2
禮下
Rituals 2
4
建元四年，高帝山陵，昭皇后應遷祔。 祠部疑有祖祭及遣啟諸奠九飯之儀不？ 左僕射王儉議：「奠如大斂。 賀循云『從墓之墓皆設奠，如將葬廟朝之禮』。 范寧云『將窆而奠』。 雖不稱為祖，而不得無祭。」 從之。
In the fourth year of Jianyuan the High Emperor's tomb was finished and Empress Zhao was due to be transferred for collateral enshrinement. The Sacrificial Affairs bureau asked whether ancestral sacrifice was required, and whether the rites for dispatching the opening presentation, presentation offerings, and nine food servings applied. Left Vice Director Wang Jian argued: 「Presentation offerings should be handled like the greater encoffinment. He Xun said 『Whenever the grave is moved, offerings are set out, as when the coffin is about to be buried and the court pays temple audience.』 Fan Ning said 『Offerings are made when the coffin is about to be interred.』 Even if one does not call it ancestral sacrifice, an offering cannot be omitted. The court accepted his view.
5
有司又奏：「昭皇后神主在廟，今遷祔葬， （廣） 〔廟〕有虞以安神，神既已處廟，改葬出靈，豈應虞祭？ 鄭注改葬云『從廟之廟，禮宜同從墓之墓』。 事何容異！ 前代謂應無虞。」 左僕射王儉議：「范寧云『葬必有魂車』。 若不為其歸，神將安舍？ 世中改葬，即墓所施靈設祭，何得不祭而毀耶？ 賀循云『既窆，設奠於墓，以終其事』。 雖非正虞，亦粗相似。 晉氏脩復五陵，宋朝敬后改葬，皆有虞。 今設虞非疑。」 從之。
The relevant offices submitted again: 「Empress Zhao's spirit tablet is already in the temple; for the transfer and collateral enshrinement burial, Collation: received the cited text, emended to the cited text. At the temple the yu rite settles the spirit. The spirit is already in the temple; if one reinterrs and removes the soul-seat, should there still be a yu sacrifice? Zheng Xuan's note on reburial says 『Moving from temple to temple should follow the same rule as moving from grave to grave.』 How could the cases differ! Earlier practice held that no yu rite was required. 」Left Vice Director Wang Jian argued: 「Fan Ning said 『Every burial requires a soul cart.』 If you do not receive it home, where will the spirit rest? When graves are moved in our time, a soul-seat is installed at the tomb and offerings are made—how can one destroy the seat without sacrificing? He Xun said 『After interment, set offerings at the grave to finish the rite.』 It is not a full yu rite, but it is close enough. Jin's restoration of the five imperial tombs and Song's reburial of Empress Jing both included yu rites. There is no question that a yu rite should be held now. The court accepted his view.
6
建元二年，皇太子妃薨，前宮臣疑所服。 左僕射王儉議：「禮記文王世子『父在斯為子，君在斯為臣』。 且漢魏以來，宮僚充備，臣隸之節，具體在三。 昔庾翼妻喪，王允、滕弘謂府吏宜有小君之服，況臣節之重邪？ 宜依禮為舊君妻齊衰三月，居官之身，竝合屬假，朝晡臨哭，悉繫東宮。 今臣之未從官在遠者，於居官之所，屬寧二日半，仍行喪成服，遣牋表，不得奔赴。」 從之。
In the second year of Jianyuan the crown prince's consort died, and former palace staff disputed the mourning they should wear. Left Vice Director Wang Jian argued: 「The Book of Rites, King Wen as Crown Prince, says 『While the father lives you are a son; while the ruler lives you are a subject.』 From Han and Wei on, palace offices have been fully staffed; the duties of subject and servant are complete in every bond. When Yu Yi's wife died, Wang Yun and Teng Hong said prefectural clerks should mourn the master's wife; how much more when the bond of subjecthood is in question? They should observe three months' second-degree mourning for a former lord's wife. All who hold office should receive leave, wail morning and evening at the Eastern Palace, and remain attached to that quarter. Officers not yet in post who are distant should, at their place of service, take two and a half days' leave for rest, then complete mourning dress, send a memorial, and not travel to attend in person. The court accepted his view.
