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卷一百三十八 列傳第八十八: 趙憬 韋倫 賈耽 姜公輔

Volume 138 Biographies 88: Zhao Jing, Wei Lun, Jia Dan, Jiang Gongfu

Chapter 142 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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1
退西 西
Zhao Jing (styled Tuoweng) was from Longxi in Tianshui. He was the great-grandson of Renben, who in the Zongzhang period had been Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel and Co-equal Commissioner of the Third Rank for the Eastern and Western Offices. His grandfather Chan had held the post of Director in the Left Bureau. His father Daoxian had served as Registrar Clerk in Hongzhou.
2
西 殿 使使 使 殿
From youth Jing devoted himself to learning; his ambitions and conduct were scrupulous, and he sought no renown. During the Baoying era, Xuanzong's and Suzong's remains had not yet been laid in the imperial tombs, and the authorities debated the proper ceremonial arrangements. With Tibetans raiding the west and famine spreading across the empire, Jing submitted a memorial in plain dress calling for strict economy in the tomb project, earning widespread praise. He went on to serve as aide in several prefectures and was appointed acting magistrate of Jiangxia. Rising to Supervising Censor, he served on a frontier commissionerate staff and later became Palace Attending Censor and Mentor in the Heir Apparent's household. During mourning for his mother, his grief was so severe that he nearly died from it. After the mourning period, in the early Jianzhong period he was promoted to Vice Director of the Ministry of Works. Before he could take office, Li Cheng, Military Governor of Hunan, asked to have him as deputy and Acting Director of the Ministry of Works, and he served in that capacity. A year later Cheng died, and Jing assumed charge of the governorship as acting commander. Shortly afterward he was made Prefect of Tan, concurrently Censor-in-Chief and Military Governor of Hunan, and was awarded the gold-and-purple regalia. After two years he was replaced and returned to the capital, where he lived quietly at home and kept company with no one. After some time he was specially summoned to an audience in a side hall. Jing was learned and articulate; his presentations at court pleased the emperor, who appointed him Drafting Attendant.
3
使 使 使
In the fourth year of Zhenyuan (788) the Uyghurs sought a marriage alliance. The court decreed that Princess Xian'an be given in marriage to the Uyghurs and appointed Acting Right Vice Director Guan Bo chief envoy. Jing served as deputy envoy in his regular post, concurrently as Censor-in-Chief. Previous envoys to the Uyghurs had often carried private loads of silk to trade for horses at the frontier markets for personal gain. Jing bought nothing on the journey, and the public admired him for it. When he returned he was promoted to Left Vice Director of the Ministry of Revenue, where he managed departmental affairs with scrupulous diligence. Chief Minister Dou Can, resenting Jing's talent, asked that he be sent out as Prefect of Tongzhou, but the emperor refused.
4
In the fourth month of the eighth year (792) Dou Can was removed from office, and Jing and Lu Zhi were both made Vice Directors of the Secretariat and Grand Councilors. Jing was steeped in statecraft and often said that the foundation of rule lay in choosing able men, practicing frugality, easing tax burdens, and tempering punishments. Whenever he addressed the throne he returned to these themes, and he submitted his 'Six Discussions on Examining Officials.'
5
I have held a seat in the council for four years now; receiving Your Majesty's enlightened guidance, I have always made the search for talent my foremost duty. Yet the duty of recommending men falls to me; though I bear the burdens of the age, I lack the eye to judge character. Month after month I have fallen short of Your Majesty's expectations, contributed nothing to state policy, and blocked the way for able men. I am moreover afflicted with many ailments and fear I have overlooked much; I recently submitted a memorial laying bare my heart. Your Majesty, seeing my blunt honesty and pitying my illness, did not cast me aside but continued to entrust me with office. Since then I have reflected that it is all the harder to repay your grace; I cannot equal the sages Yao and Shun, and I live in dread of occupying my post without merit. Your Majesty's rule answers to the seasons, your sacred intelligence ranges far and wide; your beneficent acts flow as naturally as rain from clouds, and every edict and classic model has received your sage scrutiny. I therefore dare not weary Your Majesty with citations from antiquity, but wish to offer a modest view on what matters in the appointment of officials. I recall too how, prostrate on the palace steps and facing the throne, halting speech soon fails and hasty listing is hard to follow; if I am thorough I weary Your Majesty, if I am brief I leave the stakes unclear. If I sought only to please by silence or clung to office unworthily, even heaven's mercy might spare me, but how could I escape censure at court and in the provinces! That is not why Your Majesty keeps me in office. What I mean to say is already within Your Majesty's own sage understanding. Bearing Your Majesty's grace upon my head, I scarcely know what to do; wind toxins afflict my body and my illness grows worse—hence this earnest plea from an honest but limited man.
