1
劉瓛
Liu Huan
2
劉瓛字子珪,沛國相人,晉丹陽尹惔六世孫也。 祖弘之,給事中。 父惠,治書御史。
Liu Huan, styled Zigui, was a native of Xiang in Pei Commandery and a sixth-generation descendant of Tan, who had served as Administrator of Danyang under the Jin. His grandfather Hongzhi had served as Attendant Within the Yellow Gates. His father Hui had served as Imperial Secretary for Drafting Documents.
3
瓛初州辟祭酒主簿。 宋大明四年,舉秀才,兄璲亦有名,先應州舉,至是別駕東海王元曾與瓛父惠書曰:「比歲賢子充秀,州閭可謂得人。」 除奉朝請,不就。
Huan was first recruited by the province to serve as Registrar to the Libationer. In the fourth year of the Daming era of Song (460), he was nominated as Outstanding Talent. His elder brother Sao was also well known and had already taken the provincial nomination in an earlier year. The Vice Prefect Wang Yuanceng of Donghai then wrote to Huan's father Hui: "In recent years your worthy sons have filled the quota of Outstanding Talent; the province and its people may truly be said to have found the right men." He was appointed Regular Attendant at Court but declined to take up the post.
4
少篤學,博通《五經》。 聚徒教授,常有數十人。 丹陽尹袁粲於後堂夜集,瓛在座,粲指庭中柳樹謂瓛曰:「人謂此是劉尹時樹,每想高風; 今復見卿清德,可謂不衰矣。」 薦爲祕書郎,不見用。 除邵陵王郡主簿,安陸王國常侍,安成王撫軍行參軍,公事免。 瓛素無宦情,自此不復仕。 除車騎行參軍,南彭城郡丞,尚書祠部郎,竝不拜。 袁粲誅,瓛微服往哭,並致賻助。
From his youth he was devoted to learning and attained mastery of the Five Classics. He gathered students to instruct, and he usually had several dozen pupils at a time. Yuan Can, Administrator of Danyang, held an evening gathering in the rear hall, with Huan among the guests. Can pointed to a willow in the courtyard and said to Huan: "People say this is the tree from Administrator Liu's day; I often recall his lofty character; and now I see your pure virtue again—it may truly be said that it has not faded." He was recommended for the post of Secretary in the Palace Library but was not appointed. He was appointed Chief Clerk in the Prince of Shaoling's commandery, Attendant of the Kingdom of Anlu, and Mobile Aide on the staff of the Prince of Ancheng's Pacification Army, but was dismissed for failing in his official duties. Huan had never had any taste for official life, and from that point onward he never entered service again. He was appointed Mobile Aide on the staff of the General of Chariots and Cavalry, Assistant in Nan Pengcheng Commandery, and Gentleman in the Sacrifices Section of the Ministry of Rites, but declined every appointment. When Yuan Can was put to death, Huan went in plain dress to mourn him and also sent funeral gifts and assistance.
5
太祖踐阼,召瓛入華林園談語,謂瓛曰:「吾應天革命,物議以爲何如?」 瓛對曰:「陛下誡前軌之失,加之以寬厚,雖危可安; 若循其覆轍,雖安必危矣。」 旣出,帝顧謂司徒褚淵曰:「方直乃爾! 學士故自過人。」 敕瓛使數入,而瓛自非詔見,未嘗到宮門。
When Emperor Gao took the throne, he summoned Huan to the Hualin Garden for conversation and said to him: "I have received Heaven's mandate and carried out the revolution—what do people generally think of it?" Huan replied: "Your Majesty takes warning from the mistakes of the previous regime and adds to this a policy of leniency and generosity—even in danger the realm may be made secure; but if you follow their overturned path, even in security you will surely fall into danger." After Huan had left, the emperor turned and said to Minister of Education Chu Yuan: "How upright and forthright he is! A scholar is naturally a cut above ordinary men." He ordered Huan to visit the palace often, but unless summoned by imperial edict Huan never came to the palace gate.
6
上欲用瓛爲中書郎,使吏部尚書何戢喻旨。 戢謂瓛曰:「上意欲以鳳池相處,恨君資輕,可且就前除,少日當轉國子博士,便卽後授。」 瓛曰:「平生無榮進意,今聞得中書郎而拜,豈本心哉!」 後以母老闕養,重拜彭城郡丞。 謂司徒褚淵曰:「自省無廊廟之才,所願唯保彭城丞耳。」 上又以瓛兼總明觀祭酒,除豫章王驃騎記室參軍,丞如故,瓛終不就。 武陵王曅爲會稽太守,上欲令瓛爲曅講,除會稽郡丞,學徒從之者轉衆。
The emperor wished to appoint Huan Secretariat Gentleman and had Minister of Officials He Jian convey his intent. Jian said to Huan: "His Majesty wishes to place you in the Secretariat—the Phoenix Pool—but regrets that your seniority is still slight. You may accept the previous appointment for the moment; in a few days you will be transferred to Erudite of the Imperial University, and the higher post will follow immediately thereafter." Huan said: "All my life I have had no wish for glory or advancement; to hear that I am to receive the post of Secretariat Gentleman and bow to accept it—how could that be my true intent!" Later, because his mother was elderly and he lacked means to support her, he again accepted appointment as Assistant in Pengcheng Commandery. He said to Minister of Education Chu Yuan: "When I examine myself, I have no talent for high office; all I wish is simply to keep the post of Assistant in Pengcheng." The emperor also made Huan concurrently Libationer of the Zongming Observatory and appointed him Recorder on the staff of the Prince of Yuzhang's Rapid Cavalry, with his assistant post unchanged—but Huan ultimately declined to serve. When the Prince of Wuling, Xiao Ye, became Grand Administrator of Kuaiji, the emperor wished Huan to serve as his lecturer and appointed him Assistant in Kuaiji Commandery; the students who followed him grew ever more numerous.
