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卷三百二十三 列傳第二百十一 外國四 琉球 呂宋 合貓里 美洛居 沙瑤吶嗶嘽 雞籠 婆羅 麻葉甕 古麻喇朗 馮嘉施蘭 文郎馬神

Volume 323 Biographies 211: Foreign States 4 - Ryūkyū Islands, Luzon, Camarines Sur, Maluku Islands, Mindanao, Dapitan, Keelung, Borneo, Belitung Island, Gumalalang, Pangasinan, Banjarmasin

Chapter 323 of 明史 · History of Ming
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Chapter 323
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1
使 使 使 使使 使
The Ryūkyū Islands lay far out in the southeastern sea and had had no contact with China since ancient times. Kublai Khan sent envoys to summon them, but the mission never reached the islands. Early in the Hongwu reign the realm was divided among three kings—of Zhongshan, Shannan, and Shanbei—all of the Shang clan, with Zhongshan the most powerful. In the first month of the fifth year the emperor sent the envoy Yang Zai to announce his accession and new reign title; King Chadu of Zhongshan sent his brother Taiqi and others to accompany Zai to court with tribute goods. The emperor was pleased and rewarded them with the 《Great Unity Calendar》 and graded gifts of brocade and gauze. In the winter of the seventh year Taiqi returned with tribute and presented a memorial to the crown prince as well. The vice minister of justice Li Hao was sent with brocades and ceramic and iron wares as gifts, and with seventy thousand pottery pieces and a thousand iron implements to buy horses in Ryūkyū. In the summer of the ninth year Taiqi accompanied Hao to court with tribute, having secured forty horses. Hao reported that the islanders cared little for fine silks but valued porcelain and iron pots; thereafter imperial gifts to them were chiefly of those goods. The following year they sent envoys for the New Year audience with sixteen horses and a thousand jin of sulfur as tribute. They sent tribute again the year after that. King Chengchadu of Shannan also sent envoys with tribute, and received the same ceremonial rewards as Zhongshan. In the spring of the fifteenth year Zhongshan sent tribute, and an imperial eunuch was dispatched to escort the envoys home. The next year both kings sent tribute together, and the court granted each a gilded gold-and-silver seal. At that time the two southern kings and the king of Shanbei were vying for power and raiding one another. The court sent Liang Min of the Secretariat with an imperial letter ordering them to lay down arms and spare their people; all three kings complied. King Panizhi of Shanbei then sent envoys to court alongside those of the other two kings. They sent tribute again in the eighteenth year; Shanbei received a gilded seal like the other two kings, and each of the southern kings was given a seagoing vessel. Thereafter all three kings sent tribute repeatedly, Zhongshan most frequently of all. In the twenty-third year Zhongshan sent tribute; their interpreter had smuggled ten jin of frankincense and three hundred jin of pepper into the capital, was caught at the gate, and the goods were to be confiscated. The emperor ordered the goods returned and still gave him paper money as a gift.
2
使 使 使 便使
In the summer of the twenty-fifth year Zhongshan's envoys brought the king's nephew and sons of local officials, asking that they be enrolled at the National University. The request was granted, and they were given caps, gowns, boots, socks, and a set of summer clothes. That winter Shannan also sent his nephew and sons of local officials to study at the university, with the same grants of clothing. Thereafter annual grants of winter and summer clothing became the rule. The next year Zhongshan sent tribute twice and again dispatched sons of local officials to study at the university. At that time the law was strict; students from Zhongshan and Shannan were found to have spoken disrespectfully of an imperial edict. On learning of it the emperor had them executed, but continued to treat their countries as before. King Panizhi of Shanbei had died; his successor Pan Anzhi sent envoys with tribute in the spring of the twenty-ninth year. Shannan students at the university were allowed to return home; they came back the following winter. Zhongshan also sent two sons of local officials and two female students, Gu and Lumai, who arrived in turn to study—such was their admiration for Chinese civilization. Zhongshan again asked for court caps and belts; the Ministry of Rites was told to supply designs so they could make their own. When the king pressed the request again, the court granted them, along with official robes for his ministers. The court also rewarded his diligence by assigning thirty-six Fujian shipwright families to his service, to ease the passage of tribute missions. When Emperor Hui came to the throne, envoys announced his accession to Ryūkyū, and all three kings continued sending tribute without interruption.
3
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When the Yongle emperor took the throne, he sent the same kind of accession notice as before. In the spring of the first Yongle year all three kings sent tribute. The king of Shanbei asked for caps and belts; the court granted them on the same terms as Zhongshan. The envoys Bian Xin and Liu Kang were sent with an imperial letter to all three realms, bearing velvet brocades, figured silks, and gauzes. The following second month Zhongshan's heir Wuning announced his father's death; the Ministry of Rites sent officials for the mourning rites and funeral gifts of silk, and Wuning was confirmed as king. In the fourth month Shannan's king sent word that Chengchadu had died without an heir and that his cousin Wang Yingzu had succeeded, asking for imperial recognition and the grant of caps and belts. The emperor agreed to both requests and sent officials to perform the investiture. A Shannan envoy was then found to have smuggled silver to Chuzhou to buy porcelain; when discovered he was liable for punishment. The emperor said, "Men from afar know only to seek gain—how could they know our prohibitions." He pardoned them all. In the third year Shannan sent sons of local officials to the National University. The next year Zhongshan sent six sons of local officials to the university and also offered several eunuch youths. The emperor said, "They too are someone's children—how can we punish them when they are innocent? How could I bear that?" He ordered the Ministry of Rites to send them home. Ministry officials argued that returning them might discourage their desire to submit, and asked only to issue an edict forbidding such gifts in future." The emperor replied, "Empty words will not teach them as well as a concrete example. If we do not send them back, they will surely keep sending more to please us. Heaven and earth exist to nurture life—how could an emperor destroy human beings?" In the end he had them sent home. In the fourth month of the fifth year Zhongshan's heir Sishao announced his father's death; the court performed the mourning rites and investiture as before.
