomenon for the court, proclaimed a general amnesty, and added fiefs to the mothers and wives of officials of fifth rank and above. Zhongzong already doted on portents and omens, and Juyuan egged on his delusions. That same year stars fell like thunder and wild pheasants crowed everywhere—clear omens of disaster—yet Juyuan said nothing. Having tied himself to Empress Wei for rank and favor, he was suspected of paving the way to revive Wu Zetian's path. General Ye Zhizhong of the brave guard, vice minister of ceremonies Zheng Yin, minister of war Zong Chuke, remonstrance official Zhao Yanxi, and others either offered veiled flattery or submitted memorials falsely praising omens, forming factions to curry favor. Thoughtful men sighed in anger.
46
In Jinglong 3 he was appointed left vice director of the Department of State Affairs while continuing to manage state affairs. Soon he was also made director of the Department of State Affairs and third rank under the secretariat and chancellery, still supervising compilation of the national history. When the state prepared the southern suburban sacrifice, Juyuan sought to please Empress Wei. Agreeing with Zhu Qinming, he argued the empress should assist at the rite. The empress became secondary offerer, Juyuan the final offerer, and ministers' daughters were made fasting maidens. When Empress Wei's coup collapsed, his family urged him to flee. Juyuan said, "I am a great minister of the state—how can I hear of trouble and not go?" He went out into the capital street and was killed by mutinous soldiers, aged eighty.
47
祿
Ancient posthumous names were meant to encourage virtue and deter vice—to block petty men's pursuits and nurture gentlemen's conduct. Those who did good, though they did not crave office in life, left honorable names in death—thus the worthy tempered their character; those who did evil, though lucky in life, feared punishment in death—thus the crooked were moved to change. Alas! Juyuan never grasped this. He heard righteousness and turned away, abetted evil, nursed treasonous intent, and joined the wicked in their plots—clinging to office while gorging on emolument. He deemed himself precious as a chief minister, yet within a morning met his doom—as if ghosts themselves had executed him. They were but common men, meting out punishment without mandate—yet men could justly slay them. The wrath of the seen and unseen worlds is plain to see; the mind of Heaven and Earth stands revealed.
48
Recently the dynasty was restored and meritorious ministers helped govern. Hardly had time passed when the wicked seized power. Traitors were ennobled at private gates; the loyal were banished to frontier posts. At that moment Juyuan's power was at its height. What kin was he to the Wei clan that he was joined to them as sworn brothers? What service had he done the state that he repeatedly held the highest offices? This was secretly courting palace favorites, clinging to the Wu clan, trading on the dynasty's strength, and undermining the imperial foundation. That was his first crime.
49
Again, the state's greatest affairs are sacrifice and war, ordained in the classics and enacted at the suburban rites. They answer Heaven and Earth, honor the ancestors, proclaim success, and display it to the realm. Never before had a woman served as secondary offerer. Empress Wei nursed treasonous ambition, secretly coveted the throne, and plotted against the imperial grandson. She mounted the altar in imitation of the rite, received investiture as if by mandate, treating state ritual as family business. Juyuan blazed the trail; rebellion and treason followed. Vice minister of rites Xu Jian and court ritualists Tang Shao, Jiang Qinxu, and Peng Jingzhi all objected, but were ignored. That was his second crime.
50
紿
Again, Heaven showed no mercy: the late emperor was poisoned. No sign of repentance appeared, and Empress Wei prepared to seize the throne. Their plot had not yet succeeded; rebel hearts still wavered, hesitating in confusion and haste. Princess Taiping forged a memorial of counsel; Shangguan Zhaorong falsified the deathbed edict. Thus the present emperor was made regent and Empress Wei given a share in rule. Just as the coup neared success and the dynasty's repose was broken, Juyuan followed Wei Wen's lead, Chuke clung to Juyuan's coattails, the owl's cry rang out, and wolves glanced back in panic—Empress Wei at court, Wei Wen in power. That was his third crime.
