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Volume 231 Biographies 119: Gu Xiancheng, Gu Yuncheng, Qian Yiben, Yu Kongjian, Shi Menglin, Xue Fujiao, An Xifan, Liu Yuanzhen, Ye Maocai

Chapter 231 of 明史 · History of Ming
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Chapter 231
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1
Gu Xiancheng (Ouyang Dongfeng, Wu Jiong)〉 Gu Yuncheng (Zhang Nabi, Jia Yan, Zhu Shouxian, and Peng Zungu)〉 Qian Yiben (Zichun)〉 Yu Kongjian (Chen Tailai)〉 Shi Menglin, Xue Fujiao, and An Xifan (Wu Hongji, Tan Yizhao, and Sun Jiyou)〉 Liu Yuanzhen (Pang Shiyong)〉 Ye Maocai
2
Gu Xiancheng, whose style was Shushi, came from Wuxi. In the fourth year of the Wanli reign he ranked first in the provincial examinations. In the eighth year he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed a secretary in the Ministry of Revenue. When Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng fell ill, officials throughout the court flocked to pray for his recovery; Xiancheng refused to join them. A colleague signed his name on his behalf; Xiancheng personally struck the name out. After Juzheng's death he was transferred to a secretary's post in the Ministry of Personnel. He requested leave and returned home for three years, then was reassigned as secretary in the Sealing and Investiture section.
3
In the fifteenth year the great triennial evaluation of capital officials was held, with Censor-in-Chief Xin Zixiu in charge of the proceedings. Minister of Works He Qiming was named in the supplementary recall list, and for this Zixiu lost the favor of the chief administrators. Supervising Secretary Chen Yuhe, following their intent, impeached both Qiming and Zixiu—in reality to strike at Zixiu while protecting Qiming. Thereupon both men were dismissed, and four censors who had impeached Qiming were punished as well. Indignant, Xiancheng submitted a memorial whose language offended the chief administrators; by imperial order he was sternly rebuked and demoted to assistant magistrate of Guiyang prefecture. He was gradually promoted to supervising secretary of Chuzhou. When his mother died he observed mourning; after the mourning period he was reassigned as supervising secretary of Quanzhou. He was rated first for public integrity. He was promoted to secretary in the Ministry of Personnel's Merit Evaluation section and rose through the ranks to vice director. At this time an edict came down to ennoble all three imperial sons as princes at once. Xiancheng and his colleagues submitted a memorial that read:
4
Your Majesty, invoking the ancestral instruction's rule on establishing the heir by the legitimate line, wishes temporarily to ennoble all three princes at once, to wait until a son of the empress is born—then establish the legitimate son as heir, and if there is none, establish the eldest. We your ministers bow low and reflect: in the single word "wait" there is much that must not be done. The heir apparent is the foundation of the realm. To establish the heir in advance is how that foundation is secured. Thus "if there is a legitimate son, establish the legitimate son; if not, establish the eldest" applies when judging the present situation; to wait for the future is not correct. Our dynasty's established practice for creating an heir holds that the Eastern Palace does not wait for a son of the legitimate line, and the eldest son is not ennobled together with his brothers. Court ministers have spoken at length, yet Your Majesty has paid no heed to any of it. Does Your Majesty intend a novel departure rising above all the sage emperors of old? He who possesses the realm is called Son of Heaven; the Son of Heaven's eldest son is called heir apparent. The Son of Heaven is bound to Heaven—the ruler and Heaven are one body; the heir apparent is bound to the father—father and son are one body. He who presides over the ancestral sacrifices and continues the line is defined here; he cannot be reduced to a mere noble title. If you now wish to ennoble all three princes at once, to what is the eldest son's ennoblement attached? If attached to nothing, it is hard to make the title mean anything; if attached to something, it is hard to make the reality match.
5
Your Majesty takes this to be merely an expedient. An expedient is what one does only when there is no alternative. The eldest son as heir, the other sons as feudal princes—in reason it is orderly, in rank fitting, in affection secure—what necessity forces any other course? Two equals in honor weigh heavily upon the one who bore them. Your Majesty takes the ancestral instructions as law; posterity will take Your Majesty as law. If Your Majesty does not shrink from creating what never existed, will posterity shrink from copying whatever you establish? From this point onward, if fortunately there is always a legitimate son, all may be well; otherwise there will be no Eastern Palace at all. And if fortunately there is a sovereign as enlightened as Your Majesty, all may be well; otherwise every prince will be the Eastern Palace—will this not open a great calamity for ten thousand generations? The empress and Your Majesty jointly sustain the ancestral line, expecting only that the line receive the right man. Your Majesty's eldest son and other sons are likewise the empress's eldest and other sons. Lady Gong and the honored consort cannot claim them as their private sons; they are unified under the one who is honored. Must it be as Grand Secretary Wang Xijue requested—that they must first acknowledge the empress as mother before they may be called sons?
6
使
Moreover, at first the edict said to wait only two or three years; soon it was changed to twenty, then to twenty-one—yet one could still reckon it by the calendar. Now to say "wait for the legitimate heir" is something that cannot be reckoned by the calendar at all. Orders are barely promulgated before they are changed; intentions shift again and again and grow ever more lax. Since the order for simultaneous enfeoffment was issued, those who beat the palace gates and submitted sealed memorials are beyond counting—even common folk in the lanes gather by clan to whisper about it. Who made this happen? It is the fairness of people's hearts. Yet Your Majesty still reproaches the grand secretaries for lacking backbone. Xijue, hurrying day and night at the summons, excluded the multitude of opinions to follow the imperial intent—is this what is called backbone? Only by accumulating sincerity to move Your Majesty and draw him into a place without fault is true backbone. Otherwise Your Majesty will not be able to answer to the realm—how much less Xijue!
7
Your Majesty's divine clarity was Heaven-given; you are not one who dotes excessively or treats intimates lightly. Yet those who do not understand see a shadow and suspect a form, hear a sound and suspect its source—even we your ministers have points we cannot explain on Your Majesty's behalf. Your Majesty's great virtue and great enterprise rival the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors. Yet to come to this unexpected uproar—is it not a pity! We humbly beg that the imperial eldest son be established early as heir, and that the third and fifth imperial sons each receive their princely titles. Father as father, son as son; ruler as ruler, subject as subject; elder brother as elder brother, younger brother as younger brother. The blessing of the ancestral temple and the rejoicing of the altars of soil and grain—all lie in this.
8
Xiancheng also sent a letter to Xijue, arguing back and forth at length. Afterward the proposal for simultaneous enfeoffment was abandoned.
9
In the twenty-first year came the capital triennial evaluation. Minister of Personnel Sun Gua and Director of Evaluation Zhao Nanxing dismissed all the chief administrators' private clients; Xiancheng was the one who actually guided this. When Nanxing was dismissed, Xiancheng memorialized asking to be dismissed together; no reply came. Soon he was promoted to director of the Civil Office section. Those he recommended were generally at odds with the chief administrators. Earlier, when the Ministry of Personnel lacked a minister, Xijue wished to appoint Luo Wanhua; Xiancheng opposed it, and Chen Younian was appointed instead. Later, in court nomination for grand secretaries, Wanhua again was not included. Xijue and the others were all resentful; Wanhua finally obtained nomination, but when the emperor returned with a dismissal it stopped. At this time Xijue was about to resign from government; the court nominated his replacement. Xiancheng nominated the former Grand Secretary Wang Jiaoping, which offended the emperor; he was struck from the rolls and sent home. The matter is treated in full in Younian's biography.
