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卷三十九 列傳第二十 劉瓛 弟璡 陸澄

Volume 39 Biographies 20: Liu Huan, Di Jin, Lu Cheng

Chapter 39 of 南齊書 · Book of Southern Qi
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1
Liu Huan
2
Liu Huan, styled Zigui, was a native of Xiang in Pei Commandery and a sixth-generation descendant of Tan, who had served as Administrator of Danyang under the Jin. His grandfather Hongzhi had served as Attendant Within the Yellow Gates. His father Hui had served as Imperial Secretary for Drafting Documents.
3
簿
Huan was first recruited by the province to serve as Registrar to the Libationer. In the fourth year of the Daming era of Song (460), he was nominated as Outstanding Talent. His elder brother Sao was also well known and had already taken the provincial nomination in an earlier year. The Vice Prefect Wang Yuanceng of Donghai then wrote to Huan's father Hui: "In recent years your worthy sons have filled the quota of Outstanding Talent; the province and its people may truly be said to have found the right men." He was appointed Regular Attendant at Court but declined to take up the post.
4
簿
From his youth he was devoted to learning and attained mastery of the Five Classics. He gathered students to instruct, and he usually had several dozen pupils at a time. Yuan Can, Administrator of Danyang, held an evening gathering in the rear hall, with Huan among the guests. Can pointed to a willow in the courtyard and said to Huan: "People say this is the tree from Administrator Liu's day; I often recall his lofty character; and now I see your pure virtue again—it may truly be said that it has not faded." He was recommended for the post of Secretary in the Palace Library but was not appointed. He was appointed Chief Clerk in the Prince of Shaoling's commandery, Attendant of the Kingdom of Anlu, and Mobile Aide on the staff of the Prince of Ancheng's Pacification Army, but was dismissed for failing in his official duties. Huan had never had any taste for official life, and from that point onward he never entered service again. He was appointed Mobile Aide on the staff of the General of Chariots and Cavalry, Assistant in Nan Pengcheng Commandery, and Gentleman in the Sacrifices Section of the Ministry of Rites, but declined every appointment. When Yuan Can was put to death, Huan went in plain dress to mourn him and also sent funeral gifts and assistance.
5
使
When Emperor Gao took the throne, he summoned Huan to the Hualin Garden for conversation and said to him: "I have received Heaven's mandate and carried out the revolution—what do people generally think of it?" Huan replied: "Your Majesty takes warning from the mistakes of the previous regime and adds to this a policy of leniency and generosity—even in danger the realm may be made secure; but if you follow their overturned path, even in security you will surely fall into danger." After Huan had left, the emperor turned and said to Minister of Education Chu Yuan: "How upright and forthright he is! A scholar is naturally a cut above ordinary men." He ordered Huan to visit the palace often, but unless summoned by imperial edict Huan never came to the palace gate.
6
使 便
The emperor wished to appoint Huan Secretariat Gentleman and had Minister of Officials He Jian convey his intent. Jian said to Huan: "His Majesty wishes to place you in the Secretariat—the Phoenix Pool—but regrets that your seniority is still slight. You may accept the previous appointment for the moment; in a few days you will be transferred to Erudite of the Imperial University, and the higher post will follow immediately thereafter." Huan said: "All my life I have had no wish for glory or advancement; to hear that I am to receive the post of Secretariat Gentleman and bow to accept it—how could that be my true intent!" Later, because his mother was elderly and he lacked means to support her, he again accepted appointment as Assistant in Pengcheng Commandery. He said to Minister of Education Chu Yuan: "When I examine myself, I have no talent for high office; all I wish is simply to keep the post of Assistant in Pengcheng." The emperor also made Huan concurrently Libationer of the Zongming Observatory and appointed him Recorder on the staff of the Prince of Yuzhang's Rapid Cavalry, with his assistant post unchanged—but Huan ultimately declined to serve. When the Prince of Wuling, Xiao Ye, became Grand Administrator of Kuaiji, the emperor wished Huan to serve as his lecturer and appointed him Assistant in Kuaiji Commandery; the students who followed him grew ever more numerous.