6
In the Zhenguan and Kaiyuan periods, chief ministers often memorialized in writing when they discussed policy, so that every aspect of a question could be laid out. I have now weighed the lessons of earlier dynasties against the needs of our own time and respectfully submit the 'Six Discussions,' begging Your Majesty to read them at your leisure.
7
On the chief minister, its gist is this: 'The throne should draw widely on worthy men and employ them as counselors. For every man known at court or in the provinces to be worthy, I beg Your Majesty to use him; recognize ability and assign office; to demand a flawless candidate may be impossible.'
8
殿
On promoting ordinary officials, it says: 'Where opinions clash, merit and fault are hard to tell apart. Because performance reviews rarely match reality and private likes and dislikes color public rumor, the more one investigates, the fewer true men one finds. Choosing officials has always been hard; even if one in ten proves sound, worthy and unworthy may still be evenly mixed. Your Majesty once said to me: 'Why insist on half?' If two or three in ten are sound, that is enough! When the Son of Heaven longs for talent to this degree yet his chief minister cannot supply it, the fault is mine. To advance talent one must appoint widely, judge by major achievements, prize great integrity, overlook minor flaws, assign men according to capacity, and test them in office—that is the broad policy of appointment.'
9
On vacancies in the capital ministries, it says: 'Today many key posts are unfilled, while sinecures number scarcely one in ten. Civil and military officers rise by seniority; important posts ought to go by ability and character, but idle posts are largely filled by patronage. When the court prepares an appointment, naming an important post leaves few candidates for many vacancies, while naming a sinecure leaves many candidates for few openings. Men clearly qualified for promotion grow fewer, while those merely indulged grow more; vacancies should be filled and talent cultivated for service. A great hall endures because every beam, rafter, and bracket is in place. When the dynasty achieves good government, it likewise rests on the capacity of the whole corps of officials.'
10
退 使
On performance review for capital and provincial officials, it says: 'The Han often replaced long-serving local magistrates, which was regarded as a flawed practice. When a man governed well, they promptly raised his rank and granted gold; some after eight, nine, or more than ten years entered the Nine Ministers or were moved to the metropolitan districts. Men of outstanding achievement could rise even to chief minister without many steps between. Today Your Majesty chooses subordinates at court and delegates the provinces; those with outstanding records are promoted ahead of schedule—no better method of good government exists. I would add that promotion and demotion should follow fixed terms; if a man holds a crucial post and should not yet be transferred, let his rank and title be increased in place. For all others, let advancement and retirement proceed so that men know reward and censure will follow, and that pace has its rule. If a man's review is middling and his term is complete, transfer him in the ordinary course. Let him serve in successive posts at court and in the provinces, testing his ability, so that he neither grows complacent nor languishes in place.'
11
On recommending overlooked talent, it says: 'Because the bureaucracy is vast, the throne must rely on chief ministers to nominate men. Chief ministers cannot know every candidate; they must also consult lower officials. Lower officials cannot know everyone either; they turn to wider opinion. Public rumor swells with conflicting praise and blame; ten recommendations still fail to convince, one slander raises doubt—and to this day the abuse persists. The cause is not always personal favor or spite; men repeat hearsay because facts are never verified. Ordinary men think it refined to praise others and blunt to attack their faults; whenever a new appointment is made, reckless objections multiply. Hence chief ministers hesitate before recommending anyone; day after day they fall short of Your Majesty's intent. The court should heed current opinion and appoint first those most widely recommended; unless the fault is grave, no nominee should be cast aside.'
12
使使 使 使使
On promoting staff from military commissionerates, it says: 'Each commissioner recruits his own staff with care, seeking able men to strengthen his headquarters. After trial in office their merit is known; raise the able among them to posts at court. Some object that frontier commissioners need talent and must not be stripped of staff. I know that is not so. When commissionerate staff entered court service, their former chief took pride in it, glad to have recognized talent and to see the public selection vindicated. As a rule, able men whose names have not yet risen are found chiefly in the provinces. The throne shines as the sun and moon—who does not see it? They yearn for court as men gaze at the heavens; the court should gather them widely and not leave them long in the provinces. The emperor responded with a gracious edict of approval.