7
永明初,竟陵王子良請爲征北司徒記室。 瓛與張融王思遠書曰:「奉教使恭召,會當停公事,但念生平素抱,有乖恩顧。 吾性拙人閒,不習仕進,昔嘗爲行佐,便以不能及公事免黜,此皆眷者所共知也。 量己審分,不敢期榮。 夙嬰貧困,加以疏懶,衣裳容髮,有足駭者。 中以親老供養,褰裳徒步,脫爾逮今,二代一紀。 先朝使其更自脩正,勉厲於階級之次,見其襤縷,或復賜以衣裳,袁、褚諸公咸加勸勵,終不能自反也。 一不復爲,安可重爲哉? 昔人有以冠一免不重加於首,每謂此得進止之儀。 古者以賢制爵,或有秩滿而辭老,以庸制祿,或有身病而求歸者,永瞻前良,在己何若。 又上下年尊,益不願居官次,廢晨昏也。 先朝爲此,曲申從許,故得連年不拜榮授,而帶帖薄祿。 旣習此歲久,又齒長疾侵,豈宜攝齋河閒之聽,廁迹東平之僚? 本無絕俗之操,亦非能偃蹇爲高,此又諸賢所當深察者也。 近奉初教,便自希得託迹於客遊之末,而固辭榮級,其故何耶? 以古之王侯大人,或以此延四方之士,甚美者則有輻湊燕路,慕君王之義,驤鑣魏闕,高公子之仁,繼有追申、白而入楚,羨鄒枚而遊梁,吾非敢叨夫曩賢,庶欲從九九之遺蹤。 旣於聞道集泮不殊,而幸無職司拘礙,可得奉溫凊,展私計,志在此爾。」 除步兵校尉,並不拜。
At the beginning of the Yongming era, the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, requested him as Recorder on the staff of the Pacification General of the North and Minister of Education. Huan wrote to Zhang Rong and Wang Siyuan: "I have received your instruction and a respectful summons; I ought to set aside official business, but when I reflect on the disposition I have cherished all my life, it runs counter to this gracious attention. My nature is awkward among men, and I am unused to pursuing office; I once served as a mobile aide and was dismissed for failing to keep up with official business—this is something all who know me are aware of. Having measured my abilities and examined my proper place, I dare not hope for glory. I have long suffered poverty and want, and on top of that I am negligent and indolent; my clothing, appearance, and hair are enough to shock anyone who sees them. In the meantime, because my parents were elderly and needed support, I went on foot with my robes hitched up; in this way it has continued until today—two reigns and a full generation. The previous court urged him to reform himself and strive within the ranks of office; seeing his ragged clothes, they would sometimes bestow garments upon him. Gentlemen such as Yuan and Chu all encouraged him, yet in the end he could not change his ways. Once one has refused to do a thing, how can one do it again? In antiquity there was a man who, having once removed his cap, would not place it on his head again; I have always held that in this one grasps the proper ritual of advancing and withdrawing. In antiquity worthies were used to regulate noble ranks; some, when their term was complete, resigned on account of age. Merit was used to regulate stipends; some, when ill in body, sought to return home. I forever look up to the worthies of old—how do I measure against them? Moreover, my elders are advanced in years; all the more do I not wish to hold a place in the official hierarchy and neglect my morning and evening duties to them. On this account the previous court bent its will and granted permission, so that for years I did not accept honored appointments but held a nominal post with a slender stipend. Having grown accustomed to this for many years, and with my years advanced and illness encroaching, how could it be fitting to observe fasts and take my place in the Prince of Hejian's audience hall, or stand among the Prince of Dongping's staff? I have no conduct of transcending the world, nor am I able to be proud and aloof to set myself above others—this too is what you gentlemen ought to examine carefully. Recently, having received your first instruction, I hoped to place myself among traveling guests at court, yet I firmly decline honored rank—what is the reason? Ancient kings, marquises, and great men sometimes used this means to draw scholars from all directions: the finest would gather like spokes on the road to Yan, drawn by a lord's righteousness and prancing their steeds to the Wei Gate; they would honor a prince's benevolence, and in succession men followed Shen and Bai into Chu and envied Zou and Mei in traveling to Liang. I do not dare claim those former worthies; I merely wish to follow their lingering example. Since in hearing the Way and gathering at the school there is no difference, yet fortunately I am not constrained by official duties, I may attend to my parents' comfort and carry out my private plans—my aim lies in this alone." He was appointed Commandant of Footsoldiers and again declined to accept.
8
瓛姿狀纖小,儒學冠於當時,京師士子貴遊莫不下席受業。 性謙率通美,不以高名自居。 遊詣故人,唯一門生持胡牀隨後,主人未通,便坐問答。 住在檀橋,瓦屋數閒,上皆穿漏。 學徒敬慕,不敢指斥,呼爲青溪焉。 竟陵王子良親往脩謁。 七年,表世祖爲瓛立館,以揚烈橋故主第給之,生徒皆賀。 瓛曰:「室美爲人災,此華宇豈吾宅邪? 幸可詔作講堂,猶恐見害也。」 未及徙居,遇病,子良遣從瓛學者彭城劉繪、從陽范縝將曅於瓛宅營齋。 及卒,門人受學者並弔服臨送。 時年五十六。
Huan was slight in stature, but his Confucian learning stood at the head of his age; scholars and noble visitors in the capital all sat below his mat to receive instruction. By nature he was modest, straightforward, and thoroughly admirable, and did not rest on his lofty reputation. When he visited old acquaintances, only one disciple followed behind carrying a folding stool; before the host had even announced him, he would sit down and converse. He lived at Tan Bridge in a few tiled rooms whose roofs were all pierced and leaking. His disciples revered him and did not dare point it out directly, calling his dwelling instead the Green Stream. The Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, went in person to pay him a respectful visit. In the seventh year he memorialized Emperor Wu to establish a hall for Huan and had the former lord's mansion at Yanglie Bridge assigned to him; all his disciples congratulated him. Huan said: "A beautiful dwelling becomes a man's disaster—how could this splendid house be my home? It would be fortunate if an edict could make it a lecture hall; I still fear I would come to harm by it." Before he could move in he fell ill. Ziliang sent Liu Hui of Pengcheng and Fan Zhen of Congyang, who had studied under Huan, to conduct the fast at Huan's house. When he died, his disciples and students all wore mourning dress and came to escort him to the grave. He was fifty-six at the time.