7
使 便 使 滿祿 祿 便
At the beginning of the Yongming era, the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, requested him as Recorder on the staff of the Pacification General of the North and Minister of Education. Huan wrote to Zhang Rong and Wang Siyuan: "I have received your instruction and a respectful summons; I ought to set aside official business, but when I reflect on the disposition I have cherished all my life, it runs counter to this gracious attention. My nature is awkward among men, and I am unused to pursuing office; I once served as a mobile aide and was dismissed for failing to keep up with official business—this is something all who know me are aware of. Having measured my abilities and examined my proper place, I dare not hope for glory. I have long suffered poverty and want, and on top of that I am negligent and indolent; my clothing, appearance, and hair are enough to shock anyone who sees them. In the meantime, because my parents were elderly and needed support, I went on foot with my robes hitched up; in this way it has continued until today—two reigns and a full generation. The previous court urged him to reform himself and strive within the ranks of office; seeing his ragged clothes, they would sometimes bestow garments upon him. Gentlemen such as Yuan and Chu all encouraged him, yet in the end he could not change his ways. Once one has refused to do a thing, how can one do it again? In antiquity there was a man who, having once removed his cap, would not place it on his head again; I have always held that in this one grasps the proper ritual of advancing and withdrawing. In antiquity worthies were used to regulate noble ranks; some, when their term was complete, resigned on account of age. Merit was used to regulate stipends; some, when ill in body, sought to return home. I forever look up to the worthies of old—how do I measure against them? Moreover, my elders are advanced in years; all the more do I not wish to hold a place in the official hierarchy and neglect my morning and evening duties to them. On this account the previous court bent its will and granted permission, so that for years I did not accept honored appointments but held a nominal post with a slender stipend. Having grown accustomed to this for many years, and with my years advanced and illness encroaching, how could it be fitting to observe fasts and take my place in the Prince of Hejian's audience hall, or stand among the Prince of Dongping's staff? I have no conduct of transcending the world, nor am I able to be proud and aloof to set myself above others—this too is what you gentlemen ought to examine carefully. Recently, having received your first instruction, I hoped to place myself among traveling guests at court, yet I firmly decline honored rank—what is the reason? Ancient kings, marquises, and great men sometimes used this means to draw scholars from all directions: the finest would gather like spokes on the road to Yan, drawn by a lord's righteousness and prancing their steeds to the Wei Gate; they would honor a prince's benevolence, and in succession men followed Shen and Bai into Chu and envied Zou and Mei in traveling to Liang. I do not dare claim those former worthies; I merely wish to follow their lingering example. Since in hearing the Way and gathering at the school there is no difference, yet fortunately I am not constrained by official duties, I may attend to my parents' comfort and carry out my private plans—my aim lies in this alone." He was appointed Commandant of Footsoldiers and again declined to accept.
8
姿 便 穿
Huan was slight in stature, but his Confucian learning stood at the head of his age; scholars and noble visitors in the capital all sat below his mat to receive instruction. By nature he was modest, straightforward, and thoroughly admirable, and did not rest on his lofty reputation. When he visited old acquaintances, only one disciple followed behind carrying a folding stool; before the host had even announced him, he would sit down and converse. He lived at Tan Bridge in a few tiled rooms whose roofs were all pierced and leaking. His disciples revered him and did not dare point it out directly, calling his dwelling instead the Green Stream. The Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, went in person to pay him a respectful visit. In the seventh year he memorialized Emperor Wu to establish a hall for Huan and had the former lord's mansion at Yanglie Bridge assigned to him; all his disciples congratulated him. Huan said: "A beautiful dwelling becomes a man's disaster—how could this splendid house be my home? It would be fortunate if an edict could make it a lecture hall; I still fear I would come to harm by it." Before he could move in he fell ill. Ziliang sent Liu Hui of Pengcheng and Fan Zhen of Congyang, who had studied under Huan, to conduct the fast at Huan's house. When he died, his disciples and students all wore mourning dress and came to escort him to the grave. He was fifty-six at the time.
