Qin and Han · Scholar and Commentator

Zheng Xuan 郑玄

Zhèng Xuán

Attested AD 127 - AD 200

Passages
32
Chapters
13
Histories
9

Overview

The translated histories identify Zheng Xuan as a commentator, official, scholar, and student. This record brings together 32 passages from 13 chapters across 9 histories, with names, dates, relationships, offices, and events preserved as source-backed claims.

Names

TypeEnglishChinesePinyin
Personal Zheng Xuan 郑玄 Zhèng Xuán
Courtesy name Kangcheng 康成 Kangcheng
Title Master Zheng
Given Xuan 玄 Xuan
Surname Zheng 鄭
Surname Zheng 鄭 Zheng
Alternate name Zheng Kangcheng 鄭康成
Personal name Zheng Xuan 郑玄 Zhèng Xuán
Personal name Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 Zheng Xuan
Personal Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 Zheng Xuan
Personal name Zheng Xuan 鄭玄
Personal name Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 Zhèng Xuán
Alternate Zheng Xuan 鄭康成
Personal name Zheng Xuan 鄭康成
Personal Zheng Xuan 鄭玄
Surname 鄭氏

Identity

Historicity
Historical
Identification
Named
Sex
Male

Roles

  • Commentator
  • Official
  • Scholar
  • Student

Life and dates

Attested activity

  • Source Date: Text: 顯德四年夏四月 · Lunar Month: 4 · Season: summer · Western Year: AD 957
    Explicit event contextual date · jiuwudaishi:143:s0044
  • Source Date: Text: AD 127-200 · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Strongly inferred · nanqishu:021:s0055
  • Source Date: Text: Eastern Han · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Explicit event contextual date · jiutangshu:027:s0035
  • Source Date: Text: 元豐四年 · Western Year: AD 1081
    Explicit event contextual date · songshi:107:s0091
  • Source Date: Text: 嘉慶四年至十四年浙江任內 · Western Interval: Start: AD 1799 · End: AD 1809
    Explicit event contextual date · qingshigao:364:s0080
  • Source Date: Text: 宣和六年七月 · Western Year: AD 1124
    Explicit event contextual date · songshi:080:s0308, songshi:080:s0290
  • Source Date: Text: 建元三年 · Western Year: AD 481
    Explicit event contextual date · nanqishu:010:s0063, nanqishu:010:s0132
  • Source Date: Text: 建元四年 · Western Year: AD 482
    Explicit event contextual date · nanqishu:010:s0005, nanqishu:010:s0015
  • Source Date: Text: 每好鄭玄注解 · Western Interval: Start: AD 581 · End: AD 604
    Explicit event contextual date · suishu:077:s0225
  • Source Date: Text: 永初元年 · Western Year: AD 420
    Explicit event contextual date · songshu:003:s0112
  • Source Date: Text: 郑玄说 · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Explicit · houhanshu:110:s0067
  • Source Date: Text: 鄭康成漢末之通儒 · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Explicit · weishu:096:s0146
  • Source Date: Text: 鄭玄 · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Explicit · songshu:055:s0041
  • Source Date: Text: 鄭玄 · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Strongly inferred · weishu:096:s0244
  • Source Date: Text: 鄭玄生平 · Western Interval: Start: AD 127 · End: AD 200
    Explicit · nanqishu:031:s0014

Career and standing

Places and affiliations

  • Organization: Gujing Academy / 詁經精舍 · Relation: enshrined-in
    Explicit · qingshigao:364:s0080

Works and attributed material

Events and relationships

Assessments and attributes

  • Assessment: his explanation of ji and heng comes closest to the truth · Provenance: Mode: quotation · Speaker Person Id: Wang Fu (王黼)
    Explicit · songshi:080:s0308

Source notes

  • Statement: Identified the rotating component as ji and the aligning component as heng
    Explicit · songshi:080:s0308

References in the histories

Open any source group to read the Chinese and English passage in context.