13
At that time Du Huangxiang, Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel, was slandered by palace eunuchs and charged with other offenses; Censor-in-Chief Mu Zan, Junior Vice Director of the Metropolitan Prefecture Wei Wu, Magistrate of Wannian Li Xuan, and Magistrate of Chang'an Lu Yun were all framed by Pei Yanling and faced dismissal. Jing intervened to protect them, so most received only mild demotion.
14
Earlier, when Jing served as inspector of Hunan, Linghu Yan and Cui Yi had both been touring prefects on his staff. Yan had served as Drafting Attendant and Vice Director of Rites; Yi had long held court office; when either overstepped the law, Jing checked him with upright counsel. Yan and Yi secretly sent men to denounce Jing repeatedly and slandered him at court. When Jing became chief minister he raised Yi from Director of Judicial Review to Right Vice Director of Revenue, and Yan, though earlier demoted, to Prefect of Ji—acts widely praised.
15
滿
Jing and Lu Zhi shared governmental authority. Zhi, having long served in the inner palace, enjoyed special favor and treated state affairs as his own charge; within a year he moved Jing to Vice Director of the Chancellery. Jing deeply resented this; he repeatedly pleaded eye trouble and stayed away from office, so the two ceased to work in harmony. Pei Yanling was cunning, fraudulent, and domineering; the entire court watched him with distaste. Jing had first agreed with Zhi to denounce Yanling before the emperor; at the Yanchi audience Zhi spoke at length of Yanling's fraud and insisted he must not be employed. Emperor Dezong was displeased, and his displeasure showed on his face. Jing remained silent; for this Zhi was dismissed as Grand Councilor, and Jing alone directed the government.
16
At that time the chief ministers were Jia Dan, Lu Mai, and Jing. In the first month of the twelfth year (796) Dan and Mai were both on leave, so Jing alone faced the emperor at Yanchi. The emperor asked: 'What have the Daily Records recorded of late? Jing answered: 'In antiquity the left historiographer recorded the ruler's words; whatever the sovereign actually said was entered at once—that is the Daily Record. Under our dynasty, from the Yonghui period onward, recorders heard only what was announced during formal audiences; deliberations afterward went unrecorded, and the Daily Record compiled only edicts, with no other business. Hence in the Changshou period, when Yao Chong held power, he argued that because he personally received the emperor's instructions, unless they were proclaimed, chief ministers and historiographers could not record them. Yao Chong asked that a chief minister record deliberations on military and civil affairs in a "Current-Affairs Record" sent monthly to the Historiography Office. Before long the practice was abandoned again.' The emperor said: "A ruler's acts must be recorded—that is how admonition and example are preserved. Since the Current-Affairs Record had existed before, the chief ministers should revive it according to precedent." Soon afterward Jing died, and the Current-Affairs Record was never implemented.
17
使
Jing enjoyed special imperial favor yet lived plainly; though a chief minister, his household staff resembled a poor scholar's; he devoted his salary first to his family shrine and never built a mansion or acquired estates.
18
宿 使
In the eighth month of that year he fell suddenly ill and died within two days, at the age of sixty-one. His son Yuanliang presented Jing's draft memorial: "I have undeservedly held a seat at court for many years without merit; my failures are plain, and calamity has overtaken me. Heaven has sent this illness; since the hour of mao today my condition has worsened; neither needle nor drug avails. My spirit must soon depart; how can I bear to leave Your Majesty's grace! I weep and call upon heaven, praying that even in death I may repay your deep kindness and not betray my lifelong devotion. I cannot express my gratitude and grief. Emperor Dezong mourned him deeply, closed court for three days, posthumously enfeoffed him as Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent, granted five hundred bolts of silk and four hundred shi of grain, and sent Director Wang Quan as condolence envoy.
19
Yuanliang rose to Director of the Left Bureau and died while serving as Attending Censor in charge of miscellaneous matters. The second son Quanliang became Attending Censor and Defense Judge on the Guiguan staff. Yuanliang's elder brother Xuanliang and younger brother Chengliang all entered office by hereditary privilege.
