Volume 9 Treatises 1: Rituals 1

南齊書卷九‧志第一

Book of Southern Qi, volume 9, treatise 1

禮儀繁博，與天地而爲量，紀國立君，人倫攸始。三代遺文，略在經誥，蓋秦餘所亡逸也。漢初叔孫通制漢禮，而班固之志不載。及至東京，太尉胡廣撰《舊儀》，左中郎蔡邕造《獨斷》，應劭、蔡質咸綴識時事，而司馬彪之書不取。魏氏籍漢末大亂，舊章殄滅，侍中王粲、尚書衞覬集創朝儀，而魚豢、王沈、陳壽、孫盛竝未詳也。吳則太史令丁孚拾遺漢事，蜀則孟光、許慈草建衆典。晉初司空荀覬因魏代前事，撰爲《晉禮》，參考今古，更其節文，羊祜、任愷、庾峻、應貞竝共刪集，成百六十五篇。後摯虞、傅咸纘續此製，未及成功，中原覆沒，今虞之《決疑注》，是遺事也。江左僕射刁協、太常荀崧，補緝舊文，光祿大夫蔡謨又踵修輯朝故。宋初因循改革，事係羣儒，其前史所詳，竝不重述。永明二年，太子步兵校尉伏曼容表定禮樂。於是詔尚書令王儉制定新禮，立治禮樂學士及職局，置舊學四人，新學六人，正書令史各一人，幹一人，祕書省差能書弟子二人。因集前代，撰治五禮，吉、凶、賔、軍、嘉也。文多不載。若郊廟庠序之儀，冠婚喪紀之節，事有變革，宜錄時事者，備今志。其輿輅旗常，與往代同異者，更立別篇。

Ritual is broad and deep, commensurate with Heaven and Earth; it grounds the state and the ruler and marks where human order begins. What the Three Dynasties left survives mainly in the classics and edicts; most of what vanished did so in the Qin destruction. At the start of Han, Shusun Tong framed Han court ritual, yet Ban Gu's monograph omits it. Under the Eastern Han, Hu Guang as grand marshal compiled Old Rites and Cai Yong as left palace attendant wrote Exclusive Decisions; Ying Shao and Cai Zhi annotated recent practice too, but Sima Biao's history leaves them out. Wei arose amid Han's final chaos, when old regulations were wiped out; Wang Can and Wei Ji compiled new court rites, but Yu Huan, Wang Shen, Chen Shou, and Sun Sheng say little about them. In Wu, grand clerk Ding Fu salvaged Han precedents; in Shu, Meng Guang and Xu Ci drafted the major codes. At the founding of Jin, minister of works Xun Yi drew on Wei precedents to produce Jin Rites, comparing old and new usage and revising the rubrics; Yang Hu, Ren Kai, Yu Jun, and Ying Zhen jointly edited the work into 165 chapters. Zhi Yu and Fu Xian later carried the project on but never finished; the heartland was lost, and Zhi Yu's Doubt-Resolving Commentary is all that survives. In the south, vice director Diao Xie and chamberlain for ceremonials Xun Song restored old texts, and grandee of splendor Cai Mo in turn compiled court precedent. Early Song carried on with reform under a circle of scholars; what earlier histories already cover is not retold. In Yongming 2, crown prince's infantry commandant Fu Manrong petitioned to settle ritual and music. The court then ordered minister of the masters Wang Jian to draft new ritual, set up a ritual-and-music office with staff, four scholars in the old learning and six in the new, one chief clerk and one recorder apiece, one clerk, and two skilled copyists from the Secretariat. Drawing on earlier dynasties, they compiled the five rites: auspicious, inauspicious, guest, military, and celebratory. Most of that material is not recorded in the annals and is omitted here. Suburban, temple, and school rites and the rules for capping, marriage, and mourning—where usage changed and the times ought to be noted—are covered in this treatise. Carriages, regalia, banners, and court insignia that differ from earlier ages appear in a separate chapter.

案《禮記王制》，天子先祫後時祭，諸侯先時祭後祫。《春秋》魯僖二年祫，明年春禘，自此以後，五年再殷。《禮緯稽命徵》曰「三年一祫，五年一禘。」經、記所論禘祫與時祭，其言詳矣，初不以先殷後郊爲嫌。

Royal Regulations in the Book of Rites has the Son of Heaven perform cha before seasonal sacrifices, and feudal lords the reverse. The Spring and Autumn Annals records a cha for Lu in Duke Xi year 2 and a di the following spring; after that the great service came twice in five years. The Book of Rites apocrypha Investigating Mandates says 「A cha every three years, a di every five years. 」Classics and commentaries treat di, cha, and seasonal sacrifices at length and never treat holding the great service before the suburban rite as improper.

至於郊配之重，事由王迹，是故杜林議云「漢業特起，不因緣堯，宜以高帝配天」。魏高堂隆議以舜配天。蔣濟云「漢時奏議，謂堯已禪舜，不得爲漢祖，舜亦已禪禹，不得爲魏之祖。今宜以武皇帝配天」。晉、宋因循，卽爲前式。

The weight of who accompanies Heaven at the suburban altar follows a dynasty's founding story; Du Lin argued that 「Han rose by itself, not from Yao's line, so the High Emperor should accompany Heaven.」 In Wei, Gao Tanglong proposed Shun as Heaven's companion at the suburban rite. Jiang Ji said 「Han court debate held that Yao had already yielded to Shun and could not be Han's forebear, and Shun had yielded to Yu and could not be Wei's forebear. The Martial Emperor should now accompany Heaven.」 Jin and Song followed that precedent, and it became the established pattern.

又案禮及《孝經援神契》竝云「明堂有五室，天子每月於其室聽朔布教，祭五帝之神，配以有功德之君」。《大戴禮記》曰「明堂者，所以明諸侯尊卑也」。許慎《五經異義》曰「布政之宮，故稱明堂。明堂，盛貌也」。《周官匠人職》稱明堂有五室。鄭玄云「周人明堂五室，帝一室也」。初不聞有文王之寢。《鄭志》趙商問云「說者謂天子廟制如明堂，是爲明堂卽文廟邪」？鄭荅曰「明堂主祭上帝，以文王配耳，猶如郊天以后稷配也」。袁孝尼云「明堂法天之宮，本祭天帝，而以文王配，配其父於天位則可，牽天帝而就人鬼，則非義也」。泰元十三年，孫耆之議，稱「郊以祀天，故配之以后稷；明堂以祀帝，故配之以文王。由斯言之，郊爲皇天之位，明堂卽上帝之廟」。徐邈謂「配之爲言，必有神主；郊爲天壇，則堂非文廟」。《史記》云趙綰、王臧欲立明堂，于時亦未有郊配。漢又祀汾陰五畤，卽是五帝之祭，亦未有郊配。

Ritual texts and the Classic of Filial Piety apocrypha Divine Correspondence both say 「The Bright Hall has five chambers; each month the Son of Heaven in one chamber hears the new moon, proclaims policy, sacrifices to the Five Emperors' spirits, and pairs them with meritorious rulers.」 The Elder Dai's ritual compilation says 「The Bright Hall makes clear the rank of the feudal lords.」 Xu Shen's Discordant Meaning of the Five Classics says 「It is the hall where policy is proclaimed, hence Bright Hall. Bright Hall means a splendid aspect.」 The Offices of Zhou, Craftsman's section, says the Bright Hall has five chambers. Zheng Xuan said 「The Zhou Bright Hall had five chambers—the Sovereign's was one of them.」 Nowhere is a sleeping chamber for King Wen mentioned. In Zheng's Notes, Zhao Shang asked, 「Some say the Son of Heaven's ancestral temple follows the Bright Hall model—is the Bright Hall King Wen's temple?」 Zheng replied, 「The Bright Hall chiefly worships the Supreme God, with King Wen paired only as companion—as at the suburban Heaven rite Hou Ji is paired with Heaven.」 Yuan Xiaoni said 「The Bright Hall mirrors Heaven's palace and was meant to worship the Heavenly Sovereign; pairing King Wen is fitting his father to Heaven's place, but pulling the Heavenly Sovereign down among human spirits is wrong.」 In Taiyuan 13, Sun Qizhi argued 「The suburban altar worships Heaven, so Hou Ji is paired there; the Bright Hall worships the Sovereign, so King Wen is paired there. On that logic the suburban altar is August Heaven's seat and the Bright Hall is the Supreme God's temple.」 Xu Miao said 「To pair is to imply a spirit tablet; the suburban altar is Heaven's mound, so the Hall is not King Wen's temple.」 The Records of the Historian says Zhao Fen and Wang Zang wanted to build the Bright Hall when suburban pairing had not yet been settled. Han also offered at Fenyin on the five mounds—a rite to the Five Emperors—with no suburban pairing either.

議者或謂南郊之日，已旅上帝，若又以無配而特祀明堂，則一日再祭，於義爲黷。案古者郊本不共日。蔡邕《獨斷》曰「祠南郊，祀畢，次北郊，又次明堂、高廟、世祖廟，謂之五供」。馬融云「郊天之祀，咸以夏正，五氣用事，有休有王，各以其時，兆於方郊，四時合歲，功作相成，亦以此月總旅明堂」。是則南郊、明堂各日之證也。近代從省，故與郊同日，猶無煩黷之疑。何者？其爲祭雖同，所以致祭則異。孔晁云，言五帝佐天化育，故有從祀之禮，旅上帝是也。至於四郊明堂，則是本祀之所，譬猶功臣從饗，豈復廢其私廟。且明堂有配之時，南郊亦旅上帝，此則不疑於共日，今何故致嫌於同辰。又《禮記》「天子祭天地、四方、山川、五祀，歲徧」。《尚書堯典》「咸秩無文」。《詩》云「昭事上帝，聿懷多福」。據此諸義，則四方、山川，猶必享祀，五帝大神，義不可略。魏文帝黃初二年正月，郊天地明堂，明帝太和元年正月，以武皇帝配天，文皇帝配上帝，然則黃初中南郊明堂，皆無配也。

Some argued that on the southern suburban day, once the Supreme God had been assembled, a separate Bright Hall service without its own pairing would mean two sacrifices in one day—ritually excessive. In antiquity, suburban rites were not held on the same day. Cai Yong's Exclusive Decisions says 「Offer at the southern suburb; when that is done, the northern suburb; then the Bright Hall, High Temple, and Founder Temple—in all, the five offerings.」 Ma Rong said 「Suburban Heaven sacrifice always falls in the first summer month, when the five phases hold sway in turn; each season has its directional suburban divination; the four seasons complete the year and its labors—and in that same month the Bright Hall rite is gathered in full.」 That shows the southern suburb and Bright Hall were on different days. Later practice economized and combined them with the suburban day, yet that need not count as excess. Why is that? The rite may look the same on the surface, but what is actually being offered is not. Kong Chao explained that the Five Thearchs help Heaven nurture the world, which is why there is attendant sacrifice—"assembling the Supreme Lord" means exactly that. The four suburban altars and the Bright Hall are where the main sacrifices belong—like meritorious ministers feasting at court. Would anyone abolish their own ancestral shrines? When the Bright Hall had a matched spirit, the southern suburb still assembled the Supreme Lord on the same day—and no one called that improper. Why object now to the same occasion? The Record of Rites also says: "The Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, the four quarters, mountains and rivers, and the five sacrifices—each year without omission." The Canon of Yao in the Documents: "Every rank is in order; nothing is left out." The Odes say: "Serve the Lord on High with clarity, and many blessings will gather to you." On these grounds, even the four quarters and mountains and rivers must be honoured—and the great spirits of the Five Thearchs cannot rightly be slighted. In Huangchu 2, first month, Emperor Wen of Wei sacrificed to Heaven and Earth at the suburbs and the Bright Hall; in Taihe 1, first month, Emperor Ming matched Cao Cao with Heaven and Cao Pi with the Supreme Lord—so under Huangchu neither the southern suburb nor the Bright Hall had a matched spirit.

又郊日及牲色，異議紛然。《郊特牲》云「郊之用辛，周之始郊也」。盧植云「辛之爲言自新絜也」。鄭玄云「用辛日者，爲人當齋戒自新絜也」。漢魏以來，或丁或己，而用辛常多。考之典據，辛日爲允。《郊特牲》又云，郊牲幣宜以正色。繆襲據《祭法》，云天地騂犢，周家所尚，魏以建丑爲正，牲宜尚白。《白虎通》云，三王祭天，一用夏正，所以然者，夏正得天之數也。魏用異朔，故牲色不同。今大齊受命，建寅創曆，郊廟用牲，一依晉、宋。

On the suburban date and the colour of the victims, opinions were sharply divided. Records of Suburban Sacrifice says: "Suburban sacrifice uses a xin day—Zhou's first suburban rite did so." Lu Zhi said: "Xin means to renew oneself in purity." Zheng Xuan said: "A xin day is chosen so that people may fast and make themselves pure again." Since Han and Wei, some used ding or ji days, but xin days were used most often. Checked against the classics, a xin day is the sound choice. Records of Suburban Sacrifice also says suburban victims and silks should use the orthodox colours. Miao Xi, citing Regulations of Sacrifice, argued that Heaven and Earth receive red bulls, as Zhou preferred; Wei took the yin month as New Year, so victims should be white. Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall says the three dynasties all sacrificed to Heaven by the Xia calendar, for the Xia calendar holds Heaven's reckoning. Wei kept a different New Year, and so the colour of victims differed too. Now that Great Qi has received the mandate, set the yin month as New Year, and promulgated a calendar, suburban and temple victims should follow Jin and Song.

謂宜以今年十月殷祀宗廟。自此以後，五年再殷。來年正月上辛，有事南郊。宜以共日，還祭明堂。又用次辛，饗祀北郊。而竝無配。犧牲之色，率由舊章。

The grand Yin-style ancestral rite should be held in the tenth month of this year. After that, the grand rite should be held once every five years. Next year, on the first xin day of the first month, hold the southern suburban sacrifice. On that same day, sacrifice at the Bright Hall as well. On the following xin day, hold the feast-sacrifice at the northern suburb. In both cases, without a matched spirit. The colour of the victims should follow established precedent.

詔「可。明堂可更詳」。

Edict: "Approved. The Bright Hall may be examined further."

有司又奏：「明堂尋禮無明文，唯以《孝經》爲正。竊尋設祀之意，蓋爲文主有配則祭，無配則止。愚謂旣配上帝，則以帝爲主。今雖無配，不應闕祀。徐邈近代碩儒，每所折衷，其云『郊爲天壇，則堂非文廟』，此實明據。內外百司立議已定，如更詢訪，終無異說。傍儒依史，竭其管見。旣聖旨惟疑，羣下所未敢詳，廢置之宜，仰由天鑒。」詔「依舊」。

The relevant offices memorialized again: "The rites give no explicit rule for the Bright Hall; only the Classic of Filial Piety is taken as the standard. Tracing the intent behind the rite, it seems sacrifice at the Bright Hall was meant for when King Wen had a matched spirit; without a match, it ceased. I hold that once the Supreme Lord has a matched spirit, the Lord on High is treated as the principal. Even without a matched spirit now, the sacrifice should not be dropped. Xu Miao, a leading scholar of recent times, always ruled that "the suburb is Heaven's altar, so the Hall is not King Wen's temple"—and that is decisive evidence. Inside and outside the court the hundred offices have already settled the debate; further consultation would change nothing. Lesser scholars mine the histories and offer only what little they can see. Because Your Majesty alone remains in doubt—what your ministers dare not decide for themselves—whether to keep or abolish the rite must be left to Heaven's judgment." Edict: "Let it stand as before."