9
瓛有至性,祖母病疽經年,手持膏藥,漬指爲爛。 母孔氏甚嚴明,謂親戚曰:「阿稱便是今世曾子。」 阿稱,瓛小名也。 年四十餘,未有婚對。 建元中,太祖與司徒褚淵爲瓛娶王氏女。 王氏椓壁掛履,土落孔氏牀上,孔氏不悅,瓛卽出其妻。 及居父喪,不出廬,足爲之屈,杖不能起。 今上天監元年,下詔爲瓛立碑,諡曰貞簡先生。 所著文集,皆是禮義,行於世。
Huan was deeply filial: his grandmother suffered from a carbuncle for a full year, and he held the medicinal paste in his hand until his fingers were soaked through and rotted. His mother, of the Kong clan, was very strict and principled; she told relatives: "A Cheng is truly the Zengzi of our age." A Cheng was Huan's childhood name. Past the age of forty, he still had no marriage arranged. During the Jianyuan era, Emperor Gao and Minister of Education Chu Yuan arranged for Huan to marry a daughter of the Wang clan. The Wang woman hammered the wall to hang her shoes, and dirt fell onto Lady Kong's bed. Lady Kong was displeased, and Huan immediately sent his wife away. When he was in mourning for his father, he did not leave the mourning hut; his feet became bent from the strain, and he could not rise even with a staff. In the present reign, in the first year of Tianjian (502), an edict was issued to erect a stele for Huan, posthumously titled Master of Upright Simplicity. His collected writings were all on ritual and righteousness and circulated widely.
10
初,瓛講《月令》畢,謂學生嚴植曰:「江左以來,陰陽律數之學廢矣。 吾今講此,曾不得其髣彿。」 時濟陽蔡仲熊禮學博聞,謂人曰:「凡鍾律在南,不容復得調平。 昔五音金石,本在中土; 今旣來南,土氣偏陂,音律乖爽。」 瓛亦以爲然。 仲熊歷安西記室,尚書左丞。
Earlier, when Huan had finished lecturing on the Monthly Ordinances, he told his student Yan Zhi: "Since the establishment of the Eastern Jin, the study of yin and yang, pitch-pipes, and calendrical numbers has fallen into disuse. Now that I lecture on this, I have never even grasped its dim outline." At that time Cai Zhongxiong of Jiyang, renowned for his learning in ritual, told people: "Whenever pitch-pipes and bells are in the south, they cannot again be brought to proper tuning. In former times the five tones and metal and stone instruments belonged to the central lands; now that we have come south, the soil's qi is skewed, and pitch and regulation are out of accord." Huan also agreed. Zhongxiong served successively as Recorder on the staff of the Pacification General of the West and as Left Assistant in the Masters of Writing.
11
瓛弟璡。
Huan's younger brother Jin.
13
弟璡
Younger brother Jin
14
=璡字子璥。 方軌正直。 宋泰豫中,爲明帝挽郎。 舉秀才,建平王景素征北主簿,深見禮遇。 邵陵王征虜安南行參軍。 建元初,爲武陵王曅冠軍征虜參軍。 曅與僚佐飲,自割鵝炙。 璡曰:「應刃落俎,膳夫之事,殿下親執鸞刀,下官未敢安席。」 因起請退。 與友人孔澈同舟入東,澈留目觀岸上女子,璡舉席自隔,不復同坐。 豫章王太尉板行佐。 兄瓛夜隔壁呼璡共語,璡不答,方下牀著衣立,然後應。 瓛問其久,璡曰:「向束帶未竟。」 其立操如此。 文惠太子召璡入侍東宮,每上事,輙削草。 尋署中兵,兼記室參軍大司馬軍事,射聲校尉,卒官。
Jin, styled Zijun. He was square in conduct and upright in character. During the Taiyu era of Song, he served as a dirge-bearer at Emperor Ming's funeral. He was nominated as Outstanding Talent and served as Chief Clerk to the Pacification General of the North on the staff of the Prince of Jianping, Jing Su, and was deeply honored. He served as Mobile Aide on the Pacification General and Pacifier of the South staff of the Prince of Shaoling. At the beginning of the Jianyuan era, he served as Aide on the Champion and Pacification General staff of the Prince of Wuling, Xiao Ye. Ye was drinking with his staff and personally carved roast goose. Jin said: "For meat to fall from the blade to the board is the cook's task; Your Highness personally holds the carving knife—I dare not remain seated at ease." Thereupon he rose and asked to withdraw. With his friend Kong Che he shared a boat traveling east; Che kept his eyes on a woman on the shore. Jin raised his mat to separate himself and would not sit with him again. He served as Mobile Aide on the Grand Marshal's staff of the Prince of Yuzhang. At night his elder brother Huan called through the wall for Jin to talk; Jin did not answer at once but first got down from his bed, dressed, and stood—only then did he respond. Huan asked why he had taken so long; Jin said: "I had not yet finished tying my sash." Such was the standard of conduct he maintained. Crown Prince Wenxiao summoned Jin to serve in the Eastern Palace; whenever he submitted a memorial, he would always revise the draft himself. Soon he was appointed Central Troops Commander, concurrently Recorder and staff officer on the Grand Marshal's military staff, and Commandant of the Archers Who Shoot at Sound; he died in office.
15
陸澄
Lu Cheng
16
陸澄字彥淵,吳郡吳人也。 祖邵,臨海太守。 父瑗,州從事。
Lu Cheng, styled Yanyuan, was a native of Wu in Wu Commandery. His grandfather Shao had served as Grand Administrator of Linhai. His father Yuan had served as a provincial aide.