7
太子妃斬草乘黃，議建銘旌。 僕射王儉議：「禮，既塗棺，祝取銘置于殯東，大斂畢，便應建于西階之東。」
When the crown prince's consort cut the mourning staff and took the yellow carriage, officials debated whether to raise the name pennant. Vice Director Wang Jian argued: 「Ritual requires that once the coffin is sealed, the invoker places the inscription east of the bier; when the greater encoffinment is finished, the pennant should be raised east of the western steps.」
8
宋大明二年，太子妃薨，建九旒。 有司又議：「斬草日建旒與不？ 若建旒，應幾旒？ 及畫龍升降云何？ 又用幾翣？」 僕射王儉議：「旒本是命服，無關於凶事，今公卿以下，平存不能備禮，故在凶乃建耳。 東宮秩同上公九命之儀，妃與儲君一體，義不容異，無緣未同常例，別立凶旒。 大明舊事，是不經詳議，率爾便行耳。 今宜考以禮典，不得効尤從失。 吉部伍自有桁輅，凶部別有銘旌，若復立旒，復置何處？ 翣自用八。」 從之。
In Song Daming 2, when a crown prince's consort died, a nine-tassel canopy was used. The relevant offices debated again: 「On the day the mourning staff is cut, should tassels be erected? If they are, how many tassels? And how should the painted dragon rise and fall? And how many feather screens? 」Vice Director Wang Jian argued: 「Tassels belong to insignia of rank, not to mourning; today even the highest ministers cannot keep full ritual in normal times, so tassels are raised only in mourning. The Eastern Palace ranks with a lord of ninefold dignity, like the Three Dukes; consort and heir are one—by right they cannot differ. There is no ground to break from ordinary usage and invent a special mourning tassel. The Daming precedent was never fully debated; it was done in haste. The canon should govern now, not a faulty precedent copied again. The auspicious procession already has its framed carriage; the mourning train has its name pennant—if tassels are added, where would they go? Use eight feather screens. The court accepted his view.
9
有司奏：「大明故事，太子妃玄宮中有石誌。 參議墓銘不出禮典。 近宋元嘉中，顏延作王球石誌。 素族無碑策，故以紀德。 自爾以來，王公以下，咸共遵用。 儲妃之重，禮殊恆列，既有哀策，謂不須石誌。」 從之。
The relevant offices submitted: 「Under Daming precedent, crown princes' consorts had stone epitaphs in the inner tomb chamber. On examination, tomb inscriptions are not prescribed in the ritual canon. Recently, in Song's Yuanjia reign, Yan Yan wrote a stone epitaph for Wang Qiu. Humble families had no steles or written encomia, so stone was used to record their merit. After that, everyone from princes and dukes down observed it alike. A crown prince's consort outranks ordinary wives; with an elegiac decree already issued, a stone epitaph was deemed unnecessary. The court accepted his view.
10
有司奏：「穆妃卒哭後，靈還在道，遇朔望，當須設祭不？」 王儉議：「既虞卒哭，祭之於廟，本是祭序昭穆耳，未全同卒吉四時之祭也，所以有朔望殷事。 蕃國不行權制，宋江夏王妃卒哭以後，朔望設祭。 帝室既以卒哭除喪，無緣方有朔望之祭。 靈筵雖未升廟堂，而舫中即成行廟，猶如桓玄及宋高祖長沙、臨川二國，竝有移廟之禮。 豈復謂靈筵在途，便設殷事耶？ 推此而言，朔望不復俟祭。 宋懿后時舊事不及此，益可知時議。」 從之。
The relevant offices submitted: 「After Consort Mu completed the end of wailing, the spirit journey was still underway; should new- and full-moon offerings be held? 」Wang Jian replied: 「After yu and zui ku, temple sacrifice only sets zhao-mu order; it is not the same as the four seasonal rites after mourning ends—hence the elaborate new- and full-moon observances. Feudal kingdoms did not follow the crown's expedients; in Song, the Jiangxia princess continued new- and full-moon offerings after zui ku. The imperial line ends mourning at zui ku; there is no ground for new- and full-moon rites afterward. Though the spirit-seat had not reached the temple, the barge itself served as a traveling shrine—as with Huan Xuan and, under Song Gaozu, the Changsha and Linchuan domains, which all observed temple-transfer rites. Surely one does not hold elaborate new- and full-moon rites merely because the spirit-seat is still en route? On that reasoning, new- and full-moon offerings need not be observed. Under Song's Empress Yi the old precedent did not go so far, which shows what contemporaries thought. The court accepted his view.