9
便
Huan was deeply filial: his grandmother suffered from a carbuncle for a full year, and he held the medicinal paste in his hand until his fingers were soaked through and rotted. His mother, of the Kong clan, was very strict and principled; she told relatives: "A Cheng is truly the Zengzi of our age." A Cheng was Huan's childhood name. Past the age of forty, he still had no marriage arranged. During the Jianyuan era, Emperor Gao and Minister of Education Chu Yuan arranged for Huan to marry a daughter of the Wang clan. The Wang woman hammered the wall to hang her shoes, and dirt fell onto Lady Kong's bed. Lady Kong was displeased, and Huan immediately sent his wife away. When he was in mourning for his father, he did not leave the mourning hut; his feet became bent from the strain, and he could not rise even with a staff. In the present reign, in the first year of Tianjian (502), an edict was issued to erect a stele for Huan, posthumously titled Master of Upright Simplicity. His collected writings were all on ritual and righteousness and circulated widely.
10
彿 調 西
Earlier, when Huan had finished lecturing on the Monthly Ordinances, he told his student Yan Zhi: "Since the establishment of the Eastern Jin, the study of yin and yang, pitch-pipes, and calendrical numbers has fallen into disuse. Now that I lecture on this, I have never even grasped its dim outline." At that time Cai Zhongxiong of Jiyang, renowned for his learning in ritual, told people: "Whenever pitch-pipes and bells are in the south, they cannot again be brought to proper tuning. In former times the five tones and metal and stone instruments belonged to the central lands; now that we have come south, the soil's qi is skewed, and pitch and regulation are out of accord." Huan also agreed. Zhongxiong served successively as Recorder on the staff of the Pacification General of the West and as Left Assistant in the Masters of Writing.
11
Huan's younger brother Jin.
13
Younger brother Jin
14
= 簿 殿 退
Jin, styled Zijun. He was square in conduct and upright in character. During the Taiyu era of Song, he served as a dirge-bearer at Emperor Ming's funeral. He was nominated as Outstanding Talent and served as Chief Clerk to the Pacification General of the North on the staff of the Prince of Jianping, Jing Su, and was deeply honored. He served as Mobile Aide on the Pacification General and Pacifier of the South staff of the Prince of Shaoling. At the beginning of the Jianyuan era, he served as Aide on the Champion and Pacification General staff of the Prince of Wuling, Xiao Ye. Ye was drinking with his staff and personally carved roast goose. Jin said: "For meat to fall from the blade to the board is the cook's task; Your Highness personally holds the carving knife—I dare not remain seated at ease." Thereupon he rose and asked to withdraw. With his friend Kong Che he shared a boat traveling east; Che kept his eyes on a woman on the shore. Jin raised his mat to separate himself and would not sit with him again. He served as Mobile Aide on the Grand Marshal's staff of the Prince of Yuzhang. At night his elder brother Huan called through the wall for Jin to talk; Jin did not answer at once but first got down from his bed, dressed, and stood—only then did he respond. Huan asked why he had taken so long; Jin said: "I had not yet finished tying my sash." Such was the standard of conduct he maintained. Crown Prince Wenxiao summoned Jin to serve in the Eastern Palace; whenever he submitted a memorial, he would always revise the draft himself. Soon he was appointed Central Troops Commander, concurrently Recorder and staff officer on the Grand Marshal's military staff, and Commandant of the Archers Who Shoot at Sound; he died in office.
15
Lu Cheng
16
Lu Cheng, styled Yanyuan, was a native of Wu in Wu Commandery. His grandfather Shao had served as Grand Administrator of Linhai. His father Yuan had served as a provincial aide.
