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卷一百五十九 列傳第一百〇九: 衛次公 鄭絪 韋處厚 崔群 路隨

Volume 159 Biographies 109: Wei Cigong, Zheng Yin, Wei Chuhou, CuiQin, Lu Sui

Chapter 163 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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1
調 使
Wei Cigong, whose courtesy name was Congzhou, came from Hedong. Graceful in both talent and demeanor, he obtained his jinshi degree while still in his early twenties. Pan Yan, Vice Minister of Rites, saw in him a man who would serve the realm well and placed him at the head of the examinations. During the examination and appointment process, Vice Minister of Rites Lu Han commended his abilities; he was made collator at the Chongwen Hall and subsequently assigned as magistrate of Weinan. Cigong was an accomplished zither player; Metropolitan Governor Li Qiyun of Jingzhao had his son befriend him, hoping Cigong would pass his skill on to the boy. Cigong declined, and for the rest of his days he never played the zither again.
2
殿 殿
Yan Zhen, as military governor of Xingyuan, took him on as a staff officer; he received appointment as a supervisory censor and was soon promoted to palace investigating censor. In Zhenyuan 8 he was recalled to court as Left Remonstrator and before long was also made a Hanlin academician. In the first month of Zhenyuan 21, Emperor Dezong died; the crown prince was gravely ill, and Zheng Yin and the other Hanlin academicians were hurriedly summoned to the Jinluan Hall. A eunuch remarked, "Inside the palace they are still deliberating—the succession has not been settled. No one in the group answered. Cigong spoke up at once: "The crown prince may be ill, but as the legitimate eldest heir he remains the focus of hope throughout the realm. If no other course is possible, the Prince of Guangling ought to be named heir. Any other choice would only prolong the crisis. Zheng Yin and the others promptly agreed, and consensus was reached.
3
During Shunzong's mourning period, Wang Shuwen and his followers dominated court politics, forming factions and abandoning established governance. Serving together in the inner court, Cigong and Zheng Yin repeatedly set matters straight.
4
使 宿 使
He was promoted to vice director in the Meritorious Service Bureau of the Ministry of Personnel. Eventually he was entrusted with drafting edicts while retaining his rank, awarded the purple-gold fish tally, and continued at Hanlin while exercising the duties of Secretariat Drafter. Before long he supervised the civil service examinations for the Ministry of Rites, rejecting flashy candidates in favor of genuine talent and refusing to bow to prevailing pressures. Formally confirmed as Secretariat Drafter, he continued compiling at the Historiography Institute, rose to Vice Minister of War while drafting edicts, and again held a concurrent Hanlin appointment. A close friend of Zheng Yin, he was reassigned when Yin left the chancellorship: first as Grand Tutor to the Heir Apparent, then Right Vice Director of the Ministry of Revenue with concurrent charge of public revenue, and finally as defense and observation commissioner over Shaan, Guo, and neighboring prefectures. He secured cancellation of three million in cash taxes, giving the populace room to recover, and his record of governance reached the capital. He was recalled to court as Vice Minister of War. Li Ji and the grandson of Xu Yougong, though marked for elimination in the selection process, were called in by Cigong, who told them: "Your forebears served the imperial house with distinction—they should not be held to ordinary standards. He assigned them favorable appointments and released them. Promoted to Left Vice Director of the Ministry of Revenue, he enjoyed considerable imperial favor. The emperor was on the verge of naming him chief minister and had already instructed Hanlin Academician Wang Ya to draft the appointment edict. With troops long garrisoned against the Huai rebels, Cigong sent memorial after memorial urging their recall. Just as a victory report arrived and the appointment edict was about to be promulgated, Emperor Xianzong ordered it withdrawn. Instead he was dispatched as military governor of Huainan, with concurrent appointments as Minister of Works, grand prefect of Yangzhou, and Censor-in-Chief.
5
In the tenth month of Yuanhe 13, while traveling back to the capital after his term ended, he fell ill on the road and died. Posthumously honored as Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, he died at sixty-six and was given the posthumous name Jing, "The Respectful." From his first appointment through the highest offices, Cigong held to the same standards of conduct and was widely admired.
6
His son Zhu earned a jinshi degree and married Princess Linzhen, daughter of Emperor Xianzong. He rose through the ranks to serve as supervising censor, commander of the imperial son-in-law's guard, and Vice Minister of Works.
7
西
Zheng Yin, whose courtesy name was Wenming. His father Xian served as prefect of Chizhou. Even as a youth Yin showed unusual ambition; he devoted himself to learning and wrote with considerable skill. During the Dali period, leading Confucian scholars such as Zhang Can, Jiang Yi, Yang Wan, and Chang Gun all counted him a valued acquaintance. Yin passed the jinshi examinations and the Macro-Phrases test, then was appointed collator in the Secretariat and magistrate of Hu County. Recruited as secretary when Zhang Yanshang governed West Sichuan, he was later appointed remonstrator and diarist at court, with concurrent duties in the historiography office. Within a short time he entered the Hanlin Academy, rose to vice director in the Meritorious Service Bureau, and took up edict drafting. Throughout Dezong's reign he served thirteen years in the inner court, meticulously careful and humble, and enjoyed substantial imperial favor.