10
祿
After Xiancheng was dismissed his fame rose ever higher; memorials recommending him from inside and outside the court numbered easily a hundred or more, but the emperor answered none. Only in the thirty-sixth year was he summoned as Vice Director of Ceremonial in Nanjing, but he firmly declined and did not take office. In the fortieth year he died at home. At the beginning of the Tianqi reign he was posthumously promoted to Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. When Wei Zhongxian threw government into chaos, his faction member Shi Sanwei pursued a review of the case, and Xiancheng's honors were stripped. At the beginning of the Chongzhen reign he was posthumously made Right Vice Minister of Personnel, with the posthumous title Duanwen ("Upright in Culture").
11
姿 退
Xiancheng's natural gifts surpassed others; even in youth he aspired to the learning of the sages. After he was struck from the rolls and lived at home, he studied all the more deeply and forcefully refuted Wang Shouren's doctrine of "the substance of the mind as neither good nor evil." The district already had the Donglin Academy, where Yang Shi of the Song had lectured on the Way; Xiancheng and his younger brother Yuncheng led a campaign to restore it, while Ouyang Dongfeng, prefect of Changzhou, and Lin Zai, magistrate of Wuxi, arranged the building work. When it was finished, he lectured there with kindred spirits—Gao Panlong, Qian Yiben, Xue Fujiao, Shi Menglin, Yu Kongjian, and others—and scholars called him Master Jingyang. At that time scholar-officials who held to the Way yet clashed with the times mostly retired to the countryside; drawn by his reputation they flocked to him until the academy could no longer hold them. Xiancheng once said: "Serving at the capital yet caring nothing for sovereign and father, serving on the frontier yet caring nothing for the people's livelihood, living in seclusion by rivers and woods yet caring nothing for the fate of the age—such a man is no gentleman worth the name. Accordingly, when they were not lecturing they often offered veiled criticism of court policy and passed judgment on public figures. Court officials who admired their spirit often echoed them from afar. Thus Donglin's fame spread far and wide, and those who resented it grew numerous as well.
12
使 祿 歿
Before long the Huai commissioner Li Sancai came under attack; Xiancheng wrote to Ye Xianggao and Sun Piyang asking them to speak on his behalf. The censor Wu Liang had the letters printed in the Court Gazette, and those attacking Sancai erupted in uproar. Yet at that time Yu Yuli, Huang Zhengbin, and others hung about the group and acquired a reputation for frivolity and stirring up trouble. Men like Xu Zhaokui then seized on Donglin as a pretext for attack. Zhaokui sent up a memorial attacking Xiancheng, slandering him at will. He claimed that at Huxu a small river's tolls were monopolized by Donglin to fund the academy; whenever transit commissioners arrived Donglin would summon them by letter, and even if they did not come they were still sent lavish gifts; wherever they lectured attendants swarmed like clouds, and county magistrates had to lodge and provision them at a cost of no less than two hundred taels; at their meetings they always discussed current politics, and if a prefecture or county did something they disliked they demanded a change of course; and that Xiancheng had taken bribes from Huang Zhengbin. Not one of these charges had any corroboration at all. Wu Jiong, Vice Director of Ceremonial, memorialized in his defense, saying: "Xiancheng's letters pleading for Sancai were indeed overstepping; I once reproached him for it, and Xiancheng himself has regretted it. Now that Xiancheng is slandered, the empire will treat lecturing as a warning and fall silent on the Way of Confucius and Mencius—the state's vital spirit will be damaged by this, and it is no small matter. The memorial was submitted but received no response. Thereafter the attacks never let up; even after Xiancheng died the assailants had not stopped. Those who had defended Sancai, fought over the Xinsi capital evaluation, upheld the heir apparent, exposed Han Jing's examination scandal, called for an inquiry into Xiong Tingbi, argued over Zhang Cha's club assault, and finally contested the palace transfer and the Red Pill case, along with anyone who crossed Wei Zhongxian—all were fingered as Donglin, and the attacks never ceased for a single day. Riding Wei Zhongxian's poisonous power, they swept them all away in one net. Through slaughter and imprisonment the ranks of the worthy were emptied. When Chongzhen took the throne they were gradually brought back into office. But factional power was already entrenched; petty men ultimately flourished, disaster struck the state, and did not end until the Ming fell.
13
使 調 西使
Ouyang Dongfeng, styled Qianren, was a native of Qianjiang. At fourteen he lost his father; grief wore him to skin and bone. When his mother was ill and vomited blood, he knelt and ate it himself. He passed the provincial examination; the county magistrate, pitying his poverty, gave him two hundred mou of land, but he declined. In the seventeenth year of Wanli he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed magistrate of Xinghua. Great floods destroyed the dikes; he requested relief from his superiors but received no answer, so he memorialized the court directly. He was penalized for overstepping authority with his memorial and had his salary suspended, yet in the end he obtained what he had asked for. After several promotions he became a director in the Nanjing Ministry of Punishments, then was promoted to prefect of Pingle. He pacified and instructed the raw Yao, who all grew as close as sons and younger brothers. He informed the educational commissioner and overseers, who selected their promising youth for the schools, and the Yao gradually learned ritual and deference. Tax commissioners ran rampant, and Dongfeng resisted them strenuously. For his ability he was transferred to Changzhou. He used cloth curtains and earthenware vessels; clerks could not extort a single cash, and he captured scoundrels and major bandits almost to the last man. When Xiancheng and his circle lectured, he built the Donglin Academy for them. After four years he resigned and returned home. He was summoned as Vice Commissioner in Shanxi and promoted to Vice Director of the Court of the Imperial Stud in Nanjing, but declined both posts and did not take office. He died at home.
14
祿
Wu Jiong, styled Jinming, was a native of Huating in Songjiang. In the seventeenth year of Wanli he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed investigating censor of Hangzhou. He entered the Ministry of War as a director, then asked for leave and returned home. Calm, upright, and reserved, he did not chase rank or profit. He remained at home twelve years before he was finally restored to his former post. After a long interval he was promoted to Vice Director of Ceremonial. During the Tianqi reign he rose by stages to Director of the Court of the Imperial Stud in Nanjing. Wei Zhongxian's partisan Shi Sanwei pursued a case against Jiong for shielding Xiancheng as a factional ally; he was dismissed and lived in retirement. At the beginning of the Chongzhen reign his office was restored. Jiong's family had long been wealthy; having no son, he set aside charitable fields to support his clansmen. He gave generously to poor scholars in the prefecture and to students traveling to take the examinations. He once contributed ten thousand taels to aid the frontier and was honored by imperial edict.
15
殿
Gu Yuncheng, styled Jishi, was Xiancheng's younger brother. By nature stern and upright, he prized moral integrity; he passed the metropolitan examination in the eleventh year of Wanli and only in the fourteenth year sat for the palace examination. In his examination response he wrote: "Your Majesty, because Consort Zheng was diligent in attendance, enfeoffed her as Imperial Noble Consort—the court officials could not help private anxiety and excessive worry. Those who urged establishing the Eastern Palace and advancing Lady Wang the Respectful Consort were either dismissed with no answer or harshly driven out. If by misfortune the noble consort wielded power and favor, and her kin and attendants stole authority and spread it abroad—the harm inside and outside defies description! Recently Zhang Juzheng deceived his lord and pursued private ends; Your Majesty judged him unworthy of trust, yet entrusted affairs to two or three unworthy men. I fear that under Juzheng's monopoly Your Majesty still had a counterweight— whereas this lot's monopoly makes them one with Your Majesty. When there are two, wedges are easy; when there is one, plotting is hard. The chief ministers were alarmed and furious; he was placed in the last rank.