11
建元三年，有司奏：「皇太子穆妃以去年七月薨，其年閏九月。 未審當月數閏？ 為應以閏附正月？ 若用月數數閏者，南郡王兄弟便應以此四月晦小祥，至於祥月，不為有疑不？」 左僕射王儉議：「三百六旬，尚書明義，文公納幣，春秋致譏。 穀梁云『積分而成月』。 公羊云『天無是月』。 雖然，左氏謂告朔為得禮。 是故先儒咸謂三年朞喪，歲數沒閏，大功以下，月數數閏。 夫閏者，蓋是年之餘日，而月之異朔，所以吳商云『含閏以正朞，允協情理』。 今杖朞之喪，雖以十〔一〕月而小祥，至於祥縞，必須周歲。 凡厭屈之禮，要取象正服。 祥縞相去二月，厭降小祥，亦以則之。 又且求之名義，則小祥本以年限，考於倫例，則相去必應二朔。 今以厭屈而先祥，不得謂此事之非朞，事既同條，情無異貫，沒閏之理，固在言先。 設令祥在此晦，則去縞三月，依附准例，益復為礙。 謂應須五月晦乃祥。 此國之大典，宜共精詳。 並通關八座丞郎，研盡同異。」
In the third year of Jianyuan the relevant offices submitted: 「Crown Prince Consort Mu died last July; the year also had an intercalary ninth month. Should the intercalary month count toward the month tally? Or should it be folded into the first month? If months are counted and the intercalary is included, the Nanjun princes should hold xiaoxiang on the last day of the fourth month—would that leave the xiang month in doubt? 」Left Vice Director Wang Jian argued: 「Three hundred and sixty days—the Documents state it plainly; Duke Wen's betrothal gifts drew the Spring and Autumn Annals' rebuke. Guliang said: 『Months form from accumulated fractional days.』 Gongyang said: 『Heaven has no intercalary month as such.』 Still, the Zuo tradition treats announcing the new moon as ritually correct. Early Ru thus held: three-year term mourning counts by years and absorbs the intercalary; for lesser grades, count months and include the intercalary. An intercalary month is surplus days in a year and an extra reckoning in the month; Wu Shang said: 『Wrap the intercalary into the term—that best fits reason.』 For staff-and-one-year mourning, xiaoxiang may fall in the eleventh month, but xiang and hemp mourning require a full cycle of the year. Compressed mourning mirrors the normal garment stages. Xiang and hemp are two months apart; compressed xiaoxiang follows that spacing. By name, xiaoxiang is reckoned by years; by parallel cases, two new moons must separate the stages. Compression moves xiang earlier, but the case is still term mourning under the same rule and feeling; absorbing the intercalary was already argued. If xiang fell on this month's last day, hemp would be only three months away—again at odds with precedent. Xiang should fall on the last day of the fifth month. This is a state ritual of the first order and deserves joint, careful review. Circulate it to the Eight Seats, aides, and directors to settle every point of agreement and difference.」
12
尚書令褚淵難儉議曰：「厭屈之典，由所尊奪情，故祥縞備制，而年月不申。 今以十一月而祥，從朞可知。 既計以月數，則應數閏以成典。 若猶含之，何以異於縞制。 疑者正以祥之當閏，月數相縣。 積分餘閏，曆象所弘。 計月者數閏，故有餘月，計年者苞含，故致盈積。 稱理從制，有何不可？」
Director Chu Yuan objected to Jian: 「Compressed mourning exists because respect for the honored curtails grief, so xiang and hemp keep full form while years and months are not fully expressed. Holding xiang in the eleventh month already shows term reckoning. If reckoning is by months, the intercalary should be counted to complete the rule. If the intercalary is still absorbed, how is that different from hemp mourning? The doubt is precisely that xiang should coincide with an intercalary month while month-counts stand apart. Fractional days and surplus intercalary are what calendrical science upholds. Month-reckoning counts the intercalary and leaves extra months; year-reckoning encompasses and yields surplus. If reason and statute align, what objection remains?」
13