8
使 使 使
Early in Xianzong's reign, as the emperor worked to revitalize governance, Yin shared state power with Du Huangshang. Huangshang took the lead on major decisions, including the executions of Huilin and Liu Pi and related military arrangements. Yin, quietly unassertive and largely sidelined, was demoted to Grand Tutor to the Heir Apparent. He was dispatched as military governor and observer of Lingnan, prefect of Guangzhou, and concurrent Minister of Rites. He earned a reputation for clean administration. After serving as Minister of Works and then as Director of Imperial Sacrifices, he became prefect of Tongzhou and commissioner of the Changchun Palace before being appointed protector of the Eastern Capital. Recalled to serve as Minister of War, he was soon sent out again as military governor of Hezhong. In Taihe 2 he returned to court as Censor-in-Chief, with concurrent appointments as Left Grand Counselor and Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent.
9
祿
Hao, son of Zhide, earned his jinshi degree and was first appointed collator at the Hongwen Hall. Promoted to right purifier and inner attendant, he was by imperial edict made Silver-Gleaming Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and then promoted to diarist. He married Princess Wanshou, daughter of Emperor Xuanzong, and was named commander of the imperial son-in-law's guard. He served successively as a director in the secretariat, supervising censor, and Vice Minister of Rites. During his two years overseeing the examinations he brought forward overlooked talent, a record still remembered with praise. He was promoted to vice minister in the Ministries of Justice and Personnel. In Dazhong 13 he held concurrent appointments as Minister of Rites and governor of Henan.
10
殿 殿 殿
As a member of the imperial family by marriage, Hao carried himself with measured dignity. In the Dazhong period no one in the realm matched the favor shown him. After Emperor Xuanzong's death, thinking back on the kindness he had received, he once wrote a preface to a poem: "Last year on the Shouchang Festival I went to the Linde Hall to offer birthday wishes; on my way back I stopped to rest at my house in Changxing Lane. He fell into a mid-day doze and dreamed of himself and a dozen companions escaping the heat at a detached pavilion. The pavilion was airy and serene, and they composed linked verses together. I supplied several lines, which my companions greatly admired. When I awoke I could not remember the whole verse, but ten characters remained clear: "At the stone gate, mist and dew gleam white; in the jade hall, moss runs green." I wrote them on a column. The lines struck me as ominous, and I kept them to myself. Within days Emperor Xuanzong fell ill and court sessions were suspended; when he died I finally understood what the dream had foretold. Remembering the emperor's kindness, he expanded the "stone gate" couplet into a ten-rhyme poem: "Another year at the rainbow-marked festival, my returning carriage passed beyond the palace gates." I rushed through blazing summer heat, yet in sleep wandered a pavilion of uncanny stillness. None of it resembled any place I had known; the solemn grandeur was wholly unfamiliar. The sun-bird folded its wings; wind stirred the crane's drifting feathers. In that other garden companions crowded around; at the cool pavilion our brushes never rested. White mist clings to the stone gate; green moss covers the jade hall. Had it not been an omen of calamity, why would one dwell on the realm below? The imperial hearth stood cold, the ceremonial horses unused; the canopy pavilion sank beneath cloud and shadow. Daylight turned eternal night; the golden casket sealed away youth itself. A loyal subject lays down his brush in grief; by the lake he weeps for the drifting duckweed." Before long Hao too passed away.
11
Wei Chuhou, whose courtesy name was Dezai, came from Jingzhao. His father Wan had been a supervisory censor and staff strategist to the military governor of Jingnan. Chuhou had originally been named Chun but changed it to Chuhou to observe the taboo on Emperor Xianzong's personal name. Even as a child he showed exceptional character and was renowned for the filial devotion he showed his stepmother. During mourning for his parents he lived in a hut beside their tomb. After the mourning period he went to Chang'an. Fluent in the Five Classics and widely read in history, he wrote with rich and fluent ease.
12
Early in the Yuanhe era he earned his jinshi degree, distinguished himself in the Worthy and Upright examination, and was appointed collator in the Secretariat. Chief Minister Pei Ji, overseeing the national history, had him assigned as a direct librarian while retaining his rank; he was then made magistrate of Xianyang and promoted to right purifier, all while continuing historiographical work. He compiled and submitted fifty fascicles of Emperor Dezong's Veritable Records, which contemporaries hailed as reliable history. He was promoted to Left Remonstrator and to dual vice-director posts in the Ministry of Rites' Examination Bureau. Wei Guanzhi had long valued him; when Guanzhi was dismissed for military advice that displeased the throne, Chuhou was exiled to Kaizhou by association with his friend. Recalled to court as director in the Ministry of Public Revenue, he was soon entrusted with drafting imperial edicts as well. Emperor Muzong, impressed by the rigor of his scholarship, brought him into the Hanlin Academy as lecturing academician; he was made remonstrating grandee and then Secretariat Drafter while continuing to lecture at court.