4
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In the eighth year Shannan sent three students to the university; they were given caps, gowns, boots, bedding, and curtains, and such gifts were repeated often thereafter. One day the emperor mentioned this to his ministers. The minister of rites Lü Zhen said, "When Emperor Taizong of Tang founded the schools, Silla and Baekje both sent princes to study. In those days they received only grain stipends—nothing like the generous grants of today." The emperor replied, "These young men from abroad come drawn by our civilization; they must be well fed and clothed before they can devote themselves to learning. That was my ancestor's wise policy, and I cannot depart from it." The next year Zhongshan sent the state counselor's son and sons of local officials to the university, reporting that the right chief secretary Wang Mao had served faithfully for years and should be made state counselor. The left chief secretary Zhu Fu, a native of Raozhou in Jiangxi, had served King Chadu's house for more than forty years without faltering. He is now over eighty, and we ask that he be permitted to retire and return home." The request was granted: Fu and Mao were both made state counselors; Fu retired as left chief secretary, and Mao took up the right chief secretary post to manage state affairs. In the eleventh year Zhongshan sent thirteen sons of local officials to the National University. King Yingzu of Shannan had been murdered by his brother Daboqi; local leaders put the assassin to death and set up Yingzu's son Tarumei as king, requesting investiture in the third month of the thirteenth year. Chen Jiruo and other envoys were sent to invest Tarumei as king of Shannan, with patent, robes, and fifteen thousand ingots of treasure notes.
5
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Of the three Ryūkyū kingdoms Shanbei was the weakest, and its tribute missions were the rarest. After sending tribute in Yongle 3, Shanbei sent none again until the fourth month of this year. Shanbei was eventually absorbed by the other two kingdoms, while Zhongshan grew ever stronger; its wealth allowed it to send tribute two or three times a year. The court found the frequency burdensome but could not turn the missions away. That winter, on the return journey through Fujian, the envoys seized merchant ships, killed government troops, assaulted imperial eunuchs, and robbed their belongings. When word reached the court the ringleaders were executed; the other sixty-seven were handed back to their king for punishment. The next year they sent envoys to apologize; the emperor treated them as before, and their tribute missions became even more punctilious. In the spring of the twenty-second year Zhongshan's heir Shang Bazhi announced his father's death; the court performed the usual mourning rites and funeral gifts.
6
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When Emperor Renzong succeeded, the envoy Fang Yi was sent to announce his accession to Ryūkyū. In the first Hongxi year an imperial eunuch was sent to invest Bazhi as king of Zhongshan. In Xuande 1 the king, having received no court dress, sent envoys to request it; the court had leather cap-and-gown robes made and sent to him. In the eighth month of Xuande 3, noting Zhongshan's ever more diligent tribute, the emperor sent officials with a letter of commendation and gifts of gauze brocades.
7
Shannan sent tribute twice in the fourth year and never again during that reign; it too had been absorbed by Zhongshan. Thereafter only Zhongshan continued sending tribute without interruption.
8
使 使貿 使 使 使
In Zhengtong 1 their envoys reported that on entering Fujian they had declared only their tribute goods. Cowries and shells carried by their attendants had not been declared and were all confiscated, leaving them without funds for the journey; they begged the court's compassion." They were paid compensation according to precedent. The next year, when the envoys reached Zhejiang, the maritime trade officials again tried to register their goods; the emperor said, "These foreigners live by trade—what use are cowries and shells to us? Return everything and make that the rule." The envoys also asked that court robes for their ministers, originally granted at the dynasty's founding and now worn out, be renewed." They also noted that their remote island followed the Chinese calendar, but envoys carrying the annual calendar sometimes took half a year or more to return, and they feared being late." The emperor replied that they should make their own court dress. The 《Great Unity Calendar》 would be issued by the Fujian provincial administration." In the first month of the seventh year Zhongshan's heir Shang Zhong announced his father's death; Yu Min and Liu Xun were sent to invest him as king. The practice of sending supervising secretaries as imperial envoys began with this mission. On their return Yu Min and his party accepted gifts of gold, aloeswood, and Japanese fans; informers exposed them, and all were arrested, flogged, and released. In the second month of the twelfth year the heir Shang Sida announced his father's death; Chen Fu and Wan Xiang were sent to perform the investiture.
9
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In Jingtai 2 Sida died childless; his uncle Jin Fu assumed regency and sent envoys to announce the death. Qiao Yi and Tong Shouhong were sent to invest Jin Fu as king. In the second month of the fifth year Jin Fu's brother Taijiu reported that the eldest brother had died, that the second brother Buri and the nephew Zhilu had fought over the succession and both been killed, and that the imperial seal had been destroyed. The nobles and people had asked him to govern provisionally and begged for a new seal to govern the distant realm." The request was granted. The following fourth month Yan Cheng and Liu Jian were sent to invest Taijiu as king. In the third month of Tianshun 6 the heir Shang De reported his father's death, and Pan Rong and Cai Zhe were dispatched to invest him as king.