Book of Later Han, Chapter 110Volume 99: Rituals and Worship Part Three · 1 passage
Open chapter
Old Book of Tang, Chapter 27Volume 23 Treatises 3: Rites 3 · 3 passages
Open chapter
刑部郎中田再思建議曰：干尊坤卑，天一地二，陰陽之位分矣，夫婦之道配焉。至若死喪之威，隆殺之等，禮經五服之制，齊斬有殊，考妣三年之喪，貴賤無隔，以報免懷之慈，以酬罔極之恩者也。稽之上古，喪期無數，暨乎中葉，方有歲年。《禮》云：「五帝殊時，不相沿樂；三王異代，不相襲禮。」《白虎通》云：「質文再變，正朔三而復。」自周公制禮之後，孔父刊經已來，爰殊厭降之儀，以標服紀之節。重輕從俗，斟酌隨時。故知禮不從天而降，不由地而出也，在人消息，為適時之中耳。春秋諸國，魯最知禮，以周公之後，孔子之邦也。晉韓起來聘，言「周禮盡在魯矣。」齊仲孫來盟，言「魯猶秉周禮。」尚有子張問高宗諒陰三年，子思不聽其子服出母，子游謂同母異父昆弟之服大功，子夏謂合從齊衰之制。此等並四科之數，十哲之人，高步孔門，親承聖訓，及遇喪事，猶此致疑，即明自古已來，升降不一者也。三年之制，說者紛然。鄭玄以為二十七月，王肅以為二十五月。又改葬之服，鄭云服緦三月，王云訖葬而除。又繼母出嫁，鄭云皆服，王云從於繼育，乃為之服。又無服之殤，鄭云子生一月，哭之一日；王云以哭之一日易服之月。鄭、王祖經宗傳，各有異同；荀摯采古求遺，互為損益。方知去聖漸遠，殘缺彌多。故曰會禮之家，名為聚訟，寧有定哉！而父在為母三年，行之已逾四紀，出自高宗大帝之代，不從則天皇后之朝。大帝御極之辰，中宮獻書之日，往時參議，將可施行，編之於格，服之已久。前王所是，疏而為律；後王所是，著而為令。何必乖先帝之旨，阻人子之情，虧純孝之心，背德義之本？有何妨於聖化，有何紊於彝倫，而欲服之週年，與伯叔母齊焉，與姑姊妹同焉？夫三年之喪，如白駒之過隙，君子喪親，有終身之憂，何況再周乎！夫禮者，體也，履也，示之以跡。孝者，畜也，養也，因之以心。小人不恥不仁，不畏不義。服之有制，使愚人企及；衣之以衰，使見之摧痛。以此防人，人猶有朝死而夕忘者；以此制人，人猶有釋服而從吉者。方今漸歸古樸，須敦孝義，抑賢引愚，理資寧戚，食稻衣錦，所不忍聞。若以庶事朝儀，一依周禮，則古之人臣見君也，公卿大夫贄羔雁、珪璧，今何故不依乎？周之用刑也，墨、劓、宮、刖，今何故不行乎？周則侯、甸、男、衛，朝聘有數，今何故不行乎？周則不五十不仕，七十不入朝，今何故不依乎？周則井、邑、丘、甸，以立徵稅，今何故不行乎？周則三老五等，父死子及，今何故不行乎？周則冠冕衣裘，乘車而戰，今何故不行乎？周則分土五更，膠序養老，今何故不行乎？諸如此例，不可勝述。何獨孝思之事，愛一年之服於其母乎？可為痛心，可為慟哭者！《詩》云：「哀哀父母，生我劬勞。」《禮》云：「父之親子也，親賢而下無能；母之親子也，賢則親之，無能則憐之。」阮嗣宗晉代之英才，方外之高士，以為母重於父。據齊斬升數，粗細已降，何忍服之節制，減至於周？豈後代之士，盡慚於古。循古未必是，依今未必非也。又同爨服緦，禮經明義。嫂叔遠別，同諸路人。引而進之，觸類而長。猶子咸衣苴枲，季父不服緦麻，推遠之情有餘，睦親之義未足。又母之昆弟，情切渭陽，翟酺訟舅之冤，甯氏宅甥之相，我之出也，義亦殷焉。不同從母之尊，遂降小功之服，依諸古禮，有爽俗情。今貶舅而宗姨，是陋今而榮古。此並太宗之制也，行之百年矣，輒為刊復，實用有疑。 Tian Zaisi, Bureau Director in the Ministry of Justice, made a proposal: Qian is honored and kun is lowly; Heaven is one and earth is two. The positions of yin and yang are divided, and the way of husband and wife is paired with them. As for the awe of death and mourning and the grades of fullness and reduction, the ritual classics have the system of the five mourning grades. Trimmed and unhemmed mourning differ, but the three-year mourning for father and mother has no barrier between noble and base, because it repays the kindness of bearing and cherishing and answers boundless grace. Examining high antiquity, mourning terms had no fixed number; by middle antiquity, only then were there years and months. The Ritual says: "The Five Emperors differed in time and did not follow one another in music; the Three Kings differed in age and did not inherit one another's rites." The Baihu Tong says: "Plainness and refinement change twice, and the first month changes through three and returns." Since the Duke of Zhou made ritual and since Confucius edited the classics, there have been different rules of suppression and reduction to mark the divisions of mourning regulations. Heavy and light follow custom; deliberation and adjustment follow the time. Thus we know ritual does not descend from Heaven or come out from earth; it lies in human increase and decrease, making what fits the time and the mean. Among the states of the Spring and Autumn, Lu best knew ritual, because it was the descendants of the Duke of Zhou and the state of Confucius. When Han Qi of Jin came on a visit, he said, "The rites of Zhou are all in Lu." When Zhongsun of Qi came to make a covenant, he said, "Lu still holds the rites of Zhou." Yet Zizhang asked about Gaozong's three years of silent mourning; Zisi did not allow his son to wear mourning for his divorced mother; Ziyou said that brothers with the same mother but different fathers should wear great-work mourning; Zixia said they should follow the trimmed-mourning rule. These were all among the numbered disciples of the four categories and the ten philosophers, men of high rank in Confucius's gate who personally received the sage teaching; yet when they encountered mourning matters, they