13
便
Zhang Pingshu, an adept flatterer with a gift for humor, rose by irregular paths—from vice governor of the capital to director of the court of diplomatic relations and revenue commissioner, and within months was directly appointed Vice Minister of Public Revenue. Having won Muzong's favor through revenue schemes, Pingshu aspired to higher office. Arguing that the old salt monopoly had long been corrupt, he proposed government direct sale of salt to enrich the state, strengthen the army, and promote agriculture; he submitted eighteen detailed points on the scheme's pros and cons. The emperor circulated his proposal and ordered the chief ministers to debate it. Chuhou forcefully opposed the plan, arguing that Pingshu's proposal was incomplete and ill-considered—that its promised benefits would become harms and its simplifications only create new burdens—and challenged ten of its most objectionable points in detail. Pingshu then enjoyed both imperial favor and a reputation for cleverness, and assumed his proposals would always prevail. When Chuhou's detailed rebuttal arrived, Muzong commended it and had it shown to Pingshu. Pingshu was left speechless and could not answer; the proposal was dropped.
14
Chuhou saw that the young emperor was idle and neglectful of governance; as one whose duty was to counsel him, he compiled twenty scrolls of classical passages on moral conduct, organized by theme, titled "Legal Words of the Six Classics," and presented them to the throne. The emperor rewarded him with silk and silver vessels and further conferred the gold-and-purple insignia of high rank. Because the Veritable Records of Emperor Xianzong remained unfinished, Chuhou and Lu Sui were appointed adjunct compilers at the Historiography Institute. Until the work was done, they were allowed to enter the palace on alternate days and were excused from daily court attendance. Shortly afterward Chuhou was also given acting appointment as Vice Minister of War.
15
After Emperor Jingzong took the throne, Li Fengji came to dominate court affairs; he had long detested Li Shen and now framed him for crimes, and Shen faced a fate that seemed beyond hope. Chuhou and Shen were both men who had risen without powerful patrons, and they had passed the jinshi examination in the same year; deeply troubled, Chuhou submitted a memorial stating:
16
使 滿
I have heard whispers among factional circles that Li Shen's punishment was too lenient. Your Majesty has shown me extraordinary favor, and as your adviser I cannot keep silent when the imperial reputation is at stake. The previous emperor honored Li Shen and promoted him to the Hanlin Academy; he committed no recorded fault and deserved no punishment. Now the factions have gotten their way, and slander and envy run rampant. All who hear of it are shocked and dismayed. The Book of Odes says: "Woven from weeds, fashioned into precious brocade. Those who weave such slander have gone too far. It also says: "Slander knows no bounds and throws kingdoms into chaos." No ruler in history has ever kept worthy men at arm's length while elevating petty schemers and still brought peace to the realm. The ancients said: "To govern for three years without deviating from one's father's principles—that is true filial piety. Li Shen served the previous reign faithfully; even if he had faults, Your Majesty should cleanse his name, remember past service, and forgive past errors—fulfilling the ideal of filial governance. Fengji's former underlings now fill the ranks of government; they pile calumny upon slander with accusations of every kind. Given such treatment, his punishment is still considered too lenient. Even Zeng Shen once fell under false suspicion, and Confucius himself warned against repeating hearsay. I pray Your Majesty will judge this matter with your own wisdom and not be misled by deceitful men. The realm would be most fortunate. At the start of the Jianzhong era, when Shandong's provinces had begun to submit, chief ministerial factions betrayed the throne and brought ruin upon the realm. Yang Yan took revenge for Yuan Zai, Lu Qi struck back for Liu Yan—war followed war until the empire was left in turmoil. I beg Your Majesty's wise attention to my humble plea.
17
The emperor understood the situation; Li Shen was spared execution and demoted to staff officer at Duanzhou.
18
殿
Chuhou was formally appointed Vice Minister of War and gave thanks at Sizheng Hall. The Zhaomin Emperor was wild and unrestrained, going on hunting excursions again and again. He held court only three or four days a month. During the audience, Chuhou spoke calmly: "Your Majesty, I have committed a grave offense and beg leave to confess it openly. The emperor asked: "What offense?" Chuhou replied: "When I served as a remonstrating official under your predecessor, I failed to speak out even at the cost of my life. I allowed the late emperor's love of hunting and pleasure to shorten his days—I deserve death for that. Yet I held back because Your Majesty was then in the Eastern Palace, already fifteen years old. But now Your Majesty's heir is only one year old. How can I shy away from speaking the truth even if it costs me my life?" Deeply moved, the emperor rewarded him with a hundred bolts of brocade and four silver vessels.