10
使 使 使 使 使 使 使貿 使 使 使 使
In Chenghua 5 their tribute envoy Cai Jing petitioned: "My grandfather was a native of Nan'an in Fujian who served as a Ryukyu interpreter; the post passed to me, and I was promoted to chief secretary. He asked that his parents be posthumously ennobled with patents of office, as the regulations provided. The memorial was referred to the Board of Rites, which rejected it for want of precedent. The following year the Fujian surveillance commission reported that the tribute envoy Cheng Peng had reached Fuzhou and traded bribes in secret with the commander Liu Yu, and that both men should be prosecuted. Liu Yu was punished; Cheng Peng was spared. In the third month of Chenghua 7 the heir Shang Yuan reported his father's death, and Qiu Hong and Han Wen were sent to invest him as king. Qiu Hong fell ill and died in Shandong; Guan Rong was appointed supervising secretary in his place. In the tenth year tribute envoys reached Fujian, murdered a Huai'an couple, burned their house, and looted their goods; they were never caught. When they came again with tribute the next year, the rites officials asked that a fixed rule be set: tribute every two years, no more than one hundred men, no private goods carried along, and no harassment of the roads. The emperor agreed and sent an imperial letter of admonition to the king. Their envoys asked to revert to the ancestral practice of annual tribute; the request was denied. The next year tribute envoys arrived just as a crown prince was being invested; they asked, as Korea and Annam had received, for an edict to carry home. The rites officials ruled that Ryukyu, like Japan and Champa, lay overseas and by precedent did not receive promulgated edicts; instead an imperial letter was issued, and patterned brocade and colored silks were granted to the king and queen. In the thirteenth year envoys came and again asked for annual tribute; again they were refused. In the fourth month of the following year the king died; the heir Shang Zhen reported the death, sought succession to the title, and once more requested annual tribute. The rites officials observed that the state's repeated petitions sought nothing beyond easier access to trade. In recent years most of the envoys sent had been fugitive criminals from Fujian—murderers and arsonists, endlessly cunning—who trafficked in Chinese goods to seize profits abroad; their request could not be granted. Dong Min and Zhang Xiang were dispatched to perform the investiture, but the annual-tribute request was rejected. In the sixteenth year envoys came again, citing the 《Ancestral Admonitions》 to ask for annual tribute; the emperor sent an admonitory letter restraining them. In the eighteenth year envoys raised the same issue again and received the same admonitory letter as before. The envoys brought five sons of attending ministers to study and were enrolled in the Nanjing Directorate of Education. In the twenty-second year tribute envoys arrived; the king wrote to the Ministry of Rites asking that the five students be allowed home on leave, and the request was granted.
11
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In Jiajing 2, following the rites officials' recommendation, an imperial letter restored Ryukyu's biennial tribute under the old rule, capped at one hundred fifty persons. In the fifth year Shang Zhen died; his heir Shang Qing came with tribute in the sixth year bearing news of the death, but the envoys drowned at sea on the return voyage. In the ninth year other envoys were sent with tribute and also requested investiture. Fujian frontier officials were ordered to investigate and report back. In the eleventh year the heir submitted a petition from the state's officials and people; Chen Kan and Gao Cheng were then sent with credentials to perform the investiture. On their return the gifts they had been offered were declined. In the fourteenth year tribute envoys arrived and still brought the forty taels of gold they had been given, presenting it at court; the emperor then ordered Chen Kan and his party to accept it. In the twenty-ninth year they came with tribute, bringing five sons of attending ministers to enter the Directorate of Education.
12
使 使使使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使使 使 使
In the thirty-sixth year tribute envoys arrived bearing news of King Shang Qing's death. Earlier, Japanese pirates beaten back from Zhejiang had fled to Ryukyu waters. The heir Shang Yuan sent troops to intercept them, inflicting heavy losses, and recovered six Chinese captives who were now sent home. The emperor praised their loyalty, added extra gifts, and at once dispatched Guo Rulin and Li Jichun to invest Shang Yuan as king. They reached Fujian but were stalled by contrary winds and could not sail on. In the thirty-ninth year their tribute envoys also reached Fujian with orders from the heir: seas were unpredictable, Japanese pirates roved without warning, and they feared the imperial envoy might come to harm; they asked, following the Zhengde precedent for investing Champa, that someone else submit the memorial and tribute on their behalf while they themselves, with their chief secretary, carried home the patent of investiture—sparing the envoy the long voyage. Touring censor Fan Xianke reported the request; the rites officials replied: "Dispatching envoys to invest a king is the ancestral institution. For the envoys now to seek investiture from afar would be to cast the sovereign's gift into the wilderness. That may not be allowed—first. They came to court to present memorials and tribute, yet now ask officials to submit in their place—contravening the heir's express commission. That may not be allowed—second. Under Zhengde, the king of Champa was driven out by Annam and lived in exile; only then did envoys carry home the investiture mandate—a temporary expedient. To invoke a king who had lost his realm as a precedent for their sovereign is inadmissible—third. Opening routes by ladder and ship, and coming in gentle submission—that is the constant practice. They plead only pirate alarms and stormy seas—yet do tribute goods reach court and envoys travel back and forth entirely without hazard? That may not be allowed—fourth. Even when Champa received investiture by courier, its king still earnestly asked that envoys be sent. These envoys bear no face-to-face command from the heir and no sealed dispatch. If we trust them lightly and the heir then holds that an envoy's arrival is the highest honor while distant investiture is unseemly, refuses the patent, and petitions again for an envoy—who will answer for it? That may not be allowed—fifth. We ask that Fujian frontier officials be ordered to proceed under the earlier edict. To offer thanks for grace before investiture has been received is also without precedent. They should be allowed only to present tribute; the thanks-for-grace memorial should wait until after the heir has received investiture and can send envoys to submit it—so that China's larger propriety remains intact. The emperor approved. In the summer of the forty-first year envoys came with tribute to express thanks. They sent tribute again the next year and once more in the forty-fourth year. During the Longqing reign they sent tribute three times, each mission returning Chinese castaways adrift at sea. The emperor praised their loyalty, sent a letter of encouragement, and added gifts of silver and silk.