16
祿 西使
It happened that Fang Huan of Deqing, educational inspector of the southern metropolitan region, sent repeated memorials slandering the censor-in-chief Hai Rui; Yuncheng could not contain his anger. Together with his year-mates Peng Zungu and Zhu Shouxian he submitted a forceful memorial impeaching him. It said in part: "Huan envies the worthy and defames the upright; he no longer knows what shame means among human beings. We have read books since childhood and admired Rui, holding him a great man of the age. Huan is flagrantly corrupt; hearing of Rui's example he ought to die of shame, yet he dares fabricate charges and vent slander—this is what breaks our hearts. They therefore impeached him on seven counts of deceit. When Huan's memorials first appeared, court and country gnashed their teeth in anger. But the government sheltered him and only drafted an edict of reprimand. When Yuncheng's memorial arrived they said Huan had already been sharply reprimanded and that others must not overstep with reckless memorials; the three men's caps and girdles were taken, they were sent home to reflect on their faults, and the Nine Ministers were ordered to restrain jinshi on probationary duty from rashly discussing current politics. Shen Sixiao, Director of the Court of the Imperial Stud in Nanjing, memorialized: "For two or three years now, today someone is blocked for speaking out, tomorrow someone is punished for overstepping his office; restraining edicts go out to every agency, and jinshi observing government are again ordered restrained by their department heads. Wrongdoing and crime may be forbidden, yet loyal remonstrance is forbidden instead; upright conduct and moral integrity may be taught, yet silence and ingratiation are taught instead. Once this wind takes hold, how far will the harm run? Censors avoid disaster and court favor by keeping silent, yet ordinary officials must not speak either; great ministers hold their salaries and cultivate connections by keeping silent, yet junior officials are not allowed to speak either. If by chance powerful traitors seized the court and endangered the altars of state, how would Your Majesty hear of it? I have traced precedents in former reigns: Lian Gang, Zou Zhi, Sun Pan, and Zhang Cong all spoke out as mere scholars and were not treated as criminals—why alone punish Yuncheng and the others? The memorial was submitted; offending the throne he was rebuked, and the three were ruined. Huan again slandered Rui and Sixiao in language utterly wild and absurd; from this he earned the condemnation of upright opinion and was sent out as Vice Commissioner in Jiangxi. The supervising secretary Zhang Dingsi impeached him for corruption and wickedness; Huan in turn accused Dingsi of soliciting favors. The supervising secretaries were indignant and attacked Huan in a series of memorials; Huan and Dingsi were both demoted and never recovered their standing.
17
祿
After a long interval the Nanjing censor Chen Bangke requested that Yuncheng and others be reemployed; permission was denied. The touring censor spoke again; an edict permitted their appointment as instructors. Yuncheng served in succession at Nankang and Baoding. He entered service as a doctor of the Directorate of Education and was transferred to a director in the Ministry of Rites. When the decree enfeoffing the three princes together was issued, he joined his colleague Zhang Nabi and Yue Yuansheng, a director in the Ministry of Works, in a joint remonstrance saying: "The great ceremony of investiture of the heir—for years none dared profane it again, in obedience to the clear edict of twenty-one years ago that it be carried out. Now that the appointed time has arrived, the ministers all wait with eager expectation. Yet the Senior Grand Secretary Wang Xijue hurried night and day to court; at one meeting with the Minister of Rites Luo Wanhua and the Bureau Director Yu Kongjian he warned them not to speak and boldly took sole charge—we were truly glad and relieved. We did not expect Your Majesty to issue a secret missive from the inner palace and deliver it to Xijue's private residence, so that the proposal to enfeoff the three princes together took shape—even the Second Grand Secretaries Zhao Zhigao and Zhang Wei were not forewarned. Surely affairs of the empire are not one family's private deliberation! Enfeoffing the eldest son as a prince—no such rite since ancestral times; how could Xijue decide it alone, and how could Your Majesty invent it! At that time the memorials of Zhu Weijing, Vice Director of Ceremonial, and the supervising secretary Wang Rujian had already been submitted first. The emperor flew into a rage and exiled them to the remotest frontier. Weijing's colleagues in office Tu Jie and Wang Xuezeng followed suit; they were reduced to commoner status. By then remonstrators grew ever more numerous; the emperor knew he could not dismiss them all and only replied, "Carry out as instructed." Before long the matter was shelved entirely.
18
Soon afterward Sun Xuan, Minister of Personnel, and others were reprimanded over the affair of presenting omitted memorials. Yuncheng held that Grand Secretary Zhang Wei was actually behind it; he memorialized forcefully denouncing Wei and also implicated Xijue. Nabi too submitted a defiant memorial arguing fiercely, jointly attacking those allied with the chief ministers. The emperor was furious and demoted Yuncheng to magistrate of Guangzhou and Nabi to magistrate of Dengzhou. Both requested leave to return home and never took office again.
19
Nabi, styled Yideng, was a native of Yixing. At sixteen he studied under Wang Ji. He passed the jinshi examination in the seventeenth year of Wanli. He transferred from a directorship in the Ministry of Punishments to the Ministry of Rites. Throughout his life he prized moral integrity. When matters of public benefit or harm arose in his home district, he always pleaded with the authorities on its behalf before resting. Nabi took part in the gatherings of the Donglin Academy. With his fellow townsman Shi Menglin and Wu Zhengzhi he also held the Great Lizhe Assembly, and scholars from the southeast vied to attend.
20
祿
At the time, together with Yuncheng and others who as ministry directors had contested the joint enfeoffment of the three princes and the affair of presenting omitted memorials, Jia Yan of Chuzhou, a director in the Ministry of Revenue, was also demoted to magistrate of Caozhou. He resigned and returned home, where he died. During the Tianqi reign Yuncheng and Nabi were posthumously granted Vice Director of Ceremonial, and Yan Vice Director of the Imperial Treasuries.
21
Zhu Shouxian, styled Yanzhi, was a native of Kunshan. Upon first taking office he memorialized asking to be released to his fields, to study diligently for ten years, and only then enter government service. The memorial was referred to the relevant office and shelved without being forwarded to the throne. After his dismissal he returned home. After a long interval he was summoned as instructor at Nanyang. He entered service as an assistant instructor of the Directorate of Education and was promoted to a director in the Ministry of Rites. When relatives of the empress and powerful eunuchs sought favors through connections, he always refused. Struck by illness, he requested leave to return home and supported himself by teaching students. After a long interval he died.
22
祿
Peng Zungu, a native of Macheng, rose to Vice Director of Ceremonial.
23
西 西
Qian Yiben, styled Guorui, was a native of Wujin. He passed the jinshi examination in the eleventh year of Wanli. He was appointed magistrate of Luling and then summoned as censor. Upon entering the Censorate he immediately exposed the corruption of Zhu Dazhou, the former touring inspector of Jiangxi; Dazhou was banished to frontier service. He then argued that Cao Duan, Chen Zhensheng, Luo Lun, and Luo Hongxian should be admitted to sacrifice in the Confucian temple. He was dispatched as touring inspector of Guangxi.
24
Because Zhang Youde requested provisions for the Grand Rites ceremonial objects, the emperor again postponed the date for investing the Eastern Palace heir, while Shen Shihang held power and could not set matters right. Yiben submitted two memorials, one on the chief minister and one on establishing the heir. On the chief minister he wrote:
25
Yesterday an imperial directive was issued to the assisting ministers, ordering them to oversee all government affairs. How can the assisting ministers wholly control the government of the court? The Inner Secretariat speaks for the throne and drafts rescripts, originally a remnant of advisory duty; when memorials arrive, each Grand Secretary ought to draft a rescript of his own. Now every rescript issues from Shihang alone. His Majesty decided one case in eleven; Shihang decided nineteen in twenty. His Majesty's decisions are called imperial edicts; Shihang's decisions are also called imperial edicts. Only where there is personal enmity does one invoke the sacred decision—how can guilt ever be fully punished! This is the first matter that ought to be discussed.