儉又荅淵難曰：「含閏之義，通儒所難。 但祥本應朞，屈而不遂。 語事則名體具存，論哀則情無以異。 迹雖數月，義實計年，閏是年之歸餘，故宜總而苞之。 朞而兩祥，緣尊故屈，祥則沒閏，象年所申，屈申兼著，二途具舉。 經記之旨，其在茲乎！ 如使五月小祥，六月乃閏，則祥之去縞，事成二月，是為十一月以象前朞，二朔以放後歲，名有區域，不得相參。 魯襄二十八年『十二月乙未，楚子卒』。 唯書上月，初不言閏，此又附上之明義也。 鄭、射、王、賀唯云朞則沒閏，初不復區別杖朞之中祥，將謂不俟言矣。 成休甫云『大祥後禫，有閏別數之』。 明杖朞之祥，不得方於綅縞之末。 即恩如彼，就例如此。」 淵又據舊義難儉十餘問，儉隨事解釋。
Jian answered Yuan again: 「The meaning of including the intercalary—even leading Ru find it hard. Xiang should come at term's end but was bent short. In form the names and stages remain; in grief the feeling is unchanged. The calendar shows months, but the meaning is years; the intercalary is the year's remainder and should be wrapped into the whole. One term, two xiang: respect compresses; at xiang the intercalary is absorbed to express the year—compression and full expression both appear, both paths named. Is this not the thrust of the classics? If xiaoxiang fell in the fifth month and the sixth were intercalary, only two months would remain to hemp—making the eleventh month stand for the prior term and two new moons discharge the later year; the categories differ and cannot be combined. Lu Xiang year 28: 『In the twelfth month, on yiwei, the Chu ruler died.』 It names only the recorded month and never the intercalary—a clear rule for how the upper month is written. Zheng, She, Wang, and He said only that term mourning absorbs the intercalary; they did not separate xiang within staff-and-term mourning—that surely needs no argument. Cheng Xiufu said: 『After great xiang, yong and the offering rites count the intercalary separately.』 The minor felicity of staff-period mourning cannot be measured against the tail of coarse hemp and sackcloth. If favor worked that way, precedent should work the same. 」Chu Yuan pressed on with a dozen more objections drawn from older commentators; Jian rebutted each in turn.
14
祠部郎中王珪之議，謂「喪以閏施，功衰以下小祥值閏，則略而不言。 今雖厭〔屈〕，祥名猶存，異於餘服。 計月為數，屈追慕之心，以遠為邇。 日既餘分，月非正朔，含而全制，於情唯允。 僕射儉議，理據詳博，謹所附同。 今司徒淵始雖疑難，再經往反，未同儉議。 依舊八座丞郎通共博議為允。 以來五月晦小祥，其祥禫自依常限。 奏御，班下內外。」 詔「可」。
Wang Guizhi of the sacrifices bureau argued: 「Where mourning reckons leap months, for merit-mourning and lower grades a leap-month minor felicity is simply not named. Even when mourning is compressed, the term xiang still stands—unlike other grades of dress. To count by months is to shorten grief and pull what should be far back to what feels near. Leap days are the year's remainder; leap months are not true first days of the month—yet folding them in to finish the full mourning term is what feeling allows. Vice Director Wang Jian's argument is thorough; I respectfully concur. Minister of Works Chu Yuan first objected; after two exchanges he still did not accept Jian's view. By old custom the eight excellencies and all directors and aides should debate the matter together and settle what is right. Henceforth minor felicity on the last day of the fifth month; xiang and chan thereafter on the ordinary schedule. The memorial went up; the decision was issued court and realm. 」The edict read: 「Approved.」
15
皇太子穆妃服，尚書左丞兼著作郎王逡問左僕射王儉：「中軍南郡王小祥，應待聞喜不？ 穆妃七月二十四日薨，聞喜公八月發哀，計十一月之限，應在六月。 南郡王為當同取六月，則大祥復申一月，應用八月，非復正月，在存親之義，若各自為祥，廬堊相閒，玄素雜糅，未審當有此疑不？」 儉曰：「送往有已，復生有節，罔極非服制所申，祥縞明示終之斷。 相待之義，經記無聞。 世人多以廬室衰麻，不宜有異，故相去一二月者，或申以俱除。 此所謂任情徑行，未達禮旨。 昔撰喪記，已嘗言之。 遠還之人，自有為而未祭，在家之子，立何辭以不變？ 禮有除喪而歸者，此則經記之遺文，不待之明據。 假使應待，則相去彌年，亦宜必待，乃為衰絰永服以窮生，吉蠲長絕於宗廟，斯不可矣。 苟曰非宜，則旬月之閒，亦不容申。 何者？ 禮有倫序，義無徒設。 今遠則不待，近必相須，禮例既乖，即心無取。 若疑兄弟同居，吉凶舛雜，則古有異宮之義。 設無異宮，則遠還之子，自應開立別門，以終喪事。 靈筵祭奠，隨在家之人，再朞而毀。 所以然者，奔喪禮云『為位不奠』，鄭玄云『以其精神不存乎此也』。 聞哀不時，寔緣在遠。 為位不奠，益有可安。 此自有為而然，不關嫡庶。 庶子在家，亦不待嫡矣。 而況儲妃正體王室，中軍長嫡之重，天朝又行權制，進退彌復非疑。 謂不應相待。 中軍祥縞之日，聞喜致哀而已，不受弔慰。 及至忌辰變除，昆弟亦宜相就寫情而不對客。 此國之大典，宜通關八座丞郎，共盡同異，然〔後〕奏御。」 司徒褚淵等二十人竝同儉議為允，請以為永制。 詔「可」。