13
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In the winter of Wanli 1 the heir Shang Yong sent envoys to report his father's death and seek succession. The memorial went to the Ministry of Rites, which directed Fujian officials to verify the facts and report. The following year envoys were sent to congratulate the new emperor on his accession. In the third year they presented tribute. In the spring of the fourth year they sent tribute again. In the seventh month Xiao Chongye, supervising secretary of the revenue section, and Xie Jie the credential bearer were sent with an imperial letter, leather cap and court robes, and jade tablet to invest Shang Yong as king of Zhongshan. The next winter, before Chongye's party had arrived, the heir sent tribute again; thereafter the tribute schedule resumed as usual. In the eighth winter three sons of attending ministers were sent to study at the Nanjing Directorate of Education. In the nineteenth year envoys came with tribute; Shang Yong died soon afterward. The rites officials, noting that Japan was encroaching on neighboring lands and that Ryukyu could not be left without a king, asked that the heir be urged to seek investiture quickly as a stabilizing measure. The court agreed.
14
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In the twenty-third year the heir Shang Ning sent envoys to request succession. Grand coordinator Xu Fuyuan, citing former minister Zheng Xiao's proposal because Japanese raids had not ceased, asked that one official carry the investiture letter to Fujian for the attending ministers to receive in person and return home—or else that one sea-seasoned military officer go with them. Rites official Fan Qian endorsed the proposal and added that permission should wait until the heir's memorial arrived. In the twenty-eighth year the heir's memorial arrived; his attending ministers asked that envoys be sent as ancestral practice required. Rites official Yu Jideng argued: "Across successive reigns, Ryukyu investitures required felling timber and building ships and often took years. Envoys risked storms at sea; the small kingdom bore the cost of provisioning them. We should proceed entirely as in the earlier proposal. The emperor agreed and ruled that henceforth investiture missions would send only one upright, brave military officer together with the attending ministers who had requested it; rites honoring the late king and investing the new one would follow the old code, but the mission would wait until a sworn affidavit from the kingdom's ministers arrived. The next autumn tribute envoys arrived with the affidavit and still asked for civil officials to be dispatched. Hong Zhanzu and Wang Shizhen were then ordered to go, with instructions to wait until piracy on the seas had subsided before crossing to complete the investiture. Zhanzu soon left office to mourn a parent; Xia Ziyang replaced him as supervising secretary and reached Fujian in the second month of the thirty-first year. Surveillance commissioner Fang Yuanyan again reported turmoil at sea and repeated alarms; he and grand coordinator Xu Xueju jointly memorialized asking that a military officer be sent instead. Xia Ziyang and Wang Shizhen countered that a tributary state's trust must not be broken and an envoy's commission must be seen through, and begged that the original order stand to reassure those afar. Before either memorial received a reply, Vice Minister of Rites Li Tingji argued: "The original plan for receiving investiture in person should stand, and no military officer need be sent. Censor Qian Huan and supervising secretary Xiao Jingao then submitted competing memorials, insisting this was wrong: "The question should have been settled before the imperial command was issued, not after envoys were already dispatched; the responsible offices must be ordered to finish the sea vessels at once so this year's crossing is not missed. After the mission is completed and they report back, a single uniform rule can be set—first by proclamation ordering investiture received at sea, to be followed forever after. The emperor accepted their view. In the seventh month of the thirty-third year Xia Ziyang and his party were ordered to cross the sea at once and finish the investiture.
15
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Japan was then growing powerful and clearly intended to swallow the kingdom. Ryukyu held off powerful neighbors abroad while keeping tribute flowing without interruption. In the fortieth year Japan invaded with three thousand crack troops, seized the king, carried off the royal regalia, and withdrew after extensive looting. Zhejiang regional commander Yang Zongye reported the raid and asked that coastal defenses be tightened; the court agreed. The king was soon released and tribute resumed, but the kingdom lay in ruins; the rites officials therefore set tribute at once every ten years. The next year they sent tribute again as before. They came again the year after that, but Fujian officials, obeying court orders, turned them away; the envoys left in sullen resentment. In the forty-fourth year Japan plotted against Chicken Cage Mountain—known as Taiwan, close to Fujian; Shang Ning sent word, and the court ordered heightened coastal defenses.
16
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In Tianqi 3 Shang Ning had died; his heir Shang Feng sent envoys requesting both tribute and investiture. The rites officials noted: "Under the old rule Ryukyu tribute came every two years; after devastation by Japanese pirates the interval was lengthened to ten years. The kingdom has scarcely recovered; tribute is temporarily fixed at once every five years, to be reconsidered after the new king is invested. The court agreed. In the fifth year envoys came with tribute and a request for investiture. In the sixth year they sent tribute again. China was beset by troubles, and the censorial officials assigned to meet envoys were reluctant to make the journey, so the investiture ceremony dragged on for years.
17
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In Chongzhen 2 tribute envoys came again to request investiture, and the court ordered envoys sent as before. The rites official He Ruchong again argued that the mission was perilous and wasteful and asked that Ryukyuan ministers be allowed to receive investiture on the king's behalf. The emperor refused and sent Du San'e of the Household Section and the envoy Yang Lun to perform the ceremony; they completed the rites and returned. In the autumn of the fourth year envoys were sent to congratulate the crown prince on his investiture. From then until the fall of the dynasty they continued to send tribute on schedule. Even after both capitals fell and the Prince of Tang set up court in Fujian, Ryukyu still sent tribute missions. In their devotion to the dynasty they surpassed every other tributary state.
18
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Luzon lay in the South China Sea, not far from Zhangzhou. In the first month of Hongwu 5 it sent envoys with Suoli and other states to present tribute. In the tenth month of Yongle 3 the court sent officials with an edict to reassure and instruct the kingdom. In the eighth year it presented tribute together with Pangasinan, then ceased coming for many years. In Wanli 4, when Ming troops pursued the pirate Lin Daoqian to Luzon, the locals helped defeat him; tribute was restored. The Portuguese were then powerful and traded with Luzon; seeing the kingdom's weakness, they bribed the king and asked for a plot of land no larger than a cowhide on which to build a settlement. The king, unsuspecting, agreed; they cut the hide into strips, joined them into a cord thousands of feet long, and laid claim to a vast tract of Luzon. The king was horrified, but bound by his word he could only acquiesce, though he did levy taxes on them as the law allowed. Once they had the land, they built houses and fortifications, deployed firearms, and prepared defenses for the conquest they were planning. Soon they struck without warning, killed the king, drove out the people, and seized the kingdom. It was still called Luzon, but it was Portuguese territory now. For years Fujian traders had settled there by the tens of thousands, lured by proximity and wealth; many never went home and raised families on the island. After the Portuguese takeover their governor expelled most of the Chinese settlers for fear of rebellion; those who remained were abused and humiliated.