51
調 使
Again, people are the root of the state and wealth gathers people. Strip their wealth and hearts depart; without people, what supports the realm? Juyuan repeatedly held the highest offices, pressing audits and collections, violating regulations, favoring harsh exaction, earning the realm's hatred, harming the people, and driving the masses to flee. Consider Sansi's fief in Beizhou, when prolonged rains brought disaster. Remission of land tax and corvée was clearly ordained—not a novelty, but immemorial custom. Sansi feared for his fief income; Juyuan opened this perverse path, arguing that though grain was lost, silk tax could still be collected. The people of Hebei and the coast fled their homes, sold their children, and ran for their lives in hunger and cold from dawn to dusk. That was his fourth crime.
52
Juyuan sprang from a glorious clan, served many reigns, stood as minister to the realm in a place all eyes watched, bearing responsibility heavy as mountains—yet to praise him now would share none of the blame.
53
Though Yan's proposal was not adopted at the time, commentators approved it. Juyuan, Anshi, and the right vice director of the secretariat under Empress Wu were peers in standing—all within the five degrees of mourning kinship. Dozens of other close kinsmen also reached high office.
54
西
Zhao Yanzhao was from Zhangye in Ganzhou. His father Wumeng at first made his living as a hunter and tenant farmer. Once he brought fresh game to his mother. She wept and said, "You won't study yet spend your days hunting like this—I have no hope for you." She refused to eat what he brought. Moved to his core, Wumeng applied himself to study until he mastered the classics and histories. He passed the jinshi examination, became a censor of the right office, and compiled the ten-volume Record of Figures of Hexi.
55
使使 使
Yanzhao was known from youth for his literary gifts. Under Zhongzong he rose to vice director of the secretariat and third rank under the secretariat and chancellery, also revising the national history and serving as academician of the Hall for Cultivation of Literature. In Jinglong 4 Princess Jincheng was sent to marry the Tibetan zanpu. Zhongzong appointed Yanzhao envoy. Yanzhao, fearing that foreign service would cost him favor at court, was deeply displeased. Minister of agriculture Zhao Lüwen said privately, "You are a chief minister of the state yet would serve as a mere envoy—is that not beneath you?" Yanzhao asked, "What do you propose?" Lüwen secretly had Princess Anle memorialize to keep him at court. Zhongzong then sent General Yang Ju of the left brave guard in Yanzhao's place.
56
使
Under Ruizong he was sent out as military commissioner of Liangzhou. His rule was pure and stern; generals and soldiers alike trembled before him. He later served as prefect of Song, returned as vice minister of personnel, then minister of justice, commissioner inspecting the Guannei border with full credentials, and acting grand censor of the left office.
57
殿
Yanzhao had long been friendly with Guo Yuanzhen and Zhang Yue. When Xiao Zhizhong and others were executed, Yuanzhen and Yue claimed Yanzhao had secretly helped plan it. For this he was promoted to minister of justice, enfeoffed as Duke of Geng, and given a substantive fief of one hundred households. Palace censor Guo Zhen memorialized: "Yanzhao relied on the witch Zhao Wuniang, who used sorcery to subvert order. He called her his aunt and secretly drew on her support." Raised by her patronage, he then climbed to high office. He drove to her door dressed as a woman; and brought his wife to visit her, playing the dutiful nephew. Upright censors of the southern bureau impeached him with full severity. He received a brief demotion, then was soon restored to favor. Villains abetting one another had come to this. Heaven and Earth are at peace and the realm is cleansed anew—if he is not punished, where is the law? I ask that he be referred to the chancellery for punishment according to law. Soon Yao Chong entered the chancellorship and deeply despised Yanzhao's character. Yanzhao was repeatedly demoted to vice prefect of Jiangzhou, where he died.
58
Xiao Zhizhong was a great-grandson of the Secretariat Director Xiao Deyan. As a young man he served as a magistrate in the capital district and was known for his integrity and careful conduct. He once agreed to meet a friend at a street corner. When a bitter wind and stinging snow blew in, the others all fled to shelter beneath a roof. Zhizhong said, "Can a man keep another's appointment and still seek his own comfort by breaking faith? He alone remained. The rest looked on and sighed in admiration. At the beginning of the Shenlong reign, Wu Sansi seized power. Zhizhong joined his faction and rose from Vice Director in the Ministry of Personnel to Censor-in-Chief. He was transferred to Vice Minister of Personnel, retaining his concurrent post as Censor-in-Chief. Backed by Wu Sansi's influence, he ran the selection process without fear or restraint, closed the door to private petitions, and his stern authority spread far and wide. Before long he was made Vice Director of the Secretariat and concurrent Director of the Secretariat.