During mourning for the crown prince's Consort Mu, Wang Xun—left director of the Masters of Writing and concurrent director of composition—asked Vice Director Wang Jian: 「For the Central Army prince of Nan Commandery, should minor felicity wait on Wenxi? Consort Mu died on the twenty-fourth of the seventh month; the duke of Wenxi began mourning in the eighth; by an eleven-month count, minor felicity should land in the sixth month. If the prince of Nan were to share the sixth month, major felicity would slip another month to the eighth—not back to the first month; and if each brother kept his own felicity schedule, thatched mourning huts and whitewashed walls would alternate, black and white interleaved—is that really in doubt? 」Jian replied: 「The dead are sent off to their limit; the living return on fixed seasons. Boundless grief is not what the garment code is for—xiang and hemp mark where mourning ends. The classics and commentaries nowhere speak of waiting for one another. Most people think thatched huts and hemp dress ought not to differ, so when dates fall a month or two apart they sometimes stretch the schedule to end mourning together. That is indulging private feeling, not grasping what ritual intends. I said as much when I compiled the Mourning Record. A man returning from afar may still owe rites he has not performed; a son at home—what excuse has he to keep old garments unchanged? The rites allow removing mourning garments on return—that is a surviving line in the classics, not something needing explicit proof. If waiting were required, even a year's gap would demand waiting—then one would wear hemp to the grave and cut off sacrifice at the ancestral temple forever; that is impossible. If it is wrong in principle, it is wrong whether the gap is ten days or ten months. Why? Ritual has its order; meaning is never set up for nothing. Today the distant mourner need not wait, yet the near must—precedent is already twisted, and the heart will not follow. If the worry is brothers under one roof with joy and mourning tangled, antiquity allowed separate households. Without separate residences, the son back from afar should set up his own gate and finish mourning apart. The spirit mat and offerings stay with whoever remains at home and are dismantled after two mourning periods. Rush-mourning rites say: 『One sets a place but does not offer』—Zheng Xuan: 『Because the spirit is not present there.』 Hearing the news out of season is simply because one was far away. Setting a place without offering is all the more reason to be at ease about it. That follows from one's own obligations; it has nothing to do with primary wife or concubine. A secondary son at home does not wait on the heir either. How much more when the crown prince's consort is the orthodox wife of the house, the Central Army heir is the eldest son, and the court itself applies expedient mourning—there is no real doubt left. They should not wait on one another. On the Central Army prince's xiang-and-hemp day, Wenxi begins mourning only—he does not receive callers. When the death anniversary comes and garments change, brothers may visit each other privately but should not receive guests. This is a great statute of the realm; it should go to the eight excellencies and all directors and aides for full debate, then be memorialized. 」Minister of Works Chu Yuan and twenty colleagues endorsed Jian's view and asked that it be fixed as permanent rule. The edict read: 「Approved.」