17
澄少好學,博覽無所不知,行坐眠食,手不釋卷。 起家太學博士,中軍衞軍府行佐,太宰參軍,補太常丞,郡主簿,北中郎行參軍。
From youth Cheng loved learning; he read widely and there was scarcely anything he did not know. Whether walking, sitting, sleeping, or eating, he never let go of his scroll. He began his career as Erudite of the Imperial University, then served as Mobile Aide in the offices of the General of the Center and General of the Guards, as Aide on the Grand Mentor's staff, as Assistant in the Ministry of Ceremonies, as Chief Clerk of a commandery, and as Mobile Aide on the North General of the Household staff.
18
宋泰始初,爲尚書殿中郎,議皇后諱及下外,皆依舊稱姓。 左丞徐爰案司馬孚議皇后不稱姓,春秋逆王后于齊,澄不引典據明,而以意立議,坐免官,白衣領職。 郎官舊有坐杖,有名無實,澄在官積前後罰,一日幷受千杖。 轉通直郎,兼中書郎,尋轉兼左丞。
At the beginning of the Taishi era of Song, he served as Palace Attendant in the Masters of Writing; in deliberations on the empress's taboo name and those outside the palace, all followed the old practice of using surnames. Left Assistant Xu Ai cited Sima Fu's argument that the empress does not use her surname, and that in the Spring and Autumn Annals the queen was moved against to Qi. Cheng failed to cite clear classical evidence and instead based his position on personal opinion; for this he was dismissed from office and served in plain clothes while retaining his duties. Gentleman officials had an old regulation of sitting stick punishment that existed in name only. While Cheng held office he accumulated penalties from earlier and later cases and in one day received a thousand strokes of the stick altogether. He was transferred to Direct Communication Gentleman and concurrently Secretariat Gentleman, and soon afterward was made concurrent Left Assistant.
19
泰始六年,詔皇太子朝賀服衮冕九章,澄與儀曹郎丘仲起議:「服冕以朝,實著經文。 秦除六冕,漢明還備。 魏晉以來,不欲令臣下服衮冕,故位公者加侍官。 今皇太子禮絕羣后,宜遵聖王盛典,革近代之制。」 尋轉著作正員郎,兼官如故。 除安成太守,轉劉韞撫軍長史,加綏遠將軍、襄陽太守,竝不拜。 仍轉劉秉後軍長史、東海太守。 遷御史中丞。
In the sixth year of Taishi, an edict ordered the crown prince to wear the nine-emblem robe and tasseled cap when attending court congratulations. Cheng and Qiu Zhongqi of the Rituals Section argued: "Wearing the tasseled cap at court is in fact prescribed in the canonical texts. The Qin abolished the six tasseled caps; Emperor Ming of Han restored them in full. From Wei and Jin onward, they did not wish subjects to wear the robe and tasseled cap, so men of duke rank were given additional attendant offices instead. The crown prince's ritual now stands above all consorts; he ought to follow the great models of the sage kings and reform the institutions of recent times." Soon he was transferred to Regular Gentleman of the Composition Office, retaining his concurrent posts as before. He was appointed Grand Administrator of Ancheng, then transferred to Chief Clerk on Liu Yun's Pacification Army staff, and additionally offered the posts of General Who Pacifies the Distance and Grand Administrator of Xiangyang—all of which he declined. He was then transferred to Chief Clerk of the Rear Army under Liu Bing and Grand Administrator of Donghai. He was promoted to Palace Assistant Imperial Censor.
20
建元元年,驃騎諮議沈憲等坐家奴客爲劫,子弟被劾,憲等晏然。 左丞任遐奏澄不糾,請免澄官。 澄上表自理曰:
In the first year of Jianyuan, Advisory Counselor Shen Xian and others on the Rapid Cavalry staff were implicated because household slaves and retainers committed robbery; their sons and younger brothers were impeached, yet Xian and the others remained unconcerned. Left Assistant Ren Xia memorialized that Cheng had failed to investigate and requested that Cheng be dismissed from office. Cheng submitted a memorial in his own defense, stating:
21
:周稱舊章,漢言故事,爰自河雒,降逮淮海,朝之憲度,動尚先准。 若乃任情違古,率意專造,豈謂酌諸故實,擇其茂典?
The Zhou spoke of old statutes; the Han spoke of precedents. From the He and Luo down to the Huai and sea, the court's laws and measures always looked to prior standards. If one follows personal inclination against antiquity and acts on impulse in private invention, how can this be called weighing the old facts and selecting their finest models?
22
:案遐啓彈新除諮議參驃騎大將軍軍事沈憲、太子庶子沈曠幷弟息,敕付建康,而憲被使,曠受假,俱無歸罪事狀。 臣以不糾憲等爲失。 伏尋晉、宋左丞案奏,不乏於時,其及中丞者,從來殆無。 王獻之習達朝章,近代之宗,其爲左丞,彈司徒屬王濛憚罰自解,屬疾遊行,初不及中丞。 桓祕不奔山陵,左丞鄭襲不彈祕,直彈中丞孔欣時,又云別攝蘭臺檢校,此徑彈中丞之謂。 唯左丞庾登之奏鎮北檀道濟北伐不進,致虎牢陷沒,蕃岳宰臣,引咎謝諐,而責帥之劾,曾莫奏聞,請收治道濟,免中丞何萬歲。 夫山陵情敬之極,北伐專征之大,祕霸季之貴,道濟元勳之盛,所以咎及南司,事非常憲,然祕事猶非及中丞也。 今若以此爲例,恐人之貴賤,事之輕重,物有其倫,不可相方。
According to Xia's impeachment of the newly appointed Advisory Counselor and staff officer on the Grand General of Rapid Cavalry's military affairs Shen Xian, the Crown Prince's Household Companion Shen Kuang, and their younger brothers and sons: an edict referred the case to Jiankang, yet Xian was on assignment and Kuang was on leave—neither had circumstances warranting conviction. Your subject acknowledges that failure to investigate Xian and the others was a fault. On examining the case memorials of Left Assistants under Jin and Song, they were plentiful in their time, but those reaching the Imperial Censor have almost never existed. Wang Xianzhi, versed in court regulations and a master of recent times, served as Left Assistant and impeached Wang Meng, an aide of the Minister of Education, who feared punishment and resigned on grounds of illness and travel—the case at first did not reach the Imperial Censor. Huan Mi did not hurry to the imperial tombs; Left Assistant Zheng Xi did not impeach Mi but impeached Imperial Censor Kong Xin directly, also stating that he separately took charge of Orchid Terrace inspection—this is what is meant by impeaching the Imperial Censor directly. Only Left Assistant Yu Dengzhi memorialized that Tan Daoji, Pacification General of the North, failed to advance on the northern campaign and caused Tiger Fortress to fall; the frontier commanders and chief ministers accepted blame, yet the impeachment blaming the commander was never reported. He requested that Daoji be arrested and tried and that Imperial Censor He Wansui be dismissed. Imperial tombs represent the utmost in filial reverence; the northern campaign was the greatest of special expeditions. Mi was noble as a regional hegemon; Daoji was eminent as a founding merit-holder. Therefore blame reached the Censorate—matters outside ordinary statutes—yet even Mi's case still did not reach the Imperial Censor. If one now takes this as a precedent, men's noble and base status and the light or heavy weight of affairs each have their proper categories and cannot be measured against one another.