17
簿
From youth Cheng loved learning; he read widely and there was scarcely anything he did not know. Whether walking, sitting, sleeping, or eating, he never let go of his scroll. He began his career as Erudite of the Imperial University, then served as Mobile Aide in the offices of the General of the Center and General of the Guards, as Aide on the Grand Mentor's staff, as Assistant in the Ministry of Ceremonies, as Chief Clerk of a commandery, and as Mobile Aide on the North General of the Household staff.
18
殿
At the beginning of the Taishi era of Song, he served as Palace Attendant in the Masters of Writing; in deliberations on the empress's taboo name and those outside the palace, all followed the old practice of using surnames. Left Assistant Xu Ai cited Sima Fu's argument that the empress does not use her surname, and that in the Spring and Autumn Annals the queen was moved against to Qi. Cheng failed to cite clear classical evidence and instead based his position on personal opinion; for this he was dismissed from office and served in plain clothes while retaining his duties. Gentleman officials had an old regulation of sitting stick punishment that existed in name only. While Cheng held office he accumulated penalties from earlier and later cases and in one day received a thousand strokes of the stick altogether. He was transferred to Direct Communication Gentleman and concurrently Secretariat Gentleman, and soon afterward was made concurrent Left Assistant.
19
In the sixth year of Taishi, an edict ordered the crown prince to wear the nine-emblem robe and tasseled cap when attending court congratulations. Cheng and Qiu Zhongqi of the Rituals Section argued: "Wearing the tasseled cap at court is in fact prescribed in the canonical texts. The Qin abolished the six tasseled caps; Emperor Ming of Han restored them in full. From Wei and Jin onward, they did not wish subjects to wear the robe and tasseled cap, so men of duke rank were given additional attendant offices instead. The crown prince's ritual now stands above all consorts; he ought to follow the great models of the sage kings and reform the institutions of recent times." Soon he was transferred to Regular Gentleman of the Composition Office, retaining his concurrent posts as before. He was appointed Grand Administrator of Ancheng, then transferred to Chief Clerk on Liu Yun's Pacification Army staff, and additionally offered the posts of General Who Pacifies the Distance and Grand Administrator of Xiangyang—all of which he declined. He was then transferred to Chief Clerk of the Rear Army under Liu Bing and Grand Administrator of Donghai. He was promoted to Palace Assistant Imperial Censor.
20
In the first year of Jianyuan, Advisory Counselor Shen Xian and others on the Rapid Cavalry staff were implicated because household slaves and retainers committed robbery; their sons and younger brothers were impeached, yet Xian and the others remained unconcerned. Left Assistant Ren Xia memorialized that Cheng had failed to investigate and requested that Cheng be dismissed from office. Cheng submitted a memorial in his own defense, stating:
21
:
The Zhou spoke of old statutes; the Han spoke of precedents. From the He and Luo down to the Huai and sea, the court's laws and measures always looked to prior standards. If one follows personal inclination against antiquity and acts on impulse in private invention, how can this be called weighing the old facts and selecting their finest models?