59
After Crown Prince Jiemin killed Wu Sansi, Sansi's partisans Zong Chuke and Ji Chune had Supervising Censor Ran Zuyong submit a memorial: "The Prince of An, the Senior Imperial Prince, and Princess Taiping of Zhen also plotted with the Crown Prince to raise troops. We ask that they be seized and sent to the imperial prison. Zhongzong summoned Zhizhong to investigate. Zhizhong wept as he replied: "Your Majesty holds all within the four seas and stands supreme as Son of Heaven—can you not shield one brother and one sister from being framed? The fate of the altars of state truly hangs on this. I am a dull man, yet even I cannot believe this is a course Your Majesty should take. The Book of Han says: 'A foot of cloth can still be sewn; a peck of millet can still be threshed—yet two brothers cannot live under one roof. I beg Your Majesty to weigh these words carefully. Moreover, when Empress Wu once wished to make the Prince of An Crown Prince, the prince went days without eating and begged that Your Majesty be restored instead. That steadfast refusal is known throughout the realm—enough to prove that Ran Zuyong and the others have invented everything they say. The Emperor took his counsel to heart and dropped the case. Soon afterward he was appointed Vice Director of the Chancellery and Concurrent Director of the Chancellery. Zhizhong submitted a memorial on current affairs, saying:
60
宿 滿
I have heard that a king divides offices and duties to bring order to the people, and that the path to order must run through appointing the worthy. Find the right man and public business is done; put the wrong man in place and the office stands empty as though abandoned. Empty offices mean ruined affairs; ruined affairs mean a broken people. The slow slide into decay begins here. Recently the Selection Office has filled posts in the civil administration: some men of unusual talent have risen, but most have climbed without virtue. All lean on the powerful, flatter one another, seize whatever they can, and never look ahead. Superiors and subordinates lie to each other—who dares speak? I have heard that office and rank are public instruments, while favor is a private gift. Gold and silk may enrich a man, fine grain and meat may feed him—that is how private kindness is kept. If public instruments are turned to private ends, public judgment fails and those who serve the state lose heart; if small private ends block the greater public good, the door to backroom favor opens, the road for honest speech closes, petty men advance one after another, and the gentleman's way fades—cut back day by day, shaved month by month, until the realm withers, all because the wrong men hold office. In Han times, when the Princess of Guantao asked that her son be made a palace gentleman, Emperor Ming said, "That rank answers to the stars above and governs a hundred-li district below. If the man is unfit, the people will pay for it. He gave her one hundred thousand cash and nothing more. Supreme fairness remained intact and private affection untouched—a good historian's straight brush made it a celebrated story, and people still speak of it without end. Today posts already abound and redundant appointments have more than doubled. Petitions never stop, and their number grows by the day. Your Majesty has poured out boundless grace, while close kin make endless demands—selling office for gain, peddling law for private ends. Inside the ministries and courts, red and purple robes crowd every hall. Ranks grow lighter even as rewards multiply. Men greedy for small gain push ahead without a corner of integrity; men of true refinement, seeing the odds, retreat to their fields and hills. The talented go unused; those in office lack talent. Set the two beside each other and half the appointments fail. People give no real service while offices hold the wrong men. To seek good order under such conditions is truly hard.
61
西 漿 退 退
I see that sons of chancellors and favored officials mostly hold handsome ranks. These are men of power and kinship, rarely of talent or skill. They recommend one another in turn and walk through office and glory without earning either. The Classic of Poetry says: "The sons of the east, laboring at their tasks, receive no reward. The sons of the west, splendid in their robes. The sons of private houses, set among the hundred officials for trial. Some given wine, not given broth. Trimmed with dangling jade, not by their worth. This describes a king's rule out of balance and officials neglecting their duties—private sons paraded through the ranks of honor, unfit men who only lengthen the ornaments at their belts. Your humble servant begs Your Majesty to remember what it means to live in peace yet think of danger, and to follow the way of changing the tune and restringing the instrument. Treasure ranks and rewards, weigh talent and judgment carefully, grant no empty office and put no unfit man in place. Advance great men to posts near the center; send lesser men to distant duties. Make commands one, make authority and grace trustworthy. Let private ends not harm the public, let affection not bend the law—and All-under-Heaven would be greatly blessed. I recall the precedent of the Yonghui reign, when sons of chancellors often served outside the capital—not only to check powerful clans and divide great houses, but also to push aside the unworthy and choose the able. I humbly ask Your Majesty, looking back to ancient law and forward to the sage-kings, to issue a clear edict requiring sons of chancellors and of every department head to take posts outside the capital, so that duties may be divided across the realm, the people kept at peace, inner and outer government aligned, and far and near alike secure.