19
殿
In the fourth month of Baoli 1, the court presented a honorific title to the emperor, who accepted it in formal ceremony and proclaimed a general amnesty. Because of Li Shen, Li Fengji drafted the amnesty text so that only officials who had already been moved nearer to the capital could be transferred again—not those who had never received such relief—apparently to keep Shen from benefiting. Chuhou submitted a memorial: "I notice that some demoted officials are excluded from the amnesty's benefits. The spirit of imperial clemency is not fully embodied here. Public opinion holds that Fengji added this clause specifically to block Li Shen's transfer. If so, then every recently exiled official would be denied transfer because of one man—Li Shen. This is a matter of great consequence. How could I remain silent? Li Shen was honored and trusted in the previous reign and served in the inner court; since his demotion he has received no pardon. The ancients said: "A ruler should remember service and forget offenses." Guan Zhong was once a prisoner, yet Duke Huan of Qi made him chief minister. Ye Chang was bound in chains, yet Confucius chose him as a close companion. Even the guilty deserve a fresh start; surely the innocent should not suffer perpetual punishment? This is an occasion of great honorific titles and solemn investiture rites, witnessed by Heaven and Earth and watched by all the realm. A narrow amnesty is hardly fitting for such an occasion. I bear Fengji no personal grudge and share no faction with Li Shen. I speak only for the good of the realm, and I beg Your Majesty to see the sincerity of my counsel. If Your Majesty agrees, I ask that recent demotions be included in the amnesty and that officials be allowed, according to precedent, to be transferred nearer to the capital. The emperor read the memorial and revised the amnesty text, and Li Shen finally received the benefit. As chief Hanlin academician, Chuhou drafted imperial edicts that consistently matched the emperor's intent. When ordered to requisition hunting hawks from Xuanzhou or rare brocades from Yangzhou, Yizhou, and the two Zhe provinces, he repeatedly submitted memorials refusing, citing the emperor's own past amnesty edicts; the emperor accepted each time.
20
祿
In the last year of the Baoli era, crisis struck suddenly. As Emperor Wenzong took the throne amid internal turmoil, edicts needed to be drafted but none had yet been settled. Chuhou rushed to the palace and declared boldly: "The Spring and Autumn Annals teaches that righteousness outweighs kinship and that internal treachery must be recorded to distinguish loyal from rebel. To name the crime and punish the guilty—where is the offense in that? How can we hesitate or euphemize? The imperial edict was drafted and issued accordingly. That same night, every arrangement for the succession and coronation rites, with no time to consult the usual offices, came from Chuhou's recommendations. After the ceremonies were complete, the makeshift procedures were set aside. For his role in the succession he was promptly made Vice Director of the Secretariat, chief minister, and supervisor of the national history, with the title Silver-Gleaming Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and promoted to Duke of Lingchang. As chief minister, Chuhou devoted himself to the needs of the times rather than his own advancement. Appointments throughout the government were made appropriately.
21
Earlier, during the Zhenyuan era, Chief Minister Qi Kang had reduced redundant posts by abolishing vice-prefect positions across the provinces; officials in the capital who would have filled those posts were instead kept in court ranks. Since the Yuanhe era, military officers from the Hebei region who distinguished themselves in the two-river campaigns were often promoted into central court posts. Vacancies were filled with assorted reserve officials and junior appointees, all of whom appeared at court in formal regalia until crimson and purple robes crowded the halls. Dozens of men awaiting promotion or between assignments crowded the Secretariat and chief ministers' private residences, jostling for audiences and pleading endlessly for appointments. Once Chuhou took power, he restored vice-prefect posts in the six "great," ten "prominent," ten "critical," and thirty-four other key prefectures to absorb these officials. The result was a cleaner court hierarchy and more orderly governance.
22
宿 退
Emperor Wenzong was attentive in court but impulsive in judgment; he often reversed decisions after initially approving the chief ministers' recommendations. Chuhou once submitted a memorial alone: "Your Majesty appointed us as chief ministers despite our inadequacies to help govern the realm. Yet time and again Your Majesty initially approves our recommendations only to change your mind shortly afterward. If these reversals come from Your Majesty's own judgment, it suggests you do not trust us. If they come from outside interference, what purpose do we serve as chief ministers? Pei Du is a veteran statesman who has served four emperors with tireless devotion and enjoys the people's trust—Your Majesty should rely on him. Dou Yizhi is virtuous and loyal, having served the previous reign faithfully—Your Majesty should trust him as well. As for myself, I lack talent yet was elevated by Your Majesty's own choice. If my counsel is disregarded, I should be the first to resign. He stepped down and prostrated himself, asking to be dismissed. Startled, the emperor exclaimed: "How can you speak of resigning! I have always known your character and ability; I elevated you to help govern, and under you the administration has flourished. Even if I sometimes err, how can you resign and thereby expose my faults to the world? Chuhou withdrew, but after he had passed through the Yanying Gate the emperor had him recalled. The emperor told him: "Speak freely on whatever is on your mind. Chuhou proceeded to deliver a lengthy discourse on rewarding virtue and punishing vice according to law—several hundred words in all. He also argued that Pei Du's distinguished service and forthright character warranted a long tenure to bolster the nation's authority. The emperor accepted all of his recommendations. After that, no one dared interfere when the chief ministers presented their business to the throne.