23
:左丞江奧彈段景文,又彈裴方明; 左丞甄法崇彈蕭珍,又彈杜驥,又彈段國,又彈范文伯; 左丞羊玄保又彈蕭汪; 左丞殷景熙彈張仲仁; 兼左丞何承天彈呂萬齡。 竝不歸罪,皆爲重劾。 凡茲十彈,差是憲、曠之比,悉無及中丞之議。 左丞荀萬秋、劉藏、江謐彈王僧朗、王雲之、陶寶度,不及中丞,最是近例之明者。 謐彈在今龕之後,事行聖照。 遠取十奏,近徵二案,自宜依以爲體,豈得捨而不遵?
Left Assistant Jiang Ao impeached Duan Jingwen and also impeached Pei Fangming; Left Assistant Zhen Fachong impeached Xiao Zhen, Du Ji, Duan Guo, and Fan Wenbo; Left Assistant Yang Xuanbao also impeached Xiao Wang; Left Assistant Yin Jingxi impeached Zhang Zhongren; Concurrent Left Assistant He Chengtian impeached Lü Wanling. None resulted in conviction; all were serious impeachments. Of these ten impeachments altogether, they are roughly comparable to the cases of Xian and Kuang; none included proceedings reaching the Imperial Censor. Left Assistants Xun Wanqiu, Liu Zang, and Jiang Mi impeached Wang Senglang, Wang Yunzhi, and Tao Baodu without reaching the Imperial Censor—the clearest of recent precedents. Mi's impeachment came after the present reign; the matter proceeded under imperial approval. Taking ten memorials from the distant past and citing two cases from recent times, one ought to take these as the standard—how could one discard them and not follow them?
24
:臣竊此人乏,謬奉國憲。 今遐所糾,旣行一時,若默而不言,則向爲來准,後人被繩,方當追請,素餐之責,貽塵千載。 所以備舉顯例,弘通國典,雖有愚心,不在微躬。 請出臣表付外詳議。 若所陳非謬,裁由天鑒。
Your subject, though personally deficient, has wrongly been entrusted with the state's laws. What Xia now impeaches has already been put into effect. If I remain silent, what was done before becomes the standard for the future; later men will be bound by it, and only then will they pursue inquiry. The blame of holding office without merit would stain one's name for a thousand years. Therefore I fully cite outstanding examples and broadly expound the state's statutes. Though my intent may be foolish, it is not for my personal sake alone. I ask that my memorial be sent out for detailed deliberation by the outer offices. If what I have stated is not in error, let the decision rest with Heaven's discernment.
25
詔委外詳議。 尚書令褚淵奏:「宋世左丞荀伯子彈彭城令張道欣等,坐界劫累發不禽,免道欣等官; 中丞王准不糾,亦免官。 左丞羊玄保彈豫州刺史管義之譙梁羣盜,免義之官; 中丞傅隆不糾,亦免隆官。 左丞羊玄保又彈兖州刺史鄭從之濫上布及加課租綿,免從之官; 中丞傅隆不糾,免隆官。 左丞陸展彈建康令丘珍孫、丹陽尹孔山士劫發不禽,免珍孫、山士官; 中丞何勗不糾,亦免勗官。 左丞劉矇彈青州刺史劉道隆失火燒府庫,免道隆官; 中丞蕭惠開不糾,免惠開官。 左丞徐爰彈右衞將軍薛安都屬疾不直,免安都官; 中丞張永結免。 澄謏聞膚見,貽撓後昆,上掩皇明,下籠朝識,請以見事免澄所居官。」 詔曰:「澄表據多謬,不足深劾,可白衣領職。」
An edict entrusted the matter to detailed deliberation by the outer offices. Minister of the Masters of Writing Chu Yuan memorialized: "In Song times Left Assistant Xun Bozi impeached Zhang Daoxin, Magistrate of Pengcheng, and others for repeated border robberies that were not captured; Daoxin and the others were dismissed; Imperial Censor Wang Zhun failed to investigate and was also dismissed. Left Assistant Yang Xuanbao impeached Guan Yizhi, Inspector of Yuzhou, for bandits in Qiao and Liang; Yizhi was dismissed; Imperial Censor Fu Long failed to investigate and was also dismissed. Left Assistant Yang Xuanbao again impeached Zheng Congzhi, Inspector of Yanzhou, for improperly submitting cloth and imposing extra silk taxes; Congzhi was dismissed; Imperial Censor Fu Long failed to investigate and was dismissed. Left Assistant Lu Zhan impeached Qiu Zhensun, Magistrate of Jiankang, and Kong Shanshi, Administrator of Danyang, because robberies broke out and were not captured; Zhensun and Shanshi were dismissed; Imperial Censor He Xu failed to investigate and was also dismissed. Left Assistant Liu Meng impeached Liu Daolong, Inspector of Qingzhou, because fire burned the government storehouses; Daolong was dismissed; Imperial Censor Xiao Huikai failed to investigate and was dismissed. Left Assistant Xu Ai impeached Xue Andu, General of the Right Guards, for claiming illness and not attending duty; Andu was dismissed; Imperial Censor Zhang Yong was bound and dismissed. Cheng's shallow hearing and superficial views obstruct later generations, obscure the emperor's brilliance above, and mislead the court below. I ask that on the basis of the present matter Cheng be dismissed from the office he holds." An edict stated: "Cheng's memorial citations are largely in error and do not warrant severe punishment; he may serve in plain clothes while retaining his duties."