建元四年，世祖卽位。其秋，有司奏：「尋前代嗣位，或仍前郊年，或別更始，晉、宋以來，未有畫一。今年正月已郊，未審明年應南北二郊祀明堂與不？」依舊通關八座丞郎博士議。尚書令王儉議：「案秦爲諸侯，雜祀諸畤，始皇幷天下，未有定祠。漢高受命，因雍四畤而起北畤，始祠五帝，未定郊丘。文帝六年，新垣平議初起渭陽五帝廟。武帝初至雍郊見五畤，後常三歲一郊祠雍。元鼎四年，始立后土祠於汾陰，明年，立太一祠於甘泉，自是以後，二歲一郊，與雍更祠。成帝初卽位，丞相匡衡於長安定南北郊。哀、平之際，又復甘泉、汾陰祠。平帝元始五年，王莽奏依匡衡議，還復長安南北郊。光武建武二年，定郊祀兆於洛陽。魏、晉因循，率由漢典，雖時或參差，而類多閒歲。至於嗣位之君，參差不一。宜有定制。檢晉明帝太寧三年南郊，其年九月崩，成帝卽位，明年改元卽郊；簡文咸安二年南郊，其年七月崩，孝武卽位，明年改元亦郊；宋元嘉三十年正月南郊，其年二月崩，孝武嗣位，明年改元亦郊。此則二代明例，差可依放。謂明年正月宜饗祀二郊，虔祭明堂，自茲厥後，依舊閒歲。」尚書領國子祭酒張緒等十七人竝同儉議。詔「可」。

the fourth year of Jianyuan: Shizu ascended the throne. That autumn the relevant offices memorialized: "Former dynasties on accession either kept the old suburban year or began a new one—from Jin and Song onward there has been no fixed practice. This year's first-month suburban sacrifice is already done; should the southern and northern suburbs and the Bright Hall be held next year or not?" Follow former practice and circulate the question for joint deliberation by the Eight Seats, aides, gentlemen, and erudites. Director of the Masters of Writing Wang Jian argued: "Qin, while still a feudal state, offered mixed sacrifices at many altars; when the First Emperor united the realm, no fixed cult had yet been set. When Han Gao received the mandate, he built on Yong's four altars to raise the northern altar and first sacrificed to the Five Thearchs, but the suburban mound altars were not yet fixed. In Emperor Wen's sixth year, Xinyuan Ping's proposal first established the Five Thearchs temple at Weinan. Early in Emperor Wu's reign he went to Yong for suburban sacrifice and saw the five altars; thereafter he regularly sacrificed at Yong every three years. the fourth year of Yuanding: the altar to Earth was first established at Fenyin; the next year, the Grand Unity altar at Ganquan. From then on suburban sacrifice came every two years, alternating with Yong. When Emperor Cheng first took the throne, Chancellor Kuang Heng established the southern and northern suburbs at Chang'an. Under Emperors Ai and Ping, sacrifice at Ganquan and Fenyin was restored. Yuanshi 5 of Emperor Ping: Wang Mang memorialized adopting Kuang Heng's plan and restored the southern and northern suburbs at Chang'an. In Guangwu's Jianwu 2, the suburban cult sites were established at Luoyang. Wei and Jin largely followed Han precedent; dates sometimes slipped, but for the most part suburban sacrifice came only in off-years. When a new emperor took the throne, practice was not uniform. A fixed rule was needed. Check Jin Mingdi, Taining 3: southern suburb that year; he died in the ninth month; Chengdi succeeded and performed suburb sacrifice the next year at the era change; Jianwen, Xian'an 2: southern suburb; he died in the seventh month; Xiaowu succeeded and sacrificed at the suburbs the next year at the era change; Song, Yuanjia 30, first month: southern suburb; the emperor died in the second month; Xiaowu succeeded and held suburb sacrifice the next year at the era change. These are clear two-dynasty precedents and may be followed in substance. The proposal: next year's first month should feast both suburbs and reverently sacrifice at the Bright Hall; thereafter, as before, off-years only. 」Seventeen officials, including Zhang Xu—director of the Masters of Writing and concurrent libationer of the Imperial University—all sided with Jian. The edict read: 「Approved.」

永明元年當南郊，而立春在郊後，世祖欲遷郊。尚書令王儉啓：「案《禮記郊特牲》云『郊之祭也，迎長日之至也，大報天而主日也』。《易說》『三王之郊，一用夏正』。盧植云『夏正在冬至後，傳曰啓蟄而郊，此之謂也』。然則圜丘與郊各自行，不相害也。鄭玄云『建寅之月，晝夜分而日長矣』。王肅曰『周以冬祭天於圜丘，以正月又祭天以祈穀』。《祭法》稱『燔柴太壇』，則圜丘也。春秋傳云『啓蟄而郊』，則祈穀也。謹尋禮、傳二文，各有其義，盧、王兩說，有若合符。中朝省二丘以并二郊，卽今之郊禮，義在報天，事兼祈穀，旣不全以祈農，何必俟夫啓蟄。史官唯見傳義，未達禮旨。又尋景平元年正月三日辛丑南郊，其月十一日立春，元嘉十六年正月六日辛未南郊，其月八日立春，此復是近世明例，不以先郊後春爲嫌。若或以元日合朔爲礙者，則晉成帝咸康元年正月一日加元服，二日親祠南郊，元服之重，百僚備列，雖在致齋，行之不疑。今齋內合朔，此卽前准。若聖心過恭，寧在嚴絜，合朔之日，散官備防，非預齋之限者，於止車門外別立幔省，若日色有異，則列於省前，望實爲允，謂無煩遷日。」從之。

Yongming 1 called for southern suburb sacrifice, but Establishment of Spring fell after the rite; Emperor Shizu wanted to move the date. Director of the Masters of Writing Wang Jian wrote: 「The Record of Rites, Suburban Sacrifice, says: 『Suburban sacrifice welcomes the lengthening day; it is the great report to Heaven and enthrones the sun.』 The Explanation of the Changes says: 『The three kings all held suburb sacrifice by the Xia New Year.』 Lu Zhi said: 『The Xia New Year comes after the winter solstice; tradition says suburb at Awakening of Insects—that is the point.』 So the Round Mound and the suburb rite proceed separately and do not conflict. Zheng Xuan said: 『In the month Establishing yin, day and night are equal and daylight lengthens.』 Wang Su said: 『Zhou sacrificed to Heaven at the Round Mound in winter, and in the first month sacrificed again to Heaven to pray for grain.』 Regulations of Sacrifice speaks of 『burning firewood on the Great Mound』—that is the Round Mound. The Spring and Autumn tradition says 『suburb at Awakening of Insects』—that is the grain prayer. Read against ritual and tradition, each passage has its sense; Lu's and Wang's views align like tally and seal. The central court folded two mounds into one suburban rite—today's suburb: it reports to Heaven and also prays for grain; since it is not solely a farm prayer, why wait for Awakening of Insects? Historians have read the tradition's letter without catching the rite's purpose. Again: Jingping 1, first month, day 3 xinchou—southern suburb; day 11—Establishment of Spring. Yuanjia 16, first month, day 6 xinwei—southern suburb; day 8—Establishment of Spring. These too are recent clear cases; suburb before spring drew no objection. If anyone objects that New Year's Day coincides with new moon, Jin Chengdi, Xiankang 1, first month, day 1—capping; day 2—personal southern suburb. Capping outranks all offices; even amid the fast, the court did not hesitate. A new moon inside the fast period is already precedent. If Your Majesty prefers utmost purity, on conjunction day let scattered officials keep watch; anyone outside the fast may pitch a separate curtained post beyond the Halting Carriage Gate. If the sun looks wrong, observe from before that post—that suffices; the date need not move. 」The court agreed.

永明二年，祠部郎中蔡履議：「郊與明堂，本宜異日。漢東京《禮儀志》『南郊禮畢，次北郊、明堂、高廟、世祖廟，謂之五供』。蔡邕所據亦然。近世存省，故郊堂共日。來年郊祭，宜有定准。」

Yongming 2: Cai Lü of the Sacrificial Bureau argued: 「Suburb and Bright Hall ought to fall on different days. Eastern Han Records of Rites: 『When the southern suburb ends, next the northern suburb, Bright Hall, High Temple, and Founder's Temple—the five offerings.』 Cai Yong's authority says the same. Recent practice trimmed costs, so suburb and hall shared a day. Next year's suburbs need a fixed schedule.」

太學博士王祐議：「來年正月上辛，宜祭南郊，次辛，有事明堂，後辛，饗祀北郊。」

University erudite Wang You: 「Next year, first month: upper xin—southern suburb; next xin—Bright Hall; last xin—northern suburb feast.」

兼博士劉蔓議：「漢元鼎五年，以辛巳行事，自後郊日，略無違異。元封元年四月癸卯，登封泰山，坐明堂。五年甲子，以高祖配。漢家郊祀，非盡天子之縣，故祠祭之月，事有不同。後漢永平以來，明堂兆於國南，而郊以上丁，故供修三祀，得幷在初月。雖郊有常日，明堂猶無定辰。何則？郊丁社甲，有說則從，經禮無文，難以意造，是以必算良辰，而不祭寅丑。且禮之奠祭，無同共者，唯漢以朝日合於報天爾。若依《漢書》五供，便應先祭北郊，然後明堂。則是地先天食，所未可也。」

Concurrent erudite Liu Man: 「Han, the fifth year of Yuanding, used xinsi for the rite; after that suburban dates scarcely varied. Yuanshi 1, fourth month, guimao: feng on Mount Tai, then seated in the Bright Hall. Year 5, jiazi: the High Ancestor as companion spirit. Han suburbs did not always follow the capital calendar, so sacrifice months differed. From Eastern Han Yongping on, the Bright Hall stood south of the capital while suburb used upper ding; all three rites could be prepared in the first month. Suburb has a fixed day; the Bright Hall still has no fixed hour. Why? Suburb on ding, soil god on jia—follow doctrine where it exists; the classics give no warrant for invention, so one must calculate the lucky day and does not sacrifice on yin or chou. Moreover, ritual does not double the same offering on one occasion; only Han merged the morning sun with Heaven's report. On the Book of Han's five offerings, northern suburb should come before the Bright Hall. That would feed Earth before Heaven—unthinkable.」

兼太常丞蔡仲熊議：「《鄭志》云『正月上辛，祀后稷於南郊，還於明堂，以文王配』。故宋氏創立明堂，郊還卽祭，是用《鄭志》之說也。蓋爲《志》者失，非玄意也。玄之言曰『未審周明堂以何月，於月令則以季秋』。案玄注《月令》季秋大饗帝云『大饗，徧祭五帝』。又云『大饗於明堂，以文武配』。其時秋也，去啓蟄遠矣。又《周禮大司樂》『凡大祭祀，宿縣』。尋宿縣之旨，以日出行事故也；若日闇而後行事，則無假預縣。果日出行事，何得方俟郊還。東京《禮儀志》不記祭之時日，而《志》云『天郊夕牲之夜，夜漏未盡八刻進熟；明堂夕牲之夜，夜漏未盡七刻進熟』。尋明堂之在郊前一刻，而進獻奏樂，方待郊還。魏高堂隆表「九日南郊，十日北郊，十一日明堂，十二日宗廟』。案隆此言，是審于時定制，是則《周禮》二漢及魏，皆不共日矣。《禮》以辛郊，書以丁祀，辛丁皆合，宜臨時詳擇。」

Concurrent aide Cai Zhongxiong: 「Zheng's Notes: 『First month, upper xin: Hou Ji at southern suburb; return to the Bright Hall with King Wen paired.』 So Song, founding the Bright Hall, sacrificed right after suburb—that follows Zheng's Notes. Likely the Notes' compiler slipped; that is not Zheng's meaning. Zheng wrote: 『Which month Zhou used the Bright Hall is unclear; the Monthly Ordinances place it in late autumn.』 Zheng's gloss on Monthly Ordinances, late autumn's great feast to the Thearch: 『Great feast—sacrifice to all Five Thearchs.』 He also says: "The great feast is held at the Bright Hall, with King Wen and King Wu as matched spirits." That season was autumn, long past Excited Insects. The Offices of Zhou, Grand Director of Music, also says: "For every great sacrifice, suspend the bells overnight." The point of suspending the bells overnight is that the rite is carried out by daylight; if the rite waited until nightfall, there would be no call to set them up in advance. If the rite truly runs by daylight, how could one still wait until the suburban sacrifice is finished? The Eastern Capital Rites Protocols does not give the calendar date of the sacrifice, yet they say: "On the night victims are prepared for the Heavenly suburb, the cooked offering is presented before the night clepsydra has run eight units; on the Bright Hall night of preparing victims, it is presented before the night clepsydra has run seven units." Read closely, the Bright Hall was one clepsydra unit ahead of the suburb in presenting offerings and sounding music—yet still waiting on the suburb to finish. In Wei, Gao Tanglong memorialized: "The ninth day, southern suburb; the tenth, northern suburb; the eleventh, Bright Hall; the twelfth, ancestral temple. Long's schedule matches the settled practice of the age—under the Rites of Zhou, both Han, and Wei, the rites were not held on one day. The Rites take xin for suburb and the Documents take ding for sacrifice; either xin or ding will serve, and the court should choose the day with care when the time comes."

太尉從事中郎顧憲之議：「《春秋傳》以正月上辛郊祀，《禮記》亦云郊之用辛，尚書獨云丁巳用牲于郊。先儒以爲先甲三日辛，後甲三日丁，可以接事天神之日。後漢永平二年正月辛未，宗祀光武皇帝於明堂。辛旣是常郊之日，郊又在明堂之前，無容不郊而堂，則理應郊堂。」

Gu Xianzhi, attendant to the grand commander, argued: "The Spring and Autumn Annals fixes suburban sacrifice on the first xin of the first month; the Record of Rites likewise says the suburb uses xin; only the Documents record dingsi as the day victims were presented at the suburb. Earlier scholars held that the three days before jia are xin and the three days after jia are ding—days fit to receive Heaven and the spirits in succession. In Yongping 2 of Later Han, on xinwei day in the first month, Emperor Guangwu was honored in ancestral rite at the Bright Hall. Xin was the usual suburban day, and the suburb came before the Bright Hall; there is no room for the Hall without the suburb—so suburb and Hall on the same day is the sound reading."

司徒西閤祭酒梁王議：「《孝經》鄭玄注云『上帝亦天別名』。如鄭旨，帝與天亦言不殊。近代同辰，良亦有據。魏太和元年正月丁未，郊祀武皇帝以配天，宗祀文皇帝於明堂以配上帝，此則已行之前准。」

Liang Wang, libationer of the Western Pavilion of the minister of works, argued: "Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Classic of Filial Piety says, 'The Supreme Lord is only another name for Heaven. On Zheng's reading, Lord and Heaven are not spoken of as different. Holding suburb and Hall on the same occasion in recent times also has solid grounds. In Wei, Taihe 1, first month, dingwei day: at the suburb Emperor Wu was matched with Heaven, and at the Bright Hall Emperor Wen was honored to match the Supreme Lord—precedent already in force."

驍騎將軍江淹議：「郊旅上天，堂祀五帝，非爲一日再黷之謂，無俟釐革。」

Jiang Yan, valiant-cavalry general, argued: "The suburb presents the journey to Heaven; the Hall sacrifices to the Five Thearchs—this is not the sort of doubled impiety that must be reformed in a single day."

尚書陸澄議：「遺文餘事，存乎舊書，郊宗地近，勢可共日。不共者，義在必異也。元始五年正月六日辛未，郊高皇帝以配天，二十二日丁亥，宗祀孝文於明堂配上帝。永平二年正月辛未，宗祀五帝於明堂，光武皇帝配。章帝元和二年，巡狩岱宗，柴祭，翌日，祠五帝於明堂。柴山祠地，尚不共日，郊堂宜異，於例益明。陳忠《奏事》云『延光三年正月十三日南郊，十四日北郊，十五日明堂，十六日宗廟，十七日世祖廟』。仲遠五祀，紹統五供，與忠此奏，皆爲相符。高堂隆表，二郊及明堂宗廟各一日，摯虞《新禮》議明堂南郊閒三兆，禋天饗帝共日之證也。又上帝非天，昔人言之已詳。今明堂用日，宜依古在北郊後。漢唯南郊備大駕，自北郊以下，車駕十省其二，今祠明堂，不應大駕。」

Lu Cheng, director of the masters of writing, argued: "What survives of the rites is preserved in old books; the suburban altars and the Earth-altar lie close together, and by circumstance they may share a day. When they do not share a day, the principle itself demands that they differ. Yuanshi 5, first month, sixth day xinwei: suburb sacrifice matching Emperor Gao with Heaven; twenty-second day dinghai: ancestral rite to Emperor Xiaowen at the Bright Hall with the Supreme Lord. Yongping 2, first month, xinwei: ancestral rite to the Five Thearchs at the Bright Hall, with Emperor Guangwu as match. Yuanhe 2 of Emperor Zhang: a tour to Mount Tai and a faggot sacrifice; the next day, sacrifice to the Five Thearchs at the Bright Hall. Even the faggot sacrifice on the mountain to Earth was not held the same day—suburb and Hall should differ all the more; the precedents could not be clearer. Chen Zhong's Memorial Matters records: "Yanguang 3, first month: thirteenth day, southern suburb; fourteenth, northern suburb; fifteenth, Bright Hall; sixteenth, ancestral temple; seventeenth, Founder's temple." Zhongyuan's five sacrifices and Shaotong's five offerings all accord with this memorial of Chen Zhong. Gao Tanglong set the two suburbs, Bright Hall, and ancestral temple each on its own day; Zhi Yu's New Rites, in placing three altars between the Bright Hall and the southern suburb, shows that the journey to Heaven and the feast to the Lord were not combined on one day. Moreover, the Supreme Lord is not Heaven—earlier writers have already explained that at length. For the Bright Hall date now, antiquity should be followed: it belongs after the northern suburb. In Han only the southern suburb received the full imperial progress; from the northern suburb onward the escort was cut by two tenths; the Bright Hall today should not receive the full progress."

尚書令王儉議：「前漢各日，後漢亦不共辰，魏、晉故事，不辨同異，宋立明堂，唯據自郊徂宮之義，未達祀天旅帝之旨。何者？郊壇旅天，甫自詰朝，還祀明堂，便在日昃，雖致祭有由，而煩黷斯甚，異日之議，於理爲弘。《春秋感精符》云『王者父天母地』。則北郊之祀，應在明堂之先。漢、魏北郊，亦皆親奉，晉泰寧有詔，未及遵遂。咸和八年，甫得營繕，太常顧和秉議親奉。康皇之世，已經遵用。宋氏因循，未遑釐革。今宜親祠北郊，明年正月上辛祠昊天，次辛瘞后土，後辛祀明堂，御竝親奉。車服之儀，率遵漢制。南郊大駕，北郊明堂降爲法駕。袞冕之服，諸祠咸用。」詔「可」。

Wang Jian, director of the masters of writing, argued: "Former Han kept separate days; Later Han likewise did not share the occasion; Wei and Jin precedents blur same and different; when Song established the Bright Hall it relied only on returning from suburb to palace, and missed the point of sacrificing to Heaven and presenting the journey to the Lord. Why is that? The suburban altar presents the journey to Heaven; scarcely has dawn broken when one returns to sacrifice at the Bright Hall, and the rite falls in the slanting afternoon sun. There may be grounds for offering sacrifice, but the wearisome doubling is extreme; separate days are the broader and sounder course. The Spring and Autumn Apocrypha, Essence and Spirit Talisman, says: "The king takes Heaven as father and Earth as mother." The northern suburb sacrifice should therefore come before the Bright Hall. Under Han and Wei the northern suburb was also attended in person; Jin issued an edict in Taining, but it had not yet been carried out. In Xianhe 8 the altars were first built; Gu He, minister of ceremonials, pressed the proposal that the ruler attend in person. Under Emperor Kang it was already put into practice. Song followed old practice and never found occasion to reform. Now the ruler should sacrifice in person at the northern suburb; next year, on the first xin of the first month sacrifice to August Heaven; on the next xin bury offerings to Earth; on the following xin sacrifice at the Bright Hall—the sovereign attending every rite in person. Carriage and regalia should follow Han practice throughout. The full progress for the southern suburb; the northern suburb and Bright Hall reduced to regulated progress. Dragon robes should be worn for every sacrifice alike." Edict: "Approved."