26
The reviewer Luo Yuren presented a remonstrance on the four medicines; Your Majesty wished to see it carried out, but the assisting ministers strongly urged withholding it at court. Memorials criticizing the assisting ministers were also all withheld at court and never forwarded. To guide our lord to persist in wrong and paper over faults in this way—how can one still hope they will serve with full loyalty and remedy those faults! This is the second matter that ought to be discussed.
27
Corruption in the examination halls is notorious, yet they dare draft a rescript claiming there was no private corruption, to deceive our lord. Your servant asks that sons and younger brothers of those in power who passed the examinations and were accused by others be struck from the rolls and have their hereditary privilege revoked. And those already in active service should temporarily return home, waiting until their fathers retire from office before any decision on advancement. Do not let loyalty to the throne be overcome by schemes to enrich one's descendants. This is the third matter that ought to be discussed.
28
Great ministers devote their lives to the state—how can they still concern themselves with family! Yet distant officials are made the treasury of near officials, and officials far and near together are made the treasury of the Inner Secretariat. Opening the door to bribes begins with those in power—so what is the point of the yearly proclamation forbidding gifts! This is the fourth matter that ought to be discussed.
29
Irregular edicts and slant-sealed appointments were what former ages dreaded; secret memorials on state affairs—former ministers did not do this. Now when Grand Secretaries wish to intervene on someone's behalf or offer secret counsel, they mostly submit private memorial slips; even upright words and loyal counsel already resemble slant-sealed secret memorials, without the fairness of open deliberation. Moreover what is spoken in public ought to be spoken openly to the world; what is spoken in private, loyal ministers do not keep private. Why invoke Secretariat precedents, perpetuate the abuse of withholding memorials at court, reveal the springs of favor and hatred, and show that power and fortune flow from oneself alone. This is the fifth matter that ought to be discussed.
30
仿
Our state takes antiquity as its model in governing; the ministries and boards are the six ministers with divided duties, and the Inner Secretariat is the three dukes who discuss the Way. One has never heard that the three dukes may seize all the authority of the six ministers and concentrate it in one man's hands, while the six ministers bow their heads, hold their breath, and only murmur assent, necessarily awaiting instruction before acting. This is the sixth matter that ought to be discussed.
31
The three dukes' duty lies in discussing the Way. Teacher—he who instructs in the Way. Now the lecture hall has gone years without an audience—what kind of teacher is this? Tutor—he who tutors in moral principle. Now the public treasury is exhausted while private stores overflow, yet he cannot once set matters right—what kind of tutor is this? Guardian—he who guards the sovereign's person. Now His Majesty year after year rests in seclusion, still pleading frequent illness as excuse—what kind of guardian is this? Their concurrent titles must read Teacher, Tutor, and Guardian to the Heir Apparent, yet the ceremony of investing the eldest imperial son has again been postponed—I do not know what office they concurrently hold. This is the seventh matter that ought to be discussed.
32
使
The Hanlin path is called the reserve for chief ministers. Amassing wealth and climbing rank by rank, following the column to ministerial office, they treat high office as a certainty. Thus the great charge of appointing the state's chief ministers becomes merely a private resource for Grand Secretaries to dispense. Mediocre men practice soft compliance and ingratiating ties; crafty men indulge in bullying and schemes of encroachment. Pushed from outside and drawn from within, eunuchs and the Secretariat work as one inside and out. If the first step is not upright, how can one hope for a worthy end? Therefore from of old, once Inner Secretariat ministers grasped their posts, the distant lasted twenty years and the near ten, and they did not fall until ruin was complete. Yan Song's lesson is not far off, yet Zhang Juzheng followed in his tracks; Zhang Juzheng's lesson is not far off, yet Shihang again followed in his tracks. Those who follow them are mediocre worn-out hacks, or worse than Shihang; narrow-minded and obstinate, they again become another Juzheng. Unless the usual norms are greatly broken and selection is opened to the empire, the way of the chief minister can never be restored. This is the eighth matter that ought to be discussed.
33
The ancients sought counsel even from grass and firewood; enlightened kings set up posts for slander. Now great ministers fear attack and wish to silence the empire; unless they call critics treacherous, heterodox, or frivolous, they revile them as slanderers, defamers, or petty men. Present eyes and ears may be deceived, but posterity's judgment of right and wrong cannot be fooled. This is the ninth matter that ought to be discussed.
34
退 退
The distinction between ruler and minister equals that between Heaven and Earth. Now the sovereign names it overseeing all government, and he himself also claims the title of overseeing all government. Because he occupies the summit of favor and profit, enduring impeachment and swallowing insult, he must die in office before he will leave. Are the so-called elder great ministers of antiquity thus ignorant of when to advance, retreat, survive, or perish? When great ministers lack the integrity to advance with difficulty and withdraw with ease, how can the empire have a climate of stern integrity and upright character! To cast the hearts and customs of an entire age into rottenness in the pit of begging at tombs and climbing the mounds of favor, rushing on with none to stop it. Thus under Your Majesty's governance, in the first years you could not restrain harsh severity and cruelty, while intimidating authority blazed over all; in later years you could not restrain indulgence and slackness, while worthy and foolish alike were promoted without distinction. The earlier administration was run by Zhang Juzheng alone, the present by Shen Shixing alone—yet neither is truly governed from the court at all. This is the tenth matter that ought to be discussed.
35
鹿
Yet in the art of rulership nothing comes before choosing the chief minister, and appointing men depends on the ruler himself—I pray Your Majesty will not treat the succession as a trivial game. Confucius once set forth the nine principles of good government to a ruler, yet placed first self-cultivation and encouraging worthy men. Generally, once a ruler is entangled with slanderers, palace women's influence, and pursuit of profit, his heart cannot remain clear within nor his resolve firm without. How much more when a Baosi in the inner quarters plays Li Ji the slanderer—foxlike seduction has bewitched his heart, and the Stag Tower has shifted his purpose again. Your Majesty's heart—I know how often it cannot hold firm; how then can you value virtue, honor scholars, cultivate yourself, and choose men wisely!
36
His discussion of the succession question read:
37
Your Majesty's reason for delaying the appointment of an heir is said to be a wish to follow the example of the imperial ancestor Emperor Shizong. Yet in mid-life the imperial grandfather did appoint Zhuangjing as crown prince and enfeoffed the imperial father as Prince of Yu—he did not ultimately refuse to name an heir. Moreover, the circumstances today are utterly different. The Imperial Noble Consort enjoys favor surpassing that of the empress. In her brooding and schemes, not a day passes without thoughts of displacing the heir, not a day without plotting to establish her own son by outside support. Nothing like this existed in the Shizong era. Every son depends on his mother, yet the mother of the Imperial Eldest Son ranks below the Imperial Noble Consort. Your Majesty says, "Elder and younger have their proper order"; the Imperial Noble Consort says, "Noble and humble have their proper ranks." If one day she fulfills her plot to displace the heir, how will Your Majesty handle it? Nothing like this existed in the Shizong era. When Prince Jing departed for his fief, only the imperial father remained in the capital. Now insignia and dress are undistinguished, and titles and status are unclear. The younger prince already relies on his mother's favor for daily access at court; the mother covets his installation and builds his reputation day and night. Nothing like this existed in the Shizong era. Rumor has it Your Majesty once made an injudicious remark to the Imperial Noble Consort, and she holds it as a pledge. Because you have not cut this off, her sway deepens daily, your firm resolve weakens daily, and the matter grows harder daily. Nothing like this existed in the Shizong era.