26
明年,轉給事中,祕書監,遷吏部。 四年,復爲祕書監,領國子博士。 遷都官尚書。 出爲輔國將軍、鎮北鎮軍二府長史,廷尉,領驍騎將軍。 永明元年,轉度支尚書。 尋領國子博士。 時國學置鄭王《易》,杜服《春秋》,何氏《公羊》,麋氏《穀梁》,鄭玄《孝經》。 澄謂尚書令王儉曰:「《孝經》,小學之類,不宜列在帝典。」 乃與儉書論之曰:
The following year he was transferred to Attendant Within the Yellow Gates and Director of the Palace Library, and promoted to the Ministry of Officials. In the fourth year he again became Director of the Palace Library and concurrently Erudite of the Imperial University. He was promoted to Minister of Justice. He went out to serve as Chief Clerk of the offices of the General Who Assists the State and the Pacification Generals of the North and the Army, as Minister of Punishments, and concurrently as General of Valiant Cavalry. In the first year of Yongming he was transferred to Minister of Revenue. Soon he also served concurrently as Erudite of the Imperial University. At that time the Imperial University taught Zheng and Wang commentaries on the Changes, Du and Fu on the Spring and Autumn, the He clan on the Gongyang, the Mi clan on the Guliang, and Zheng Xuan on the Classic of Filial Piety. Cheng said to Wang Jian, Minister of the Masters of Writing: "The Classic of Filial Piety belongs to elementary learning and ought not to be listed among the emperor's canons." Thereupon he wrote to Jian discussing the matter, stating:
27
:《易》近取諸身,遠取諸物,彌天地之道,通萬物之情。 自商瞿至田何,其閒五傳。 年未爲遠,無訛雜之失; 秦所不焚,無崩壞之弊。 雖有異家之學,同以象數爲宗。 數百年後,乃有王弼。 王濟云弼所悟者多,何必能頓廢前儒。 若謂易道盡於王弼,方須大論,意者無乃仁智殊見。 易道無體不可以一體求,屢遷不可以一遷執也。 晉太興四年,太常荀崧請置《周易》鄭玄注博士,行乎前代,于時政由王、庾,皆俊神清識,能言玄遠,捨輔嗣而用康成,豈其妄然。 太元立王肅易,當以在玄、弼之閒。 元嘉建學之始,玄、弼兩立。 逮顏延之爲祭酒,黜鄭置王,意在貴玄,事成敗儒。 今若不大弘儒風,則無所立學,衆經皆儒,惟《易》獨玄,玄不可棄,儒不可缺。 謂宜竝存,所以合無體之義。 且弼於注經中已舉《繫辭》,故不復別注。 今若專取弼《易》,則《繫》說無注。
The Changes draws from what is near in the person and from what is far in things; it encompasses the Way of Heaven and Earth and penetrates the feelings of the ten thousand things. From Shang Qu to Tian He, there were five transmissions in between. The years are not yet remote, and there are no errors of mixture; what Qin did not burn suffers no flaw of collapse and ruin. Although there are different schools, all alike take images and numbers as their foundation. Several hundred years later came Wang Bi. Wang Ji said that Bi understood a great deal, but why must one suddenly abolish the earlier Confucians? If one says the Way of the Changes is fully contained in Wang Bi, a great debate is needed; perhaps benevolence and wisdom simply see differently. The Way of the Changes has no fixed form and cannot be sought in a single form; it shifts repeatedly and cannot be grasped at a single point. In the fourth year of Taixing of Jin, Minister of Ceremonies Xun Song requested an Erudite for Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Book of Changes. This had been practiced in former generations; at that time government was in the hands of the Wang and Yu clans—all brilliant men of clear understanding, able to discourse on the abstruse. They set aside Wang Bi and used Zheng Xuan—how could this have been reckless? In the Taiyuan era Wang Su's Changes was established; it should be placed between Zheng Xuan and Wang Bi. When the school was established at the beginning of Yuanjia, Zheng Xuan and Wang Bi were both taught. When Yan Yanzhi became Libationer, he dismissed Zheng and established Wang; the intent was to honor the abstruse school, and the result was a setback for Confucian learning. If one does not now greatly promote Confucian learning, there is nowhere to establish the school. All the classics are Confucian; only the Changes is abstruse. The abstruse cannot be abandoned; Confucian learning cannot be omitted. I say both ought to be preserved together—thus conforming to the meaning of having no fixed form. Moreover, Wang Bi in his commentary on the classic already cited the Appended Phrases and therefore did not comment on them separately. If one now exclusively adopts Wang Bi's Changes, then the Appended Phrases will have no commentary.
28
:《左氏》太元取服虔,而兼取賈逵《經》,由服傳無《經》,雖在注中,而《傳》又有無《經》者故也。 今留服而去賈,則《經》有所闕。 案杜預注《傳》,王弼注《易》,俱是晚出,竝貴後生。 杜之異古,未如王之奪實,祖述前儒,特舉其違。 又《釋例》之作,所弘惟深。
For the Zuo Tradition, in the Taiyuan era they adopted Fu Qian and also Jia Kui's Classic, because Fu's tradition lacked the Classic—although it appeared in the commentary, the Tradition also had passages without the Classic. If one now keeps Fu and removes Jia, the Classic will have gaps. Du Yu's commentary on the Tradition and Wang Bi's commentary on the Changes both appeared late and alike favor later generations. Du's divergence from antiquity was not like Wang's rejection of substance; he followed the earlier Confucians and specially cited their departures. Moreover, his Explanatory Examples expounds only what is profound.