建武二年，通直散騎常侍庾曇隆啓：「伏見南郊壇員兆外內，永明中起瓦屋，形製宏壯。檢案經史，無所准據。尋《周禮》，祭天於圜丘，取其因高之義，兆於南郊，就陽位也。故以高敞，貴在上昭天明，旁流氣物。自秦、漢以來，雖郊祀參差，而壇域中閒，竝無更立宮室。其意何也？政是質誠尊天，不自崇樹，兼事通曠，必務開遠。宋元嘉南郊，至時權作小陳帳以爲退息，泰始薄加脩廣，永明初彌漸高麗，往年工匠遂啓立瓦屋。前代帝皇，豈於上天之祀而昧營構，所不爲者，深有情意。記稱『掃地而祭，於其質也，器用陶匏，天地之性也』。故『至敬無文』，『以素爲貴』。竊謂郊事宜擬休偃，不俟高大，以明謙恭肅敬之旨。庶或仰允太靈，俯愜羣望。」詔「付外詳」。

Jianwu 2: Yu Tanlong, regular attendant-in-ordinary, memorialized: "I observe that within and without the round altar of the southern suburb a tiled hall was raised in Yongming—grand and imposing in form. I have searched the classics and histories and found no authority for it. The Offices of Zhou, traced to their intent, sacrifice to Heaven at the round mound because height is followed; the altar at the southern suburb takes the yang position. That is why the altar stands high and open: above, to show Heaven's light; around, to let breath and beings flow outward. From Qin and Han onward, suburban rites differed in detail, yet within the mound precincts no dynasty added palace halls. What did they mean by that restraint? They meant to honor Heaven in plain sincerity, not to glorify themselves in timber and tile, and to keep the ground open and far-reaching. Under Song's Yuanjia southern suburb, men pitched small tents only for the day; Taishi modestly enlarged them; by early Yongming they had grown tall and fine; last year the builders asked to raise a tiled hall. Earlier emperors were not blind to building for Heaven's rites; what they refused to build, they refused for deep reasons. The Record says: 「Sweep the earth and offer—that is the substance of the rite; pottery and gourd vessels match the nature of Heaven and Earth.」 Hence 「the deepest reverence needs no display」 and 「simplicity is the treasure.」 I hold that the suburban altar should keep only modest shelters for rest, not lofty halls, so humility and awe remain plain. Then Heaven above may be pleased, and the people below content. 」An edict directed: 「Send the matter to the outer offices for detailed review.」

國子助教徐景嵩議：「伏尋《三禮》，天地兩祀，南北二郊，但明祭取犧牲，器用陶匏，不載人君偃處之儀。今帳瓦之構雖殊，俱非千載成例，宜務因循。」太學博士賀瑒議：「《周禮》『王旅上帝，張氈案，設皇邸』。國有故而祭，亦曰旅。氈案，以氈爲牀於幄中，不聞郊所置宮宇。」兼左丞王摛議，掃地而祭於郊，謂無築室之議。竝同曇隆。

National University assistant instructor Xu Jingsong argued: 「The Three Rites distinguish Heaven and Earth, southern and northern suburbs, victims and pottery vessels—but nowhere prescribe where the ruler should lodge. Tents and tiled halls differ in form, but neither is ancient usage fixed for a millennium; we should stay with what has been done. 」University erudite He Chang argued: 「The Rites of Zhou says: when the king travels to sacrifice to the Lord on High, he spreads felt benches and sets up the royal lodging. When the state sacrifices on special occasion, that too is called a sojourn. Felt benches are felt beds inside the awning; the classics never mention palace halls at the suburban mound. 」Concurrent left assistant director Wang Chou held that sweeping earth for suburban sacrifice means no argument for permanent halls. All sided with Yu Tanlong.

驍騎將軍虞炎議，以爲「誠愨所施，止在一壇，漢之郊祀，饗帝甘泉，天子自竹宮望拜，息殿去壇場旣遠，郊奉禮畢，旋幸於此。瓦殿之與帷宮，謂無簡格」。祠部郎李撝議：「《周禮》『凡祭祀張其旅幕，張尸次』。尸則有幄。仲師云『尸次，祭祀之尸所居更衣帳也』。凡祭之文，旣不止於郊祀，立尸之言，理應關於宗廟。古則張幕，今也房省。宗廟旅幕，可變爲棟宇；郊祀氈案，何爲不轉製檐甍？」曇隆議不行。

Valiant Cavalry General Yu Yan argued that 「Sincere offering needs only one mound; in Han's suburban rites the Lord was feasted at Ganquan while the emperor bowed from the Bamboo Palace—the rest hall lay far from the altar, and when the suburban rite ended he went straight there. Between a tiled hall and a curtained lodge, he said, ritual law does not prefer one over the other.」 Director of the Bureau of Sacrifices Li Huo argued: 「The Rites of Zhou says 「For every sacrifice spread the journeying curtains; spread the personator's station.」 The personator has his canopy. Master Zhong said 「The personator's station is the tent where the sacrifice's personator robes and rests.」 Sacrificial law is not only about the suburbs; talk of setting up a personator belongs chiefly to the ancestral temple. Antiquity used curtains; today we use roofed rooms. Temple journeying curtains may become timber halls; why should suburban felt benches not be made into eaves and tiles? 」Yu Tanlong's proposal was not adopted.

建武二年旱，有司議雩祭依明堂。祠部郎何佟之議曰：「《周禮司巫》云『若國大旱，則帥巫而舞雩』。鄭玄云『雩，旱祭也。天子於上帝，諸侯以下於上公之神』。又《女巫》云『旱暵則舞雩』。鄭玄云『使女巫舞旱祭，崇陰也』。鄭衆云『求雨以女巫』。《禮記月令》云『命有司爲民祈祀山川百原，乃大雩帝，用盛樂。乃命百縣雩祀百辟卿士有益於民者，以祈穀實』。鄭玄云『陽氣盛而恒旱。山川百原，能興雲致雨者也。衆水所出爲百原，必先祭其本。雩，吁嗟求雨之祭也。雩帝，謂爲壇南郊之旁，祭五精之帝，配以先帝也。自鞉鞞至柷敔爲盛樂，他雩用歌舞而已。百辟卿士，古者上公以下，謂勾龍、后稷之類也。《春秋傳》曰龍見而雩，雩之正當以四月』。王肅云『大雩，求雨之祭也。傳曰龍見而雩，謂四月也。若五月六月大旱，亦用雩，《禮》於五月著雩義也』。晉永和中，中丞啓，雩制在國之南爲壇，祈上帝百辟，舞童八列六十四人，歌《雲漢》詩，皆以孟夏。得雨，報太牢。于時博士議，舊有壇，漢、魏各自討尋。月令云『命有司祈祀山川百原，乃大雩』。又云『乃命百縣雩祀百辟卿士』。則大雩所祭，唯應祭五精之帝而已。勾芒等五神，旣是五帝之佐，依鄭玄說，宜配食於庭也。鄭玄云『雩壇在南郊壇之旁』，而不辨東西。尋地道尊右，雩壇方郊壇爲輕，理應在左。宜於郊壇之東，營域之外築壇。旣祭五帝，謂壇宜員。尋雩壇高廣，《禮》、《傳》無明文，案《覲禮》設方明之祀，爲壇高四尺，用珪璋等六玉，禮天地四方之神，王者率諸侯親禮，爲所以教尊尊也。雩祭五帝，粗可依放。謂今築壇宜崇四尺，其廣輪仍以四爲度，徑四丈，周員十二丈，而四階也。設五帝之位，各依其方，如在明堂之儀。皇齊以世祖配五精於明堂，今亦宜配饗於雩壇矣。古者孟春郊祀祈嘉穀，孟夏雩禜祈甘雨，二祭雖殊，而所爲者一。禮唯有冬至報天，初無得雨賽帝。今雖闕冬至之祭，而南郊兼祈報之禮，理不容別有賽荅之事也。禮祀帝於郊，則所尚省費，周祭靈威仰若后稷，各用一牲，今祀五帝、世祖，亦宜各用一犢，斯外悉如南郊之禮也。武皇遏密未終，自可不奏盛樂。至於旱祭舞雩，蓋是吁嗟之義，旣非存懽樂，謂此不涉嫌。其餘祝史稱辭，仰祈靈澤而已。禮舞雩乃使無闕，今之女巫竝不習歌舞，方就教試，恐不應速。依晉朝之議，使童子，或時取舍之宜也。司馬彪《禮儀志》云雩祀著皂衣，蓋是崇陰之義。今祭服皆緇，差無所革。其所歌之詩，及諸供須，輙勒主者申攝備辦。」從之。

Jianwu year 2 brought drought; the relevant offices debated a rain sacrifice modeled on the Bright Hall. Director of the Bureau of Sacrifices He Tongzhi argued: 「The Rites of Zhou, Office of Shamans, says: if the state suffers great drought, lead the shamans in the rain dance. Zheng Xuan said: Yu is the drought sacrifice. The Son of Heaven (sacrifices) to the Lord on High; feudal lords, to the spirits of the upper duke. Again, the Office of Female Shamans says: in drought and scorching heat, dance the yu. Zheng Xuan said: have female shamans dance the drought rite—honoring yin. Zheng Zhong said: seek rain through female shamans. The Record of Rites, Monthly Ordinances, says: order the officers to pray for the people at mountains, rivers, and the hundred springs; then perform the great yu to the Lord with full music. Then order the hundred districts to perform yu to the hundred lords and ministers who benefit the people, praying for full grain. Zheng Xuan said 「Yang breath is strong and drought constant. Mountains, rivers, and the hundred springs are what can raise clouds and send rain. Where many waters rise is the hundred springs; one must sacrifice first at their source. Yu is the rite of calling and sighing for rain. Yu to the Lord means an altar beside the southern suburban mound, sacrificing to the Five Regents with the former emperor paired. From hand-drums to chu and yu counts as full music; lesser yu use song and dance alone. The hundred lords and ministers—in antiquity, from upper duke downward, such as Goulao and Hou Ji. The Spring and Autumn Annals says: when the dragon appears, perform yu; the proper month for yu is the fourth. Wang Su said: the great yu is the rite to seek rain. The commentary says, When the dragon appears, perform yu—meaning the fourth month. If in the fifth or sixth month drought is severe, yu is used as well; the Rites records the meaning of yu in the fifth month. Under Jin's Yonghe, the censor reported: yu law set an altar south of the capital, praying to the Lord on High and the hundred lords; eight ranks of dancers, sixty-four boys; they sang the ode Yun Han—all in the first summer month. When rain came, they reported it with the great offering. The erudites then debated: altars already existed, and Han and Wei had each traced their own precedents. The Monthly Commands say, 「Let the relevant offices pray to mountains, rivers, and the hundred springs, and then hold the great Yu sacrifice.」 It also says, 「Then order the hundred districts to offer Yu sacrifice to the hundred lords, ministers, and officers.」 On that reading the great Yu rite should worship only the Five Essence Emperors. Gou Mang and the other five spirits are assistants to the Five Emperors; on Zheng Xuan's view they should receive paired offerings in the courtyard. Zheng Xuan says the Yu altar stands beside the southern suburban altar but does not say whether east or west. Earth's way honors the right; the Yu altar ranks below the suburban altar and should therefore stand on the left. The altar should be built east of the suburban altar, outside the sacred enclosure. Because the Five Emperors are worshipped there, the altar should be round. The Rites and commentaries say nothing explicit about the Yu altar's height and breadth; the Rites of Observation's fangming rite, however, used a mound four chi high with the six jades—gui, zhang, and the rest—to honor Heaven, Earth, and the spirits of the four quarters, the king leading the feudal lords in person to teach the order of honor. The Yu sacrifice to the Five Emperors may roughly follow that precedent. The new altar should be four chi high; breadth and circumference should still use four as the unit—a diameter of four zhang, a circumference of twelve zhang, and four steps. Place the Five Emperors each in his proper direction, as at the Bright Hall. Great Qi already pairs the Founder Emperor with the five essences at the Bright Hall; he should be paired at the Yu altar too. Antiquity prayed for good grain at the spring suburban rite and for sweet rain at the summer Yu rite—different ceremonies, but the same aim. Ritual knows only the winter-solstice report to Heaven; there was originally no separate thanksgiving to the emperors after rain. The winter-solstice rite is now omitted, but the southern suburb already combines prayer and report—so a separate thanksgiving would be out of place. Suburban worship of emperors stresses economy: Zhou gave Lingweiyang and Hou Ji one victim each; the Five Emperors and the Founder Emperor should each receive one calf, with everything else following the southern suburban rite. The Martial Emperor's mourning period is not yet over, so grand music need not be played. The Yu dance in a drought rite is a matter of calling aloud, not of stored-up pleasure; I do not think it violates the mourning rule. Beyond that, invocators and clerks need only speak the prayers and beg Heaven for rain. The rites require unblemished performers for the Yu dance; today's shamanesses are not all trained in song and dance and are only beginning instruction—I doubt they can be ready in time. Following Jin practice, boys should be used—that may be the fitting choice for now. Sima Biao's Treatise on Rites says Yu worshippers wear black—honoring yin, no doubt. Sacrificial dress is already black; little needs changing. The hymn and all other requirements should be ordered prepared at once by the officials in charge. The court accepted the proposal.

隆昌元年，有司奏，參議明堂，咸以世祖配。國子助教謝曇濟議：「案《祭法》禘郊祖宗，竝列嚴祀。鄭玄注義，亦據兼饗。宜祖宗兩配，文、武雙祀。」助教徐景嵩、光祿大夫王逡之謂宜以世宗文皇帝配。祠部郎何佟之議：「周之文、武，尚推后稷以配天，謂文皇宜推世祖以配帝。雖事施於尊祖，亦義章於嚴父焉。」左僕射王晏議，以爲「若用鄭玄祖宗通稱，則生有功德，沒垂尊稱，歷代配帝，何止於二邪？今殷薦上帝，允屬世祖，百代不毀，其文廟乎！」詔「可」。

Longchang 1: the relevant offices memorialized for joint deliberation on the Bright Hall; all agreed the Founder Emperor should be paired. National University assistant instructor Xie Tanji argued: 「The Regulations of Sacrifice list di, suburban, ancestral, and forbear rites together as solemn sacrifices. Zheng Xuan's commentary likewise rests on joint pairing. Both ancestral and forbear spirits should be paired—Wen and Wu worshipped together.」 Assistant instructor Xu Jingsong and chamberlain for splendor Wang Xunzhi argued for pairing the Shizong Wen Emperor. Director of sacrificial affairs He Tongzhi argued: 「Even Zhou's Wen and Wu set Hou Ji before them to pair with Heaven; the Wen Emperor should set the Founder Emperor before him to pair with the Emperor. The rite honors an ancestor, but it also makes clear the reverence due a father.」 Left vice director Wang Yan argued that 「if Zheng Xuan's general term for ancestral and forbear spirits is followed, every meritorious ruler would receive an exalted posthumous title—why should paired emperors stop at two? The August God's offering belongs to the Founder Emperor alone; undestroyed for a hundred generations—is that not Wen's temple?」 Edict: 「Approved.」

至永元二年，佟之又建議曰：「案《祭法》『有虞氏禘黃帝而郊嚳，祖顓頊而宗堯』。『周人禘嚳而郊稷，祖文王而宗武王』。鄭玄云『禘郊祖宗，謂祭祀以配食也。此禘謂祀昊天於圜丘也。祭上帝於南郊曰郊，祭五帝五神於明堂曰祖宗』。『郊祭一帝，而明堂祭五帝，小德配寡，大德配衆』。王肅云『祖宗是廟不毀之名』。果如肅言，殷有三祖三宗，竝應不毀，何故止稱湯、契？且王者之後存焉，舜寧立堯、頊之廟，傳世祀之乎？漢文以高祖配泰畤，至武帝立明堂，復以高祖配食，一人兩配，有乖聖典。自漢明以來，未能反者。故明堂無兼配之祀。竊謂先皇宜列二帝於文祖，尊新廟爲高宗，竝世祖而泛配，以申聖主嚴父之義。先皇於武皇，倫則第爲季，義則經爲臣，設配饗之坐，應在世祖之下，竝列，俱西向。」

By Yongyuan 2, Tongzhi proposed again: 「The Regulations of Sacrifice say: 「The Youyu clan performed di to the Yellow Emperor and suburban sacrifice to Ku, took Zhuanxu as ancestor, and Yao as forbear.」「The Zhou performed di to Ku and suburban sacrifice to Ji, took King Wen as ancestor, and King Wu as forbear.」 Zheng Xuan says, 「Di, suburban, ancestral, and forbear mean sacrifice with paired spirits. Di here means worshipping August Heaven at the round mound. Worship at the southern suburb is called suburban; worship of the Five Emperors and five spirits at the Bright Hall is called ancestral and forbear.」「The suburb honours one emperor; the Bright Hall honours five—lesser merit pairs with fewer spirits, greater merit with more.」 Wang Su says, 「Ancestral and forbear are names for undestroyed temples.」 If Su is right, Yin had three ancestors and three forbears, all of which should stand forever—why are only Tang and Qi named? And when a king's line survives, would Shun have built temples to Yao and Zhuanxu and handed down sacrifice through the generations? Han Wendi paired Gaozu at the Grand Unity altar; when Wudi built the Bright Hall he paired Gaozu again—one man twice, against the sage canon. From Han Mingdi on, no emperor could undo the practice. That is why the Bright Hall has no rite with two paired spirits. I hold that the former emperor should place both emperors at the Wen ancestor, name the new temple Gaozong, and pair them broadly with the Founder Emperor—thus fulfilling a sage ruler's reverence for his father. The Former Emperor before Emperor Wu: by birth he is the younger brother, by ritual the minister; seats for paired offerings should stand below the Founder Emperor, side by side, all facing west.」