16
建元三年，太子穆妃薨，南郡王聞喜公國臣疑制君母服。 儉又議：「禮『庶人為國君齊衰』，先儒云『庶人在官若府史之屬是也』。 又諸侯之大夫妻為夫人服繐衰七月，以此輕微疏遠，故不得盡禮。 今皇孫自是蕃國之王公，太子穆妃是天朝之嫡婦。 宮臣得申小君之禮，國官豈敢為夫人之敬。 當單衣白帢素帶哭于中門外，每臨輒入，與宮官同。」
the third year of Jianyuan: the crown prince's Consort Mu died; retainers of the prince of Nan Commandery and the duke of Wenxi disputed how to mourn a lord's stepmother. Jian argued again: 「The rites say 『Commoners in office wear equated mourning for the lord of the state』, and early scholars explain 『in office』 as clerks on a prince's or commandery staff. A great feudal lord's wife wears fine hemp seven months for the lord's wife—being remote and slight in rank, she does not receive the full rite. The imperial grandson is a feudal king in his own domain; Consort Mu was the crown prince's orthodox wife in the heavenly court. Palace staff may perform rites for a lesser lady; domain officials dare not perform rites for a full lady of the house. They should wear plain dress, white headcloth, and plain belt and weep outside the middle gate, entering only when called—as palace officers do.」
17
永明十一年，文惠太子薨，右僕射王晏等奏：「案喪服經『為君之父、長子，同齊衰朞』。 今至尊既不行三年之典，止服朞制，羣臣應降一等，便應大功。 九月功衰，是兄弟之服，不可以服尊。 臣等參議，謂宜重其衰裳，減其月數，同服齊衰三月。 至於太孫三年既申，南郡國臣，宜備齊衰朞服。 臨汝、曲江既非正嫡，不得禰先儲，二公國臣，竝不得服。」 詔依所議。
Yongming 11: Crown Prince Wenhui died. Vice Director Wang Yan and others wrote: 「The Mourning Garments classic says: 『For the lord's father and eldest son, the same equated mourning period.』 Since the sovereign does not observe the full three-year rite but only the one-year mourning, the ministers should drop one grade and wear greater processed hemp. Nine-month diminished labor is brothers' mourning; it cannot be worn for a superior. We submit that the sackcloth should be heavier and the months fewer—everyone alike in three months of dressed sackcloth. Once the imperial grandson's three-year term is complete, Nankang's ministers should wear the full one-year dressed sackcloth. Linru and Qujiang were not legitimate heirs and could not honor the former heir; neither princedom's ministers should mourn. 」The edict approved their proposal.
18
又奏：「案喪服經雖有『妾為君之長子從君而服』，二漢以來，此禮久廢，請因循前准，不復追行。」 詔曰：「既久廢，停便。」
They memorialized again: 「The Mourning Dress Classic does say that a concubine follows the lord in mourning for his eldest son, but since the two Han the rite has been dead; we ask to follow earlier precedent and not revive it. 」The edict read: 「It has been abandoned too long—leave it so.」
19
又奏：「伏尋御服文惠太子朞內不奏樂，諸王雖本服朞，而儲皇正體宗廟，服者一同，釋服，奏樂姻娶，便應竝通。 竊謂二等誠俱是嘉禮，輕重有異。 娶婦思嗣，事非全吉，三日不樂，禮有明文。 宋世朞喪降在大功者，婚禮廢樂，以申私戚，通以前典。」 詔「依議」。
They memorialized again: 「In imperial mourning for Crown Prince Wenhui, no music is played during the year; though the princes themselves are in period mourning, the heir is the temple's proper body and the grade is one—when mourning ends, music and marriage should be allowed alike. I hold that both are joyous rites, but not of the same weight. Marriage to secure an heir is not wholly auspicious; three days without music—the rites say so plainly. Under Song, mourners reduced from the year to greater processed hemp still laid music aside at weddings to show private grief—following older precedent. 」Edict: 「Approved.」
20