38
使 使
Your recent edict forbidding officials from "agitating" the issue only causes further delay—is this not a snare Your Majesty set in advance to silence all who speak under Heaven! If when the deadline arrives no one speaks up, you feign ignorance, hoping for further delay. If anyone speaks up, you rebuff them saying, "They come to agitate me," and postpone another year. The next year, if another speaks up, you say again, "They come to agitate me," and postpone two or three years more. You would ensure that no one under Heaven dares speak further, hedging and yielding to preserve your pillow intimacies, never minding that the succession is shaken and the realm thrown into peril. Your servant holds that Your Majesty is supremely clever at fending off critics, yet very clumsy in counsel. Such cunning cannot deceive the common man and woman—yet you would deceive all under Heaven for ten thousand generations!
39
The memorial was submitted and withheld at court. Court ministers were then contending over the succession in succession; only Yiben's words were the bluntest and most direct. The emperor bore a grudge against him. Before long, the investigating censor Meng Yanghao was beaten with the rod. An inner rescript held that Yanghao's words were rooted in Yiben's influence—fabricating slander against the ruler and shaking the great statutes—and he was reduced to commoner status. Yiben was repeatedly recommended but was never employed. After Yiben was dismissed and returned home, he immersed himself in the Six Classics and the works of the Lian-Luo school, especially the Book of Changes. With Gu Xiancheng and others he shared leadership of the Donglin lecture platform; scholars called him Master Qixin. Living in retirement for twenty-five years, he foretold the day of his death, composed a poem to record it, and died on the appointed day. At the beginning of the Tianqi reign, he was posthumously granted Vice Minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud.
40
祿 滿 祿
His son Chun, styled Ruomu, passed the metropolitan examination in Wanli 32 (1604). He served successively as magistrate of Gaoyang and Xian, then was summoned and appointed investigating censor. Vice Minister of the Imperial Stud Xu Zhaokui attacked Li Sancai and in the process bitterly denounced Gu Xiancheng. Chun was first to expose his treachery in three memorials. On inspection tour in Huguang, he requested posthumous honors for Vice Minister of Rites Guo Zhengyu and Vice Minister of Imperial Sacrifices Gu Xiancheng. Many members of the Chu imperial clan were imprisoned in the high wall after denouncing the false-prince affair; Chun pleaded their cause, and soon asked again for the release of former clansmen's families—his words were urgent and heartfelt. Xianning magistrate Man Chaojian had long been imprisoned; Chun memorialized for his release and also for the release of Wang Bangcai and Bian Kongshi. He twice more memorialized to impeach the eunuch defender-in-chief Du Mao, fully detailing the harm of tax levies and monopolies, saying: "Your servant cannot bear that Your Majesty heed petty men's schemes, ranking below emperors Huan of Han and Dezong of Tang, becoming a ruler who laid calamity's foundation for our Great Ming. The emperor had taken Huguang lands as manor estates for Prince Fu. Chun contested this forcefully in three memorials; the emperor issued an edict sharply rebuking him. Ye Xianggao retired from office; Fang Congzhe became chief grand secretary. Chun submitted a defiant memorial saying: "Today talent is scarce at court but abundant in the countryside; wealth is scarce in the countryside but abundant at court. Congzhe could not remedy this, yet toward Prince Fu he bent to every demand. Your servant once sighed that Your Majesty has the makings of a Yao or Shun, yet lacks worthy assistants. Wang Jiaping and Shen Li were barely secured, yet both were distrusted. The rest are mostly mediocre villains and treacherous, jealous men—you would not expect the moral climate to sink still lower with Congzhe. Your servant hears that Congzhe always says "the inner minister's intent" when he speaks to others—willingly playing Wan An and Jiao Fang, and not even equal to Zhao Zhigao and Shen Yiguan. Congzhe memorialized in defense begging to resign. The emperor comforted and retained him, but rebuked Chun for reckless and disrespectful memorializing and sent him out as Right Assistant Administration Commissioner of Fujian. Soon afterward he entered mourning for his father. At the beginning of Tianqi, he was restored to his former office. He was summoned as Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Seals and promoted in due course to Minister of Imperial Sacrifices. In the fifth year, Wei Zhongxian's follower Men Kexin impeached Chun for relying on the Donglin faction—"the father wrote and the son retailed it"—and he was struck from the rolls and sent home.
41
使
In Chongzhen 9 (1636), he was summoned and appointed Commissioner of the Transmission Office. He was promoted to Right Vice Minister of Revenue and in due course to Minister. As superintendent of the granary depots, he drew up and implemented ten reforms to correct abuses. Because of exhaustion from overwork he requested leave. Before long, he was appointed Nanjing Minister of Revenue. He memorialized asking that the crown prince leave the Eastern Palace for formal instruction; the request was granted. He repeatedly memorialized citing illness but was not permitted to retire. In the ninth year, he submitted detailed strategies for offense and defense, and discussed three circumstances in which the rebels could be attacked. The emperor approved the plan and ordered it carried out. In the eleventh year, Huang Daozhou, Liu Tongsheng, and others remonstrated against Yang Sichang's recall from mourning and were demoted and banished. Fan Jingwen and others memorialized in their defense; Chun's name was among the signatories. In the first month of the following year, Jingwen was struck from the rolls; Chun was left unpunished. As investigating censor Chun had won great renown. In high office he performed his duties without reproach. When he memorialized to reform the conversion of tribute grain tax, he offended the throne and was dismissed to return home. He died that same year.
42
Yu Kongjian, styled Yuanshi, was a native of Jintan. He passed the metropolitan examination in Wanli 8 (1580). He was appointed magistrate of Jiujiang. He entered the capital as a secretary in the Ministry of Rites and was twice promoted to director in the Bureau of Ritual Protocol. He memorialized that Censor-in-Chief Wu Shilai's late conduct did not merit the posthumous name Loyal and Reverent, and asked posthumous honors for Yang Jue, Chen Zan, and Meng Qiu. Shilai's posthumous name was thereupon revoked, while Jue was granted the name Loyal and Upright. Grand Secretary Wang Jiaping resigned after contending over the heir's investiture. Kongjian memorialized: "Your Majesty indulges inner favorites, yet shakes the vessel of the state's succession. You reject your chief ministers' counsel yet heap punishment on remonstrating officials. You have moreover vented your anger on the Ministry of Personnel, striking three men from the rolls. Wan Guoqin was punished because of Shen Shixing, Rao Shen because of Wang Xijue—they were not punished by Your Majesty's own decree. Chief ministers thousands of li away can thus control the court from afar—does Your Majesty show them favor so they will return to pursue some other design together! Since Your Majesty's recent actions, good officials are disheartened while wicked ministers applaud. In future courtiers will grow ever craftier, tutors appointed without end—Shensheng and Yang Guang will appear again in our age; this harms the ancestral temple, not merely us remonstrating ministers. When the emperor received the memorial, he was furious. In the end it was withheld at court.