國子博士王摛議：「《孝經》『周公郊祀后稷以配天，宗祀文王於明堂以配上帝』。不云武王。又《周頌》『《思文》，后稷配天也』。『《我將》，祀文王於明堂也』。武王之文，唯《執競》云『祀武王』。此自周廟祭武王詩，彌知明堂無矣。」

National University erudite Wang Chi argued: 「The Classic of Filial Piety says, 『Duke of Zhou sacrificed at the suburb to Hou Ji to pair with Heaven and performed ancestral sacrifice to King Wen at the Bright Hall to pair with the Lord on High』. It never names King Wu. Again, the Zhou Songs: 『Si Wen—Hou Ji paired with Heaven.』『Wo Jiang—sacrifice to King Wen at the Bright Hall.』 King Wu appears only in Zhi Jing: 『sacrificing to King Wu.』 That hymn belongs to the Zhou ancestral temple, not the Bright Hall—proof enough that Wu had no place there.」

佟之又議：「《孝經》是周公居攝時禮，《祭法》是成王反位後所行。故《孝經》以文王爲宗，《祭法》以文王爲祖。又孝莫大於嚴父配天，則周公其人也，尋此旨，寧施成王乎？若《孝經》所說，審是成王所行，則爲嚴祖，何得云嚴父邪？且《思文》是周公祀后稷配天之樂歌，《我將》是祀文王配明堂之樂歌。若如摛議，則此二篇，皆應在復子明辟之後。請問周公祀后稷、文王，爲何所歌？又《國語》云『周人禘嚳郊稷，祖文王，宗武王』。韋昭云『周公時，以文王爲宗，其後更以文王爲祖，武王爲宗』。尋文王以文治而爲祖，武王以武定而爲宗，欲明文亦有大德，武亦有大功，故鄭注《祭法》云『祖宗通言耳』。是以《詩》云『昊天有成命，二后受之』。注云『二后，文王、武王也』。且明堂之祀，有單有合。故鄭云『四時迎氣於郊，祭一帝，還於明堂，因祭一帝，則以文王配』。明一賔不容兩主也。『享五帝於明堂，則泛配文、武。』泛之爲言，無的之辭。其禮旣盛，故祖宗竝配。」參議以佟之爲允。詔「可」。

Tongzhi argued again: 「The Classic of Filial Piety belongs to the Duke of Zhou's regency; the Regulations of Sacrifice to King Cheng after he took the throne. Hence the Filial Piety classic names King Wen forbear, the Regulations ancestor. And the greatest filial act is to exalt the father and pair him with Heaven—that was the Duke of Zhou, not King Cheng; read that intent, and Cheng cannot be the subject. If the Filial Piety classic described Cheng's own rites, it would exalt an ancestor, not a father. Si Wen is the Duke of Zhou's hymn when he sacrificed to Hou Ji to pair with Heaven; Wo Jiang, when he sacrificed to King Wen at the Bright Hall. On Wang Chi's reading, both hymns would postdate the return of the son and the end of the regency. Then for what rites did the Duke of Zhou sing them—to Hou Ji and to King Wen? The Discourses of the States also says, 『The Zhou performed di to Ku and suburban sacrifice to Ji, took King Wen as ancestor and King Wu as forbear.』 Wei Zhao explains: 『Under the Duke of Zhou, Wen was forbear; later Wen became ancestor and Wu forbear.』 Wen earned ancestorhood through civil order, Wu forbearhood through martial settlement—the point was that Wen had great virtue and Wu great merit; hence Zheng Xuan on the Regulations: 『ancestor and forbear are general terms.』 So the Odes: 『August Heaven fixed the mandate; the two queens received it.』 The commentary: 『The two queens are King Wen and King Wu.』 Bright Hall worship, moreover, may be single or combined. Zheng says: 『At each season qi is welcomed at the suburb and one emperor is sacrificed to; back at the Bright Hall, with sacrifice to one emperor, King Wen is paired.』 One guest cannot serve two hosts. 『When the Five Emperors are offered to at the Bright Hall, King Wen and King Wu are broadly paired. 』 "Broadly" means an unfixed, general pairing. When the rite grows grand, ancestor and forbear are paired together. 」The joint deliberation found Tongzhi persuasive. Edict: 「Approved.」

太祖爲齊王，依舊立五廟。卽位，立七廟。廣陵府君、太中府君、淮陰府君、卽丘府君、太常府君、宣皇帝、昭皇后爲七廟。建元二年，太祖親祀太廟六室，如儀，拜伏竟，次至昭后室前，儀注應倚立，上以爲疑，欲使廟僚行事，又欲以諸王代祝令於昭后室前執爵。以問彭城丞劉瓛。瓛對謂：「若都不至昭后坐前，竊以爲薄。廟僚卽是代上執爵饋奠耳，祝令位卑，恐諸王無容代之。舊廟儀諸王得兼三公親事，謂此爲便。」從之。

While still Prince of Qi, the Founder kept the five ancestral temples as before. On accession he raised seven temples. The seven were: Lords of Guangling, Taizhong, Huaiyin, Jiuqiu, and Taichang; Emperor Xuan; and Empress Zhao. In the second year of Jianyuan the Founder sacrificed in person at six chambers of the Imperial Ancestral Temple. When he had finished bowing and came to Empress Zhao's chamber, the regulations required him to stand leaning—he hesitated, considering whether temple staff should act for him or whether a prince should replace the invoker and hold the cup before the empress's seat. He asked Pengcheng assistant Liu Huan. Huan answered: 「To stay away from Empress Zhao's seat entirely would, I think, show too little regard. Temple officials would only hold the cup and present the offering in the emperor's place; the invoker ranks too low for a prince to stand in for him. Older temple usage let princes take on the Three Dukes' personal duties—that was the convenient course. 」The court agreed.

及太子穆妃薨，卒哭，祔于太廟陰室。永明十一年，文惠太子薨，卒哭，祔于太廟陰室。太祖崩，毀廣陵府君。鬱林卽位，追尊文帝，又毀太中主，止淮陰府君。明帝立，復舊。及崩，祔廟，與世祖爲兄弟，不爲世數。

When Crown Princess Mu died, after the final wail she was enshrined in the temple's yin chamber. In Yongming 11 Crown Prince Wenhui died; after the final wail he too was enshrined in the yin chamber. At the Founder's death, Lord Guangling's shrine was removed. When Yulin acceded he posthumously honored Emperor Wen, removed Lord Taizhong's shrine, and kept only Lord Huaiyin. Emperor Ming restored the former order. At his death he was enshrined beside the Founder Emperor as a brother, outside the generational count.

史臣曰：先儒說宗廟之義，據高祖已下五世親盡，故親廟有四。周以后稷始祖，文、武二祧，所以云王立七廟也。禹無始祖，湯不先契，夏五殷六，其數如之。漢立宗廟，違經背古。匡衡、貢禹、蔡邕之徒，空有遷毀之議，亘年四百，竟無成典。魏氏之初，親廟止乎四葉，吳、蜀享祭，失禮已多。晉用王肅之談，以文、景爲共世，上至征西，其實六也。尋其此意，非以兄弟爲後，當以立主之義，可相容於七室。及楊元后崩，征西之廟不毀，則知不以元后爲世數。廟有七室，數盈八主。江左賀循立議以後，弟不繼兄，故世必限七，主無定數。宋臺初立五廟，以臧后爲世室。就禮而求，亦親廟四矣。義反會鄭，非謂從王。自此以來，因仍舊制。夫妻道合，非世葉相承，譬由下祭殤嫡，無關廟數，同之祖曾，義未可了。若據伊尹之言，必及七世，則子昭孫穆，不列婦人。若依鄭玄之說，廟有親稱，妻者言齊，豈或濫享。且閟宮之德，周七非數，楊元之祀，晉八無傷。今謂之七廟，而上唯六祀，使受命之君，流光之典不足。若謂太祖未登，則昭穆之數何繼，斯故禮官所宜詳也。

The historian writes: Earlier scholars explained the ancestral temple by saying that from the High Ancestor down, kinship thins at five generations—hence four intimate temples. Zhou made Hou Ji founder and Wen and Wu two elevated lines—hence the king's seven temples. Yu had no founder; Tang did not place Qi first. Xia kept five, Yin six—the counts follow the same logic. Han's ancestral temples broke the canon and turned from antiquity. Kuang Heng, Gong Yu, Cai Yong, and others debated moving and destroying shrines for four hundred years without ever fixing a lasting rule. Early Wei kept intimate temples to four generations; Wu and Shu had already strayed far from proper sacrifice. Jin followed Wang Su, treating Wen and Jing as one generation; counting up to the Lord of the Western Expedition, there were six in fact. Read closely, the point was not that brothers succeeded one another, but that the logic of establishing the main line could fit seven chambers. When Empress Yang Yuan died, the Western Campaign shrine was left standing—showing that an empress was not counted as a generation in the line. The shrine had seven chambers, yet the tablets numbered more than eight. After He Xun framed the eastern-Jin rule that younger brothers do not succeed elder brothers, generations had to stop at seven, but the number of spirit tablets did not. When Song first took the throne, it built five temples and made Empress Zang the generation hall. Measured against ritual, that is already four close-ancestor temples. The meaning cuts against Zheng Xuan and does not mean adopting Wang Su's view. From then on they kept the former practice. Husband and wife share one bond, not a line of generations; it is like the lesser rites for a legitimate son who died young—nothing to do with how many temples stand. To class wives with ancestors and great-grandfathers leaves the point unresolved. If one holds to Yi Yin's rule of seven generations, then sons in the zhao wing and grandsons in the mu—wives are not entered on the rolls. If one follows Zheng Xuan—that temples name kinship and "wife" means equal rank—how could they share sacrifice at will? Besides, in the virtue of the inner palace Zhou's seven was never a rigid count, and Jin's eight for Yang Yuan does no injury to the rule. They call it seven temples, yet only six receive sacrifice above—so the founding sovereign and the lasting rites fall short. If the Great Ancestor is said not yet to have taken his place, how is the zhao-mu order to be carried on? That is what the ritual officers should settle in full.

宋泰豫元年，明帝崩，博士周洽議：「權制：諒闇之內，不親奉四時祠。」建元四年，尚書令王儉採晉中朝《諒闇議》奏曰：「權典旣行，喪禮斯奪，事興漢世，而源由甚遠。殷宗諒闇，非有服之稱，周王卽吉，唯宴樂爲譏。《春秋》之義，嗣君踰年卽位，則預朝會聘享焉。《左氏》云『凡君卽位，卿出竝聘，踐修舊好』。又云『諸侯卽位，小國聘焉，以繼好結信，謀事補闕，禮之大者』。至於諒闇之內而圖婚，三年未終而吉禘，齊歸之喪不廢蒐，杞公之卒不徹樂，皆致譏貶，以明鑒戒。自斯而談，朝聘蒸嘗之典，卒哭而備行，婚禘蒐樂之事，三載而後舉，通塞興廢，各有由然。又案《大戴禮記》及《孔子家語》竝稱武王崩，成王嗣位，明年六月旣葬，周公冠成王而朝于祖，以見諸侯，命祝雍作頌。襄十五年十一月『晉侯周卒』，十六年正月『葬晉悼公』。平公旣卽位，『改服脩官，烝于曲沃』。《禮記曾子》問『孔子曰，天子崩，國君薨，則祝取羣廟之主而藏諸祖廟，禮也。卒哭成事，而後主各反其廟』。《春秋左氏傳》『凡君卒哭而祔，祔而後特祀於主，蒸嘗禘於廟』。先儒云『特祀於主者，特以喪禮奉新亡者至於寢，不同於古。蒸嘗禘於廟者，卒哭成事，羣廟之主，各反其廟。則四時之祭，皆卽吉也。三年喪畢，吉禘於廟，躋羣主以定新主也』。凡此諸義，皆著在經誥，昭乎方冊，所以晉、宋因循，同規前典，卒哭公除，親奉蒸嘗，率禮無違，因心允協。爰至泰豫元年，禮官立議，不宜親奉，乃引『三年之制自天子達』。又據《王制》稱『喪三年不祭，唯祭天地社稷，越紼而行事』。曾不知自天子達，本在至情，旣葬釋除，事以權奪，委衰襲袞，孝享宜申，越紼之旨，事施未葬，卒哭之後，何紼可越？復依范宣之難杜預，譙周之論士祭，竝非明據。晉武在喪，每欲存寧戚之懷，不全依諒闇之典，至於四時蒸嘗，蓋以哀疾未堪，非便頓改舊式。江左以來，通儒碩學所歷多矣，守而弗革，義豈徒然。又且卽心而言，公卿大夫，則負扆親臨，三元告始，則朝會萬國，雖金石輟響，而簨簴充庭，情深於恒哀，而迹降於凡制，豈曰能安，國家故也。宗廟蒸嘗，孝敬所先，寧容吉事備行，斯典獨廢。就令必宜廢祭，則應三年永闕，乃復同之他故，有司攝禮，進退二三，彌乖典衷。謂宜依舊親奉。」從之。

In Song Taizhi 1, Mingdi died; erudite Zhou Qia argued: "By expedient rule: during mourning seclusion the ruler does not personally conduct the four seasonal sacrifices." In the fourth year of Jianyuan, director Wang Jian took the Jin court's Discussions on Mourning Seclusion and submitted: "Once expedient law runs, mourning custom is suspended; the usage began in Han, but its roots lie far back. Yin Zong's seclusion was not styled as wearing mourning; Zhou kings' return to auspicious rites was faulted only for feasts and music. The Spring and Autumn Annals mean that once the heir has reigned a full year he may join court, embassies, and guest rites. The Zuo Commentary says, "When any lord succeeds, his ministers go abroad together on missions to renew old ties." It also says, "When feudal lords succeed, small states call on them to keep friendship, bind good faith, advise on business, and fill gaps—the greatest matters of ritual." Marriage planned in seclusion, an auspicious di before three years were out, Qi Gui's mourning with the hunt still held, Duke Qi's death with music not stopped—all were censured as plain warnings. On this view, audiences, missions, and seasonal offerings resume after the end-of-wailing rite, while marriage, di, the hunt, and music wait until the third year—what is allowed or stopped, kept or dropped, each has its ground. The Elder Dai's Record of Rites and the Family Discourse of Confucius both say that when Wu died and Cheng succeeded, in the sixth month of the following year, after burial, the Duke of Zhou capped Cheng and led him to the ancestor's court to receive the lords, and ordered Zhu Yong to compose a hymn of praise. In Xiang 15, eleventh month, "the marquis of Jin, Zhou, died"; in the first month of the sixteenth year, "Duke Dao of Jin was buried." Once Duke Ping had succeeded, he "changed out of mourning, restored the offices, and offered yin at Quwo." In the Record of Rites, Zengzi asked: "Confucius said that when the Son of Heaven dies or a feudal lord perishes, the invoker takes the tablets of all shrines and keeps them in the ancestor temple—that is ritual. When the end-of-wailing rite is finished, each tablet goes back to its own shrine." The Zuo Commentary: "When a lord has ended wailing he performs fu; after fu he offers specially to the spirit tablet; seasonal and di rites are at the temple." Earlier scholars said: "Sacrifice at the spirit lord means bringing the newly dead to the sleeping chamber by mourning rite alone—not as in old custom. Seasonal and di rites at the temple mean that when wailing is done the tablets of every shrine return each to its place. Then the four seasonal sacrifices are all held once auspicious mourning has begun. When the three-year mourning is complete, an auspicious di at the temple raises all the tablets to set the new lord in place." All of this is written in the classics and royal pronouncements, plain in the records; that is why Jin and Song kept the old rule—after the end-of-wailing rite public mourning ends, the ruler attends the seasonal sacrifices in person, keeps the rites without breach, and acts as the heart allows. By Taizhi 1 the ritual officers argued against personal attendance, citing "the three-year rule runs from the Son of Heaven downward." They also cited Royal Regulations: "For three years of mourning do not sacrifice, except to Heaven and Earth and the altars of soil and grain—step over the mourning cord to carry out other business." They did not see that "from the Son of Heaven down" springs from deepest feeling: after burial mourning is eased and business is suspended by expedient rule—putting off sackcloth and putting on court dress, filial sacrifice should go on; crossing the cord is for what is done before burial—after the end-of-wailing rite, what cord is left to cross? They leaned again on Fan Xuan's challenge to Du Yu and Qiao Zhou on the scholar's sacrifice—neither is solid proof. Jin Wudi in mourning tried to keep a quiet, grieving heart and did not wholly follow seclusion law; as for the four seasonal offerings, he was too worn by grief and sickness to attend—not eager to overturn old custom at once. Since the eastern court, leading scholars have seen many reigns and left the rule unchanged—the sense cannot be meaningless. And as the heart would have it: for ministers and grandees he sits at the screen in person; at the three year-openings he holds court for all the realm—bells and stones may fall silent, yet pipes fill the hall; grief runs deeper than common mourning, yet outward practice sinks to ordinary rule—not that he is at peace, but because the state requires it. Seasonal sacrifice at the ancestral temple comes first in filial duty—how can every other auspicious act go forward while this alone is dropped? If sacrifice must be stopped, it should be stopped for the full three years—yet they mixed it with other excuses, had officers stand in, and wavered this way and that, straying further from the heart of the rite. The proposal is that the old rule stand: the ruler should attend in person." The court agreed.

永明九年正月，詔太廟四時祭，薦宣帝麪起餅、鴨；孝皇后筍、鴨卵、脯醬、炙白肉；高皇帝薦肉膾、葅羹；昭皇后茗、粣、炙魚：皆所嗜也。先是世祖夢太祖曰：「宋氏諸帝嘗在太廟，從我求食。可別爲吾祠。」上乃敕豫章王妃庾氏四時還青溪宮舊宅，處內合堂，奉祠二帝二后，牲牢服章，用家人禮。

In Yongming 9, first month, an edict fixed the Great Temple's four seasonal offerings: for Emperor Xuan, wheat noodles, raised cakes, and duck; for Empress Xiao, bamboo shoots, duck eggs, cured meats and sauces, and roasted white flesh; for the High Emperor, sliced raw meat and pickled broth; for Empress Zhao, tea, glutinous cakes, and roasted fish—each dish they had favored in life. Earlier Shizu dreamed that the Great Ancestor said: "Song's emperors used to be in the Great Temple, asking me for food. Set up a separate shrine for me." The emperor then ordered the Princess of Yuzhang, Lady Yu, to return each season to the old Qingxi Palace residence, keep the inner combined hall, and offer sacrifice to two emperors and two empresses with victims, dress, and insignia by household rite.