22
:使
According to Xia's impeachment of the newly appointed Advisory Counselor and staff officer on the Grand General of Rapid Cavalry's military affairs Shen Xian, the Crown Prince's Household Companion Shen Kuang, and their younger brothers and sons: an edict referred the case to Jiankang, yet Xian was on assignment and Kuang was on leave—neither had circumstances warranting conviction. Your subject acknowledges that failure to investigate Xian and the others was a fault. On examining the case memorials of Left Assistants under Jin and Song, they were plentiful in their time, but those reaching the Imperial Censor have almost never existed. Wang Xianzhi, versed in court regulations and a master of recent times, served as Left Assistant and impeached Wang Meng, an aide of the Minister of Education, who feared punishment and resigned on grounds of illness and travel—the case at first did not reach the Imperial Censor. Huan Mi did not hurry to the imperial tombs; Left Assistant Zheng Xi did not impeach Mi but impeached Imperial Censor Kong Xin directly, also stating that he separately took charge of Orchid Terrace inspection—this is what is meant by impeaching the Imperial Censor directly. Only Left Assistant Yu Dengzhi memorialized that Tan Daoji, Pacification General of the North, failed to advance on the northern campaign and caused Tiger Fortress to fall; the frontier commanders and chief ministers accepted blame, yet the impeachment blaming the commander was never reported. He requested that Daoji be arrested and tried and that Imperial Censor He Wansui be dismissed. Imperial tombs represent the utmost in filial reverence; the northern campaign was the greatest of special expeditions. Mi was noble as a regional hegemon; Daoji was eminent as a founding merit-holder. Therefore blame reached the Censorate—matters outside ordinary statutes—yet even Mi's case still did not reach the Imperial Censor. If one now takes this as a precedent, men's noble and base status and the light or heavy weight of affairs each have their proper categories and cannot be measured against one another.
23
:
Left Assistant Jiang Ao impeached Duan Jingwen and also impeached Pei Fangming; Left Assistant Zhen Fachong impeached Xiao Zhen, Du Ji, Duan Guo, and Fan Wenbo; Left Assistant Yang Xuanbao also impeached Xiao Wang; Left Assistant Yin Jingxi impeached Zhang Zhongren; Concurrent Left Assistant He Chengtian impeached Lü Wanling. None resulted in conviction; all were serious impeachments. Of these ten impeachments altogether, they are roughly comparable to the cases of Xian and Kuang; none included proceedings reaching the Imperial Censor. Left Assistants Xun Wanqiu, Liu Zang, and Jiang Mi impeached Wang Senglang, Wang Yunzhi, and Tao Baodu without reaching the Imperial Censor—the clearest of recent precedents. Mi's impeachment came after the present reign; the matter proceeded under imperial approval. Taking ten memorials from the distant past and citing two cases from recent times, one ought to take these as the standard—how could one discard them and not follow them?
24
:
Your subject, though personally deficient, has wrongly been entrusted with the state's laws. What Xia now impeaches has already been put into effect. If I remain silent, what was done before becomes the standard for the future; later men will be bound by it, and only then will they pursue inquiry. The blame of holding office without merit would stain one's name for a thousand years. Therefore I fully cite outstanding examples and broadly expound the state's statutes. Though my intent may be foolish, it is not for my personal sake alone. I ask that my memorial be sent out for detailed deliberation by the outer offices. If what I have stated is not in error, let the decision rest with Heaven's discernment.
25
綿
An edict entrusted the matter to detailed deliberation by the outer offices. Minister of the Masters of Writing Chu Yuan memorialized: "In Song times Left Assistant Xun Bozi impeached Zhang Daoxin, Magistrate of Pengcheng, and others for repeated border robberies that were not captured; Daoxin and the others were dismissed; Imperial Censor Wang Zhun failed to investigate and was also dismissed. Left Assistant Yang Xuanbao impeached Guan Yizhi, Inspector of Yuzhou, for bandits in Qiao and Liang; Yizhi was dismissed; Imperial Censor Fu Long failed to investigate and was also dismissed. Left Assistant Yang Xuanbao again impeached Zheng Congzhi, Inspector of Yanzhou, for improperly submitting cloth and imposing extra silk taxes; Congzhi was dismissed; Imperial Censor Fu Long failed to investigate and was dismissed. Left Assistant Lu Zhan impeached Qiu Zhensun, Magistrate of Jiankang, and Kong Shanshi, Administrator of Danyang, because robberies broke out and were not captured; Zhensun and Shanshi were dismissed; Imperial Censor He Xu failed to investigate and was also dismissed. Left Assistant Liu Meng impeached Liu Daolong, Inspector of Qingzhou, because fire burned the government storehouses; Daolong was dismissed; Imperial Censor Xiao Huikai failed to investigate and was dismissed. Left Assistant Xu Ai impeached Xue Andu, General of the Right Guards, for claiming illness and not attending duty; Andu was dismissed; Imperial Censor Zhang Yong was bound and dismissed. Cheng's shallow hearing and superficial views obstruct later generations, obscure the emperor's brilliance above, and mislead the court below. I ask that on the basis of the present matter Cheng be dismissed from the office he holds." An edict stated: "Cheng's memorial citations are largely in error and do not warrant severe punishment; he may serve in plain clothes while retaining his duties."