43
In the first month of the following year, an edict enfeoffed all three princes at once. Kong Jian and Vice Director Chen Tailai jointly memorialized in protest: "The rule that the legitimate heir must be established is as old as the state itself. Yet in all the generations since the founding of the dynasty, no ruler has ever left the Eastern Palace empty while waiting for a son of the principal consort. When Your Majesty was made heir, you were only six; the Benevolent and Sagely Empress Dowager was still young, and the late emperor did not delay a day—surely Your Majesty remembers? When heirs stand too close together, suspicion is born; when ritual distinctions are clear, ranks are settled. We pray that Your Majesty withdraw the recent edict and establish the heir and enfeoff the princes in a single act—the realm would be greatly blessed. The court gave no reply. Kong Jian added: "Your Majesty clings to waiting for a son of the principal consort, suspecting ministers of slandering you and claiming that court norms have been turned upside down—and now you would punish remonstrators with the crime of disrespect to the throne. Those who say the eldest son must be established without delay are gentlemen. These are men who show respect to their ruler—Wang Rujian and his like. Those who say simultaneous enfeoffment is acceptable because it flatters the throne are petty men. These are men who show disrespect to their ruler—Xu Mengxiong alone. To punish men of respect with the crime of disrespect—how will that win hearts or vindicate the law of the land? Your servant further reflects that charges of witchcraft first arose from a mother's jealousy; and the destruction of Li Chengqian was wrought by a father's partial love. Rebellious ministers in every age have watched for cracks in their ruler's judgment and flattered him to advance their treachery. At the outset Wang Xijue drafted both edicts together—his offense against the state and betrayal of the ruler is grave indeed. Unable to turn the emperor's heart at the first, he made his strategy one of shutting his gates and threatening resignation. Had he never erred, a single resignation might have won him lasting honor. To struggle only after defeat, and when struggle fails—even resignation cannot absolve him. Men say Wang Xijue left nothing unsaid and blamed only Your Majesty's refusal to heed him. Your servant believes regret has already stirred in Your Majesty's breast, and that you fear only that Wang Xijue has not yet felt it. If you merely counsel delay while your lord and father blunder—will Wang Xijue spare no thought even for his own name, if not for the altars of the realm? As court officials memorialized in growing numbers, the affair was abandoned in the end.
44
Before long, Director Zhao Nanxing was struck from the rolls in the capital personnel evaluation. Kong Jian and Chen Tailai each submitted memorials in his defense. The emperor, nursing old resentments, demoted Kong Jian to assistant magistrate of Anji and Chen Tailai to record keeper of Raoping. Kong Jian handed in his credentials and went home. He lived in retirement twenty years, reading behind closed doors with stern discipline; neighbors praised him without a whisper of reproach.
45
調 祿
Chen Tailai, styled Bofu, was a native of Pinghu. At nineteen he passed the jinshi in Wanli 5, was appointed professor of Shuntian, and advanced to erudite of the Directorate of Education. Seeing chief ministers and remonstrating offices locked in bitter conflict, he memorialized to admonish them and for this went five years without promotion. Ma Yingtu, a director in the Nanjing Ministry of Rites, was from the same district and the same examination year; in Wanli 13 he submitted a memorial sharply rebuking the chief ministers and fiercely denounced supervising secretaries Qi Shichen and censors Gong Maoxian, Cai Xizhou, Sun Yuxian, and Wu Ding, while warmly praising Wu Zhongxing, Zhao Yongxian, Shen Sixiao, Li Zhi, and others. Disobeying the throne, he was demoted to record keeper of Datong. Supervising Secretary Wang Zhixiang, Censor Chai Xiang, and others currying favor with the chief ministers again impeached Yingtu in successive memorials, and claimed that Chen Tailai had polished the draft. Since Yingtu was already punished, the emperor did not pursue the matter further. Chen Tailai cited illness and returned home. After a long interval he was appointed chief clerk in the Ministry of Rites and promoted to vice director. He memorialized requesting that the heir be established; no reply came. The following year he died, aged thirty-six. In the Tianqi reign, Kong Jian and Chen Tailai were both posthumously granted vice minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments.
46
使
The Yu clan was a leading family of Jintan. Kong Jian's grandfather Zhan had been vice minister of revenue. His elder brother Wenkai was vice commissioner for military preparedness at Daming. His second cousin once removed Shilian was vice minister of revenue at Nanjing, famed for integrity. Shi Menglin, styled Jiming, was a native of Yixing. He passed the jinshi in Wanli 11. He was appointed junior compiler, then transferred to supervising secretary in the Ministry of Personnel. He memorialized impeaching Junior Tutor Huang Hongxian for corruption in the examinations and Left Censor-in-Chief Wu Shilai for throttling the remonstrating offices. The chief ministers shielded them and blocked the memorial. Vice Director Zhao Nanxing and Chief Clerk Jiang Shichang successively impeached the two men and extended their charges to Vice Censor-in-Chief Zhan Yangbi. The chief ministers grew ever more displeased. Chen Yuhe, chief supervising secretary of the Ministry of Personnel, had long sided with the chief ministers and urged his colleague Li Chunkai to submit three memorials accusing Nanxing and Shichang of reckless speech. The emperor issued only Chunkai's memorial, withholding Nanxing's and Shichang's submissions. Supervising secretaries Wang Jiguang and Wan Ziyue, indignant at the injustice, again memorialized against Shilai and others in language fiercely stern. Menglin also memorialized, attacking Chunkai with force and implicating the chief ministers; he then begged to be dismissed, but was not permitted. Menglin ultimately resigned on his own. Chunkai also begged leave on grounds of illness; later he was dismissed in the personnel evaluation. Menglin was soon recalled as right supervising secretary in the Ministry of War.
47
使
In Wanli 20, Grand Secretaries Zhao Zhigao and Zhang Wei proposed: "For all joint deliberations and joint recommendations, let court officials submit classified memorials for the emperor's decision, to forestall monopoly of power. Menglin memorialized in protest: "Since I entered office I have watched Secretariat ministers encroach on the ministries and remonstrating offices curry Secretariat favor—officials have lost their posts and remonstrators their charge for years. Your Majesty has newly appointed chief ministers for a fresh beginning; affairs of state were to return to the Six Ministries and public opinion to remonstrating officials—all the realm looked toward good government; how can you suddenly issue such an order? Formerly the founding emperor abolished the Secretariat and divided the Six Ministries, fearing monopoly; yet when each officer held his charge and none trespassed on another, he also feared only that they would not be fully responsible. When one matter is entrusted to one officer, concentration does no harm; and if affairs go wrong, blame has somewhere to fall. Such was the founding emperor's intent in establishing offices. Now to order all officials to write their views and submit them classified for imperial decision—at first a matter of one ministry is split and scattered among the bureaus; in the end the powers of the bureaus are gathered back into the forbidden inner court. Though matters are decided by the throne, the rescripts are drafted in the Secretariat. If private designs slip between them, invoking the imperial will within and shifting blame to the court without—who will bear the guilt? And if another Feng Bao or Zhang Juzheng should rise, who by patronage do evil and issue unexpected orders to the outer court while petty men rush to obey and jointly deceive the throne—so that the court cannot see what is wrong and officials cannot dispute what is right—who then will bear the guilt? Your servant holds that power divided among the Six Ministries must not be allowed to become monopoly. When the Six Ministries are not allowed their charge, someone else will necessarily monopolize power. This is the first step toward concentrating power in one hand—it must not be followed." Disobeying the throne, the proposal was not adopted.
48
He was again promoted to chief supervising secretary in the Ministry of Personnel. When the controversy over enfeoffing the three princes together arose, Menglin, Kong Jian, and others went to Wang Xijue's residence to argue with him. He also submitted a piece entitled "Questions and Answers," clarifying the issues with exceptional force. Minister Sun Sai and Director Zhao Nanxing presided over the guisi capital evaluation, with Menglin assisting in practice. Nanxing was expelled on slanderous charges, and Menglin also cited illness and went home. He was summoned and appointed vice minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud, but again left on grounds of illness.
49
Menglin had always burnished his moral reputation and again joined the Donglin lecture gatherings; his standing in the age grew ever weightier. After fifteen years in retirement he was recalled to his former post and supervised the Four Barbarian Offices. When the stick-assault affair broke, he memorialized requesting investiture of the imperial great-grandson to cut off petty men's hopes of usurpation. He also interceded for Censor Liu Guangfu. The emperor was enraged and demoted him to salt transport assistant of the two Zhe provinces. When the Tianqi Emperor ascended, he was gradually transferred to chief clerk in the Nanjing Ministry of Rites. He rose in succession to minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud and died in office.