史臣曰：漢氏之廟，徧在郡國，求祀已瀆，緣情又疏。重檐閟寢，不可兼建，故前儒抗議，謂之遷毀。光武入纂，南頓君已上四世，別祠舂陵。建武三年幸舂陵園廟是也。張衡《南都賦》曰『清廟肅以微微』。明帝至于章、和，每幸章陵，輙祠舊宅。建安末，魏氏立宗廟，皆在鄴都。魏文黃初二年，洛廟未成，親祠武帝於建始殿，用家人禮。世祖發漢明之夢，肇祀故宮，孝享旣申，義合前典，亦一時之盛也。

The historian writes: Han ancestral temples stood in every commandery and kingdom; eager sacrifice had grown profane, and affectionate observance had grown thin. Double-eaved halls with sealed inner chambers cannot be built everywhere; earlier scholars protested and called the practice "relocate and destroy." When Guangwu took the throne, four generations above the Lord of Nandun received separate worship at Chunling. His Jianwu year 3 visit to the Chunling garden temple was one such case. Zhang Heng's Rhapsody on the Southern Capital says: 『The clear temple is solemn, softly humming.』 From Mingdi through the Zhang and He emperors, each visit to Zhangling meant sacrifice at the old house. Late in Jian'an, Wei set up the lineage temple—all at Ye. Huangchu year 2 of Wei Wendi: the Luoyang temple was unfinished, so he sacrificed in person to Emperor Wu in Jianshi Hall with family domestic rite. The Founder Emperor, recalling Han Mingdi's dream, first sacrificed at the former palace; filial feasting was fulfilled and matched ancient canon—a splendor of the age.

永明六年，太常丞何諲之議：「今祭有生魚一頭，干魚五頭。《少牢饋食禮》云『司士升魚腊膚魚，用鮒十有五』。上旣云『腊』，下必是『鮮』。其數宜同。稱『膚』足知鱗革無毀。《記》云『槁魚曰商祭，鮮曰脡祭』。鄭注『商，量；脡，直也』。尋『商』旨裁截，『脡』義在全。賀循《祭義》猶用魚十五頭。今鮮頓刪約，槁皆全用。謂宜鮮、槁各二頭，槁微斷首尾，示存古義。」國子助教桑惠度議：「《記》稱尚玄酒而俎腥魚。玄酒不容多，鮮魚理宜約。干魚五頭者，以其旣加人功，可法於五味，以象酒之五齊也。今欲鮮、槁各雙，義無所法。」諲之議不行。

Yongming year 6, ceremonial aide He Yinzhi argued: 「Today's offering uses one live fish and five dried fish. The Lesser Stallion Feeding Rite says: 『The steward presents fish, cured meat, and skin-on fish—fifteen crucian carp.』 Since the text above says 「cured,」 what follows must be 「fresh.」 The counts should match. The word 「skin」 alone shows scales and hide were left intact. The Record says: 『Dried fish is a shang offering; fresh fish is a tiao offering.』 Zheng Xuan glosses: 「Shang means cut to measure; tiao means left whole.」「Shang」 implies cutting; 「tiao」 implies keeping the fish whole. He Xun's Meaning of Sacrifice still prescribed fifteen fish. Today fresh fish is cut back sharply, while every dried fish is used whole. I hold fresh and dried should be two each, with dried fish lightly trimmed at head and tail to preserve the ancient meaning. 」National University assistant instructor Sang Huidu argued: 「The Record prizes dark liquor and sets raw fish on the stand. Dark liquor cannot be offered in quantity; fresh fish should likewise be few. Five dried fish—because human labor has been added—may stand for the five flavors and mirror the five stages of brew. To set fresh and dried at two each now has no precedent in meaning. 」He Yinzhi's proposal was not adopted.

十年，詔故太宰褚淵、故太尉王儉、故司空柳世隆、驃騎大將軍王敬則、鎮東大將軍陳顯達、故鎮東將軍李安民六人，配饗太祖廟庭。祠部郎何諲之議「功臣配饗，累行宋世，檢其遺事，題列坐位，具書贈官爵謚及名，文不稱主，便是設板也。《白虎通》云『祭之有主，孝子以繫心也』。揆斯而言，升配廟廷，不容有主。宋時板度，旣不復存，今之所制，大小厚薄如尚書召板，爲得其衷。」有司攝太廟舊人亦云見宋功臣配饗坐板，與尚書召板相似，事見儀注。

Year 10: an edict enshrined the late grand tutor Chu Yuan, late grand marshal Wang Jian, late minister of works Liu Shilong, valiant cavalry general Wang Jingze, general who pacifies the east Chen Xianda, and late general who pacifies the east Li Anmin—six men—to share sacrifice at the Taizu temple court. Director of the Bureau of Sacrifices He Yinzhi argued: 「Paired sacrifice for meritorious ministers was long practice under Song. Surviving records list seats and fully record posthumous offices, titles, and names; because the text never says 「lord,」 it is only a seated board. The Comprehensive Discussion says: 『Sacrifice has a spirit-lord; the filial son uses it to bind his heart.』 Weighing that line, enshrinement in the temple court cannot admit a spirit-lord. Song board sizes no longer survive; today's boards, sized and thick like a Masters of Writing summons, strike the right measure. 」Acting through veteran temple staff, the relevant offices also reported Song paired-sacrifice seat boards for meritorious ministers, similar to Masters of Writing summons boards—the matter is in the ritual records.

十一年，右僕射王晏、吏部尚書徐孝嗣、侍中何胤奏：「故太子祔太廟，旣無先准。檢宋元后故事，太尉行禮，太子拜伏與太尉俱。臣等參議，依擬前典。太常主廟位，太尉執禮祔，太孫拜伏，皆與之俱。正禮旣畢，陰室之祭，太孫宜親自進奠。」詔「可」。

Year 11: right vice director Wang Yan, minister of personnel Xu Xiaosi, and attendant counsellor He Yin memorialized: 「Enshrining the late crown prince in the ancestral temple has no earlier standard. Song precedents for Yuan empresses show the grand marshal performing the rite while the crown prince bowed prostrate beside him. We jointly propose following former canon. The chamberlain for ceremonials should preside over temple stations, the grand marshal perform the enshrinement, and the imperial grandson bow prostrate—all together with him. When the main rite ends, for the inner-chamber offering the imperial grandson should advance the sacrifice in person. 」An edict said: 「Approved.」

建武二年，有司奏景懿后遷登新廟車服之儀。祠部郎何佟之議曰：「《周禮》王之六服，大裘爲上，袞冕次之。五車，玉輅爲上，金輅次之。皇后六服，褘衣爲上，褕翟次之。首飾有三，副爲上，編次之。五車，重翟爲上，厭翟次之。上公無大裘玉輅，而上公夫人有副及褘衣，是以《祭統》云『夫人副褘立于東房』也。又鄭云『皇后六服，唯上公夫人亦有褘衣』。《詩》云『翟茀以朝』。鄭以翟茀爲厭翟，侯伯夫人入廟所乘。今上公夫人副褘旣同，則重翟或不殊矣。況景皇懿后禮崇九命。且晉朝太妃服章之禮，同於太后，宋代皇太妃唯無五牛旗爲異，其外侍官則有侍中、散騎常侍、黃門侍郎、散騎侍郎各二人，分從前後部，同於王者，內職則有女尚書、女長御各二人，棨引同於太后。又魏朝之晉王，晉之宋王，竝置百官，擬於天朝。至於晉文王終猶稱薨，而太上皇稱崩，則是禮加於王矣。故前議景皇后悉依近代皇太妃之儀，則侍衞陪乘竝不得異，后乘重翟，亦謂非疑也。尋齊初移廟，宣皇神主乘金輅，皇帝親奉，亦乘金輅，先往行禮畢，仍從神主至新廟，今所宜依准也。」從之。

Jianwu year 2: the relevant offices memorialized on carriages and regalia when Empress Jingyi was moved to the new temple. Director of the Bureau of Sacrifices He Tongzhi argued: 「The Rites of Zhou ranks the king's six garments with the great fur robe highest and the dragon robe and cap next. Of five carriages, the jade chariot ranks first and the gold chariot second. The queen's six garments place the hui robe first and the yu-di robe second. Head ornaments have three grades: full formal headdress first, braided headdress second. Of five carriages, heavy-di ranks first and yan-di second. Upper dukes lack the great fur robe and jade chariot, yet an upper duke's consort wears full formal headdress and hui robe—hence the Sacrificial Canon: 「The consort in full formal headdress and hui robe stands in the east chamber.」 Zheng Xuan also says: 「Among the queen's six garments, only an upper duke's consort may wear the hui robe.」 The Odes says: 「A di-feather canopy for the morning audience.」 Zheng Xuan reads the di-feather canopy as yan-di—the carriage marquises' and earls' consorts use when entering the temple. If upper-duke consorts already match in full formal headdress and hui robe, heavy-di may not differ either. All the more so for Empress Jingyi, whose ritual honors the nine ranks. In Jin a grand consort's dress and insignia matched an empress dowager's; in Song an imperial grand consort lacked only the five-ox banner—otherwise two palace attendants, two regular palace attendants, two gate gentlemen of the yellow gate, and two cavalier attendants each, split front and rear like a king's train; inside, two ladies chief secretaries and two chief ladies of the long guard, with ceremonial staves as for an empress dowager. Wei's Prince of Jin and Jin's Prince of Song each set up a full bureaucracy on the model of the imperial court. When Prince Wen of Jin died he was still styled "demised," but the retired emperor was styled "collapsed"—ritual that set him above a mere king. When we earlier held that Empress Jing should follow the recent imperial grand consort rite, escort and accompanying carriage could not differ—and her riding the heavy pheasant carriage should be no less beyond question. At the start of Qi, when the temple was moved, the Xuan Emperor's tablet rode in the gold chariot and the emperor escorted it in a gold chariot as well—first performing the rite, then following the tablet to the new temple. That is the precedent to follow. The court followed his proposal.

永泰元年，有司議應廟見不？尚書令徐孝嗣議：「嗣君卽位，竝無廟見之文，蕃支纂業，乃有虔謁之禮。」左丞蕭琛議：「竊聞祗見厥祖，義著商書，朝于武宮，事光晉冊。豈有正位居尊，繼業承天，而不虔覲祖宗，格于太室。《毛詩周頌》篇曰『《烈文》，成王卽政，諸侯助祭也』。鄭注云『新王卽政，必以朝享之禮祭於祖考，告嗣位也』。又篇曰『《閔予小子》，嗣王朝廟也』。鄭注云『嗣王者，謂成王也。除武王之喪，將始卽政，朝於廟也』。則隆周令典，煥炳經記，體嫡居正，莫若成王。又二漢由太子而嗣位者，西京七主，東都四帝，其昭、成、哀、和、從五君，竝皆謁廟，文存漢史，其惠、景、武、元、明、章六君，前史不載謁事，或是偶有闕文，理無異說。議者乃云先在儲宮，已經致敬，卒哭之後，卽親奉時祭，則是廟見，故無別謁之禮。竊以爲不然。儲后在宮，亦從郊祀，若謂前虔可兼後敬，開元之始，則無假復有配天之祭矣。若以親奉時祭，仍爲廟見者，自漢及晉，支庶嗣位，竝皆謁廟，旣同有蒸嘗，何爲獨脩繁禮？且晉成帝咸和元年改號以謁廟，咸康元年加元服，又更謁。夫時非異主，猶不疑二禮相因，況位隔君臣，而追以一謁兼敬。宜遠纂周、漢之盛範，近黜晉、宋之乖義，展誠一廟，駿奔萬國。」奏可。

In Yongtai 1 the relevant offices debated whether a new ruler should perform a temple audience. Director Xu Xiaosi argued: 「When an heir succeeds, the records nowhere prescribe a temple audience; only when a collateral line seized the throne was there a reverent visit. Left vice director Xiao Chen argued: 「The Shang Documents teach reverent appearance before one's ancestor; Jin annals glorify audience at the Martial Palace. How can one sit in the supreme seat, inherit Heaven's mandate, and not reverently behold the ancestors in the Grand Chamber? The Mao Odes, Zhou Eulogia, say: 「Lie Wen: when King Cheng took the government, the feudal lords assisted at sacrifice.」 Zheng's commentary says: 「A new king must worship his ancestors with the court-audience rite to announce his succession.」 Another ode says: 「Min Yu the Lad—the succession king's court temple audience.」 Zheng's commentary says: 「Succession king means King Cheng. When mourning for King Wu ended and he was about to take the government, he had audience at the temple.」 Zhou's glorious canonical models shine in the classics; for legitimate succession none surpasses King Cheng. Among Han emperors who succeeded as crown prince—seven in the Western Capital, four in the Eastern—Zhao, Cheng, Ai, He, and Cong all visited the temple, as Han histories record; Hui, Jing, Wu, Yuan, Ming, and Zhang have no visit recorded in earlier histories—perhaps lacunae, not a different rule. Some argue that in the heir apparent's palace they already paid reverence, and after wailing ended they personally led seasonal sacrifice—that was the temple audience, so no separate visit is required. I do not think so. In the palace the heir apparent also joined suburban sacrifice; if earlier piety could stand for later reverence, at the start of a reign there would be no need for the Heaven-matching sacrifice. If leading seasonal sacrifice still counts as temple audience, then from Han through Jin every collateral successor visited the temple—yet they already had seasonal offerings; why add a separate elaborate rite? Jin Chengdi in Xianhe 1 changed the era title and visited the temple; in Xiankang 1, after his capping, he visited again. When the same ruler performed two rites in succession, no one doubted it—how much less, when sovereign and subject differ in rank, can one visit do double duty? We should take Zhou and Han's great examples from afar and set aside Jin and Song's recent errors—unfold sincerity in one temple and hasten to the ten thousand states. The memorial was approved.

永明十一年，兼祠部郎何佟之議：「案《禮記郊特牲》『社祭土而主陰氣也，君南向於北墉下，答陰之義也』。鄭玄云『答猶對也』。『北墉，社內北墻也』。王肅云『陰氣北向，故君南向以答之。答之爲言是相對之稱』。知古祭社，北向設位，齋官南向明矣。近代相承，帝社南向，太社及稷竝東向，而齋官位在帝社壇北，西向，於神背後行禮。又名稷爲稷社，甚乖禮意。乃未知失在何時，原此理當未久。竊以皇齊改物，禮樂惟新，中國之神，莫貴於社，若遂仍前謬，懼虧盛典。謂二社，語其義則殊，論其神則一，位竝宜北向。稷若北向，則成相背。稷是百穀之總神，非陰氣之主，宜依先東向。齋官立社壇東北，南向立，東爲上，諸執事西向立，南爲上。稷依禮無兼稱，今若欲尊崇，正可名爲太稷耳，豈得謂爲稷社邪？臘祠太社日近，案奏事御，改定儀注。」

Yongming 11, Acting Director He Tongzhi argued: 「The Record of Rites, Te Yi, says: "Soil sacrifice honors earth and presides over yin qi; the lord faces south below the north embankment, answering yin."」 Zheng Xuan says: 「Answer means to respond.」「North embankment: the north wall inside the altar.」 Wang Su says: 「Yin qi faces north, so the lord faces south to answer it. The word answer means facing each other.」 Thus in ancient soil sacrifice the spirit faced north and the fast-official faced south—that much is clear. In recent practice the imperial soil altar faces south, Great Soil and Grain both east, while the fast-official stands north of the imperial mound facing west—performing rite behind the spirit's back. Calling Grain "Grain Soil" badly violates ritual meaning. When the mistake began is unknown, but the principle cannot have been wrong for long. Great Qi has renewed the realm and ritual and music are new; among the state's spirits none outranks Soil—if we keep the old error, the great rite will suffer. The two soils differ in name but are one spirit—both positions should face north. If Grain faced north the two would stand back to back. Grain is the general spirit of the hundred grains, not lord of yin qi—it should remain east-facing. The fast-official should stand northeast of the altar facing south—east is the place of honor; officiants stand west-facing, with south as the place of honor. Ritual gives Grain no compound name; if one wishes to honor it, call it only Great Grain—how can it be called Grain Soil? The winter great-soil sacrifice is near; I submit this for the throne to revise the protocol.」

儀曹稱治禮學士議曰：「《郊特牲》又云『君之南向，答陽也，臣之北向，答君也』。若以陽氣在南，則位應向北，陰氣在北，則宜向南。今南北二郊，一限南向，皇帝黑瓚階東西向，故知壇墠無繫於陰陽，設位寧拘於南北。羣神小祠，類皆限南面，薦饗之時，北向行禮，蓋欲申靈祇之尊，表求幽之義。魏世秦靜使社稷別營，稱自漢以來，相承南向。漢之於周，世代未遠，鄗上頹基，商丘餘樹，猶應尚存，迷方失位，未至於此，通儒達識，不以爲非。庾蔚之昔已有此議，後徐爰、周景遠竝不同，仍舊不改。」