19
In the eighth month of Wanli 21 the governor Lang Lei Bi Li Xi Lang invaded Maluku with two hundred fifty Chinese pressed into service. A man named Pan Hewu served as their scout officer. The natives drank themselves into stupors while the Chinese rowed; the slightest lapse brought a beating, and some men were flogged to death. Pan Hewu said, "Rebellion means death, and so does the lash -- either way we die. If we refuse, we'll die fighting anyway. Better to kill this governor and live. If we win, we sail home. If we lose and are captured, we die -- but not before we've tried. The others agreed. That night they killed the governor, held up his severed head, and shouted the alarm. The natives woke in panic and were cut down where they stood; others drowned trying to escape. Pan Hewu and his men seized the gold, arms, and treasure and sailed for home. They lost their way to Annam and were robbed by locals; only Guo Weitai and thirty-two others, catching rides on other vessels, made it back. The governor's son Lang Lei Mao Lin was then at Shuowu; hearing the news, he rushed over, sent a monk to plead his father's case, and demanded the return of the ships and treasure and the execution of the killers. Grand Coordinator Xu Fuyuan reported the affair; the two Guang governors were ordered to send the monk home courteously and put Guo Weitai on trial. Pan Hewu stayed in Annam and never dared return.
20
When the governor was killed, his men in Luzon expelled every Chinese settler beyond the walls and razed their homes. When Mao Lin returned, he had houses built outside the walls for them to live in. Rumors then spread that Japan was about to attack; fearing collusion, Mao Lin again debated expelling the Chinese. Just then Xu Fuyuan sent envoys to recall them, and the natives provisioned them for the journey and let them go. But Chinese traders, greedy for profit and heedless of danger, gradually drifted back until another settlement took shape.
21
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Mining-tax commissioners were fanning out everywhere, and profiteers abounded. Yan Yinglong and Zhang Yi claimed that Mount Jiyi in Luzon was rich in gold and silver and could yield a hundred thousand taels of gold and three hundred thousand of silver a year. In the seventh month of Wanli 30 they presented this at court, and the emperor approved it at once. When the order went out, the entire court was appalled. Censor-in-Chief Wen Chun memorialized: "Recently officials at court and abroad have protested the harm of mining levies, and Your Majesty has heard them ever more clearly. In Guangdong alone Li Feng has violated sixty-six women and smuggled bribes aboard thirty large ships and three hundred heavy loads. An enraged populace will surely kill him. Withdraw the policy now and you will still keep control of power and favor. The Burmese, fighting over gem mines, are massing a hundred thousand men to invade the interior. The southwest is already on the brink. Now Fujian scoundrels have come forward with tales of Mount Jiyi. It is pure fantasy, fit for the stage -- yet Your Majesty's wise ear has been taken in. We lie awake in dread and cannot eat or sleep. When disaster strikes, the treasury will bleed millions. Wait too long to act, and the cost will be far worse than money.
22
Gao Cai at Haicheng already exacts thirty thousand taels of gold a year from maritime trade. He will not yield a penny of profit. Even overseas, gold and silver do not lie open for the taking. Where are the hundred thousand taels of gold and three hundred thousand of silver to prove this claim? They mean only to use imperial authority to smuggle contraband and incite the barbarians in treason. The damage will not stop at Haicheng or the public purse.
23
The Japanese raids of years past began when local ruffians went to sea, colluded with powerful families, and rigged prices until the pirates turned violent. Do the same under imperial orders and the harm will be far worse. When war follows, these men will copy the pirates Wang Zhi and Zeng Yiben -- declaring themselves kings at sea, raising armies, building forts. Near at hand lies great profit; far off, a kingdom of their own like Zhao Tuo. That may serve the outlaws well enough -- but what of the empire? I beg that these men be tried at once and the source of this evil cut off."
24
The censors Jin Zhongshi, Cao Yubian, Zhu Wubi, and others filed memorial after memorial in protest. The emperor would not listen.
25
使便 使
The case went to Fujian's frontier officials, who were reluctant to act but bowed to the court order and sent Haicheng Assistant Magistrate Wang Shihe, Company Officer Gan Yicheng, and Zhang Yi to investigate. When the people of Luzon heard, they were terrified. Chinese residents reassured them: "The court means no harm. Scoundrels at home invented this affair. Imperial envoys have come only to investigate and expose the liars. That is all. The governor's suspicions eased somewhat. Monks strewed flowers along the road as if greeting imperial envoys, and he received the mission with a great show of armed escort. At the banquet the governor asked Wang Shihe, "So the court wants to open the mountains. Every mountain here has an owner. Who gave you leave to mine them? Would China let us come dig up your hills? You say trees grow golden beans. Which trees are those? Wang Shihe had no reply and kept glancing at Zhang Yi, who said, "The whole place is gold. Why quibble over beans? The hall erupted in laughter. They detained Zhang Yi and meant to kill him. The Chinese community interceded, and he was released. Wang Shihe returned to his post, fell ill with heart palpitations, and died. The frontier officials reported the affair and asked that Zhang Yi be punished for his fabrications. The crisis seemed over, but the Luzonese remained convinced that the dynasty meant to seize their kingdom with Chinese residents as fifth columnists, and they began plotting a massacre.