50
使
Xue Fujiao, styled Yishen, was a native of Wujin. His grandfather Yingqi, styled Zhongchang. He passed the jinshi in Jiajing 14. From magistrate of Cixi he rose repeatedly to director in the Nanjing Ministry of Personnel, presiding over the capital evaluation. Grand Secretary Yan Song had once been impeached by Supervising Secretary Wang Ye; he instructed Senior Court Gentleman Zhu Jie to write Yingqi asking him to demote Ye. Yingqi instead demoted Jie, and Yan Song was furious. Yingqi also demoted Changzhou prefect Fu Yan; Yan Song had Censor Gui Rong impeach Yingqi for demoting a prefect out of private spite, and he was demoted to assistant prefect of Jianchang. He served in succession as vice commissioner of education in Zhejiang. Yingqi excelled in examination-hall prose and ranked in fame with Wang Ao, Tang Shunzhi, and Qu Jingchun. In grading examination papers his judgments were right ninety-nine times in a hundred. Dismissed in the grand evaluation and returned home, he took the Gu Xiancheng brothers as pupils while they were still young; Fujiao befriended them and they pledged one another to lives of integrity. When he passed the jinshi in Wanli 17, he and Gao Panlong were both pupils of Zhao Nanxing and took all the more upon themselves the charge of moral teaching.
51
When Nanjing Censor Wang Fanchen impeached Grand Coordinator Zhou Ji without filing a report with the Censorate, his superior Geng Dingxiang impeached him in turn. Left Censor-in-Chief Wu Shilai requested stricter enforcement of censorial rules, and Fanchen's salary was suspended. Fujiao memorialized: "Shilai chokes off frank remonstrance and lets others devour their victims like wolves. Meanwhile the chief ministers pursue crooked, treacherous learning, binding minor officials to elevate the Nine Ranks and blind Your Majesty's discernment. Strictly forbid factional wickedness and replace the heads of both capitals' censorates to restore integrity to the law. When the memorial arrived, Grand Secretary Shen Shixing and others replied: "By precedent a censor's proposal in Beijing is reported to the censorate chief that same day; at Nanjing within three days. Fanchen broke precedent; a light penalty was not excessive. Must we, as Fujiao demands, suppress every grand minister before this is settled? Vice Censor-in-Chief Zhan Yangbi impeached Fujiao for stirring public emotion and confusing state policy. The emperor ordered Fujiao home to reflect for three years before appointment to a teaching post. Grand Secretary Xu Guo, whose student Fujiao had been, was especially furious at the memorial's attack on him and asked to resign. He wrote: "Remonstrance has lately become a fashion—for reputation, promotion, or covering faults. Men rush this shortcut; once entrenched, it cannot be stopped. Rumors speak of drought in the southeast; I do not fear that disaster but this trend—for drought passes; this corrupts the age. Shixing also begged retirement, fiercely denouncing Fujiao and Secretary Rao Shen. The emperor comforted them and kept Gu and Shixing in office. Chief Supervising Secretary Chen Yujiao memorialized again, savagely denouncing remonstrators; the emperor took no action.
52
In summer of the twentieth year Fujiao was appointed professor at Fengxiang, soon promoted to assistant instructor at the National University. The following year he fiercely opposed enfeoffing three princes at once and wrote again to Wang Xijue. For defending Nanxing he was soon banished to instructor at Guangzhou. He went home to mourn his mother and never returned to office. Fujiao lived with harsh austerity—tattered clothes, plain food—and never accepted gifts. For twenty years at home he upheld principled criticism; great officials often abandoned plans on his word. Later he lectured with the Gu brothers, Gao Panlong, and their circle. After his death he was posthumously granted Registrar of the Court of Imperial Regalia.
53
便 宿 使宿 使 宿 宿 宿 退 宿 祿
An Xifan, styled Xiaofan, was a native of Wuxi. He passed the metropolitan examination in Wanli 14 (1586). He was appointed court attendant. Promoted to secretary in the Ministry of Rites, he asked leave to care for his mother and was transferred to the Nanjing Ministry of Personnel. In the twenty-first year, Attendant Gao Panlong, after Zhao Yongxian left court, memorialized in protest and crossed words with Zheng Cai and Yang Yingsu. Panlong was banished to recorder of Jieyang. Censor Wu Hongji remonstrated again and was dismissed as well. Xifan memorialized: "In recent years upright officials cannot keep their posts. Zhao Nanxing and Meng Huaji served as selection directors with integrity, yet were dismissed in turn. Zhao Yongxian's integrity was famed throughout the realm; one memorial from the shallow fellow Wu Zhen sent him home, letting Yingsu and Cai read the court's mood and attack in concert. Sun Luan was pure and upright, Li Shida seasoned and firm, Li Zhen solitary and incorruptible—each a model for the court. Luan and Shida left in succession; Zhen also meant to resign. The realm lamented such men unused and suspected the chief ministers of jealous obstruction. Gao Panlong's memorial was upright and measured—Your Majesty's loyal minister and the chief ministers' candid friend. Yang Yingsu's rebuttal smeared his own face and abandoned reason entirely. The edict sent to ministries for joint deliberation always faulted Panlong, not Yingsu. Yet when punishment was ordered, Yingsu was lightly demoted while Panlong was exiled to the far south. The chief ministers' disloyalty to the state could hardly be worse. Yet they constantly excuse themselves, attributing all to imperial decision alone. They watch the ruler and father err—what of the minister's duty to assist and correct! If after demotion they feign rescue to fool the realm, the realm already knows their hearts. Wu Hongji distinguished gentleman from petty man as clearly as black from white; yet like Panlong he was punished in turn. I do not lament for those two alone—I fear that when gentlemen withdraw and petty men advance, the calamity falls on all. I beg Your Majesty dismiss Yingsu and Cai at once as a warning to petty men who curry favor at the kitchen hearth; restore Panlong and Hongji to reward loyal service; and sternly warn Grand Secretary Wang Xijue against private factions and hatred of upright men. Then the minister's service would shine—and so would Your Majesty's virtue. At that time Nanjing Punishments Director Tan Yizhao and Secretary Sun Jiyou had been punished for impeaching Xijue. When Xifan's memorial arrived, the emperor in anger dismissed him from office. Xifan was tranquil and unassuming and joined the Donglin assemblies. When Xizong succeeded, he was to be recalled but died first. He was posthumously granted Vice Minister of the Imperial Household.
54
宿調
Wu Hongji, styled Chunyang, was a native of Xiushui. He was Xifan's examination cohort. From magistrate of Puqi he was promoted to censor. He impeached in succession Fujian Grand Coordinator Si Ruji, Appeals Director Wu Ding, Military Administration Vice Minister Hao Jie, and Jizhou-Liaoning Commander Gu Yangqian—none were acted on. When the edict for simultaneous enfeoffment of three princes came down, he and colleagues remonstrated together. Later, for the matter of Yingsu and Panlong, he was demoted two ranks and sent outside the capital. Wang Xijue and others pleaded for him, but each time officials memorialized in his defense the penalty grew heavier; he was finally dismissed from office. He died soon after. Under Xizong he received posthumous honors like Xifan.