The Rituals Office reported that ritual scholars argued: 「Te Yi also says, "The lord faces south to answer yang; ministers face north to answer the lord."」 If yang qi lies in the south, seats should face north; if yin qi lies in the north, they should face south. Today both southern and northern suburbs face south, and at the black libation stair the emperor faces east—so the mound is not tied to yin and yang, and seat-direction need not be fixed to north and south. Minor cults of the host of spirits are mostly south-facing; at offering time the rite is performed north-facing—to extend the spirits' honor and show seeking what is hidden. In Wei, Qin Jing had Soil and Grain built separately, saying that from Han onward the practice faced south. Han was not far from Zhou; ruined foundations at Hao and remaining trees at Shangqiu should still have been there—direction could not have been lost to this degree, and learned men did not treat it as wrong. Yu Weizhi argued this long ago; later Xu Ai and Zhou Jingyuan both disagreed, and the old practice was left unchanged.」

佟之議：「來難引君南向答陽，臣北向答君。敢問答之爲言，爲是相對？爲是相背？相背則社位南向，君亦南向，可如來議。《郊特牲》云『臣之北向答君』。復是君背臣。今言君南臣北，向相稱答，則君南不得稱答矣，《記》何得云祭社君南向之答陰邪？社果同向，則君亦宜西向，何故在社南向？在郊西向邪？解則不然，《記》云，君之南向答陽，此明朝會之時，盛陽在南，故君南向對之，猶聖人南面而聽，向明而治之義耳，寧是祈祀天地之日乎？知祭社北向，君答故南向，祀天南向，君答宜北向矣。今皇帝黑瓚階東西向者，斯蓋始入之別位，兆接對之時也。案《記》云『社所以神地之道也』。又云『社祭土而主陰氣』。又云『不用命，戮于社』。孔安國云『社主陰，陰主殺』。傳曰『日蝕，伐鼓于社』。杜預云『責羣陰也』。社主陰氣之盛，故北向設位，以本其義耳。餘祀雖亦地祇之貴，而不主此義，故位向不同。不得見餘陰祀不北向，便謂社應南向也。案《周禮》祭社南向，君求幽，宜北向，而《記》云君南向，答陰之義，求幽之論不乖歟？魏權漢社，社稷同營共門，稷壇在社壇北，皆非古制。後移宮南，自當如禮。如靜此言，乃是顯漢社失周法，見漢世舊事。爾時祭社南向，未審出何史籍。就如議者靜所言是祭社位向仍漢舊法，漢又襲周成規，因而不改者，則社稷三座，竝應南向，今何改帝社南向，泰社及稷竝東向邪？」

He Tongzhi argued: 「The objection cites the lord facing south to answer yang and ministers north to answer the lord. May I ask: when we speak of "answer," does it mean facing each other? Or does it mean turning their backs to one another? If "answer" means back to back, the Soil seat faces south and the lord faces south too—exactly as your objection would have it. The Suburban Sacrifice says: 『Ministers face north to answer the lord.』 But that again puts the lord's back to his ministers. You say the lord faces south and ministers north, mutually answering face to face—then the lord's southward stance is not "answering" at all; how can the Record say that at the Soil sacrifice the lord faces south to answer yin? If Soil and the lord truly shared one direction, the lord should face west as well—why does he face south at the Soil altar? Does he face west at the suburban altar? That will not stand. The Record's "lord faces south to answer yang" describes morning court: yang at its height in the south, so the lord turns south toward it—as the sage faces south to listen and rule toward the light—not the day of offering to Heaven and Earth. So at the Soil rite the altar faces north and the lord answers by facing south; at the Heaven rite the altar faces south and the lord should answer by facing north. Today the emperor west-facing at the black libation stair on the east is only the separate station at first entry—the moment of omen and first encounter. The Record says: 『Soil is how the way of earth is given spirit.』 It also says: 『The Soil sacrifice honors earth and presides over yin qi.』 It also says: 『Those who disobey orders are put to death at Soil.』 Kong Anguo said: 『Soil is lord of yin, and yin is lord of killing.』 The Commentary says: 『When the sun is eclipsed, beat the drum at Soil.』 Du Yu said: 『This is to rebuke the host of yin.』 Soil is lord of yin qi at its height; that is why its seat faces north—to ground the rite in its own meaning. Other rites honor earth spirits of rank, but not with this meaning, so their orientations differ. Because other yin rites do not all face north, one cannot infer that Soil should face south. The Rites of Zhou has the Soil altar south-facing and the lord, seeking what is hidden, north-facing—yet the Record has the lord south-facing to answer yin; do these two readings of "seeking the hidden" not conflict? When Wei Quan arranged the Han Soil altar, Soil and Grain shared one enclosure and one gate, with Grain north of Soil—none of it ancient usage. After the palace was moved south, practice should have returned to the rites. If one takes Jing's argument, it merely proves Han Soil broke Zhou law—and preserves a Han-era habit. That the Soil sacrifice then faced south is not yet traced to any historical source. Even if Jing among the petitioners were right—that Soil's orientation still followed Han usage, and Han merely kept Zhou's rule unchanged—then all three mounds of the Soil-and-Grain cult should face south; why change only the emperor's Soil to the south while Great Soil and Grain both face east?」

治禮又難佟之，凡三往反。至建武二年，有司議：「治禮無的然顯據。」佟之議乃行。

The Director of Rituals challenged Tongzhi again, back and forth three times. In Jianwu year 2 the responsible offices reported: 「The Director of Rituals lacks clear, decisive evidence. 」Tongzhi's proposal was adopted.

建武二年，祠部郎何佟之奏：「案《周禮大宗伯》『以蒼璧禮天，黃琮禮地』。鄭玄又云『皆有牲幣，各放其器之色』。知禮天圓丘用玄犢，禮地方澤用黃牲矣。《牧人》云『凡陽祀用騂牲，陰祀用黝牲』。鄭玄云『騂，赤；黝，黑也。陽祀，祭天南郊及宗廟。陰祀，祭地北郊及社稷』。《祭法》云『燔柴於泰壇，祭天也。瘞埋於泰折，祭地也。用騂犢』。鄭云『地，陰祀，用黝牲，與天俱用犢，故連言之耳』。知此祭天地卽南北郊矣。今南北兩郊同用玄牲，又明堂、宗廟、社稷俱用赤，有違昔典。又鄭玄云『祭五帝於明堂，勾芒等配食』。自晉以來，幷圜丘於南郊，是以郊壇列五帝勾芒等。今明堂祀五精，更闕五神之位，北郊祭地祇，而設重黎之坐，二三乖舛，懼虧盛則。」

Jianwu year 2, Director of the Bureau of Sacrifices He Tongzhi submitted: 「The Rites of Zhou, Grand Steward, says: 『With the azure bi one honors Heaven; with the yellow cong one honors Earth.』 Zheng Xuan also said: 『Each has victims and silks, each matching its vessel's color.』 So Heaven at the round mound takes the dark calf, and Earth at the square marsh takes the yellow victim. The Keeper of Herds says: 『Yang sacrifices use reddish victims; yin sacrifices use black victims.』 Zheng Xuan said: 『Xing means red; you means black. Yang sacrifices are Heaven at the southern suburb and the ancestral temple. Yin sacrifices are Earth at the northern suburb and Soil and Grain.』 The Law of Sacrifices says: 『Burn firewood on the great mound—that is sacrifice to Heaven. Bury offerings in the great fold—that is sacrifice to Earth. Use a reddish calf.』 Zheng said: 『Earth is a yin sacrifice and uses the black victim; Heaven and Earth both use calves, so the text names them together.』 So these rites to Heaven and Earth are the southern and northern suburbs. Today both suburbs use the dark victim, while Bright Hall, ancestral temple, and Soil and Grain all use red—against ancient rule. Zheng Xuan also said: 『Sacrifice to the Five Emperors in Bright Hall, with Gou Mang and the rest as paired spirits.』 Since Jin the round mound was folded into the southern suburb, so the suburban altar arrays the Five Emperors, Gou Mang, and the rest. Today Bright Hall honors the five essences but omits the five spirits' seats; the northern suburb honors earth spirits yet sets Chongli's place—several contradictions at once, and I fear the great norm will be diminished.」

前軍長史劉繪議：「《語》云『犂牛之子騂且角，雖欲勿用，山川其舍諸』。未詳山川合爲陰祀不？若在陰祀，則與黝乖矣。」

Former Army Chief of Staff Liu Hui argued: 「The Analects says: 『A plow-ox's calf, red and well-horned—even if you wished not to use it, would the mountains and rivers decline it?』 It is unclear whether mountains and rivers should be classed as yin sacrifices. If they are yin sacrifices, that clashes with the rule for black victims.」

佟之又議：「《周禮》以天地爲大祀，四望爲次祀，山川爲小祀。周人尚赤，自四望以上牲色各依其方者，以其祀大，宜從本也。山川以下，牲色不見者，以其祀小，從所尚也。則《論》、《禮》二說，豈不合符？」參議爲允。從之。

Tongzhi argued again: 「The Rites of Zhou ranks Heaven and Earth as great sacrifices, the four expanses as secondary, and mountains and rivers as minor. The Zhou honored red; from the four expanses upward, each victim's color followed its direction—great rites should keep to their source. For cults below the four quarters, where no victim-color is prescribed, the rite is minor and one follows the color the dynasty honors. Then do the Analects and the Rites not agree? 」The joint deliberation approved. The court followed it.

永元元年，步兵校尉何佟之議曰：「蓋聞聖帝明王之治天下也，莫不尊奉天地，崇敬日月，故冬至祀天於圓丘，夏至祭地於方澤，春分朝日，秋分夕月，所以訓民事君之道，化下嚴上之義也。故禮云『王者必父天母地，兄日姊月。』《周禮典瑞》云『王搢大圭，執鎮圭，藻藉五采五就以朝日』。馬融云『天子以春分朝日，秋分夕月』。《覲禮》『天子出拜日於東門之外』。盧植云『朝日以立春之日也』。鄭玄云『端當爲冕，朝日春分之時也』。《禮記朝事議》云『天子冕而執鎮圭，尺有二寸，率諸侯朝日於東郊，所以教尊尊也』。故鄭知此端爲冕也。《禮記》保傅云『三代之禮，天子春朝朝日，秋暮夕月，所以明有敬也』。而不明所用之定辰。馬、鄭云用二分之時，盧植云用立春之日。佟之以爲日者太陽之精，月者太陰之精。春分陽氣方永，秋分陰氣向長。天地至尊用其始，故祭以二至，日月禮次天地，故朝以二分，差有理據，則融、玄之言得其義矣。漢世則朝朝日，暮夕月。魏文帝詔曰『《覲禮》天子拜日東門之外，反禮方明。《朝事議》曰天子冕而執鎮圭，率諸侯朝日於東郊。以此言之，蓋諸侯朝，天子祀方明，因率朝日也。漢改周法，羣公無四朝之事，故不復朝於東郊，得禮之變矣。然旦夕常於殿下東向拜日，其禮太煩。今採周春分之禮，損漢日拜之儀，又無諸侯之事，無所出東郊，今正殿卽亦朝會行禮之庭也，宜常以春分於正殿之庭拜日。其夕月文不分明，其議奏』。魏祕書監薛循請論云『舊事朝日以春分，夕月以秋分。案《周禮》朝日無常日，鄭玄云用二分，故遂施行。秋分之夕，月多東潛，而西向拜之，背實遠矣。謂朝日宜用仲春之朔，夕月宜用仲秋之朔』。淳于睿駮之，引《禮記》云『祭日於東，祭月於西，以端其位』。《周禮》秋分夕月，竝行於上世。西向拜月，雖如背實，亦猶月在天而祭之於坎，不復言背月也。佟之案《禮器》云『爲朝夕必放於日月』。鄭玄云『日出東方，月在西方』。又云『大明生於東，月生於西，此陰陽之分，夫婦之位也』。鄭玄云『大明，日也』。知朝日東向，夕月西向，斯蓋各本其位之所在耳。猶如天子東西遊幸，朝堂之官及拜官者，猶北向朝拜，寧得以背實爲疑邪？佟之謂魏世所行，善得與奪之衷。晉初弃圓丘方澤，於兩郊二至輟禮，至於二分之朝，致替無義。江左草創，舊章多闕，宋氏因循，未能反古。竊惟皇齊應天御極，典教惟新，謂宜使盛典行之盛代，以春分朝於殿庭之西，東向而拜日，秋分於殿庭之東，西向而拜月，此卽所謂必放日月以端其位之義也。使四方觀化者，莫不欣欣而頌美。服無旒藻之飾，蓋本天之至質也，朝日不得同昊天至質之禮，故玄冕三旒也。近代祀天，著袞十二旒，極文章之美，則是古今禮之變也。禮天朝日，旣服宜有異，頃世天子小朝會，著絳紗袍、通天金博山冠，斯卽今朝之服次袞冕者也，竊謂宜依此拜日月，甚得差降之宜也。佟之任非禮局，輕奏大典，寔爲侵官，伏追慙震。」從之。

Yongyuan 1, Infantry Commandant He Tongzhi argued: 「Sage kings who order the realm always honor Heaven and Earth and revere sun and moon—winter solstice Heaven at the Round Mound, summer solstice Earth at the Square Pond, spring equinox audience to the sun, autumn equinox audience to the moon—to teach subjects how to serve their ruler and to make inferiors revere superiors. The Rites say: 『The king must take Heaven as father, Earth as mother, the sun as elder brother, and the moon as elder sister. 』The Rites of Zhou, Jade Regalia, says: 『The king inserts the great jade tablet and holds the regent jade tablet, with five-colored tassels in five sets, to have audience with the sun.』 Ma Rong says: 『The Son of Heaven has audience with the sun at the spring equinox and with the moon at the autumn equinox.』 The Rites of Observation: 『The Son of Heaven goes out to bow to the sun outside the east gate.』 Lu Zhi says: 『Audience with the sun is on the day of Establishment of Spring.』 Zheng Xuan says: 『"End" should read "cap"; audience with the sun is at the spring equinox.』 The Record of Rites, Discourse on Morning Audience, says: 『The Son of Heaven, capped, holds the regent jade tablet one foot two inches long and leads the feudal lords to audience with the sun at the eastern suburb—to teach the order of honor.』 Hence Zheng Xuan knew this "end" meant the cap. The Record of Rites, Guardian and Tutor, says: 『In the rites of the Three Dynasties the Son of Heaven in spring had morning audience with the sun and in autumn at dusk evening audience with the moon—to show that reverence was due.』 But it does not fix which day should be used. Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan say use the two equinoxes; Lu Zhi says use Establishment of Spring. Tongzhi holds that the sun is the essence of great yang and the moon the essence of great yin. At the spring equinox yang qi is waxing; at the autumn equinox yin qi is lengthening. Heaven and Earth, supreme in honor, use their beginnings—hence sacrifice at the two solstices; sun and moon rites rank just below Heaven and Earth—hence audience at the two equinoxes. That has some reason; Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan have the right of it. Under Han there was morning audience with the sun and evening audience with the moon. Wei Wendi's edict says: 『The Rites of Observation has the Son of Heaven bow to the sun outside the east gate—contrary to the fangming rite. The Discourse on Morning Audience says the Son of Heaven, capped, holds the regent jade tablet and leads the feudal lords to audience with the sun at the eastern suburb. On that reading, when the feudal lords had audience the Son of Heaven sacrificed to fangming and thereby led the sun audience. Han changed Zhou practice; the feudal lords no longer held the four audiences, so audience at the eastern suburb ceased—a legitimate ritual change. Yet morning and evening they constantly bowed to the sun, east-facing below the hall—the rite was too burdensome. Now take Zhou's spring-equinox rite and pare back Han's daily sun-bowing; with no feudal lords involved there is no need to go to the eastern suburb—the main hall is already the court for audience rites. On the spring equinox one should bow to the sun in the main hall courtyard. The wording on evening audience with the moon is unclear; I submit this memorial.』 Wei Secretary Director Xue Xun submitted a discourse: 『Former practice held sun audience at the spring equinox and moon audience at the autumn equinox. The Rites of Zhou fixes no day for sun audience; Zheng Xuan says use the two equinoxes—hence it was put into practice. On the autumn-equinox evening the moon often lies low in the east, yet one bows west-facing—far from the fact. He holds that sun audience should use the new moon of mid-spring and moon audience the new moon of mid-autumn.』 Chunyu Rui refuted him, citing the Record of Rites: 『Sacrifice to the sun in the east and to the moon in the west—to set their positions aright.』 The Rites of Zhou's autumn-equinox evening moon—both were practiced in high antiquity. A west-facing bow to the moon, though it seems to turn away from the fact, is like sacrificing to the moon in the north pit while it is in the sky—no one calls that turning one's back on the moon. Tongzhi examined the Record of Ritual Vessels: 『For morning and evening one must set the positions of sun and moon.』 Zheng Xuan says: 『The sun rises in the east and the moon is in the west.』 Again: 『Great Brightness is born in the east and the moon in the west—this is the division of yin and yang and the positions of husband and wife.』 Zheng Xuan says: 『Great Brightness is the sun.』 Knowing that sun audience faces east and moon audience west—each follows where its position lies. Just as when the Son of Heaven travels east or west, court officials and appointees still bow north in audience—how can one doubt it as turning away from the fact? Tongzhi said that what Wei practiced struck the right balance between keeping and discarding. Early Jin abandoned the Round Mound and Square Pond and dropped the two-suburb and two-solstice rites; the equinox audiences lapsed without reason. When the eastern-Jin court was first founded, old statutes were largely missing; Song followed inertia and could not return to antiquity. I venture to think that Great Qi, receiving Heaven and holding the summit, has renewed canonical teaching—the grand rites should be performed in this flourishing age: on the spring equinox have audience west of the hall courtyard and bow east to the sun; on the autumn equinox east of the courtyard and bow west to the moon—this is what it means to set sun and moon and set their positions aright. Then all who observe the transformation from the four quarters will rejoice and praise. Garments without tassel-and-emblem ornament reflect Heaven's utmost simplicity; sun audience cannot match the rite of utmost simplicity toward August Heaven—hence the black cap with three tassels. Recent Heaven sacrifice uses the dragon robe with twelve tassels, utmost in pattern and beauty—that is how ritual has changed from antiquity to the present. Rites to Heaven and sun audience should differ in dress; in recent generations at the Son of Heaven's minor court audience he wears the crimson gauze robe and the heaven-piercing gold Mount Bo crown—the garment today ranking just below dragon robe and cap. I hold that bowing to sun and moon should follow this—a very fitting gradation. Tongzhi's office is not in the Rituals Bureau; lightly memorializing a great statute was truly overstepping—I prostrate myself in shame. 」The court followed it.