still produced doubts like this. This makes clear that since antiquity increases and reductions have not been uniform. As for the three-year system, explanations are confused. Zheng Xuan considered it twenty-seven months; Wang Su considered it twenty-five months. Again for mourning after reburial, Zheng says one wears fine hemp for three months, while Wang says one removes it when burial is completed. Again for a stepmother who remarries, Zheng says all wear mourning, while Wang says that only if one followed and was raised by her does one wear mourning. Again for a child who died young and for whom there is no mourning, Zheng says that for a child born one month, one cries one day; Wang says one day of crying replaces one month of mourning. Zheng and Wang each take the classics as ancestor and the commentaries as lineage, and each has differences. Xun Zhi collected antiquity and sought what was left, alternately reducing and increasing. From this we know that as the sages recede farther away, gaps and losses become more numerous. Therefore it is said that houses that assemble ritual are called gathered lawsuits; how could there be a fixed answer? Yet the three-year mourning for a mother while the father is alive has been practiced for more than forty years. It came from the generation of Gaozong the Great Emperor, not from the court of Empress Zetian. When the Great Emperor ruled and the palace submitted the document, the former deliberations could be put into practice; it was compiled into the regulations, and the mourning has been worn for a long time. What a former king approved was set out as law; what a later king approved was written as ordinance. Why must we oppose the former emperor's intent, block the feeling of a person's son, diminish a pure filial heart, and turn against the root of virtue and obligation? What harm is there to sage transformation? What disorder is there to the constant human order, that one would make the mourning one year, equal to that for paternal uncles' wives, and the same as for paternal aunts and sisters? The three-year mourning passes like a white colt through a crack; a gentleman mourning his parent has lifelong grief, how much more for two full cycles! Ritual is embodiment, practice, showing it by traces. Filial piety is storing up, nourishing, following it by the heart. Petty people are not ashamed of inhumanity and do not fear unrighteousness. Mourning dress has regulations to make foolish people reach upward; they are clothed in mourning garments so that seeing them produces crushing pain. Using this to guard people, there are still those who forget by evening one who died in the morning. Using this to regulate people, there are still those who remove mourning and follow auspicious affairs. Now we are gradually returning to ancient simplicity and must deepen filial piety and obligation. Restraining the worthy and drawing in the foolish, in principle, depends on Ning Qi; eating rice and wearing brocade are things one cannot bear to hear. If ordinary affairs and court ceremony are all to follow the Zhou rites, then when ancient ministers saw the ruler, dukes, ministers, and great officers presented lambs, geese, jade tablets, and disks; why do we not follow this now? Zhou punishments used tattooing, nose-cutting, castration, and foot-cutting; why do we not carry them out now? Zhou had hou, dian, nan, and wei domains, and audiences and visits had fixed numbers; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou did not let one serve before fifty, and at seventy one did not enter court; why do we not follow this now? Zhou used jing, yi, qiu, and dian to establish taxation; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou had three elders and five grades, father dying and son succeeding; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou used caps, robes, fur garments, and chariots in battle; why do we not carry this out now? Zhou divided land and had five geng, and in village and school nourished the aged; why do we not carry this out now? Examples such as these cannot be fully stated. Why only in the matter of filial thought begrudge one year of mourning for one's mother? This can make the heart ache; this can make one wail. The Odes says: "Alas, alas, my father and mother, who bore me with toil." The Ritual says: "When a father loves his child, he loves the worthy and lowers the incapable; when a mother loves her child, if worthy she loves him, and if incapable she pities him." Ruan Sizong, an outstanding talent of Jin and lofty man beyond the world, considered the mother weightier than the father. Based on the thread counts of trimmed and unhemmed mourning, coarseness and fineness already descend. How can one bear for the term of mourning to be reduced to one year? Surely later men are not all ashamed before antiquity. Following antiquity is not necessarily right; following the present is not necessarily wrong. Again, those who share the cooking hearth wear fine hemp; this is a clear meaning of the ritual classics. Elder-brother's wife and younger-brother-in-law are kept distant and treated like people on the road. Drawing them in and advancing them extends by analogy. Nephews all wear hemp mourning, but a younger uncle does not wear fine hemp; the feeling of pushing away is more than enough, and the obligation of harmonizing kin is insufficient. Again the mother's brothers have feeling as close as Weiyang; Di Pu litigated his uncle's injustice, and the Ning family housed a nephew as minister. Since I come from them, obligation too is deep. Not sharing the honor of a mother's sister, they are thereby lowered to small-work mourning. According to the ancient rites, this conflicts with common feeling. Now lowering the maternal uncle while honoring the maternal aunt is to scorn the present and glorify antiquity. These are all Taizong's regulations and have been practiced for a hundred years; rashly cutting and restoring them truly creates doubt.
職方郎中韋述議曰：天生萬物，惟人最靈。所以尊尊親親，別生分類，存則盡其愛敬，沒則盡其哀戚。緣情而制服，考事而立言，往聖討論，亦已勤矣。上自高祖，下至玄孫，以及其身，謂之九族。由近而及遠，稱情而立文，差其輕重，遂為五服。雖則或以義降，或以名加，教有所從，理不逾等。百王不易，三代可知，日月同懸，咸所仰也。自微言既絕，大義復乖，雖文質有遷，而必遵此制。謹按《儀禮·喪服傳》曰：「外親之服皆緦麻。」鄭玄謂：「外親，異姓。正服不過緦麻。」外祖父母，小功五月，以尊加也。從母，小功五月，以名加也。舅甥外孫、中外昆弟，依本服緦麻三月。若以匹敵，外祖則祖也，舅則伯叔父之別也。姨舅伯叔，則父母之恩不殊，而獨殺於外氏，聖人之心，良有以也。《喪服傳》曰：「禽獸知母而不知父。」野人曰，父母何算焉。都邑之士，則知尊祢矣。大夫及學士，則知尊祖也。諸侯及其太祖，天子及其始祖。聖人究天道而厚於祖祢，系姓族而親其子孫，近則別其賢愚，遠則異於禽獸。由此言之，母黨比於本族，不可同貫明矣。且家無二尊，喪無二斬，人之所奉，不可貳也。特重於大宗者，降其小宗；為人後者，減其父母之服；女子出嫁，殺其本家之喪。蓋所存者遠，所抑者私也。今若外祖及舅更加服一等，堂舅及姨列於服紀之內，則中外之制，相去幾何？廢禮徇情，所務者末。古之製作者知人情之易搖，恐失禮之將漸，別其同異，輕重相懸，欲使後來之人，永不相雜。微旨斯在，豈徒然哉！且五服有上殺之義，必循源本，方及條流。伯叔父母本服大功九月，從父昆弟亦大功九月，並以上出於祖，其服不得過於祖也。從祖祖父母、從祖父母、從祖昆弟，皆小功五月；以出於曾祖，服不得過於曾祖也。族祖祖父母、族祖父母、族祖昆弟，皆緦麻三月，以其出於高祖，其服不得過於高祖也。堂舅姨既出於外曾祖，若為之制服，則外曾祖父母及外伯叔祖父母，亦宜制服矣。外祖加至大功九月，則外曾祖合至小功，外高祖合至緦麻。若舉此而舍彼，事則不均；棄親而錄疏，理則不順。推而廣之，是與本族無異矣。服皆有報，則堂外甥、外曾孫、侄女之子，皆須制服矣。聖人豈薄其骨肉，背其恩愛。情之親者，服制乃輕，蓋本於公者薄於私，存其大者略其細，義有所斷，不得不然。苟可加也，亦可減也，往聖可得而非，則禮經可得而隳矣。先王之制，謂之彝倫，奉以周旋，猶恐失墜，一紊其敘，庸可止乎？且舊章淪胥，為日已久矣。所存者無幾，又欲棄之，雖曰未達，不知其可。請依《儀禮·喪服》為定。 