26
The following year he was transferred to Attendant Within the Yellow Gates and Director of the Palace Library, and promoted to the Ministry of Officials. In the fourth year he again became Director of the Palace Library and concurrently Erudite of the Imperial University. He was promoted to Minister of Justice. He went out to serve as Chief Clerk of the offices of the General Who Assists the State and the Pacification Generals of the North and the Army, as Minister of Punishments, and concurrently as General of Valiant Cavalry. In the first year of Yongming he was transferred to Minister of Revenue. Soon he also served concurrently as Erudite of the Imperial University. At that time the Imperial University taught Zheng and Wang commentaries on the Changes, Du and Fu on the Spring and Autumn, the He clan on the Gongyang, the Mi clan on the Guliang, and Zheng Xuan on the Classic of Filial Piety. Cheng said to Wang Jian, Minister of the Masters of Writing: "The Classic of Filial Piety belongs to elementary learning and ought not to be listed among the emperor's canons." Thereupon he wrote to Jian discussing the matter, stating:
27
:
The Changes draws from what is near in the person and from what is far in things; it encompasses the Way of Heaven and Earth and penetrates the feelings of the ten thousand things. From Shang Qu to Tian He, there were five transmissions in between. The years are not yet remote, and there are no errors of mixture; what Qin did not burn suffers no flaw of collapse and ruin. Although there are different schools, all alike take images and numbers as their foundation. Several hundred years later came Wang Bi. Wang Ji said that Bi understood a great deal, but why must one suddenly abolish the earlier Confucians? If one says the Way of the Changes is fully contained in Wang Bi, a great debate is needed; perhaps benevolence and wisdom simply see differently. The Way of the Changes has no fixed form and cannot be sought in a single form; it shifts repeatedly and cannot be grasped at a single point. In the fourth year of Taixing of Jin, Minister of Ceremonies Xun Song requested an Erudite for Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Book of Changes. This had been practiced in former generations; at that time government was in the hands of the Wang and Yu clans—all brilliant men of clear understanding, able to discourse on the abstruse. They set aside Wang Bi and used Zheng Xuan—how could this have been reckless? In the Taiyuan era Wang Su's Changes was established; it should be placed between Zheng Xuan and Wang Bi. When the school was established at the beginning of Yuanjia, Zheng Xuan and Wang Bi were both taught. When Yan Yanzhi became Libationer, he dismissed Zheng and established Wang; the intent was to honor the abstruse school, and the result was a setback for Confucian learning. If one does not now greatly promote Confucian learning, there is nowhere to establish the school. All the classics are Confucian; only the Changes is abstruse. The abstruse cannot be abandoned; Confucian learning cannot be omitted. I say both ought to be preserved together—thus conforming to the meaning of having no fixed form. Moreover, Wang Bi in his commentary on the classic already cited the Appended Phrases and therefore did not comment on them separately. If one now exclusively adopts Wang Bi's Changes, then the Appended Phrases will have no commentary.
28
:
For the Zuo Tradition, in the Taiyuan era they adopted Fu Qian and also Jia Kui's Classic, because Fu's tradition lacked the Classic—although it appeared in the commentary, the Tradition also had passages without the Classic. If one now keeps Fu and removes Jia, the Classic will have gaps. Du Yu's commentary on the Tradition and Wang Bi's commentary on the Changes both appeared late and alike favor later generations. Du's divergence from antiquity was not like Wang's rejection of substance; he followed the earlier Confucians and specially cited their departures. Moreover, his Explanatory Examples expounds only what is profound.