26
使
The next year they announced a campaign against a neighbor and paid top prices for iron goods. Greedy for profit, the Chinese sold every scrap of metal until not a household had a weapon left. The governor then registered every Chinese name, grouped them in compounds of three hundred, and slaughtered each group as they were admitted. Word leaked, and the Chinese fled en masse to the market gardens. Troops pursued them. Unarmed, they fell by the thousands and retreated to Mount Dalun. The natives attacked again; the Chinese fought desperately and briefly drove them back. The governor soon regretted the bloodshed and sent an envoy to negotiate. The refugees suspected a trick and killed the envoy. Enraged, the governor withdrew into the city and laid an ambush outside the walls. Starving, they came down from the mountain and stormed the walls. The trap was sprung. Twenty-five thousand Chinese were killed. The governor then ordered all seized Chinese property sealed and stored in the treasury. He wrote to Fujian's officials claiming the Chinese had been plotting rebellion and that he had acted first, and invited the victims' families to come collect their kin and goods. Grand Coordinator Xu Xueju rushed word to court. The emperor was horrified and ordered the judiciary to determine the profiteers' punishment. In the twelfth month of Wanli 32 the verdict reached the throne. The emperor declared, "Zhang Yi and his accomplices lied to the court, provoked bloodshed overseas, and sent twenty thousand merchants and civilians to their deaths, shaming the empire. Execute them and display their heads along the coast. As for the Luzon governor who slaughtered merchants, let the frontier officials determine his punishment and report. Xu Xueju dispatched a reprimand to Luzon demanding the return of the victims' families, but no punishment could be enforced. Chinese traders gradually returned, and the locals, eager for trade, did not turn them away. In time another settlement grew up.
27
滿
By then the Portuguese had taken Malacca and Luzon and grown ever bolder. They dominated the seas, seized Xiangshan Ao in Guangdong, built a fortified settlement, and traded with local merchants -- and trouble returned to Guangdong.
28
Camarines Sur
29
使使
Camarines Sur was a small island kingdom. The land was poor and mountainous, but the surrounding seas teemed with fish; the people farmed. In the ninth month of Yongle 3 it sent envoys with the Javanese mission to present tribute. It was also known as Maoliwu. Close to Luzon and on the shipping lanes, it grew prosperous. Chinese traders were treated fairly and never cheated, and a saying went around: "Want to get rich? Go to Maoliwu. A pirate called the Old Man of Wangjin Reef was the fiercest raider on the sea; ships that crossed his path were lost. Yet he reserved his wrath for merchants who bypassed his waters; any who did call were treated with surprising hospitality. Maoliwu was later ravaged by raiders. Many were killed or wounded, and the country fell into poverty. Traders, fearing the Old Man of the Reef, seldom ventured there.
30
Maluku
31
沿滿
Maluku, vulgarly miscalled "Mi Liuhe," lay in the eastern sea and was regarded as notably prosperous. Whenever the chieftain appeared in public, his retinue was arrayed in full ceremony, and his subjects pressed their palms together and prostrated themselves along the roadside. Men shaved their heads,, and women wore their hair in topknots. There was a Fragrant Mountain on the island. After rain, aromatic droplets fell and washed down the streams until the ground along the banks was covered; the people gathered them endlessly. The chieftain stockpiled the spice until his storehouses overflowed, holding it for sale to passing merchant vessels. Cloves were not produced elsewhere in the Eastern Ocean; only this island had them. Believed to dispel evil influences, they drew many Chinese traders.
32
退
During the Wanli reign the Portuguese attacked. The chieftain was defeated and sued for peace; he was pardoned and restored to power on condition that cloves be sent as tribute each year, and the Portuguese withdrew without leaving a garrison. Soon the Dutch dominated the seas. Learning that the Portuguese had withdrawn, they seized the chance, sailed straight to the walls, took the chieftain captive, and told him, "Serve me faithfully and I will be your master -- a far better one than the Portuguese." The chieftain had no choice but to submit, and was reinstated as before. The Portuguese governor, enraged at the news, marched to attack, but was killed en route by Chinese -- the full account appears in the 《Luzon Monograph》.
33
Though the Dutch held Maluku, every year or two they led their people home, only to return again afterward. The Portuguese governor's son, succeeding his father and intent on finishing what he had begun, launched a major assault. The Dutch had already left, so he overran Maluku, killed the chieftain, and installed a man of his own trust as ruler. Before long the Dutch returned, stormed the city again, expelled the Portuguese appointee, and restored the son of Maluku's former king. From then on the two sides fought year after year, and the people could endure it no longer. Chinese residents brokered a truce and divided the island at Mount Wanlao: the north went to the Dutch, the south to the Portuguese. Only then did the fighting ease, and Maluku was permanently split between the two powers.
34
Sayao and Napitan were neighboring lands. Napitan lay on the coast, while Sayao stretched back into the hills; both were near Luzon. Both sexes wore their hair long in topknots. Men wore shoes; women went barefoot. Their settlements were walled with planks; houses were framed with upright timbers and roofed with thatch. They followed Buddhism and built many houses of worship. Sexual propriety was strictly enforced. If a husband walked ahead and another man mocked his wife, the husband would immediately kill her; the mocker would not flee but submit to being stabbed and hacked at the husband's pleasure. Theft, however petty, was always punished by death. When a woman was near delivery she was bathed in water; the newborn was washed and placed in water as well, so that from birth the child was at home in the water. The country had little to offer. Chinese merchants brought only porcelain, pots, and the like -- cloth was the weightiest cargo they could hope to sell. After the Portuguese seized Luzon and began annexing neighboring lands, only these two countries remained outside their control.
35
Chicken Cage Mountain stood northeast of the Pescadores, whence the name North Harbor; it was also called Eastern Barbarians and lay very close to Quanzhou. Deep mountains and broad marshes covered the land, and villages were scattered far apart. There were no chiefs or kings, only fifteen communities of up to a thousand people each, some as small as five or six hundred. There was no taxation or forced labor. The man with the most children was treated as the leader, and others followed his word. Though surrounded by sea, they were deeply afraid of it and poor sailors; most lived and died without ever visiting neighboring lands.