23
宿 使
Before long Li Tongjie of Cangzhou rebelled, and the court mobilized forces against him. Shi XianCheng of Weibo was equivocal in his loyalties, yet Pei Du, trusting their longstanding relationship, treated him without suspicion. XianCheng once sent a personal clerk to the Secretariat on official business. Chuhou told the clerk: "Lord Pei staked his reputation before the throne to vouch for your master—but I make no such guarantee. I will judge your master's conduct by the court's laws alone. When XianCheng heard this he was terrified and thereafter gave his full support, eventually contributing to the victory at Cangzhou. He also compiled twenty scrolls on state finance titled "National Accounts of the Tahe Era," arguing that fiscal management was the foundation of governance, and presented them to the throne. Li Zaiyi, in repeated victories over the Cangzhou and Zhenzhou armies, allowed his troops to mutilate prisoners—gouging and flaying them. Chuhou wrote to reprove him, and Li Zaiyi deeply accepted his point. Thereafter prisoners from the Cangzhou and Zhenzhou campaigns were assigned to distant regions instead of being killed, saving hundreds of lives.
24
退
At home Chuhou lived simply and unassumingly, as though unaware of his own importance. Yet at court, in remonstrance and counsel, and in managing his subordinates and clerks, he was so firm and incorruptible that no one could sway him. He was neither tall nor imposing in bearing; he appeared almost timid. Yet when subordinates came to his office on business, they were so awed that even after lengthy interviews they would not dare visit him privately. He was eager to promote talent and deeply devoted to literary culture. Disturbed that worthy men of the past had been ruined by idle gossip, he often overlooked minor faults when recommending people for office—a practice some contemporaries criticized. He was a sincere believer in Buddhist karma, a faith that grew stronger in his later years. He collected more than ten thousand scrolls of books, many of which he personally edited and proofread. Ordered to compile the Veritable Records of the Yuanhe Era, he had established its editorial standards and principles before his death. In the twelfth month of the second year of the Tahe reign, during an audience in the Yan Ying Hall, he suddenly exclaimed that he had taken ill and hastily withdrew just as he reached the emperor's side. Emperor Wenzong sent eunuchs to assist him out of the hall. He died that very night at home, aged fifty-six. He was posthumously awarded the title of Minister of Works.
25
Chuhou had held the reins of government for two years, and his counsel had won wide acclaim. All mourned his loss.
26
Cui Qun, courtesy name Dunshi, was from Wucheng in Qinghe, a prominent Shandong clan. At nineteen he passed the jinshi examination and then the special decree examination. He was appointed Collator in the Secretariat and eventually rose to Right Remonstrator. At the start of the Yuanhe era he was summoned to the Hanlin Academy and later served as Drafting Officer of the Secretariat. In his palace posts, Cui Qun earned renown for candid and principled counsel. Pleased with his service, Emperor Xianzong decreed: "Henceforth all memorials from Hanlin academicians must bear Cui Qun's countersignature before submission. Cui Qun argued that the Hanlin Academy was a confidential institution and that such a rule would become permanent precedent, allowing senior academicians who resented honest advisers to block memorials from their juniors. He steadfastly refused to comply and only after three memorials of protest did the emperor relent.
27
使
In the seventh month of the second year of Yuanhe, he was made Vice Director of the Secretariat and Grand Councillor. In the fourteenth year, after Li Shidao was put to death, the emperor turned to his chief ministers and said: "Though Li Shigu seized his post from his grandfather, the court treated his family honorably throughout. His wife was Li Shidao's sister-in-law—a relationship that, though tainted by rebellion, warrants a lesser penalty when the crimes are weighed. Li Zongyi violated the law, but his offense was not comparable to treason in the fullest sense. His wife was of good family, yet her children are now held in the palace prisons—the legal penalties seem somewhat harsh. Have you given this attention? Cui Qun replied: "Your Majesty's mercy is well placed—the guilt should fall only on the ringleaders. If their wives and close kin receive clemency, that would accord with your benevolent rule." Thereupon an edict ordered Li Shigu's wife Lady Pei and daughter Yiniang released and resettled in Dengzhou. Li Zongyi's wife Lady Wei and their children, who had been imprisoned in the palace quarters, were also freed. Their servants and possessions were restored to them as well. Also, Quan Changru, an official of the Fujian Salt and Iron Commission, was convicted of corruption and ordered to be executed by the Capital Prefecture. Changru's mother Lady Liu pleaded with the chief ministers, and Cui Qun raised the matter during an imperial audience. Moved by the aged mother's plea, Emperor Xianzong said: "What if I bend the law and pardon Changru? Cui Qun replied: "If Your Majesty intends mercy, you should dispatch a palace envoy at once to announce the pardon. If you wait for the formal decree, it will be too late." Changru was spared execution and sentenced instead to long exile. Many of Cui Qun's memorials displayed this same spirit of lenient justice.
28
At that time Emperor Xianzong was eager to suppress rebellions and tended to reward officials skilled at revenue extraction. Frontier governors accordingly curried favor, gathering funds and calling them "tribute" to the throne. When Chuzhou Prefect Miao Ji submitted seven thousand strings of surplus revenue, Cui Qun argued that accepting it would violate imperial policy and damage the throne's credibility. He recommended returning the funds to subsidize local taxes for the poor. Contemporary opinion praised his decision.