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The memorial was rejected.
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The following year he replaced Wei Juyuan as Director of the Chancellery, still charged with compiling the histories. Soon afterward he was promoted to Director of the Secretariat. At that time Zong Chuke and Ji Chune secretly nursed treacherous plans and built their own factions. Wei Juyuan, Shi Zaisi, and Li Qiao all nodded agreement to save themselves and offered no correction. Zhizhong stood among them yet largely held to the right path, and public opinion rallied to him. Zhongzong also said, "Of all my chancellors, Zhizhong cares for me most. Empress Wei also arranged a ghost marriage and joint burial between her dead younger brother, the posthumously enfeoffed Prince of Runan Xun, and Zhizhong's dead daughter. When the Wei faction fell, Zhizhong opened the tomb and carried his daughter's coffin home. People mocked him for it. Zhizhong also married his daughter to the son of Empress Wei's maternal uncle Cui Congli. On the wedding day Zhongzong acted as marriage sponsor for the Xiao side and Empress Wei for the Cui side. People said, "The Son of Heaven gives away a daughter while the empress takes a bride."
64
祿
Before long Left Vice Director Dou Huaizhen, Director of the Chancellery Cen Xi, Zhizhong, Minister of Revenue Li Jin, Junior Tutor of the Crown Prince Xue Ji, Left Regular Attendant Jia Yingfu, Left General of the Forest Militant Guards Chang Yuankai, Right General of the Forest Militant Guards Li Ci, and others plotted rebellion with Princess Taiping. When the plot was exposed, Zhizhong fled into a mountain monastery. Days later he was captured and executed, and his property was confiscated. Zhizhong was frugal and hard on himself, yet aloof and proud in his simplicity. He never entertained guests, and never gave away what he earned in salary. Yet when his estate was seized, silks and coin proved plentiful, and his reputation collapsed overnight.
65
His younger brother Yuanjia was Vice Minister of Works; Guangwei was Assistant Director in the Ministry of Works.
66
使
Zong Chuke came from Hedong in Pu prefecture. He was the son of Empress Wu's paternal aunt. His elder brother Qinke, in the Chuigong era, secretly urged Wu Zetian to overturn the dynasty and take the throne. He rose repeatedly until he became Director of the Secretariat. Later Qinke, Chuke, and his younger brother Jinqing were all caught in bribery and corruption and exiled beyond the Lingnan passes. Qinke died. Chuke and the others were soon recalled. Chuke rose repeatedly to Vice Minister of War and Concurrent Director of the Phoenix Pavilion and Phoenix Terrace Chancellery. At the beginning of Shenlong he served as Minister of the Imperial Stud. When Wu Sansi held power, he brought Chuke in as Minister of War and Concurrent Third Rank under the Secretariat and Chancellery. Jinqing rose repeatedly to Grand Master of Palace Construction. After Crown Prince Jiemin killed Wu Sansi but was defeated and fled to E county, Chuke sent men to pursue and behead him, then had his head offered before the coffins of Sansi and Chongxun. Empress Wei and Princess Anle trusted him still more. Before long he was made Director of the Secretariat. Though Chuke outwardly followed the Wei clan, he secretly nursed other designs. With Director of the Chancellery Ji Chune he formed a faction, and people called them "Zong and Ji."