20
使 使 使
Wei Lun was the son of Guangcheng, Military Governor of Shuofang under Xuanzong. In youth he received office by privilege as magistrate of Lantian. For diligent service in clerical work, Yang Guozhong appointed him judge on the Inner Coinage Commission. Guozhong abused his power and sought renown by conscripting farmers from many prefectures to cast coin. These men were not trained artisans; forced into service by local officials, many were beaten, and the people were driven to destitution. Lun told Guozhong: "Coinage requires skilled craftsmen; forcing farmers into the work wastes labor, yields little, and will breed resentment. Set a fair market wage and hire skilled workers instead. Corvée labor fell while coin output rose. Late in Tianbao, palace construction never ceased; inner-work clerks profited by fraud until Lun inspected in person and cut costs by half. He was promoted to Evaluator in the Court of Judicial Review.
21
祿使 使使 調 使 使
When An Lushan rebelled and the court fled to Shu, Lun was made Supervising Censor and marching sima on the Jiannan staff, then Vice Director of Revenue and Attending Censor. Inner eunuchs and palace troops followed the court to Shu and plundered wherever they went. Lun lived plainly and led by example until Sichuan was again governable. He was eventually slandered by palace eunuchs and demoted to Registrar in Hengzhou. When Luoyang and Henan fell and transport routes were severed, Di Wuqi recommended Lun and appointed him Prefect of Shang, charged with collecting rent and tax on the Jing-Xiang routes. Rebel leaders Kang Chuyuan and Zhang Jiayan of Xiangyang raised more than ten thousand men and styled themselves kings of Eastern Chu. Prefect Wang Zheng of Xiangyang abandoned the city and fled. Jiayan then seized Jiangling to the south, cutting grain routes on the Han and Mian; the court faced famine with growing alarm. Lun mobilized troops to the Dengzhou frontier and treated every surrender generously. Within days Chuyuan's men grew lax, and Lun attacked. He captured Chuyuan alive, dispersed the rest, and recovered nearly two million strings in tax goods without loss. Jing and Xiang were pacified. The court appointed Cui Guangyuan Military Governor of Xiang and recalled Lun as Director of the Court for Imperial Sacrifices. Ten days later he was also made Prefect of Ning and Pacification Commissioner, and soon Prefect of Long as well.
22
使使 使
In Qianyuan 3 (760) Zhang Jin killed Military Governor Shi Hui at Xiangyang; Lun was made Prefect of Xiang, Censor-in-Chief, and Military Governor of ten prefectures on the Shannan East route. Li Fuguo then dominated appointments; every frontier commission passed through his favor. Lun served the court's needs and refused private audiences with Fuguo. Before Lun could depart he was transferred to Prefect of Qin, concurrently Censor-in-Chief and Defense Commissioner. Tibetans and Dangxiang raided yearly; frontier generals could not keep pace. At Qin Lun fought the invaders repeatedly. Outnumbered and unsupported, he suffered repeated defeats and was demoted to secretary in Ba and warden in Wuchuan.
23
使
Under Daizong he was restored to Prefect of Zhong and later governed Tai and Rao. When eunuch Lü Taiyi forged an edict to raise troops in Lingnan, Lun was made Prefect of Shao, Censor-in-Chief, and commander of Shao, Lian, and Liu. Taiyi bribed and slandered him until he was demoted through a series of minor posts in Xin, Qian, Sui, and Sui again. After an amnesty he lived as a guest in Hong for more than ten years.
24
使使 使祿 使西 使
Dezong sought men fit for distant missions and summoned Lun as Vice Director of Sacrifices and Censor-in-Chief, envoy to Tibet. In Tibet he proclaimed imperial grace and the reach of Tang power; the Tibetans were pleased and the tsenpo sent tribute. On return he became Director of Sacrifices and Censor-in-Chief with the Silver-Green rank. A second mission to Tibet likewise pleased the court and won Tibetan respect. He repeatedly memorialized the throne on the court's strengths and failings. Chief Minister Lu Qi disliked him and moved him to Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent, later adding Grand Master of the Palace. During the Jingzhou mutiny the emperor fled to Fengtian. When Lu Qi and others were demoted and Guan Bo was reduced to Minister of Justice, Lun wept in court: "The chief ministers failed to counsel the throne and brought the empire to this pass. Yet he remains Minister of Revenue—how can the realm be governed? Listeners were struck with respect and dread. After accompanying the court to Liang and back, the throne again wished to appoint Lu Qi Prefect of Rao. Lun memorialized urgently against it and won praise from upright officials. At over seventy he sought retirement, was made Junior Tutor emeritus, and enfeoffed Duke of Ying. When Li Chulin and Li Zhongcheng held incompatible dual posts, Lun protested that a rebel and a barbarian favorite did not belong in court rank. He also urged charity granaries against flood and drought and the appointment of worthy counselors. He warned that Tibet would break faith and must never be trusted lightly. The emperor always received him graciously.