29
使 祿 使
Fiscal Commissioner Huangfu Bo curried favor with powerful courtiers in hopes of becoming chief minister, and Cui Qun repeatedly memorialized against his corruption. During one audience on affairs of the Tianbao and Kaiyuan eras, Cui Qun said: "A dynasty's fate rests on its policies and on the men entrusted with power. When Emperor Xuanzong used men like Yao Chong, Song Jing, Zhang Jiuling, Han Xiu, Li Yuanhong, and Du Xian, the realm was well governed. When he employed Li Linfu and Yang Guozhong, it fell into chaos. Most believe the turning point came in Tianbao 15, when An Lushan rebelled from Fanyang. But I hold that the decline began in Kaiyuan 20, when the worthy Zhang Jiuling was dismissed and the corrupt Li Linfu was given sole power. The choice of ministers is no small matter. His words were so passionate that those present were deeply moved. Huangfu Bo came to hate him deeply. Yet Emperor Xianzong ultimately appointed Huangfu Bo as chief minister. Before long, when the court debated an honorific title for the emperor, Huangfu Bo proposed adding the characters for "Filial Virtue." Cui Qun objected: "With 'Sagacious Sagehood' already included, filial virtue is implied." In the end he was ruined by Huangfu Bo's intrigues. Emperor Xianzong, displeased, sent him out to serve as Military Governor of Hunan.
30
殿 西使 使
When Emperor Muzong came to the throne, Cui Qun was recalled as Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel. Received in a private audience, the emperor said: "When I was named heir, I knew you had been my supporter. Cui Qun replied: "The late emperor's intention had always been to install Your Majesty. When you were appointed military governor of Huai West, I drafted the edict, which praised your ability to 'discern the petitions of Nanyang and fulfill the dignity of the Eastern Sea'— Had I not understood the late emperor's deeper meaning, I would never have written such words." Within days he was appointed Censor-in-Chief. Within ten days he was made honorary Minister of War and Military Governor of Wuning, with concurrent jurisdiction over Xuzhou and the Xu-Si-Hao region.
31
使 使 使
When Youzhou and Zhenzhou rebelled, Wang Zhixing of Yizhou was appointed vice military commissioner of Wuning and ordered to lead Xuzhou troops against the rebels. Cui Qun, noting that Zhixing already enjoyed the troops' loyalty, recommended appointing him full military commissioner—but the request was never answered. Zhixing then turned his army from Hebei back upon Xuzhou—the garrison, many his kinsmen, opened the gates to him, and Cui Qun was driven out. The court held him responsible for the loss of the city and appointed him Director of the Palace Library in an honorary post at the Eastern Capital. Before long he was made Prefect of Huazhou and Grand Censor. He was later transferred to Xuanzhou as military governor of the She-Chi region, then recalled as Minister of War. After some time he became honorary Director of the Ministry of Personnel, Prefect of Jiangling, and Military Governor of Jingnan. A year later he was made honorary Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and Director of the Court of Sacrificial Worship. In the fifth year of the Tahe reign he was appointed honorary Left Vice Director and Director of the Ministry of Personnel. He died in the eighth month of the sixth year, aged sixty-one, and was posthumously granted the title of Minister of Works.
32
Cui Qun possessed discerning judgment and was regarded as a worthy chief minister of his age. Purists noted that he had begun with a reputation for austerity but did not uphold it to the end. When Cui Qun took the jinshi examination before coming of age, Chief Examiner Lu Zhi asked Liang Su which candidates showed both talent and character. Su replied: "Though Cui Qun is still young, he will one day reach the highest offices. And so it proved.
33
His younger brother Cui Yu also passed the jinshi examination, rose to a post in the secretariat, and enjoyed a fine reputation.
34
His son Cui Chong also rose through literary achievement, served in the three central bureaus, and eventually became Garrison Commander of the Eastern Capital.
35
Lu Sui, courtesy name Nanshi, was descended from Yangping. His great-grandfather Lu Jie served in Emperor Gaozong's reign as Libationer in the household of the Prince of Yue. His great-great-grandfather Lu Weishu rose to Prefect of Mu Prefecture. His grandfather Lu Junzhi served ultimately as Palace Receptionist to the Heir Apparent.
36
調 鹿
His father Lu Bi, courtesy name Anqi, was a devoted scholar versed in the Five Classics, with particular mastery of the Book of Odes, the Book of Changes, and the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, which he knew in full depth. He was widely read in history and a skilled writer of regulated verse. Upright and reticent, he was renowned within his clan for filial devotion. At the end of the Jianzhong era, while serving as an assistant in Chang'an, he ranked at the top of the document-judgment examination alongside Li Yi and Wei Shou and was appointed Gate Commandant. When Emperor Dezong fled to Fengtian, Bi was in the capital. He left his family behind and secretly made his way to the emperor's camp. He accompanied the emperor to Liangzhou, forcing his way through fleeing troops and twice being struck by stray arrows, his torn robes soaked in blood. Impressing General Hun Zhen with his counsel, he was taken on as a staff officer. During Hun Zhen's campaign against Zhu Huaiguang, Bi was repeatedly recommended and appointed deputy commander staff officer, honorary Director in the Ministry of Revenue, and Censor-in-Chief. After the pacification of Hezhong, he accompanied Hun Zhen to a peace conference with Tibet at Pingliang and was seized when the Tibetans broke the truce. Held captive in Tibet for many years, he devoted himself to Buddhism, earned the Tibetan king's respect, was treated as an honored guest, and died at Ronglu.