又奏：「案禮，祥除皆先於今夕易服，明旦乃設祭。 尋比世服臨然後改服，與禮為乖。 今東宮公除日，若依例皇太孫服臨方易服。 臣等參議，謂先哭臨竟而後祭之。 應公除者，皆於府第變服，而後入臨，行奉慰之禮。」 詔「可」。
They memorialized again: 「By the rites, the end of xiang mourning always means changing dress the night before and holding the sacrifice only at dawn. In recent practice men still wear mourning at the visit and change only afterward—that departs from the rites. On the Eastern Palace's public release day, precedent would have the imperial grandson change dress only at the mourning visit. We submit that one should finish weeping at the visit first and only then offer sacrifice. Everyone due for public release should change dress at home, then enter the visit and perform the condolence rite. 」Edict: 「Approved.」
21
建武二年，朝會，時世祖遏密未終，朝議疑作樂不？ 祠部郎何佟之議：「昔舜受終文祖，義非胤堯，及放勛徂落，遏密三祀。 近代晉康帝繼成帝，于時亦不作樂。 懷帝永嘉元年，惠帝喪制未終，于時江充議云，古帝王相承，雖世及有異，而輕重同禮。」 從之。
In Jianwu 2, at court assembly, Emperor Shizu's mourning taboo was not yet over, and the court debated whether music should be played. He Tongzhi, directorate-of-sacrifices attendant, argued: 「When Shun received the mandate from Wenzu he did not, in principle, inherit Yao; when Fangxun died, he suppressed music for three years. In Jin, Emperor Kang succeeded Emperor Cheng and likewise made no music. In Huai's Yongjia 1, while Emperor Hui's mourning was unfinished, Jiang Chong held that successive rulers, though succession differed, observed the same rites in weight. 」The court followed him.
22
建武二年正月，有司以世 （祖） 〔宗〕文皇帝今二年正月二十四日再忌日，二十九日大祥，三月二十九日祥禫，至尊及羣臣泄哀之儀，應定准。 下二學八座丞郎。 博士陶韶以為「名立義生，自古之制。 文帝正號祖宗，式序昭穆，祥忌禫日，皇帝宜服祭服，出太極泄哀，百僚亦祭服陪位」。 太常丞李撝議曰：「尋尊號既追，重服宜正，但已從權制，故苴杖不說。 至於鑽燧既同，天地亦變，容得無感乎。 且晉景獻皇后崩，羣臣備小君之服。 追尊之后，無違后典，追尊之帝，固宜同帝禮矣。 雖臣子一例，而禮隨時異，至尊龍飛中興，事非嗣武，理無深衣之變。 但王者體國，亦應弔服出正殿舉哀，百寮致慟，一如常儀。」 給事中領國子助教謝 （墨） 〔曇〕濟議：「夫喪禮一制，限節兩分。 虞祔追亡之情，小祥抑存之禮，斯蓋至愛可申，極痛宜屈耳。 文皇帝雖君德早凝，民化未洽，追崇尊極，寔緣于性。 今言臣則無實，論己則事虛。 聖上馭㝢，更奉天眷，祗禮七廟，非從三后，周忌祥禫，無所依設。」 太學博士崔愝同陶韶議，太常沈倓同李撝議，國子博士劉警等同謝 （墨） 〔曇〕濟議。
In the first month of Jianwu 2, the relevant offices reported that Shizong Zong Emperor Wen (temple name Shizong): in the second year, the twenty-fourth day of the first month is the second death anniversary; the twenty-ninth is major xiang; the twenty-ninth of the third month is xiang removal. The rites by which sovereign and ministers pour forth grief should be set by precedent. The matter was circulated to the two academies, the eight seats, and the directorate and attendant ranks. Erudite Tao Shao held: 「When the title is fixed the obligation follows—that is ancient regulation. Emperor Wen now stands properly among ancestors; on xiang, memorial, and removal days the emperor should wear sacrificial robes, leave the Supreme Ultimate hall to pour forth grief, and the hundred offices should attend in sacrificial dress likewise.」 Li Huo, aide in the chamberlainate for ceremonials, argued: 「Once the posthumous title was granted, full mourning would be proper; but the court already followed an expedient rule, so the hemp staff is not discussed. Yet when the fire-drill is the same, Heaven and Earth change too—how could one feel nothing? When Jin's Jingxian empress died, the ministers wore the dress owed a lesser mistress. After posthumous elevation to empress there is no breach of empress precedent; a posthumously elevated emperor should follow emperor rites all the more. Ministers and sons may share one rule, but rites shift with the age; the sovereign's restoration is not succession in the manner of continuing Wu—there is no call for deep-garment mourning. Yet the king embodies the state: he should wear condolence dress, go out to the main hall to lament, and the hundred offices express grief as in ordinary rites. 