29
: 便
For the Guliang, in the Taiyuan era there was Mi Xin's commentary; Yan Yanzhi added Fan Ning's commentary, while Mi's remained as before. Yan discussed intercalary months and divided Fan's commentary; one ought to favor those who agree with oneself. He often said the Guliang was inferior to the Gongyang, and its commentators were not entirely adequate. In the end none matched the Gongyang's having He Xiu; I fear the two cannot stand together. If one insists Fan is superior, then Mi should be removed.
30
:
There is a Classic of Filial Piety in circulation titled as Zheng Xuan's commentary; its wording does not resemble his other commentarial works. According to Xuan's own preface listing the books he commented on, the Classic of Filial Piety is not included.
31
便
Jian replied: "The Changes is subtle and far-reaching and in fact runs through all the classics. Shi and Meng had different transmissions; Zhou and Han had different aims—how could one rely exclusively on Wang Bi and consider the field complete? Preserve Zheng as before—this is the established doctrine handed down. Du Yu's commentary on the Tradition surpasses the earlier Confucians; if it is not listed among the school officials, how could it be abandoned? Jia Kui's commentary on the Classic is rarely studied today. The Guliang is a minor text and needs no dual commentary; keep Mi and set Fan aside—follow the established pattern. All these points accord with established scholarly opinion. I suspect the Classic of Filial Piety is not by Zheng Xuan. I consider this book to clarify the foremost of the hundred virtues and to stand at the head of human relations. The Seven Summaries and Bibliographic Treatise both list it among the Six Arts—it is not in the class of Cangjie or Fansjiang. Whether Zheng's commentary is authentic or spurious, former generations did not mind; I consider it acceptable and that it should remain in place as before."
32
便便
Jian considered himself widely learned and believed he had read more than Cheng. Cheng said: "From my youth I have had no other occupation but reading. Moreover, I am already twice your age. You have been busy with state affairs since youth; though you may master a text at a single reading, the scrolls you have seen may not exceed mine." Jian gathered the scholars He Xian and others for vigorous discussion. Cheng waited until Jian had finished, then cited several hundred or thousand omitted items that Jian had never seen, and Jian sighed in admiration. When Jian was in the Masters of Writing office, he brought out kerchief-boxes, desk items, and miscellaneous garments and ornaments and had the scholars record them; those who identified the most received rewards, and each person got one or two objects. Cheng arrived later, identified several more items in each category that none of the others knew, and also took objects away with him.
33
祿 彿 祿
He was transferred to Regular Attendant at the Palace Library, Director of the Palace Library, Rectifier of Wu Commandery, and Grandee for the Palace. He was additionally made Attendant Within the Yellow Gates, retaining his post as rectifier. Soon he also served as Libationer of the Imperial University. When the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, obtained an ancient vessel with a small mouth, square belly, and flat base that held about seven or eight sheng, he asked Cheng about it. Cheng said: "In the north it is called funu; the chanyu gave it to Su Wu." Later Ziliang examined the base of the vessel in detail and found characters dimly recognizable, just as Cheng had said. In the first year of Longchang, on account of age and illness he was transferred to Grandee for the Palace and additionally offered Regular Attendant at the Palace Library, but before accepting office he died. He was seventy. He was posthumously titled Jingzi.
34
Cheng was acclaimed in his age as a great scholar, yet after three years of reading the Changes he still did not understand its meaning; he wished to compile a Book of Song but never finished it. Wang Jian joked: "Master Lu is a walking library." His household possessed many rare books seldom seen by others. He wrote books on geography and miscellaneous biographies, which appeared only after his death.