25
At home Lun was famed for filial piety and kindness to younger kin. He died in the twelfth month of Zhenyuan 14 (798), aged eighty-three, and was posthumously made Area Commander of Yang.
26
調 使 使 西使
Jia Dan (styled Dunshi) came from Nanpi in Cangzhou. He passed both classics examinations and was appointed magistrate of Linqing in Bei Prefecture. He memorialized on current affairs and was made magistrate of Zhengping in Jiang. On the Hedong staff he became Acting Vice Director of Rites, Junior Vice Director of Taiyuan, and Deputy Military Governor of the Northern Capital. He later served as Acting Director of Rites and deputy commissioner, then Prefect of Fen. For seven years in Fen his achievements were outstanding. He entered court as Director of Diplomatic Relations, still overseeing the Weiyuan guard camps attached to that office. In Dali 14 (779) he was made Acting Left Regular Attendant, Prefect of Liang, Censor-in-Chief, and Military Governor of Shannan West.
27
使 使使 使 使 使 使 便 使
In Jianzhong 3 (782) he became Acting Minister of Works, Censor-in-Chief, and Military Governor of Shannan East. Emperor Dezong moved the court to Liang. In Xingyuan 1 (784) his marching sima Fan Ze reported at the mobile court; while Dan feasted his generals, an urgent dispatch arrived naming Ze his replacement and summoning Dan as Minister of Works. Dan hid the dispatch in his robe and continued the feast without changing expression. When the feast ended he handed Ze the edict: "You are military governor; I leave at once. He told his officers to pay court to Ze. General Zhang Xianfu protested: "The emperor is on campaign and the Minister sent Ze to court—yet Ze stole his command. That is disloyalty. The troops demanded Ze's death. Dan said: "What talk is this! The Son of Heaven has spoken—Ze is governor. I go to the emperor now and will travel with you." That day he departed with Xianfu, and the army accepted the change. Soon he became Military Governor of the Eastern Capital and Defense Commissioner of the eastern metropolitan region.
28
使 使
In Zhenyuan 2 (786) he became Acting Right Vice Director, Prefect of Hua, and Military Governor of Yicheng. Li Na of Ziqing had dropped his rebel title but still plotted expansion. Thousands of Li Na's men marching home asked to camp outside Hua. Dan said: "We are neighbors—how can I quarter your men in the open? He housed them inside the walls, and Ziqing troops admired his magnanimity. Dan was an archer and hunter who never took more than a hundred riders, often hunting in Li Na's territory. Li Na was pleased yet intimidated by Dan's confidence and dared no fresh intrigue. In the ninth year he was summoned as Right Vice Director and Grand Councilor.
29
使使
Dan loved geography and questioned every envoy from or to the frontier about the lands they had seen. Thus he charted the terrain of the nine provinces and the customs of myriad peoples, tracing every source and route. After Tibet held Longyou for years, the court retreated inland and lost track of former garrison posts. He drew maps of Longyou and Shannan with the Yellow River's course, compiled ten scrolls of notes, and memorialized:
30
輿 西
As Yi Xiang of Chu read the Nine Mounds and Pei Xiu of Jin devised the six cartographic forms, the Nine Mounds was the ancient classic of realms, and the six forms a new cartographic method. Though unlearned, I have long studied under masters and, promoted repeatedly, now hold a seat at court. Though I have often fallen short in office, I have never ceased to study the empire's mountains and rivers. A great map embracing the four seas and marking the nine provinces requires exact detail; I am compiling further and hope soon to finish. Yet Longyou has long been lost to Tibet; official maps are gone and borders hard to trace. I have therefore gathered what reports remain and drawn a map of Guanzhong, Longyou, and Shannan. The Tao and Huang region links to frontier pastures; Gan and Liang guard the northern marches. Roads, scouts, garrisons, and passes are drawn as close to fact as I could make them. Should Your Majesty send generals to the frontier, the terrain of Ling, Qing, Yuan, and Hui will lie plain before them. Every prefecture and army is marked with distances and troop numbers; every mountain and river with its source and course. The map cannot hold every note; I submit six scrolls of Separate Records. I also compiled four scrolls on the Yellow River and the western tribes, making ten scrolls in all. The writing is plain; I offer it with deep humility.