Wei Shu, Bureau Director of Staff Registration, deliberated: Heaven gives birth to the myriad things, and only humans are most numinous. Therefore they honor the honored and love the kin, distinguish those born from one another and classify kinds; while alive they exhaust love and reverence, and when dead they exhaust grief and sorrow. Following feeling they made mourning dress, and examining affairs they established words; former sages discussed this with great diligence. From Gaozu down to great-great-grandsons and including oneself is called the nine kin. From near reaching distant, matching feeling and establishing text, differentiating light and heavy, they then made the five mourning grades. Though some are reduced by obligation and some increased by name, teaching has what it follows and principle does not exceed rank. This was not changed by the hundred kings, and can be known from the Three Dynasties; like sun and moon hanging together, all looked up to it. Since subtle words were cut off and great meaning again went awry, although plainness and refinement changed, this system was necessarily followed. Respectfully according to the Ceremonies and Rites, Mourning Dress Tradition: "Mourning for external kin is all fine hemp." Zheng Xuan says: "External kin are those of different surnames. The regular dress does not exceed fine hemp." Maternal grandparents have small-work mourning for five months because honor adds to it. A mother's sister has small-work mourning for five months because the name adds to it. Maternal uncles, nephews, daughters' children, and cousins across inner and outer lines follow the basic mourning of fine hemp for three months. If matched as equals, a maternal grandfather is a grandfather, and a maternal uncle is the counterpart of a father's elder or younger brother. Aunts and uncles, elder and younger, do not differ in the affection of father and mother, yet only the maternal line is reduced; the sage's intention truly had reason. The Mourning Dress Tradition says: "Birds and beasts know their mothers but do not know their fathers." The rustic says, what reckoning is there of father and mother? Men of towns know to honor the father; great officers and scholars know to honor the ancestor; feudal lords reach their Grand Ancestor, and the Son of Heaven reaches his first ancestor. Sages fully understood the Way of Heaven and gave weight to ancestors and fathers, tied surnames and clans, and loved their descendants; near at hand they distinguished worthy and foolish, and far away they differed from birds and beasts. Speaking from this, it is clear that the mother's party cannot be put on one string with the root clan. Moreover a household has no two honored ones, mourning has no two unhemmed garments, and what a person serves cannot be double. One who gives special weight to the great lineage lowers the small lineage; one adopted as another's heir reduces mourning for his parents; a woman who marries out reduces mourning for her natal family. This is because what is preserved is distant and what is restrained is private. Now if the maternal grandfather and maternal uncle are additionally raised one mourning grade, and second maternal uncles and maternal aunts are arrayed within the mourning regulations, then how far apart are the inner and outer systems? To abandon ritual and follow feeling is to work on the lesser point. Ancient makers of institutions knew that human feeling is easily shaken and feared that loss of ritual would gradually spread. They distinguished sameness and difference and made light and heavy far apart, wanting later people never to mix them. This subtle meaning lies here; how could it be accidental? Moreover the five mourning grades have the meaning of upward reduction. One must follow source and root before reaching branches and streams. Father's brothers and their wives have the basic mourning of great-work mourning for nine months; father's brother's sons also have great-work mourning for nine months, both because above they come from the grandfather, and their mourning cannot exceed that for the grandfather. Grandparents of the grandfather's line, grandparents of the father's cousin line, and