36
西 穿 竿便 鹿鹿 鹿
During the Yongle reign Zheng He toured the Eastern and Western Oceans, and every people rushed to offer tribute -- all except the Eastern Barbarians, who kept their distance and never appeared. Zheng He took offense and gave each household a bronze bell to hang around the neck, treating them like a nation of dogs. Later the people came to prize the bells instead; the wealthy collected several and said, "These were handed down by our ancestors." Bravery was honored, and in spare time men trained at running, covering several hundred li in a day -- a match for a galloping horse. The soles of their feet were several fen thick, so they walked thorn and bramble as if on flat ground. Men and women wore topknots and went naked in one another's presence without shame. Women sometimes wore grass skirts for modesty. When they met an elder they turned away and waited until he had passed before moving on. Men wore pierced ears. At fifteen a girl had the teeth beside her lips knocked out for adornment and her hands and feet tattooed. The whole community turned out to celebrate, at staggering expense. Those too poor to host the celebration simply did without the tattoos. Their calendar began when the grass turned green. The land supported grain crops, but the people did not practice wet-rice cultivation. Once seed was sown they stopped killing, declaring that they were doing good, aiding Heaven, and begging sustenance for the harvest. After the harvest they set up green-marked bamboo poles along the roads -- the "inserting green" season -- and killed any outsider they encountered. Feuding villages set a day for battle. A few champions charged first; if one fell, the fight broke up at once. The victors were hailed with the words, "A brave man knows how to kill." Even the losers' families offered praise: "A brave man does not fear death. The next day the two sides were friends again. Bamboo grew there as thick as several arm-spans and ten zhang tall. Clans lived together in long, broad bamboo houses roofed with thatch. They kept no calendar and had no writing; important decisions were settled in council. They were expert with javelins -- bamboo shafts tipped with sharp iron points that would drop a deer on trial and a tiger as well. Afraid of the open sea by nature, they fished only in streams and creeks. In winter they hunted deer in parties; every throw found its mark, and the carcasses heaped up like hills. They never ate chicken or pheasant, using only the feathers for decoration. Great rivers ran from the interior to the sea. Their water was fresh, and the adjoining waters were called the Freshwater Sea.
37
Near the end of the Jiajing reign Japanese pirates raided Fujian; the commander Qi Jiguang routed them. The Japanese withdrew to this island, followed by the renegade Lin Daoqian. Soon Daoqian, fearing annexation by the Japanese and pursuit by Ming forces, sailed to Brunei, carved out a strip of borderland, and established Daoqian Harbor. Chicken Cage itself was burned and looted by the Japanese, and the settlements were left in ruins. They had first lived entirely on the coast; after the Japanese raids they gradually retreated inland behind the mountains. Then a Chinese fishing boat blown in from Wanggang Harbor opened regular trade, which soon became routine. Near the end of the Wanli reign the Dutch anchored there, cleared fields, built settlements, opened a market, and gave the place the name Taiwan.
38
祿
In Chongzhen 8 the supervising secretary He Kai submitted a plan to pacify the seas: "Since Yuan Jin, Li Zhong, Yang Lu, Yang Ce, Zheng Zhilong, Li Kuiqi, Zhong Bin, and Liu Xiang stirred rebellion in succession, the coast has not known a year of peace. To end the piracy, their lair must be destroyed. Where is that lair? Taiwan. Taiwan lies beyond the Pescadores, only two days' sail from Zhangzhou and Quanzhou, on broad and fertile ground. At first poor men went there for fish and salt; finding themselves beyond the reach of the law, many banded together as pirates. Now the Dutch have built a fort and trade with renegade Chinese, forming a substantial colony. Destroying this nest cannot be done by force alone. Seal off sea trade so the Dutch cannot profit and outlaws cannot eat; then raid on four fronts and strike when they are weakened -- that is how to succeed. Only when the Dutch abandon Taiwan will the seas be calm again." The court did not act on the proposal.
39
滿西
The island stretched some thirteen hundred li from Chicken Cage in the north to Langjiao in the south. From Duoluoman in the east to Wangcheng in the west, it measured roughly nine hundred li. By sea, with a fair wind, from Chicken Cage Freshwater to Fuzhou harbor: five watches. From Taiwan harbor to the Pescadores: four watches. From the Pescadores to Kinmen: seven watches. Northeast to Japan: seventy watches. South to Luzon: sixty watches. Sea distances cannot be measured in li. Mariners divide day and night into ten watches, and so reckon voyages in watches rather than miles.
40
西 使 西使
Borneo, also known as Brunei, marked the eastern limit of the Eastern Ocean and the beginning of the Western Ocean. Tang records mention a Borneo kingdom that regularly sent tribute during the reign of Emperor Gaozong. In the tenth month of Yongle 3 the court sent envoys with imperial letters and silks to confer with its king. In the twelfth month of Yongle 4 both the eastern and western kings sent envoys with memorials and tribute. They sent tribute again the following year.
41
Mountainous and sea-girt, the country followed Buddhism, abhorred killing, and favored charity. Pork was forbidden on pain of death. The king shaved his head, wore a gold-embroidered turban and two swords at his belt, walked wherever he went, and was attended by more than two hundred followers. There were houses of worship where sacrifices were offered with livestock. Tribute included tortoiseshell, agate, giant-clam shell, pearls, plain and patterned gauze, eaglewood, yellow beeswax, and black servants.
42
使
By the Wanli reign the throne was held by a man from Fujian. Some say that when Zheng He visited Borneo a Fujianese man in his party stayed behind, and his descendants eventually seized the throne. A Chinese stele stood beside the royal residence. The king possessed a gold seal in seal script surmounted by an animal figure, said to have been granted in the Yongle reign. At weddings commoners sought the honor of having this seal impressed on the bride's back. Later the Portuguese grew aggressive and marched against the kingdom. The king withdrew with his people into the hills and released poisoned water downstream, killing countless Portuguese; he then recovered his kingdom. The Portuguese then turned their attack on Luzon.