31
Dezong praised it and granted a horse, a hundred bolts of silk, and silver vessels.
32
In his seventeenth year he finished the great Map of Chinese and Barbarians Within the Seas and a forty-scroll geographical treatise, memorializing:
33
使西
The earth bears all things; the myriad states lie like pieces on a board. The seas encircle the world; barbarian lands weave among them. China has its nine provinces; beyond are the Rong and Di—yet all are the Son of Heaven's subjects. Wuqiu marched east and inscribed his victory; Gan Ying went west to Tiaozhi; Yan Cai was an endless marsh; Ji Bin a land of rope bridges. Routes were remote and names changed; few scholars of old mastered it all. From youth I loved foreign tongues; since entering office I have studied geography for nearly thirty years. I traced the routes of tribute missions and foreign envoys to their sources and homes. Merchants and frontier elders alike were questioned and their accounts recorded. Popular tales were accepted when true and discarded when false.
34
鹿 西 西 西
Since Yin and Zhou borders grew clearer; through eight dynasties and five ruling houses, none spread civilization like Tang. Qin Shihuang abolished feudal lords and built the Long Wall from Lintao. Han Wudi pushed the frontier to Jilu. Eastern Han received Aila as a subject; Western Jin saw Piluo arrive in procession. Sui founded commanderies on the western sea; Liaoyang was later abandoned. Gaozu received Heaven's mandate and seized the four quarters. Taizong pacified the far reaches, opened roads across the desert, and founded Xuanque Prefecture in the north. Gaozong extended the realm, sent envoys beyond Cong Mountain, and founded Jiling in Persia. Zhongzong restored the imperial patrimony. Ruizong renewed the eternal design of rule. Xuanzong ruled inward by filial piety and outward by non-action; his horse tribute was not Wudi's ruinous warfare. Suzong swept away rebellion and nourished the people. Daizong destroyed the rebel remnant and restored order.
35
姿
Your Majesty, supreme sage in an age of peace, nurtures the people and cherishes distant realms. Lishui gold and northern horses flow in tribute; your grace reaches all under heaven.
36
使 西 西
I have long served at court, unworthy of my post, and tremble before your grace. Ordered in Xingyuan 1 to compile national maps, I was diverted by missions and governorships and could not finish—my shame is keen. Now, worn by age and illness, I have set down all I know in ink. I present a map three zhang wide, scaled so one inch equals a hundred li. Barbarian lands are marked apart; mountains and rivers are shown in full. The four quarters are drawn on silk; the hundred commanderies painted in. Though the world is vast, unfolded it fits within a hall. Every place reached by road or river lies before the eye. With it I submit a forty-scroll treatise, China following the Tribute of Yu, foreign lands the Han History. Commanderies record their changes; barbarian tribes their rise and fall. Old geographies placed Qian in Youyang; I correct it to Ba. Old western accounts mistook An for Parthia; I place it in Kangju. Every error I found has been corrected. Longxi and ten regions were lost in the Yongchu era; Liaodong and Lelang fell in Jian'an. Cao Cao lost the north, Jin retreated south, and borderlands crumbled. Old records preserved scarcely a fifth; my book recovers more than half. Where the Zhou Offices conflict with the Tribute of Yu I have not dared to force a system. Ancient names appear in black, modern in red, for ease of reading. My learning is slight, my talent not that of a polymath. As Fubo modeled grain to brief his troops, and the Marquis of Zan used maps to reveal the passes, so I have tried to follow their example, though my work is full of flaws.
37
The emperor answered graciously with silk, robes, vessels, a horse, and enfeoffed him Duke of Wei.
38
Under Shunzong he was Acting Minister of Works, holding Left Vice Director and continuing in government. Wang Shuwen then dominated the court; Dan detested the disorder and repeatedly sought retirement in vain. Dan was by nature forbearing and seldom judged others. For thirteen years as chief minister he could not always counsel the throne on grand strategy, yet he disciplined himself and set an example for others. Returning home from court he received guests tirelessly all day. Even servants never saw him show anger—surpassing the gentle sages of old.