29
:《穀梁》太元舊有麋信注,顏益以范寧,麋猶如故。 顏論閏分范注,當以同我者親。 常謂《穀梁》劣《公羊》,爲注者又不盡善。 竟無及《公羊》之有何休,恐不足兩立。 必謂范善,便當除麋。
For the Guliang, in the Taiyuan era there was Mi Xin's commentary; Yan Yanzhi added Fan Ning's commentary, while Mi's remained as before. Yan discussed intercalary months and divided Fan's commentary; one ought to favor those who agree with oneself. He often said the Guliang was inferior to the Gongyang, and its commentators were not entirely adequate. In the end none matched the Gongyang's having He Xiu; I fear the two cannot stand together. If one insists Fan is superior, then Mi should be removed.
30
:世有一《孝經》,題爲鄭玄注,觀其用辭,不與注書相類。 案玄自序所注衆書,亦無《孝經》。
There is a Classic of Filial Piety in circulation titled as Zheng Xuan's commentary; its wording does not resemble his other commentarial works. According to Xuan's own preface listing the books he commented on, the Classic of Filial Piety is not included.
31
儉答曰:「《易》體微遠,實貫羣籍,施、孟異聞,周、韓殊旨,豈可專據小王,便爲該備? 依舊存鄭,高同來說。 元凱注傳,超邁前儒,若不列學官,其可廢矣。 賈氏注《經》,世所罕習,《穀梁》小書,無俟兩注,存麋略范,率由舊式。 凡此諸義,竝同雅論。 疑《孝經》非鄭所注,僕以此書明百行之首,實人倫所先,《七略》、《藝文》竝陳之六藝,不與《蒼頡》、《凡將》之流也。 鄭注虛實,前代不嫌,意謂可安,仍舊立置。」
Jian replied: "The Changes is subtle and far-reaching and in fact runs through all the classics. Shi and Meng had different transmissions; Zhou and Han had different aims—how could one rely exclusively on Wang Bi and consider the field complete? Preserve Zheng as before—this is the established doctrine handed down. Du Yu's commentary on the Tradition surpasses the earlier Confucians; if it is not listed among the school officials, how could it be abandoned? Jia Kui's commentary on the Classic is rarely studied today. The Guliang is a minor text and needs no dual commentary; keep Mi and set Fan aside—follow the established pattern. All these points accord with established scholarly opinion. I suspect the Classic of Filial Piety is not by Zheng Xuan. I consider this book to clarify the foremost of the hundred virtues and to stand at the head of human relations. The Seven Summaries and Bibliographic Treatise both list it among the Six Arts—it is not in the class of Cangjie or Fansjiang. Whether Zheng's commentary is authentic or spurious, former generations did not mind; I consider it acceptable and that it should remain in place as before."
32
儉自以博聞多識,讀書過澄。 澄曰:「僕年少來無事,唯以讀書爲業。 且年已倍令君,令君少便鞅掌王務,雖復一覽便諳,然見卷軸未必多僕。」 儉集學士何憲等盛自商略,澄待儉語畢,然後談所遺漏數百千條,皆儉所未睹,儉乃歎服。 儉在尚書省,出巾箱机案雜服飾,令學士隷事,事多者與之,人人各得一兩物,澄後來,更出諸人所不知事復各數條,幷奪物將去。
Jian considered himself widely learned and believed he had read more than Cheng. Cheng said: "From my youth I have had no other occupation but reading. Moreover, I am already twice your age. You have been busy with state affairs since youth; though you may master a text at a single reading, the scrolls you have seen may not exceed mine." Jian gathered the scholars He Xian and others for vigorous discussion. Cheng waited until Jian had finished, then cited several hundred or thousand omitted items that Jian had never seen, and Jian sighed in admiration. When Jian was in the Masters of Writing office, he brought out kerchief-boxes, desk items, and miscellaneous garments and ornaments and had the scholars record them; those who identified the most received rewards, and each person got one or two objects. Cheng arrived later, identified several more items in each category that none of the others knew, and also took objects away with him.
33
轉散騎常侍,祕書監,吳郡中正,光祿大夫。 加給事中,中正如故。 尋領國子祭酒。 以竟陵王子良得古器,小口方腹而底平,可將七八升,以問澄,澄曰:「北名服匿,單于以與蘇武。」 子良後詳視器底,有字髣彿可識,如澄所言。 隆昌元年,以老疾,轉光祿大夫,加散騎常侍,未拜,卒。 年七十。 諡靖子。
He was transferred to Regular Attendant at the Palace Library, Director of the Palace Library, Rectifier of Wu Commandery, and Grandee for the Palace. He was additionally made Attendant Within the Yellow Gates, retaining his post as rectifier. Soon he also served as Libationer of the Imperial University. When the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, obtained an ancient vessel with a small mouth, square belly, and flat base that held about seven or eight sheng, he asked Cheng about it. Cheng said: "In the north it is called funu; the chanyu gave it to Su Wu." Later Ziliang examined the base of the vessel in detail and found characters dimly recognizable, just as Cheng had said. In the first year of Longchang, on account of age and illness he was transferred to Grandee for the Palace and additionally offered Regular Attendant at the Palace Library, but before accepting office he died. He was seventy. He was posthumously titled Jingzi.
34
澄當世稱爲碩學,讀《易》三年不解文義,欲撰《宋書》竟不成,王儉戲之曰:「陸公,書廚也。」 家多墳籍,人所罕見。 撰地理書及雜傳,死後乃出。
Cheng was acclaimed in his age as a great scholar, yet after three years of reading the Changes he still did not understand its meaning; he wished to compile a Book of Song but never finished it. Wang Jian joked: "Master Lu is a walking library." His household possessed many rare books seldom seen by others. He wrote books on geography and miscellaneous biographies, which appeared only after his death.