55
Tan Yizhao was a native of Dayu. Sun Jiyou was a native of Yuyao. Yizhao wrote: "Since Grand Secretary Xijue's return to power, remonstrators have been dismissed every month without fail. How harsh the punishments of Panlong and Hongji! Since Zhao Nanxing's fair evaluation, Xijue has nursed anger and resentment. At one memorial Nanxing was expelled; Kongjian, Fujiao, and Zhang Nadu for pleading on his behalf; Meng Huaji for backing Zhang Dong; Li Shida and Sun Luan in turn—all driven out. His wrath erupts at every turn—who can tell right public opinion from wrong? Jiyou wrote: "Hongji defended Panlong and was dismissed; Huang Jixian and Wu Wenzai defended Hongji and were fined; yet Zheng Cai assailed the worthy without penalty—how perverse! The charge against Panlong is that he said Your Majesty handles no affair personally and all rescripts come from the chief ministers. Yet his memorial contained no such words—how can this satisfy justice? And that is still a small matter. The Ministry of War and frontier command hold the realm's safety—yet worthless men like Shi Xing and Song Yingchang hold them. Is this not a grave mistake? His memorial was submitted together with Yizhao's. The emperor raged: "Panlong's punishment was my decision alone. These petty officials slander the chief ministers and band with wickedness—they cannot go unpunished. Strike Yizhao from the rolls and banish Jiyou to the farthest frontier. Supervising Secretary Ye Jimei memorialized in defense of the two men and Xifan. Still angrier, he struck Jimei from the rolls as well, sent officers to arrest Xifan and Yizhao, and withheld Jimei's salary for a year. Xijue pressed for mercy; an edict spared arrest. They ended their careers at home. Jiyou eventually became prefect.
56
Liu Yuanzhen, styled Boxian, was a native of Wuxi. He passed the metropolitan examination in Wanli 23 (1595). First appointed secretary in the Nanjing Ministry of Rites, he rose to director, then went home to care for aging parents. Recalled to the Nanjing Bureau of Military Appointments, he purged old and weak camp troops, saving more than twenty thousand taels yearly.
57
調 調
In the thirty-third year's metropolitan evaluation, Personnel Vice Minister Yang Shiqi and Censor-in-Chief Wen Chun dismissed the government's clients, including Qian Menggao. Grand Secretary Shen Yiguan maneuvered behind the scenes; an edict kept all dismissed censors and secretaries in office and withheld the evaluation memorial. Yuanzhen, just finishing mourning and awaiting appointment, protested: "Since Yiguan took power he has courted flatterers, gathered villains, used imperial authority for private ends, and stolen court grace to buy loyalty—none greater disloyalty! Lately Menggao's every memorial brands opponents as factionalists. Petty men in every age first cry "faction" to clear out the good. This touches the pivot of order and chaos—not a trifle. The memorial was submitted and withheld at court. Yiguan hurried to defend himself, begging a clear edict of imperial sole decision to quiet suspicion. Menggao called Yuanzhen Wen Chun's lackey. No reply came to any memorial. Soon an edict rebuked the court for retaining the censured officials; Yuanzhen was demoted one rank and sent to the frontier. Yiguan pretended to intercede; Supervising Secretaries Hou Qingyuan and Ye Yongsheng and others also protested, but the emperor would not relent. Registrar He Yiran and Nanjing Censor Zhu Wubi then memorialized on the evaluation itself. Secretary Pang Shiyong attacked Yiguan directly with ten charges of deceit and ten of harming the state, declaring: "As Yiguan grows richer and grander, Your Majesty's altars decay daily. Thunder struck at the recent southern suburban sacrifice—just as Yiguan was petitioning to issue an edict. Perhaps Heaven loathes his treachery, warning Your Majesty to purge slanderers at once! The emperor, furious, demoted Yuanzhen and Yiran three ranks and sent them to the farthest frontier. Soon Qingyuan and Censor Li Tong and others pleaded for mercy. Still angrier, he suspended their salaries and banished Yuanzhen and the others to the farthest frontier posts. Soon Censor Zhou Jiadong criticized current policy in terms the emperor deemed excessive. The emperor vented his wrath on Yuanzhen and the others, striking them all from the rolls. The evaluation memorial was issued nonetheless, and all who had been kept in office resigned of their own accord.
58
Before long Yuanzhen died in his post. After his dismissal he devoted himself to lecturing. He upheld integrity, aided widows and orphans, and was esteemed for conduct above his peers.
59
Shiyong was a native of Wenshang. He passed the metropolitan examination in Wanli 20 (1592). He served as magistrate of Dantu and rose to secretary in the Ministries of Revenue and War. He was struck from the rolls and died before he could be recalled.
60
便 使
Ye Maocai, styled Canzhi, was a native of Wuxi. He passed the metropolitan examination in Wanli 17 (1589). Appointed secretary in the Ministry of Punishments, he moved to the Nanjing Ministry of Works to care for his parents. As tax commissioner at Wuhu, once dues were paid he always released the people's boats to depart. When revenue later exceeded quota, he asked that the surplus feed border troops and took not a single coin. He moved to the Ministry of Personnel, rose to director, and was thrice promoted to assistant director in the Nanjing Court of Appeals. He again pleaded illness and retired. In the fortieth year he was appointed Nanjing Vice Minister of the Imperial Stud. Court factions were then contending for power. Erudite Tang Binyin and Compiler Han Jing had already fallen, yet their faction still shielded them fiercely. Censor Tang Shiji, Han Jing's townsman, memorialized on current affairs while covertly attacking those who had exposed Jing's corruption. Maocai hurried a rebuttal memorial to court. Their faction's Supervising Secretaries, led by Guan Yingzhen, answered with linked memorials in fierce protest. Maocai exposed their secrets fully in another memorial and asked leave to retire. Shiji grew more furious and, with his cohort Jin Ruxie and Mou Zhikui, attacked without cease. Maocai answered again and finally resigned of his own accord. Faction members held the remonstrating offices; whenever others spoke, they combined to drive them out. After Maocai's departure the faction tightened its grip; dissent fell silent. Early in the Tianqi reign he was summoned as Vice Minister of the Imperial Stud and then as Vice Minister of Imperial Sacrifices; he attended neither. In the fourth year he was promoted to Nanjing Vice Minister of Works. He took office the following year. After only three months, seeing government daily worsen, he pleaded illness and went home. His friend Gao Panlong, arrested, drowned himself; when officers came for Panlong's son, Maocai secured the boy's release. He died soon after.
61
Maocai was tranquil and without worldly appetite. Though on the rolls forty years, he spent more than half at home. While Gu Xiancheng, Gu Yuncheng, An Xifan, Liu Yuanzhen, and Gao Panlong won fame for bold remonstrance, Maocai was known only for pure conduct. When he took office as minister, the upright had been expelled and vicious counsel prevailed—then he threw himself into the fight, and men admired his courage. They were called the Eight Gentlemen of Donglin: Xiancheng, Yuncheng, Panlong, Xifan, Yuanzhen, Qian Yiben of Wujin, Fujiao, and Maocai.
62
The historian writes: Under Chenghua and Hongzhi scholarship was pure and official conduct upright, and public lecturing had not yet flourished. In the Zhengde and Jiajing reigns Wang Yangming taught amid the armies and Xu Jie lectured from the chief minister's seat; their influence shook court and country. Officials and retired elders formed lecture societies and founded academies that dotted the land. Fame brought slander, zeal invited attack, opinion sharpened into faction—until every arrow aimed at Donglin. The feuds of Ganling, the strife of Luoyang and Shu—were no fiercer. Xiancheng and his fellows, celebrated for pure integrity, set the standard for scholars. Though they never openly ranked men as masters or worthies, men of reputation leaned on them for standing and climbers used them as ladders; admirers and opportunists mingled good with bad—was this the original aim of their teaching? As the sage said, "Do good without courting a name"—a gentleman may know where he ought to stand.
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