永明三年，有司奏：「來年正月二十五日丁亥，可祀先農，卽日輿駕親耕。」宋元嘉、大明以來，竝用立春後亥日，尚書令王儉以爲亥日藉田，經記無文，通下詳議。

In the third year of Yongming, the relevant offices memorialized: 「On the twenty-fifth of the first month next year—the day dinghai—we may sacrifice to the Spirit of Agriculture, and on that same day the imperial carriage shall plow in person. 」Since the Yuanjia and Daming eras, both had used the hai day after Establishment of Spring. Wang Jian, director of the Masters of Writing, held that plowing the Fertile Field on a hai day had no warrant in the classics and ordered a full debate below.

兼太學博士劉蔓議：「《禮》，孟春之月，立春迎春，又於是月以元日祈穀，又擇元辰躬耕帝藉。盧植說禮通辰日，日，甲至癸也，辰，子至亥也。郊天，陽也，故以日。藉田，陰也，故以辰。陰禮卑後，必居其末，亥者辰之末，故《記》稱元辰，注曰吉亥。又據五行之說，木生於亥，以亥日祭先農，又其義也。」

Concurrent Grand Academy erudite Liu Man argued: 「The Rites prescribe that in the first month of spring, at Establishment of Spring one welcomes spring; in that same month on the prime day one prays for grain; and again one chooses the prime chen and plows the emperor's sacred field in person. Lu Zhi, expounding the Rites on 「general chen day,」 says day means jia through gui, and chen means zi through hai. Suburban sacrifice to Heaven is yang—therefore one uses the day [stem]. The Fertile Field is yin—therefore one uses the chen [branch]. Yin rites rank lower and come last—they must take the final place; hai is the last of the earthly branches, so the Record speaks of 「prime chen,」 and the commentary glosses 「auspicious hai.」 By the Five Phases as well, wood is born at hai—to sacrifice to the Spirit of Agriculture on a hai day fits that meaning too.」

太常丞何諲之議：「鄭注云『元辰，蓋郊後吉亥也』。亥，水辰也，凡在墾稼，咸存灑潤。五行說十二辰爲六合，寅與亥合，建寅月東耕，取月建與日辰合也。」

Director of the Grand Ceremonial He Yinzhi argued: 「Zheng Xuan says, 『Prime chen means, in essence, the auspicious hai after the suburban sacrifice.』 Hai is the water branch; everything sown in the fields lives by rain and soak. The Five Phases treat the twelve branches as six pairs—yin pairs with hai; in the month established at yin one plows eastward, joining month establishment with the day's branch.」

國子助教桑惠度議：「尋鄭玄以亥爲吉辰者，陽生於子，元起於亥，取陽之元以爲生物，亥又爲水，十月所建，百穀賴茲沾潤畢熟也。」

National University assistant instructor Sang Huidu argued: 「Zheng Xuan makes hai the auspicious chen because yang is born at zi yet the origin begins at hai—he takes yang's origin as the seed of life; hai is also water, the tenth month's establishment—all grain depends on that soaking to ripen.」

助教周山文議：「盧植云『元，善也。郊天，陽也，故以日。藉田，陰也，故以辰』。蔡邕《月令章》句解元辰云『日，幹也。辰，支也。有事於天，用日。有事於地，用辰』。」

Assistant instructor Zhou Shanwen argued: 「Lu Zhi says, 『Yuan means good. Suburban sacrifice to Heaven is yang—hence one uses the day. The Fertile Field is yin—hence one uses the chen.』 Cai Yong's commentary on the Monthly Ordinances glosses prime chen: 『Day is the stem. Chen is the branch. Business with Heaven uses the day. Business with Earth uses the chen.』」

助教何佟之議：「《少牢饋食禮》云『孝孫某，來日丁亥，用薦歲事于皇祖伯某』。注云『丁未必亥也，直舉一日以言之耳。禘太廟禮日用丁亥，若不丁亥，則用己亥、辛亥，苟有亥可也』。鄭又云『必用丁、己者，取其令名，自丁寧自變改，皆爲謹敬』。如此，丁亥自是祭祀之日，不專施於先農。漢文用此日耕藉祠先農，故後王相承用之，非有別義。」

Assistant instructor He Tongzhi argued: 「The Lesser Stallion Feeding Rite says, 『The filial grandson so-and-so, on the coming day dinghai, will present the year's offering to the august ancestor Lord So-and-so.』 The commentary says, 『Ding need not be hai; the text merely names one day by way of example. The Grand Temple rite uses dinghai; if not dinghai, then jihai or xinhai—any day with hai will serve.』 Zheng Xuan also says, 『Ding and ji are chosen for their auspicious names—「settled peace」 and 「reverent change」—both speak of careful respect.』 On that reading, dinghai is simply a day fit for sacrifice—not reserved for the Spirit of Agriculture alone. Han Wendi happened to plow the Fertile Field and sacrifice to the Spirit of Agriculture on that day, and later kings followed him—nothing more was intended.」

殿中郎顧暠之議：「鄭玄稱先郊後吉辰，而不說必亥之由。盧植明子亥爲辰，亦無常辰之證。漢世躬藉，肇發漢文，詔云『農，天下之本，其開藉田』。斯乃草創之令，未覩親載之吉也。昭帝癸亥耕于鉤盾弄田，明帝癸亥耕下邳，章帝乙亥耕定陶，又辛丑耕懷，魏之烈祖實書辛未，不繫一辰，徵於兩代矣。推晉之革魏，宋之因晉，政是服膺康成，非有異見者也。班固序亥位云『陰氣應亡射，該藏萬物，而雜陽閡種』。且亥旣水辰，含育爲性，播厥取吉，其在茲乎？固序丑位云『陰大旅助黃鍾宣氣而牙物』。序未位云『陰氣受任，助蕤賔君主種物，使長大茂盛』。是漢朝迭選，魏室所遷，酌舊用丑，實兼有據。」參議奏用丁亥。詔「可」。

Palace Gentleman Gu Haozhi argued: 「Zheng Xuan said the auspicious chen follows the suburban sacrifice, yet he never explained why it must be hai. Lu Zhi showed that zi through hai count as chen, but offered no proof that the chen must always be the same. Han personal plowing began with Wendi, whose edict read: 『Agriculture is the empire's root—open the Fertile Field.』 That was a founding decree—we have no record yet of which day was deemed lucky for the emperor's own plow. Zhao Di plowed on guihai at the Hook-Shield pleasure fields; Ming Di on guihai at Xiapi; Zhang Di on yihai at Dingtao, and again on xinchou at Huai—Wei's Liezu actually wrote xinwei. No single branch binds them; two dynasties prove it. When Jin replaced Wei and Song took Jin's place, they were only following Zheng Xuan—not advancing a new theory. Ban Gu, ordering the hai position, writes: 『Yin answers to the season of stored death, enfolds the ten thousand things, and with yang checks the sowing of seed.』 Hai is the water branch; to nourish is its nature—if sowing seeks an auspicious day, where else should one look? On chou he writes: 『Great yin assists Huangzhong to spread breath and bud the ten thousand kinds.』 On wei: 『Yin takes its charge, aids Ruibin to rule over planting, and makes things grow tall and thick.』 Han picked different days in turn; Wei changed again—weighing precedent, they favored chou, and that too had double warrant. 」The joint deliberation recommended dinghai. An edict said: 「Approved.」

建元四年正月，詔立國學，置學生百五十人。其有位樂入者五十人。生年十五以上，二十以還，取王公已下至三將、著作郎、廷尉正、太子舍人、領護諸府司馬諮議經除敕者、諸州別駕治中等、見居官及罷散者子孫。悉取家去都二千里爲限。太祖崩，乃止。

In the first month of the fourth year of Jianyuan, an edict founded the National University with one hundred fifty students. Fifty were court musicians already in post. Students were to be at least fifteen and not yet twenty, taken from the sons of kings and dukes down through the three generals, Masters of Writing, director of the Court of Justice, crown prince attendants, marshals and protectors of the various offices who had passed the classics examination by edict, provincial vice-prefects and middle-grade magistrates, and the sons of men in office or recently dismissed. All were to come from families within two thousand li of the capital. When the Founder Emperor died, the plan was abandoned.

永明三年正月，詔立學，創立堂宇，召公卿子弟下及員外郎之胤，凡置生二百人。其年秋中悉集。有司奏：「宋元嘉舊事，學生到，先釋奠先聖先師，禮又有釋菜，未詳今當行何禮？用何樂及禮器？」尚書令王儉議：「《周禮》『春入學，舍菜合舞』。《記》云『始教，皮弁祭菜，示敬道也』。又云『始入學，必祭先聖先師』。中朝以來，釋菜禮廢，今之所行，釋奠而已。金石俎豆，皆無明文。方之七廟則輕，比之五禮則重。陸納、車胤謂宣尼廟宜依亭侯之爵；范寧欲依周公之廟，用王者儀，范宣謂當其爲師則不臣之，釋奠日，備帝王禮樂。此則車、陸失於過輕，二范傷於太重。喻希云『若至王者自設禮樂，則肆賞於至敬之所；若欲嘉美先師，則所況非備』。尋其此說，守附情理。皇朝屈尊弘教，待以師資，引同上公，卽事惟允。元嘉立學，裴松之議應儛六佾，以郊樂未具，故權奏登歌。今金石已備，宜設軒縣之樂，六佾之舞，牲牢器用，悉依上公。」其冬，皇太子講《孝經》，親臨釋奠，車駕幸聽。

In the first month of Yongming 3, an edict re-established the academy, raised new halls, and called up sons of the high nobility down to grandsons of supernumerary gentlemen—two hundred students in all. That autumn they all gathered. The relevant offices memorialized: 「Song's Yuanjia precedent had students, on arrival, perform the libation to the Former Sage and Former Teacher; the rites also speak of the vegetable offering. Which ceremony should we perform now? What music and ritual vessels should we use? 」Wang Jian, director of the Masters of Writing, argued: 「The Rites of Zhou says, 『In spring one enters the academy, sets out vegetables, and dances together.』 The Record says, 『At the first lesson, in leather cap one sacrifices to the vegetables—to show reverence for the Way.』 It also says, 『On first entering the academy, one must sacrifice to the Former Sage and Former Teacher.』 Since the Central Court dynasties, the vegetable-offering rite has been abandoned; only the libation sacrifice is performed today. Bells, chimes, stands, and vessels—all lack explicit warrant in the classics. Measured against the seven temples it is slight; measured against the five great rites it is weighty. Lu Na and Che Yin held that Confucius's temple should follow a district marquis's rank; Fan Ning wished to model the Duke of Zhou's temple and use royal ceremony; Fan Xuan held that while he is one's teacher one does not treat him as a subject—on the libation day, use the full ritual and music of a king. Here Che and Lu fell short by being too light, the two Fans by being too heavy. Yu Xi said, 『If the king himself sets ritual and music, offerings are displayed where reverence is greatest; If one wishes to honor the Former Master, what is used is not the full [royal] ceremony.』 Weighing this view, it accords with reason. Our dynasty lowers itself to exalt the teaching, treats him as teacher and model, and ranks him with a supreme duke—the arrangement is fitting. When Yuanjia founded the academy, Pei Songzhi argued for six-row dance; because suburban music was not yet ready, they provisionally performed only the ascent hymns. Now bells and chimes are in place; we should set out hall-suspended music, six-row dance, and victims, vessels, and implements—all on the supreme-duke scale. 」That winter the crown prince lectured on the Classic of Filial Piety, personally attended the libation sacrifice, and the imperial carriage came to listen.

建武四年正月，詔立學。永泰元年，東昏侯卽位，尚書符依永明舊事廢學。領國子助教曹思文上表曰：「古之建國君民者，必教學爲先，將以節其邪情，而禁其流欲，故能化民裁俗，習與性成也。是以忠孝篤焉，信義成焉，禮讓行焉，尊教宗學，其致一也。是以成均煥於古典，虎門炳於前經。陛下體睿淳神，纘承鴻業，今制書旣下，而廢學先聞，將恐觀國之光者，有以擬議也。若以國諱故宜廢，昔漢成立學，爰洎元始，百餘年中，未嘗暫廢，其閒有國諱也。且晉武之崩，又其學猶存，斯皆先代不以國諱而廢學之明文也。永明以無太子故廢，斯非古典也。尋國之有學，本以興化致治也，天子於以諮謀焉，於以行禮焉。《記》云『天子出征，受命於祖，受成於學。執有罪反，釋奠於學』。又云『食三老五更於太學，天子袒而割牲，執爵而酳，以教諸侯悌也』。於斯學，是天子有國之基，教也或以之。所言皆太學事也。今引太學不非證也。據臣所見，今之國學，卽古之太學。晉初太學生三千人，旣多猥雜，惠帝時欲辯其涇渭，故元康三年始立國子學，官品第五以上得入國學。天子去太學入國學，以行禮也。太子去太學入國學，以齒讓也。太學之與國學，斯是晉世殊其士庶，異其貴賤耳。然貴賤士庶，皆須教成，故國學太學兩存之也，非有太子故立也。然繫廢興於太子者，此永明之鉅失也。漢崇儒雅，幾致刑厝，而猶道謝三、五者，以其致教之術未篤也。古之教者，家有塾，黨有庠，術有序，國有學，以諷誦相摩。今學非唯不宜廢而已，乃宜更崇尚其道，望古作規，使郡縣有學，鄉閭立教。請付尚書及二學詳議。」有司奏。從之。學竟不立。

In the first month of Jianwu 4, an edict founded the academy. In Yongtai 1, when the Marquis of Eastern Depravity succeeded, the Secretariat followed the Yongming precedent and abolished the academy. Cao Siwen, associate instructor of the Directorate of Education, memorialized: 「States that would rule and nurture the people always put teaching first—to curb wayward feeling and check excess desire, and so transform the folk and shape custom until habit and nature are one. Then loyalty and filial piety take root, faith and righteousness stand firm, and ritual and yielding prevail—revering teaching and revering learning reach the same end. The Completion Equal shines in the ancient canon; the Tiger Gate blazes in the earlier classics. Your Majesty embodies pure sagely spirit and carries forward great enterprise; yet the decree has barely gone forth while word of abolishing the academy comes first—I fear observers of the state's brilliance will find matter for reproach. If the imperial taboo requires abolition: Han founded the academy and kept it from founding through Yuanshi—more than a hundred years without a break—and taboo names occurred in that span. When Jin Wudi died, the academy still stood—these are plain precedents that earlier ages did not abolish teaching because of taboo. Yongming abolished it for lack of a crown prince—that is not ancient rule. The state keeps an academy to foster transformation and good government; the Son of Heaven consults there and performs ritual there. The Record says, 『When the Son of Heaven goes to war, he receives mandate from the ancestor and completion at the academy. Returning with prisoners, he performs the libation sacrifice at the academy.』 It also says, 『At the Grand Academy he feasts the three elders and five elders; the Son of Heaven bares his shoulder, cuts the victim, holds the cup and sips in turn—to teach the feudal lords brotherly deference.』 In that academy lies the foundation of the Son of Heaven's holding the state; government may also draw upon it. All of this concerns the Grand Academy. To cite the Grand Academy now is not improper evidence. In my view, today's National University is the ancient Grand Academy. Early Jin had three thousand Grand Academy students—too many and too mixed; under Emperor Hui they wished to separate pure from base, so in Yuankang 3 they founded the Directorate of Education, and officials of fifth rank and above could enter the National University. The Son of Heaven leaves the Grand Academy and enters the National University to perform ritual. The crown prince leaves the Grand Academy and enters the National University to yield by age. The Grand Academy and the National University—in Jin they only separated commoner from noble, humble from exalted. Yet noble and humble alike must be taught; both the National University and the Grand Academy were kept—not because a crown prince existed. To tie abolition and revival to the crown prince—that is Yongming's grave mistake. Han honored Confucian learning and nearly abolished punishment, yet still fell short of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors—because its way of teaching was not thorough. Ancient teaching had a school in every home, a hall in every district, a sequence in every lane, and an academy in the state—students reciting and chanting to sharpen one another. The academy should not merely be spared; its Way should be honored further, antiquity taken as model, and every district and county given an academy, every village and hamlet a school. I ask that the Secretariat and the two academies deliberate this in detail. 」The relevant offices memorialized. The throne approved. In the end the academy was not established.