37
使 宿 使 使
In the nineteenth year of the Zhenyuan reign, Tibet sent a letter to a border general proposing peace. Lu Sui, weeping, submitted a memorial asking that the request be granted. After three memorials, Emperor Dezong sent a palace envoy to convey his response. Distrustful of Tibet's past treachery, the court withheld approval for several years. During the Yuanhe era, when Tibetan envoys again appeared at the frontier, Lu Sui submitted five sealed memorials urging reconciliation. He also wrote directly to the chief ministers in an anguished appeal. Pei Ji and Li Fan joined in pressing the case, and Emperor Xianzong agreed. Xu Fu of the Ministry of Rites was sent as envoy, and the edict specifically named those captured at Pingliang and ordered their repatriation. Tibet then sent an embassy to court in response. The remains of Lu Bi and Zheng Shuju, together with their epitaphs and writings, were returned, moving the entire court to grief. Moved with pity, Emperor Xianzong posthumously appointed Lu Bi Prefect of Jiangzhou and granted two hundred bolts of silk. On the day of burial, local officials were ordered to provide for the funeral. Lu Bi was posthumously promoted on several occasions to Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent.
38
西 調 使
When Lu Bi was captured by Tibet, Lu Sui was still an infant. As he grew older and learned that his father was captive in Tibet, he wept constantly, always sat facing west, and refused meat at meals. His mother said he resembled his late father so closely that he never looked in a mirror for the rest of his life. After passing the classics examination he was posted as an aide in Runzhou, where Li Ge made life difficult for him. Li Ge put him in charge of the market, but Lu Sui simply sat there at ease, wholly unperturbed. When Wei Xiaqing became Garrison Commander of the Eastern Capital, he recruited Lu Sui on hearing of him, and his reputation steadily grew. In the fifth year of the Yuanhe reign, a border official brought word of Lu Bi's death. Lu Sui observed mourning for his father and became still more renowned for filial devotion. When the mourning period ended, he was promoted to Left Remonstrance Official.
39
When Li Jue urged the emperor to heed remonstrance, Emperor Xianzong said: "The censors Lu Sui and Wei Chuhou have submitted one memorial after another, and I have often taken their counsel deeply to heart. From that time those in the know held them in deep respect. Soon he was promoted to Diarist and then transferred to an outside director's post in the Ministry of Personnel. From his appointment as remonstrance official through his post in the Ministry of Personnel, he concurrently served as a compiler at the History Office. When Emperor Muzong came to the throne, Lu Sui was made a director in the Ministry of Personnel and granted the vermilion fish tally of third rank. He entered the Hanlin Academy together with Wei Chuhou as a lecturing academician. Surveying the rise and fall of royal houses from the Three Dynasties onward, he wrote twenty scrolls of "Legal Maxims of the Six Classics" and presented them to the throne. He was appointed Remonstrance Grandee while continuing as lecturing academician. When the Veritable Records of Emperor Xianzong were to be compiled, he was again ordered to hold a concurrent post as historian. When Emperor Jingzong came to the throne, Lu Sui was made Secretariat Drafter and Hanlin Academician and granted the purple robe. When anyone offered gold or silk to thank him for drafting an appointment decree, he always rejected them sharply: "Am I to handle official business while taking private gifts? He never accepted a single gift. When Emperor Wenzong came to the throne, Wei Chuhou entered the chancellery and Lu Sui succeeded him as chief academician, becoming Vice Minister of War and Director of Edicts. In the second year of the Tahe reign, after Wei Chuhou's death Lu Sui succeeded him as chief minister, was appointed Vice Director of the Secretariat, and made Supervisor of the National History. Earlier, Han Yu had compiled the Veritable Records of Emperor Shunzong, writing bluntly about inner-palace affairs. The eunuchs resented this and repeatedly told successive emperors the account was false, and several reigns issued edicts ordering revisions. After Lu Sui submitted the Veritable Records of Emperor Xianzong, Emperor Wenzong again ordered revisions to events of the Yongzhen era. Lu Sui memorialized in reply:
40
便 便
Yesterday I received Your Majesty's edict stating that the Veritable Records of Emperor Shunzong are insufficiently accurate and directing us to undertake a thorough revision, with a report due upon completion. Since receiving that order I have taken up the manuscript with the intention of revising it. Recently Zhou Juchao, Minister of the Guard; Wang Yanwei, Remonstrance Grandee; Li Guyin, Recipient of Petitions; and the historian Su Jingyin have each submitted memorials arguing that revision would be unwise. I have also heard much similar talk among officials at court. Historical writing exists to instruct and admonish: what ought to be recorded must be grounded in fact. The virtues and faults of ordinary men must not be falsely reported—how much less may a ruler's achievements and failures be invented? Your Majesty's edict noted that certain entries on late Zhenyuan events in the earlier Veritable Records appear not to be solidly grounded in fact but drawn from rumor, and once these errors were verified, ordered their correction. In recent audiences Your Majesty has raised this matter repeatedly—four or five times in all. Li Zongmin, Niu Sengru, and I have likewise noted that since the Yongzhen era the events in question are recent, and palace affairs are naturally difficult for outsiders to know in detail. What Your Majesty recounted came from your own direct experience. Hearing of these discrepancies, Your Majesty drew on history, citing such cases as the charge that Zhi Buyi stole his sister-in-law and the story of Diwu Lun beating the duke—examples of the sort of hearsay that often finds its way into historical texts and cannot always be trusted. I only hope that Your Majesty's discerning judgment will weigh such testimony carefully and that palace conduct will remain circumspect. By these examples Your Majesty showed your clear understanding, and in your gracious reconsideration you have somewhat excused the earlier errors. Hence the recent order to proceed with revision.