35
簿
Cheng's younger brother Xian offended during the Song and was sentenced to death. Cheng met Attendant Within the Yellow Gates Wang Daolong on the road and kowtowed until it bled; on this account Xian was pardoned. Gu Ce, Chief Clerk of Yangzhou, pledged two slaves with Xian for a loan. When Xian died, his son Hui falsely claimed they had been sold outright. Cheng, as Imperial Censor, exchanged letters with Ce, who later also wrote to Grand Administrator Xiao Mian: "Cheng wishes to indulge his kinsmen's wrongdoing and shows no regard for righteous teaching—this is what peddlers would not do, how much less a leader of the gentry and an eminent Confucian scholar?" Ce was then suppressed by Cheng, and the world thought less of Cheng on this account.
36
At the time Wang Chi of Donghai was also renowned for historical learning and had served as Left Assistant in the Masters of Writing. The Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, examined the various scholars; only Chi answered every question correctly. During the Yongming era the sky suddenly turned yellow and illuminated the earth; no one could explain it. Chi said it was auspicious radiance. Emperor Wu was greatly pleased and appointed him to Yongyang Commandery.
37
Historiographer's Appraisal
38
西
The historiographer says: When the Confucian tradition flourishes in the world, it establishes the correct Way for humanity; the subtle words of sages are the universal teaching for a hundred generations. After the age of Zhu and Si, the meaning diverged among the seventy disciples; at Jixia they debated freely and humbled a thousand men. Afterward specialized schools arose and lineage-named scholars appeared; the factional disputes of Stone Canal and the differing opinions of White Tiger—the Six Classics and Five Canons, each trusting its master's words, inheriting and guarding the commentarial clauses, hoping not to lose them. Among the Confucians of the Western Capital, none monopolized learning; in the Eastern Capital, Zheng and Jia led scholarly learning. Zheng Xuan was born at the end of Han; his teaching was ample and harmonious, the Confucian school of an entire age. Bao and Cheng walked the same path; elders regarded him as a former exemplar, and the young did not dare dissent. Yet Wang Su argued from the classics and opposed the great master; he produced Holy Evidence and relied on the Family Sayings. The honoring of maternal kin was largely practiced in Jin times. Confucian learning east of the Yangtze emerged unevenly; though it never entirely ceased, specialists rarely appeared again. The Jin took abstruse discourse as the Way; the Song took literary composition as a sideline. Devotion to the canonical arts grew impure; since those two dynasties, learning has declined. When Jianyuan first received the mandate, military alarms were not yet pacified; the emperor had been a student in his youth and sat in contemplation of Confucian learning; weapons were laid aside and schools were hastily ordered established. Under Yongming the succession continued, schools multiplied and instruction was balanced; Wang Jian served as chief minister, excelling in the classics and ritual. The court looked up to his example; students followed his standard. Thereupon households sought Confucian teaching and men recited Confucian books; holding their scrolls with delight, learning flourished here all the more. When Jianwu succeeded he followed the old course; the age did not favor learning, the chief ministers lacked effective policy, and though schools were established, the former standard was hard to recover. Liu Huan stood in the tradition of Ma and Zheng; the students of the age took him as their model. When the Tiger Gate was first opened, the imperial carriage came in person; there was no five-geng ritual for awaiting inquiry, and no carriage with rush wheels filled the courtyard. He ended his life in low rank while his moral authority remained unhonored—such is the court's failure to advance the worthy. The remaining Confucian scholars mostly held humble positions; those who withdrew from the world and declined glory are treated in other chapters.
39
西
The encomium says: A patriarch of Confucian learning, righteousness spread abroad—Zigui wove it all together. Students ascended his hall to receive instruction; his renown surpassed the masters west of the Pass. Jin dwelt in modest seclusion and maintained conduct without compromise. Yanyuan in books and history pursued every question to the end.
40
〈Editorial note: The passage "Magistrate Xu's text above" is doubtful.〉
42
Commentary
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