永明五年十月，有司奏：「南郡王昭業冠，求儀注未有前准。」尚書令王儉議：「皇孫冠事，歷代所無，禮雖有嫡子無嫡孫，然而地居正體，下及五世。今南郡王體自儲暉，實惟國裔，元服之典，宜異列蕃。案《士冠禮》『主人玄冠朝服，賔加其冠，贊者結纓』。鄭玄云『主人，冠者之父兄也』。尋其言父及兄，則明祖在，父不爲主也。《大戴禮記公冠篇》云公冠自爲主，四加玄冕，以卿爲賔。此則繼體之君及帝之庶子不得稱子者也。《小戴禮記冠義》云『冠於阼，以著代也。醮於客位，三加彌尊，加有成也』。注稱『嫡子冠於阼，庶子冠於房』。《記》又云『古者重冠，故行之於廟，所以自卑而尊先祖也』。據此而言，彌與鄭注《儀禮》相會。是故中朝以來，太子冠則皇帝臨軒，司徒加冠，光祿贊冠。諸王則郎中加冠，中尉贊冠。今同於儲皇則重，依於諸王則輕。又《春秋》之義，『不以父命辭王父命』。《禮》『父在斯爲子，君在斯爲臣』。皇太子居臣子之節，無專用之道。南郡雖處蕃國，非支庶之列，宜稟天朝之命，微申冠阼之禮。晉武帝詔稱漢、魏遣使冠諸王，非古正典。此蓋謂庶子封王，合依公冠自主之義，至於國之長孫，遣使惟允。宜使太常持節加冠，大鴻臚爲贊，醮酒之儀，亦歸二卿，祝醮之辭，附准經記，別更撰立，不依蕃國常體。國官陪位拜賀，自依舊章。其日內外二品清官以上，詣止車集賀，幷詣東宮南門通牋。別日上禮，宮臣亦詣門稱賀，如上臺之儀。旣冠之後，尅日謁廟，以弘尊祖之義。此旣大典，宜通關八座丞郎幷下二學詳議。」僕射王奐等十四人議竝同，并撰立贊冠醮酒二辭。詔「可」。祝辭曰：「皇帝使給事中、太常、武安侯蕭惠基加南郡王冠。」祝曰：「筮日筮賔，肇加元服。弃爾幼志，從厥成德。親賢使能，克隆景福。」醮酒辭曰：「旨酒旣清，嘉薦旣盈。兄弟具在，淑慎儀形。永屆眉壽，於穆斯寧。」

In the tenth month of Yongming 5, the relevant offices memorialized: 「Prince Zhaoye of Nan Commandery is to be capped, but we find no earlier precedent for the protocol. 」Wang Jian, director of the Masters of Writing, argued: 「An imperial grandson's capping has no precedent in any age. Ritual says there is no grandson in the direct line when there is a direct son, yet he stands in the principal line and the line runs five generations down. The Prince of Nan Commandery bears the heir's radiance and is truly of the imperial line; his coming-of-age rite should differ from enfeoffed princes. The Capping Rite for Commoners says: 『The host wears a dark cap and court dress; the guest sets on the cap; the assistant ties the tassel.』 Zheng Xuan says, 『The host is the capping man's father or elder brother.』 Reading "father and elder brother," when the grandfather lives, the father does not act as host. The Elder Dai's Record of Rites, Duke's Capping chapter, says the duke caps himself as host, with four additions in dark imperial cap and a minister as guest. That is why a lord who inherits the line and an emperor's son born of a concubine may not be styled "son." The Small Da's Record of Rites, Capping chapter, says, 『One caps at the east steps to mark the handing on of one's place. The libation at the guest's seat; three additions, each more exalted; the additions mark full attainment.』 The commentary says, 『The heir caps at the east steps; a younger son by a concubine caps in the side chamber.』 The Record also says, 『Anciently capping was held in high regard, so it was done in the ancestral temple—lowering oneself to exalt the forebears.』 Judged by this, they align fully with Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Ceremonies and Rites. Hence since the Central Court dynasties, when the heir apparent is capped the emperor presides at the hall, the Minister of Education places the cap, and the Director of Imperial Entertainment assists. For enfeoffed princes, a palace gentleman caps them and the commandant of the guard assists. To rank him with the heir would be excessive; to follow the princes would be slighting. Again, the Spring and Autumn Annals teach: 『One does not set aside a grandfather's command because of a father's.』 The Rites say: 『While the father lives one remains a son; while the sovereign lives one remains a subject.』 The crown prince stands in the role of subject and son; he has no prerogative to act independently. Nan Commandery, though a feudatory realm, is not a collateral younger line; he should take his mandate from the court and observe the capping at the east steps in due measure. Emperor Wu of Jin's edict held that Han and Wei sent envoys to cap enfeoffed princes—not the ancient proper canon. That surely refers to a younger son by a concubine enfeoffed as prince, who should cap himself as a duke would; for a feudatory state's eldest grandson, an envoy is appropriate. Let the Director of Grand Ceremonial bear the staff and cap him, the Grand Herald assist, and the libation wine rest with those two ministers as well; the blessing and libation words should track the classics and be drafted anew—not the routine of a feudatory court. Feudatory officials attending to bow and offer congratulations should follow established statute. That day, pure-office holders of the third rank and above, court and capital alike, should assemble where the carriage stops to offer congratulations, and also present written felicitations at the Eastern Palace's south gate. On another day present the formal gifts; palace staff should likewise come to the gate to congratulate, as at the upper terrace. After the capping, fix a day to visit the ancestral temple and so fulfill the duty of honoring forebears. As this is a major rite, it should be sent to the eight chief ministers, their assistants and directors, and the two academies for full debate. 」Vice Director Wang Huan and fourteen others debated and were unanimous, and jointly composed the two texts for assisting the capping and for the libation wine. The edict read: 「Approved.」 The invocatory text runs: 「The emperor sends Palace Attendant and Director of Grand Ceremonial, Marquis of Wu'an Xiao Huiji, to cap the Prince of Nan Commandery. 」The blessing says: 「Having divined the day and the guest, we begin the first cap. Lay down your boyish will; take up your formed virtue. Honor the worthy and use the capable; may you receive abundant fortune. 」The libation-wine text says: 「The good wine is clear; the fine offerings are heaped. Your brothers are all here; be virtuous and careful in your bearing. May you live to hoary age; in this find lasting calm.」

永明中，世祖以婚禮奢費，敕諸王納妃，上御及六宮依禮止棗栗腶脩，加以香澤花粉，其餘衣物皆停。唯公主降嬪，則止遺舅姑也。永泰元年，尚書令徐孝嗣議曰：「夫人倫之始，莫重冠婚，所以尊表成德，結歡兩姓。年代汙隆，古今殊則，繁簡之儀，因時或異。三加廢於士庶，六禮限於天朝，雖因習未久，事難頓改，而大典之要，深宜損益。案《士冠禮》，三加畢，乃醴冠者，醴則唯一而已，故醴辭無二。若不醴，則每加輙醮以酒，故醮辭有三。王肅云『醴本古，其禮重，酒用時味，其禮輕故也』。或醴或醮，二三之義，詳記於經文。今皇王冠畢，一酌而已，卽可擬古設醴。而猶用醮辭，寔爲乖衷。尋婚禮實篚以四爵，加以合巹，旣崇尚質之理，又象泮合之義。故三飯卒食，再酳用巹。先儒以禮成好合，事終於三，然後用巹合。儀注先酳巹，以再以三，有違旨趣。又《郊特牲》曰『三王作牢用陶匏』。言太古之時，無共牢之禮，三王作之，而用太古之器，重夫婦之始也。今雖以方樏示約，而彌乖昔典。又連巹以鏁，蓋出近俗。復別有牢燭，雕費采飾，亦虧曩制。方今聖政日隆，聲教惟穆，則古昔以敦風，存餼羊以愛禮，沿襲之規，有切治要，嘉禮實重，宜備舊章。謂自今王侯已下冠畢一酌醴，以遵古之義。醴卽用舊文，於事爲允。婚亦依古，以巹酌終酳之酒，竝除金銀連鏁，自餘雜器，悉用埏陶。堂人執燭，足充焫燎，牢燭華侈，亦宜停省。庶斲雕可期，移俗有漸。」參議竝同。奏可。

During Yongming, Emperor Wu found wedding rites wasteful and ordered that when princes married, the emperor, empress, and six palaces should send only the ritual gifts of dates, chestnuts, minced meat, and dried strips, plus scented unguent and face powder; all other garments and goods were cut. Only when a princess wed a consort were gifts limited to those for her husband's parents. In Yongtai 1, Director of the Masters of Writing Xu Xiaosi argued: 「Human order begins with capping and marriage—the rites that display full virtue and bind two families. Times wax and wane; ancient and modern norms diverge; ritual may be elaborate or spare according to the age. The three additions are gone among commoners; the six rites belong only to the court. Custom is young and wholesale change difficult, yet the heart of great ritual should be revised with care. The Capping Rite for Commoners: after three additions one offers sweet wine to the capped man—and sweet wine is offered only once, so there is but one sweet-wine blessing. Without sweet wine, each addition is followed by libation wine—hence three libation texts. Wang Su said, 『Sweet wine is archaic and its rite heavy; wine of the season is lighter by nature.』 Sweet wine or libation, the logic of two versus three is spelled out in the canon. Today princes of the blood complete capping with a single pouring—we could follow antiquity and use sweet wine. Yet we still employ libation texts—that is a real departure from the meaning. In the marriage rites, the fruit basket bears four goblets and the joined gourds—honoring plain substance and symbolizing union at the pond. Hence three servings of food, the meal finished, then a second mouth-rinsing with the nuptial cup. Earlier scholars held that the union is sealed when the rite reaches three—only then the joined cups. Current protocol rinses with the gourd before the second and third portions—against the true sequence. Again, the Record of Suburban Sacrifice says, 『The Three Kings instituted the joint pen and used earthenware and gourd.』 In deepest antiquity there was no shared pen; the Three Kings created the rite and used the oldest vessels—to honor the start of marriage. Today a square box may signal moderation, yet it strays further from ancient statute. Chaining the nuptial cups with a lock is plainly a recent vulgarity. Separate wedding candles, carved and gilded at great expense, likewise betray the old rule. Today sagely rule grows daily and teaching spreads in peace; we should follow antiquity to nurture custom, keep the sacrificial sheep to honor ritual—inherited rules touch the heart of government, and auspicious rites are grave; the old statutes ought to be restored. Let it be that from now on, for kings and marquises downward, after the capping is finished there is a single libation of ceremonial ale, in keeping with ancient usage. The ceremonial ale should use the old libation text—that is acceptable in practice. Weddings should follow antiquity as well: the nuptial gourd-cup should pour the wine for the final toast, gold-and-silver linked locks should be removed, and all other mixed vessels should be pottery. Hall attendants with candles suffice for the lights; lavish stable-candles and ornate display should be cut back as well. Then extravagant carving may be expected to end, and custom may shift by degrees. 」The joint deliberation unanimously approved. The memorial was approved.

漢末，蔡邕立漢《朝會志》，竟不就。秦人以十月旦爲歲首，漢初習以大饗會，後用夏正，饗會猶未廢十月旦會也。東京以後，正旦夜漏未盡七刻，鳴鍾受賀，公侯以下執贄來庭，二千石以上升殿稱萬歲，然後作樂宴饗。張衡賦云「皇輿夙駕，登天光於扶桑」。然則雖云夙駕，必辨色而行事矣。魏武都鄴，正會文昌殿，用漢儀，又設百華燈。後魏文修洛陽宮室，權都許昌，宮殿狹小，元日於城南立氈殿，青帷以爲門，設樂饗會。後還洛陽，依漢舊事。晉武帝初，更定朝會儀，夜漏未盡十刻，庭燎起火，羣臣集。傅玄《朝會賦》云「華燈若乎火樹，熾百枝之煌煌』。此則因魏儀與庭燎竝設也。漏未盡七刻，羣臣入白賀，未盡五刻，就本位，至漏盡，皇帝出前殿，百官上賀，如漢儀。禮畢罷入，羣臣坐，謂之辰賀。晝漏上三刻更出，百官奉壽酒，大饗作樂，謂之晝會。別置女樂三十人於黃帳外，奏《房中之歌》。江左多虞，不復晨賀，夜漏未盡十刻，開宣陽門，至平旦始開殿門，晝漏上五刻，皇帝乃出受賀。宋世至十刻乃受賀。其餘升降拜伏之儀，及置立后妃王公已下祠祀夕牲拜授弔祭，皆有儀注，文多不載。

At the end of Han, Cai Yong began the Han Court Assembly Chronicle, but never finished it. Qin took the first day of the tenth month as New Year; early Han kept the great feast on that day; after adopting the Xia calendar's first month, the tenth-month assembly was still not dropped. After the Eastern Capital, on New Year's dawn, before the night clepsydra had run seven units, bells rang and congratulations were received; dukes and marquises down brought gifts to court; officials of two thousand dan and above ascended the hall and hailed ten thousand years; then music was played and a banquet held. Zhang Heng's rhapsody says, 「The imperial carriage sets out early and mounts heaven's light at Fusang.」 Thus although it speaks of setting out early, business had to wait until dawn could be told. Cao Cao made Ye his capital; the New Year assembly was held in Wenchang Hall by Han rite, with a hundred flower-lamps set out besides. Later Cao Pi repaired the Luoyang palaces but was provisionally at Xuchang; the halls were cramped, so on New Year's day a felt pavilion was raised south of the city, green curtains serving as its gate, with music and a feast. Later he returned to Luoyang and followed Han precedent. Early in Jin Wudi's reign the court-assembly rite was revised: before the night clepsydra had run ten units, courtyard torches were lit and the ministers assembled. Fu Xuan's Rhapsody on the Court Assembly says, 「Splendid lamps like a fire-tree, blazing with the glory of a hundred branches.」 This followed Wei practice, with courtyard torches set out together. Before seven units on the clepsydra, ministers entered to announce congratulations; before five they took their places; when the clepsydra ran out, the emperor came to the front hall and officials ascended to congratulate, as in Han rite. When the rite ended they withdrew and the ministers sat—this was called the morning congratulations. At three units on the day clepsydra he came forth again; officials offered longevity wine, a great feast was held with music—this was called the day assembly. Thirty female musicians were set apart outside the yellow tent to perform the "Songs from Within the Chamber." In the southeast there was much turmoil, and morning congratulations ceased; before ten units on the night clepsydra Xuanyang Gate was opened, hall gates only at dawn; at five units on the day clepsydra the emperor came forth to receive congratulations. Under Song, congratulations were not received until ten units. Other protocols—for ascending and descending, bowing and prostration, installing empresses and consorts, sacrifices by kings and dukes down, evening victims, investiture bows, and condolence rites—all had regulations, but most are omitted here for length.

三月三日曲水會，古禊祭也。漢《禮儀志》云「季春月上巳，官民皆絜濯於東流水上，自洗濯祓除去宿疾爲大絜」。不見東流爲何水也。晉中朝云，卿已下至於庶民，皆褉洛水之側，事見諸《禊賦》及《夏仲御傳》也。趙王倫篡位，三日，會天淵池誅張林。懷帝亦會天淵池賦詩。陸機云「天淵池南石溝，引御溝水，池西積石爲禊堂，跨水，流杯飲酒」。亦不言曲水。元帝又詔罷三日弄具。今相承爲百戲之具，雕弄技巧，增損無常。

The third-month third-day winding-water gathering was the ancient spring-purification (xi) rite. The Han Treatise on Rites and Protocol says, 「In the last month of spring, on shangsi, officials and people all bathe and cleanse in eastward-flowing water, washing away lingering illness—this is the great purification.」 It does not identify which eastward-flowing water is meant. The Jin central court records that from ministers down to commoners all purified beside the Luo River—this appears in various Purification rhapsodies and in the Biography of Xia Zhongyu. When Prince of Zhao Lun usurped the throne, on the third day he met at Tianyuan Pool and executed Zhang Lin. Emperor Huai also met at Tianyuan Pool for poetry. Lu Ji says, 「South of Tianyuan Pool is a stone channel fed from the imperial canal; west of the pool stones were piled into a purification hall spanning the water, with floating cups for drinking.」 He too does not mention winding water. Emperor Yuan also ordered the third-day play gear abolished. What survives today is the gear of the hundred acts—carved tricks and feats, endlessly added to or trimmed.

史臣曰：案禊與曲水，其義參差。舊言陽氣布暢，萬物訖出，姑洗絜之也。巳者祉也，言祈介祉也。一說，三月三日，清明之節，將脩事於水側，禱祀以祈豐年。應劭云：「禊者，絜也，言自絜濯也。或云漢世有郭虞者，以三月上辰生二女，上巳又生一女，二日中頻生皆死，時俗以爲大忌，民人每至其日，皆適東流水祈祓自絜濯，浮酌清流，後遂爲曲水。」案高后祓霸上，馬融《梁冀西第賦》云「西北戌亥，玄石承輸。蝦蟇吐寫，庚辛之域」。卽曲水之象也。今據禊爲曲水事，應在永壽之前已有，祓除則不容在高后之後，祈農之說，於事爲當。

The historian writes: Purification (xi) and winding water, examined closely, do not mean the same thing. Older accounts say that when yang qi spreads freely and all things have fully emerged, the guxian month is the time for purification. Si means blessing—that is, to pray for blessing. One theory holds that the third month third day is Clear and Bright: rites are performed beside the water, with prayer and sacrifice for an abundant harvest. Ying Shao says, 「Xi means pure—that is, to wash and cleanse oneself.」 Others say that in Han a Guo Yu on the upper chen of the third month bore two daughters, and on shangsi bore another; children born on both days died in quick succession, so the day was held a great taboo—people went each year to eastward-flowing water to pray and purify themselves and float cups on the clear stream, and this later became the winding-water rite. 」Empress Gao purified at Bashang; Ma Rong's Rhapsody on Liang Ji's Western Residence says, 「In the northwest, xu and hai quarters, dark stone receives the channel. A toad spits and pours in the geng and xin domain.」 That is the image of winding water. If we treat purification as winding water, it should predate Yongshou; the rite of cleansing cannot have begun only after Empress Gao—the agricultural-prayer explanation fits the facts better.

九月九日馬射。或說云，秋金之節，講武習射，像漢立秋之禮。

The ninth month ninth day was horse archery. Some say that as autumn belongs to metal, troops were drilled and archery practiced, on the model of Han Establishment of Autumn.

史臣曰：案晉中朝元會，設卧騎、倒騎、顛騎，自東華門馳往神虎門，此亦角抵雜戲之流也。宋武爲宋公，在彭城，九日出項羽戲馬臺，至今相承，以爲舊准。 [1]

The historian writes: At the Jin central court's New Year assembly there were prone, inverted, and upside-down riding stunts, galloping from Donghua Gate to Shenhu Gate—another form of wrestling and variety entertainment. When Song Wu was Duke of Song, at Pengcheng he went on the ninth day to Xiang Yu's Play-the-Horse Terrace—a custom handed down to this day as the old standard. [1] Endnote marker.

全文以中華書局、一九七二年一月版《南齊書》爲本校。

This chapter was collated against the January 1972 Zhonghua Shuju edition of the Book of Southern Qi.

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