」Attendant gentleman and acting national university assistant instructor Xie (Mo) Xie Tanji argued: 「Mourning is one system, but its limits divide in two. Yu and fu pursue the dead; minor xiang restrains remembrance of the living—there utmost love may extend and utmost pain should yield. Emperor Wen's virtue was early formed though the people were not yet fully transformed; posthumous exaltation sprang from nature alone. As ministers we have no real standing here; for ourselves the matter is hollow. The sage sovereign rules the realm under Heaven's renewed favor, reverently tends the seven temples—not as heir to three empresses—so the cycle of memorial, xiang, and removal has no footing. 」National university erudite Cui Tan sided with Tao Shao; chamberlain Shen Tan sided with Li Huo; national university erudite Liu Jing and others sided with Xie (Mo) Tanji's deliberation.
23
祠部郎何佟之議曰：「春秋之旨，臣子繼君親，雖恩義有殊，而其禮則一，所以敦資敬之情，篤方喪之義。 主上雖仰嗣高皇，嘗經北面，方今聖曆御宇，垂訓無窮，在三之恩，理不容替。 竊謂世 （祖） 〔宗〕祥忌，至尊宜弔服升殿，羣臣同致哀感，事畢，百官詣宣德宮拜表，仍致哀陵園，以弘追遠之慕。」 尚書令王晏等十九人同佟之議。 詔「可」。
He Tongzhi argued: 「The Spring and Autumn Annals teach that ministers and sons succeed lords and parents; obligations differ, but the rites are one—to deepen nourishing respect and firm the meaning of proper mourning. Though the sovereign succeeded Gaohuang and once faced north to him, the sage reign now governs without end—the threefold obligation cannot be set aside. I hold that for the dynastic founder's Zong For the dynastic founder [Zong], on xiang taboo days the sovereign should wear condolence dress and ascend the hall; ministers should share his grief; when the rite ends, officials should go to Xuande Palace to present a memorial and still mourn at the imperial tomb—to deepen the longing for those long gone. 」Wang Yan, director of the Masters of Writing, and nineteen colleagues sided with He Tongzhi. The edict read: 「Approved.」
24
海陵王薨，百官會哀，時纂嚴，朝議疑戎服臨會。 祠部郎何佟之議：「羔裘玄冠不以弔。 理不容以兵服臨喪。 宋泰始二年，孝武大祥之日，于時百寮入臨，皆於宮門變戎服，著衣𢂿，入臨畢出外，還襲戎衣。」 從之。
When the prince of Hailing died, officials gathered to mourn; the court was under strict assembly rules, and men debated whether to appear in military dress. He Tongzhi of the sacrifices directorate argued: 「Lamb-fur robe and black cap are not for condolence calls. In principle one cannot stand at a funeral in arms. In Song's the second year of Taishi, on Emperor Xiaowu's major-xiang day, the hundred offices came to mourn: at the palace gate they changed out of military dress, put on mourning border-robes, entered to mourn and left when done, then resumed military dress. 」The court followed him.
25
贊曰：姬制孔作，訓範百王。 三千有數，四維是張。 損益彜典，廢舉憲章。 戎祀軍國，社廟郊庠。 冠婚朝會，服紀凶喪。 存為盛德，戒在先亡。
In praise: Zhou laid the pattern; Confucius gave it form—a model for a hundred kings. Three thousand rites keep their count; the four bonds stretch taut across the realm. The Yi canon is trimmed and enlarged; statutes are cast down and raised again. Army rites and state sacrifice; soil-altars and grain-halls, suburban worship, royal school. Capping and wedding, court and assembly; dress and rule for grief and the dead. What endures is great virtue; the warning is written in what died first.