41
婿 使
Since the Zhenguan era, Veritable Records of several reigns have been rewritten; we would not presume to refuse outright. We propose only to remove the most serious errors while preserving alternative accounts wherever possible. Li Zongmin, Niu Sengru, and I discussed the matter: since the original work was Han Yu's, and the historians Li Han and Jiang Xi are both Han Yu's sons-in-law, their participation might invite suspicion of partiality. As I already supervise the compilation, I proposed to undertake the corrections myself; once the memorial was submitted, the plan was put into effect. Now many officials are speaking out without knowing how the project began, and their overlapping memorials suggest other motives are at work. Though I am hardly a man of keen insight, I assure Your Majesty this was not my own idea. Compelled by widespread concern, I venture to report this to Your Majesty. Even if I should succeed in completing the revision, I fear I would ultimately become a liability to the court. Moreover, Han Yu's text was not wholly his own original work—after the Yuanhe era it had already been transmitted through several hands. Even if his close relations serve as historians, what harm does that do to impartial truth? Returning them to their ordinary duties would in truth be to set matters right. I respectfully ask that Your Majesty identify the most erroneous passages in the old record, assign them to the historians, and entrust the revision to them. Thus our sage ancestors' legacy may rest untarnished and history may transmit no shameful falsehoods. Your humble servant, holding office beyond his merits, may thus be spared the charge of overstepping his authority. This would show how the dynasty governs and uphold the principle that public office must not serve private ends. Rumor would subside of itself, and public opinion would be satisfied.
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The edict read: "Tracing the origins of the inner-palace accounts from the reigns of Emperors Dezong and Shunzong recorded in the Veritable Records, we find they stem largely from false rumor and cannot be regarded as reliable history. Let the historians examine these passages, correct them, and delete what is unsound; no other portions need be revised. As for the rest, follow the memorial."
43
西使
In the fourth year he was transferred to Vice Director of the Chancellery and made Grand Academician of the Chongwen Hall. In the seventh year he was concurrently appointed Grand Preceptor of the Heir Apparent in a full ceremonial investiture. He memorialized the throne presenting the historians' completed Veritable Records of Emperors Xianzong and Muzong. In the eighth year he asked to retire on grounds of illness but was not permitted to leave office. When Li Deyu was repeatedly demoted as far as chief administrator of Yuanzhou, Lu Sui refused to countersign the memorial of dismissal—thereby incurring Zheng Zhu's enmity for the first time. In the fourth month of the ninth year he was appointed honorary Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and Participant in the Chancellery, with concurrent posts as Prefect of Runzhou, Military Governor of Zhenhai, and Commissioner of the Zhejiang West Circuit.
44
In the seventh month of the ninth year of the Tahe reign he fell ill en route and died midstream on the Yangzi River, aged sixty. He was posthumously enfeoffed as Grand Guardian with the posthumous name Zhen, "Upright."
45
Lu Sui was learned, magnanimous, and forthright as a censor; within the palace he offered steady corrective counsel. From his appointment as chief academician at the start of the Baoli reign he was already involved in major affairs of state. He then held high ministerial rank for fifteen years. As the factions of Li Zongmin and Li Deyu rose in turn, each brandishing power in the struggle, and Li Xun and Zheng Zhu, utterly treacherous, followed close behind— Lu Sui concealed his brilliance and held himself above the turmoil, treating honor and disgrace alike—a man who truly lived the Confucian Mean.
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The historian comments: Wei Cigong, Zheng Xian, Wei Chuhou, Cui Qun, Lu Sui, and the others all rose to the highest offices through literary accomplishment. Their loyal remonstrance has earned them lasting fame in the histories—a record richly deserving of praise. Zheng Xian held rank at the right moment yet cherished a policy of personal rectitude above public service; his demotion was no misfortune. Wei Cigong, having submitted a victory report, saw an already drafted edict withdrawn—such was fate. Wei Chuhou spoke boldly in perilous times, rallied friends in distress, and praised his colleagues' virtues—a true gentleman!
47
Encomium: Wei, Zheng, Wei, and Lu, together with Cui of Boling— men praised in their age for literary talent and statesmanship.
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