cousins of the grandfather's line all have small-work mourning for five months, because they come from the great-grandfather, and the mourning cannot exceed that for the great-grandfather. Clan great-great-grandparents, clan great-grandparents, and clan cousins all have fine hemp for three months, because they come from the high ancestor, and their mourning cannot exceed that for the high ancestor. Second maternal uncles and aunts come from the external great-grandfather; if mourning dress is made for them, then mourning dress should also be made for external great-grandparents and external great-uncles and great-aunts. If the maternal grandfather is increased to great-work mourning for nine months, then the external great-grandfather should reach small-work mourning and the external high ancestor should reach fine hemp. If one raises this but leaves out that, the matter is uneven; to abandon the close and record the distant is contrary to principle. Pushed and broadened, this is no different from the root clan. Mourning all has reciprocal return, so second nephews across the maternal line, external great-grandsons, and the sons of nieces would all require mourning dress. Could sages have been thin toward their own flesh and blood and turned against affection? For those closest in feeling, the mourning system is light because what is based in the public is thinner than the private; it preserves the greater and omits the finer. Obligation has what it cuts off, and it cannot be otherwise. If it can be increased, it can also be reduced. If former sages may be declared wrong, then the ritual classics may be destroyed. The former kings' system is called the constant human order; even when reverently carried out, one fears losing it. Once its sequence is disturbed, how can it be stopped? Moreover the old statutes have sunk and decayed for a long time. What remains is not much, and now one wishes to abandon it. Though this is called lack of understanding, I do not know that it is acceptable. I request that the Ceremonies and Rites, Mourning Dress be followed as the fixed rule.
議奏，上又手敕侍臣等曰：「朕以為親姨舅既服小功，則舅母於舅有三年之服，服是受我而厚，以服制情，則舅母之服，不得全降於舅也，宜服緦麻。堂姨舅古今未制服，朕思惇睦九族，引而親之，宜服袒免。又鄭玄注《禮記》云『同爨緦』，若比堂姨舅於同爨，親則厚矣。又《喪服傳》云『外親之服皆緦』，是亦不隔於堂姨舅也。若以所服不得過本，而須為外曾祖父母及外伯叔祖父母制服，亦何傷乎？是皆親親敦本之意，卿等更熟詳之。」 When the deliberations were submitted, the emperor again personally instructed his attendants, saying: "I consider that since close maternal aunts and uncles already receive small-work mourning, and an uncle's wife has three-year mourning for the uncle, her mourning is thickened by receiving it from me. If mourning dress regulates feeling, then mourning for an uncle's wife cannot be wholly lowered from that for the uncle, and she should receive fine hemp. Second maternal aunts and uncles have never had mourning dress fixed in ancient or recent times, but I think of strengthening harmony among the nine kin, drawing them in and making them close, so they should receive bared-shoulder exemption. Also, Zheng Xuan's annotation to the Book of Rites says, "Those who share the cooking hearth receive fine hemp." If second maternal aunts and uncles are compared to those who share the hearth, this is thick in kinship. Again the Mourning Dress Tradition says, "Mourning for external kin is all fine hemp." This too does not exclude second maternal aunts and uncles. If one says that the mourning worn may not exceed the root, and therefore mourning dress must also be made for external great-grandparents and external great-uncles and great-aunts, what harm would that do? All this is the intention of loving kin and thickening the root. You should examine it further and carefully."
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