39
He died in the tenth month of Yongzhen 1 (805), aged seventy-six. Court mourned four days; he was posthumously Grand Tutor with the title Yuanjing.
40
Jiang Gongfu
41
滿
Jiang Gongfu—his native place is unknown. He passed the jinshi and became a collator. He ranked high in the policy examination, became Left Reminder, and entered the Hanlin Academy. When due for promotion he asked instead to remain a metropolitan registrar for the better salary to support his aged mother, and the emperor granted it. Talented and far-sighted, he often advised Dezong, who usually followed his counsel.
42
便 使使
In the tenth month of Jianzhong 4 (783) the Jingzhou mutiny broke out. Dezong fled through the park's north gate; Gongfu warned from horseback: "Zhu Ci once commanded Jingyuan and still commands the soldiers' loyalty. Because Zhu Tao rebelled, Ci was stripped of command, and he broods on the injustice. Seize him and keep him with the imperial train; if the rebels proclaim him leader, calamity will follow. I have said before: if you cannot trust him openly, kill him; to spare a beast is to breed disaster. Dezong replied: "It is too late!" He followed the court to Fengtian, became Remonstrating Grandee, then Grand Councilor.
43
退
On the flight to Shannan, Princess Tang'an died at Chenggu. The emperor's eldest daughter by Empress Zhaode was clever, filial, and dearly loved. She had been betrothed to Wei You, but wedding rites were never completed before the flight. At her death the emperor mourned deeply and ordered a lavish funeral. Gongfu urged: "We have not yet retaken Chang'an; the princess should be buried simply on the march to aid the troops. Dezong angrily told Lu Zhi: "I want only a small brick pagoda here—not a matter for the chief minister. He fumed that Gongfu had memorialized only to criticize him and win a reputation. I raised him as a trusted counselor, and this is how he repays me!" Zhi answered: "Gongfu is Remonstrating Grandee and chief minister; remonstrance is his duty. Ministers are set at the ruler's side to admonish daily and check errors before they grow—that is their office. Your Majesty thinks the pagoda a trifle beneath a chief minister's concern. Yet right and wrong matter, not the size of the affair! If the pagoda is right, great expense does no harm. If it is wrong, small expense does not make remonstrance a crime." The emperor said: "You do not understand me. I find Gongfu unfit for the chief ministry; at Fengtian I meant to dismiss him, and when he resigned I promised it to his face. Huai'guang's rebellion delayed matters, and I tolerated him through the flight to Shannan. Knowing I would demote him, he used the pagoda debate to pose as upright and win fame. With such motives, how can he be called virtuous! That is what grieves me." Zhi pleaded for him in vain; the emperor dismissed Gongfu to Left Mentor of the Heir Apparent. He mourned his mother, then became Right Mentor, and long went without promotion.
44
便 使
When Lu Zhi became chief minister, Gongfu, his old Hanlin colleague, repeatedly asked him for promotion. Zhi privately told him: "Dou Xiang of Chen said he had recommended him several times, but the emperor refused and spoke angrily of him. Terrified, Gongfu asked to resign and become a Daoist priest; no answer came for a long time. Later he spoke in court; asked why, he dared not implicate Zhi and cited Dou Can instead. The emperor demoted Gongfu to assistant prefect in Quan and sent an envoy to rebuke Dou Can. Under Shunzong he was made Prefect of Ji and soon died. Under Xianzong he was posthumously made Minister of Rites.
45
The historian writes: Jia Dan, gentle and restrained, rose to chief minister; by refusing to kill Fan Ze and hunting in Li Na's territory he showed his magnanimity. Wei Lun of Ying was generous and upright yet ruined by slander—such was fate! Zhao Jing sought refinement, yet by power struggle he ruined Lu Zhi—so much for repaying injury with kindness. Gongfu with one word won the emperor and vaulted to the council. One word amiss, and favor vanished—between embrace and abyss the ruler's way is plain.
46
調
The encomium says: Yuanjing's far-reaching counsel marked a true Confucian. He seasoned the state's stew and charted the earth in his heart. Jiang was impetuous, Zhao perilous—both soared then fell at court. Alas for Wei Lun, at last undone by slander.
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