67
西西 西
In the Jinglong era the Western Türk Suoge and Ashina Zhongjie fell out and repeatedly raided each other, unsettling the western frontier. Protector-General of Anxi Guo Yuanzhen asked that Zhongjie be moved inland. Chuke, Jinqing, Chune, and the others each took heavy bribes from Zhongjie and memorialized for troops to attack Suoge, rejecting Yuanzhen's plan. When Suoge learned of this he raged, raised troops, and invaded, becoming a serious frontier threat. Thereupon Supervising Censor Cui Wan impeached Chuke and the others, saying:
68
祿
I have heard: four strong horses with necks held high—and still a good driver will not take the reins; serving two masters—and stern punishment will not spare. I respectfully charge Zong Chuke, Ji Chune, and the rest: treacherous by nature, their ambition vaulting over gullies; lucky enough to serve a sage ruler, they have piled up extraordinary honors, enjoyed generous grace, and sat in the seat of a harmonizing minister. They would not temper their will, care for the state as for their own house, or offer even a mote of service to aid the realm. Instead they monopolized power and profit, dared to build factions, nursed a heart without a ruler, and lacked a minister's integrity. Secretly they dealt with frontier barbarians and took bribes beyond counting; openly they brought in vicious men and took unlimited bribes. Filthy rumors filled the air; foul conduct stood plain for all to see. Dealings beyond the border are hard to read. Now Suoge has rebelled and the frontier is unsettled—because of these traitorous ministers the court has earned hatred abroad. Those who discuss the matter fear disaster and seal their lips; those who speak fear punishment and clamp their mouths shut. Jinqing once held honorable rank and has never been loyal. Again and again he has faced severe punishment—all for greed in office. Now again he holds high rank he does not deserve, repeatedly bathed in extraordinary grace. His salary is thick and his power heavy—none in court compare. He has never repented and still pursues corrupt gain. If this can be tolerated, what cannot be forgiven? I am unworthy to serve in the Censorate's straight mission, yet righteousness demands striking down evil. I ask that these great parasites be removed to answer Heaven's trust. Chuke, Chune, Jinqing, and the like are arrogant and overbearing—men and spirits alike loathe them. If Heaven's punishment is not applied, how can royal order be restored? I ask that all be arrested and that the Three Offices be charged to investigate and try them.
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By old rule, when a high minister was impeached by a censor during court assembly in the emperor's presence, he was to bow low, hurry out, and stand in the hall awaiting judgment. Chuke instead flushed and barked as he stepped forward, claiming that his nature was upright and blunt and that Wan had slandered him. Zhongzong never fully investigated. Instead he abruptly ordered Wan and Chuke and the others to become sworn brothers and settle the matter. When the Wei faction fell, Chuke, Jinqing, and the others were all executed.
70
Ji Chune came from Shanggui in Qin prefecture. He married the elder sister of Wu Sansi's wife and through that connection rose repeatedly until Grand Master of the Imperial Storehouse. During Shenlong, when grain prices rose, Zhongzong summoned Chune in person to ask why. Wu Sansi prompted Jiaye Zhizhong, General of the Right Victorious Cavalry Guard charged with astronomical affairs, and Chief Astronomer Fu Xiaozhong to memorialize: "That night the Sheti star entered Taiwei and reached the Emperor's throne. This means the king met privately with his minister; the minister was able to offer loyal counsel, and Heaven answered. The Emperor believed it, issued an edict praising Chune, and gave him one set of robes and sixty bolts of colored silk. Before long he was promoted to Director of the Chancellery and, together with Chuke and the others, was executed.
71
使
The Historian writes: In the reigns of the High Ancestor and Filial Harmony, policy was not their own. Wu Zetian on the throne had already cut the crown's trailing tassels; Empress Wei ruled at dawn—the same ruin walked the road again. At that time the wicked had their factions and chancellors sought only to fit in. Follow them and your evil name blazed; resist them and disaster might reach you. To preserve oneself and still govern well took more than middling wit and ordinary talent. As for Yuanzhong, Anshi, Juyuan, Zhizhong, Yanzhao, and the like—their conduct was not pure, their judgment blind to survival and ruin, their hearts set on profit and glory, their careers begun but not finished. That they did not die as they deserved is only fitting! Chuke, Jinqing, Chune, and the like pushed slander and flattery together until arrogance and cruelty filled the court. If they had escaped punishment, how could rule be called upright?
72
祿
Appraisal: Great ministers of Tang, fed on Tang's heavy salary— When the realm tottered they did not hold it up—what were wealth and rank worth? The two Zongs and one Ji—slanderous, wicked, cruel, and venomous— Together with the men named above, they died without shame.
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