35
澄弟鮮,得罪宋世,當死。 澄於路見舍人王道隆,叩頭流血,以此見原。 揚州主簿顧測以兩奴就鮮質錢,鮮死,子暉誣爲賣券,澄爲中丞,測與書相往反,後又牋與太守蕭緬云:「澄欲遂子弟之非,未近義方之訓,此趨販所不爲,況搢紳領袖,儒宗勝達乎?」 測遂爲澄所排抑,世以此少之。
Cheng's younger brother Xian offended during the Song and was sentenced to death. Cheng met Attendant Within the Yellow Gates Wang Daolong on the road and kowtowed until it bled; on this account Xian was pardoned. Gu Ce, Chief Clerk of Yangzhou, pledged two slaves with Xian for a loan. When Xian died, his son Hui falsely claimed they had been sold outright. Cheng, as Imperial Censor, exchanged letters with Ce, who later also wrote to Grand Administrator Xiao Mian: "Cheng wishes to indulge his kinsmen's wrongdoing and shows no regard for righteous teaching—this is what peddlers would not do, how much less a leader of the gentry and an eminent Confucian scholar?" Ce was then suppressed by Cheng, and the world thought less of Cheng on this account.
36
時東海王摛,亦史學博聞,歷尚書左丞。 竟陵王子良校試諸學士,唯摛問無不對。 永明中,天忽黃色照地,衆莫能解。 摛云是榮光。 世祖大悅,用爲永陽郡。
At the time Wang Chi of Donghai was also renowned for historical learning and had served as Left Assistant in the Masters of Writing. The Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, examined the various scholars; only Chi answered every question correctly. During the Yongming era the sky suddenly turned yellow and illuminated the earth; no one could explain it. Chi said it was auspicious radiance. Emperor Wu was greatly pleased and appointed him to Yongyang Commandery.
37
史評
Historiographer's Appraisal
38
史臣曰:儒風在世,立人之正道; 聖哲微言,百代之通訓。 洙泗旣往,義乖七十; 稷下橫論,屈服千人。 自後專門之學興,命氏之儒起,石渠朋黨之事,白虎同異之說,《六經》五典,各信師言,嗣守章句,期乎勿失。 西京儒士,莫有獨擅; 東都學術,鄭賈先行。 康成生炎漢之季,訓義優洽,一世孔門,褒成竝軌,故老以爲前脩,後生未之敢異。 而王肅依經辯理,與碩相非,爰興《聖證》,據用《家語》,外戚之尊,多行晉代。 江左儒門,參差互出,雖於時不絕,而罕復專家。 晉世以玄言方道,宋氏以文章閒業,服膺典藝,斯風不純,二代以來,爲教衰矣。 建元肇運,戎警未夷,天子少爲諸生,端拱以思儒業,載戢干戈,遽詔庠序。 永明纂襲,克隆均校,王儉爲輔,長於經禮,朝廷仰其風,冑子觀其則,由是家尋孔教,人誦儒書,執卷欣欣,此焉彌盛。 建武繼立,因循舊緒,時不好文,輔相無術,學校雖設,前軌難追。 劉瓛承馬、鄭之後,一時學徒以爲師範。 虎門初辟,法駕親臨,待問無五更之禮,充庭闕蒲輪之御,身終下秩,道義空存,斯故進賢之責也。 其餘儒學之士,多在卑位,或隱世辭榮者,別見他篇云。
The historiographer says: When the Confucian tradition flourishes in the world, it establishes the correct Way for humanity; the subtle words of sages are the universal teaching for a hundred generations. After the age of Zhu and Si, the meaning diverged among the seventy disciples; at Jixia they debated freely and humbled a thousand men. Afterward specialized schools arose and lineage-named scholars appeared; the factional disputes of Stone Canal and the differing opinions of White Tiger—the Six Classics and Five Canons, each trusting its master's words, inheriting and guarding the commentarial clauses, hoping not to lose them. Among the Confucians of the Western Capital, none monopolized learning; in the Eastern Capital, Zheng and Jia led scholarly learning. Zheng Xuan was born at the end of Han; his teaching was ample and harmonious, the Confucian school of an entire age. Bao and Cheng walked the same path; elders regarded him as a former exemplar, and the young did not dare dissent. Yet Wang Su argued from the classics and opposed the great master; he produced Holy Evidence and relied on the Family Sayings. The honoring of maternal kin was largely practiced in Jin times. Confucian learning east of the Yangtze emerged unevenly; though it never entirely ceased, specialists rarely appeared again. The Jin took abstruse discourse as the Way; the Song took literary composition as a sideline. Devotion to the canonical arts grew impure; since those two dynasties, learning has declined. When Jianyuan first received the mandate, military alarms were not yet pacified; the emperor had been a student in his youth and sat in contemplation of Confucian learning; weapons were laid aside and schools were hastily ordered established. Under Yongming the succession continued, schools multiplied and instruction was balanced; Wang Jian served as chief minister, excelling in the classics and ritual. The court looked up to his example; students followed his standard. Thereupon households sought Confucian teaching and men recited Confucian books; holding their scrolls with delight, learning flourished here all the more. When Jianwu succeeded he followed the old course; the age did not favor learning, the chief ministers lacked effective policy, and though schools were established, the former standard was hard to recover. Liu Huan stood in the tradition of Ma and Zheng; the students of the age took him as their model. When the Tiger Gate was first opened, the imperial carriage came in person; there was no five-geng ritual for awaiting inquiry, and no carriage with rush wheels filled the courtyard. He ended his life in low rank while his moral authority remained unhonored—such is the court's failure to advance the worthy. The remaining Confucian scholars mostly held humble positions; those who withdrew from the world and declined glory are treated in other chapters.
39
贊曰:儒宗義肆,紛綸子珪。 升堂受業,事越關西。 璡居闇室,立操無攜。 彥淵書史,疑問窮稽。
The encomium says: A patriarch of Confucian learning, righteousness spread abroad—Zigui wove it all together. Students ascended his hall to receive instruction; his renown surpassed the masters west of the Pass. Jin dwelt in modest seclusion and maintained conduct without compromise. Yanyuan in books and history pursued every question to the end.
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〈「徐令上文」疑。〉
〈Editorial note: The passage "Magistrate Xu's text above" is doubtful.〉
42
案
Commentary