43
Belitung Island
44
西 使 西
Mayeuwong lay in the southwestern sea. In the tenth month of Yongle 3 the court sent envoys with an imperial letter and gifts to summon and reassure the kingdom, but it never sent tribute. From Lingshan in Champa, a fair wind carried a ship ten days and nights to Jiaolan Mountain; Mayeuwong lay to its southwest. Steep mountains rose above level ground, the soil was rich, and harvests ran to twice those of neighboring lands. They boiled seawater for salt and fermented sugarcane into wine. Men and women wore topknots and long gowns, with cloth wrapped about them. The people prized fidelity: when a woman lost her husband she scarred her face, shaved her head, ate nothing for seven days, and slept beside the corpse--and many died. If she survived the seven days, kin would coax her to eat; she then remained a widow for life. Some women, on the day the body was cremated, threw themselves into the flames as well. Local products included tortoiseshell, cotton, yellow beeswax, betel nuts, and patterned cloth.
45
Jiaolan Mountain was lofty and wide, rich in bamboo and timber. When the Yuan generals Shi Bi and Gao Xing invaded Java, a storm drove them to this mountain; many ships were wrecked, so they climbed it to cut timber, rebuilt their fleet, and went on to conquer Java. More than a hundred sick soldiers were left behind to recover and never went home; their numbers grew, and the region came to have a large Chinese population.
46
使
Nearby were Gebu and Su'erminang; in Yongle 3 the court likewise sent envoys with an imperial letter and gifts to summon them, but they never came.
47
Gumalalang
48
祿
Gumalalang was another small kingdom in the southeastern sea. In the ninth month of Yongle 15 the eunuch Zhang Qian was sent with an edict to reassure King Ganlayi Yibendun, granting him velvet brocade, ramie silk, and gauze. In the eighth month of the eighteenth year the king brought his wife, children, and ministers to court with Zhang Qian, bearing tribute; he was received with the same honors as the king of Sulu. The king said, "Your subject is foolish and knows nothing. Though my people have pressed me forward, I have never received appointment from the court. I beg that you grant me an investiture patent and let my kingdom keep its name." The court agreed and granted him a seal patent, cap and belt, ceremonial regalia, saddle and horse, figured silks, and gold-woven state robes; his consort and the rest of his party received gifts as well. The next first month he took leave to return home and received further gifts of gold, silver, cash, figured silks, gauzes, colored silks, gold-woven state robes, and qilin robes; the consort and her attendants were rewarded in graded amounts. On the journey home the king fell ill in Fujian and died. Yang Shan, a principal secretary of the Ministry of Rites, was sent to offer condolence sacrifices; the court posthumously titled him Kangjing, local officials prepared his tomb, and he was buried with royal honors. His son Labi was appointed to succeed him, led the party home, and was granted paper money.
49
Pangasinan
50
Pangasinan was likewise a small state of the Eastern Ocean. In the eighth month of Yongle 4 its chieftain Jiamayin and others came to court with tribute and received graded gifts of paper money. In the fourth month of the sixth year its chieftains Daimao and Liyu each brought their followers to court; each received a hundred ingots of paper money and six lined suits of figured silk, and their attendants were rewarded as well. They sent tribute again in the eighth year.
51
Banjarmasin
52
紿 調
Banjarmasin was walled in timber, half the settlement built against a mountainside. Its ruler kept several hundred embroidered maidens in attendance. When he went abroad on an elephant, the maidens followed bearing clothes, shoes, swords, and betel trays. On the water he sat cross-legged on a couch while the maidens sat in rows below, facing him; some poled the boat. The spectacle was stately in the extreme. Most people lashed logs together on the water and built houses to live in, as in Srivijaya. Men and women wound their heads in cloth of five colors, baring chest and back, or wore short-sleeved jackets with veiled heads and skirts about the lower body. They once ate from banana leaves; trade with Chinese merchants gradually brought them to porcelain. They prized porcelain jars painted with dragons on the outside; the dead were placed in such jars for burial. The people abhorred licentiousness, and adultery was punishable by death. If a Chinese man slept with a local woman, his head was shaved and the woman given to him in marriage; he was never allowed to go home. The women, vexed by their short hair, asked Chinese men how to make it grow; the men lied, "I wash mine in Chinese water, and that is why it is long." The women believed them and vied to buy water from the ships to wash their hair. The Chinese deliberately rationed the water and laughed at them. Some women who took a fancy to Chinese men would bring them bananas, sugarcane, and jasmine, bantering and flirting as they came and went. Yet the law was strict, and none dared a secret affair.
53
退
Deep in the mountains was a village called Wulonglidan whose people were born with tails; at the sight of strangers they covered their faces and fled. The country was rich in placer gold all the same. Merchants who came to trade beat a small copper drum, set their goods on the ground, and withdrew a few paces. The villagers came forward to look; if pleased, they laid gold beside the goods. If the merchant shouted from a distance that he would sell, they took the goods; if not, they carried the gold away. Not a word passed between them. Products included rhinoceros horn, peacocks, parrots, placer gold, hornbill casques, aloeswood, wax, rattan mats, rattan, long pepper, dragon's blood resin, nutmeg, and deerskin.
54
In a neighboring land lived the Maiwarou, a fierce people who at midnight would steal in, cut off a head, and adorn it with gold. Merchants feared them and kept strict night watches.
55
At first Banjarmasin's ruler was a man of virtue who treated merchants with kindness and good faith. He had thirty-one sons, but fearing they would trouble merchant ships, he forbade them to go abroad. His wife was the sister of the Maiwarou chieftain. Their son succeeded him, listened to his mother's kin, and turned to deceit, often cheating merchants of their due; from then on fewer traders came.
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