1
志八十五
Treatise 85
2
選舉五
Selection and Examinations 5
3
封廕推選
Hereditary Privilege and Recommendation
4
封贈之制,文職隸吏部,八旗、綠營武職隸兵部。 順治間,覃恩及三年考滿,均給封贈。 康熙初,廢文、武職考滿封贈。
Honorary enfeoffment for civil officials fell under the Board of Civil Appointments, while military posts in the Eight Banners and Green Standard Army fell under the Board of War. Under Shunzhi, both general grace amnesties and successful three-year reviews qualified officials for honorary enfeoffment. Early in the Kangxi reign, the practice of granting honorary enfeoffment when civil and military officials completed their reviews was abolished.
5
文職封贈之階,初正一品、特進、光祿大夫,尋改光祿大夫。 從一品光祿大夫,後改榮祿大夫。 正二品資政大夫。 從二品通奉大夫。 正三品通議大夫。 從三品中議大夫。 正四品中憲大夫。 從四品朝議大夫。 正五品奉政大夫。 從五品奉直大夫。 正六品承德郎。 從六品儒林郎,吏員出身者宣德郎。 正七品文林郎,吏員出身者宣議郎。 從七品徵仕郎。 正八品修職郎。 從八品修職佐郎。 正九品登仕郎。 從九品登仕佐郎。
For civil honorary enfeoffment, principal first rank was initially styled Special Advancement with Grand Mentor of Splendor, but was soon reduced to Grand Mentor of Splendor alone. Junior first rank was first Grand Mentor of Splendor, then Grand Mentor of Glory. Principal second rank: Grand Mentor of Statecraft. Junior second rank: Grand Mentor of Court Presentation. Principal third rank: Grand Mentor of General Deliberation. Junior third rank: Grand Mentor of Central Deliberation. Principal fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Central Statutes. Junior fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Court Deliberation. Principal fifth rank: Grand Mentor of Court Governance. Junior fifth rank: Grand Mentor of Direct Service. Principal sixth rank: Gentleman of Inherited Virtue. Junior sixth rank was Gentleman of the Confucian Grove, while clerical appointees received Gentleman of Proclaimed Virtue. Principal seventh rank was Gentleman of Literary Forest, while clerical appointees received Gentleman of Proclaimed Deliberation. Junior seventh rank: Gentleman Summoned to Office. Principal eighth rank: Gentleman of Cultivated Office. Junior eighth rank: Assistant Gentleman of Cultivated Office. Principal ninth rank: Gentleman Entering Office. Junior ninth rank: Assistant Gentleman Entering Office.
6
武職封贈之階,初分三系。 一曰滿、漢公、侯、伯封光祿大夫,後改建威將軍。 二曰八旗。 一品光祿大夫。 二品資政大夫。 三品通議大夫。 四品中憲大夫。 五品奉政大夫。 六品承德郎,後改武信郎。 七品文林郎,後改奮武郎。 八品修職郎。 九品登仕郎。 乾隆三十二年,改同綠旗。 三曰綠旗營。 封贈官階屢變。 初制正、從一品榮祿大夫。 正二品驃騎將軍。 從二品驍騎將軍。 正三品昭勇將軍。 從三品懷遠將軍。 正四品明威將軍。 從四品宣武將軍。 正五品武德將軍。 從五品武略將軍。 正六品昭信校尉。 從六品忠顯校尉。 後增正七品奮勇校尉。 乾隆二十年,改正二品武顯大夫。 從二品武功大夫。 正三品武義大夫。 從三品武翼大夫。 正四品昭武大夫。 從四品宣武大夫。 正五品武德郎。 從五品武略郎。 正六品武信郎。 從六品武信佐郎。 正七品奮武郎。 三十二年,改正一品建威大夫。 從一品振威大夫。 增從七品奮武佐郎。 正八品修武郎。 從八品修武佐郎。 八旗與綠營制度始畫一。 五十一年,改正一品建威將軍。 從一品振威將軍。 正二品武顯將軍。 從二品武功將軍。 正三品武義都尉。 從三品武翼都尉。 正四品昭武都尉。 從四品宣武都尉。 正五品武德騎尉。 從五品武德佐騎尉。 正六品武略騎尉。 從六品武略佐騎尉。 正七品武信騎尉。 從七品武信佐騎尉。 正八品奮武校尉。 從八品奮武佐校尉。 增正九品修武校尉。 從九品修武佐校尉。 於是文、武官階等級相侔矣。
Military honorary enfeoffment was originally organized into three separate systems. First, Manchu and Han dukes, marquises, and earls received Grand Mentor of Splendor, later changed to General Who Establishes Might. Second, the Eight Banners. First rank: Grand Mentor of Splendor. Second rank: Grand Mentor of Statecraft. Third rank: Grand Mentor of General Deliberation. Fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Central Statutes. Fifth rank: Grand Mentor of Court Governance. Sixth rank was Gentleman of Inherited Virtue, later Gentleman of Martial Trust. Seventh rank was Gentleman of Literary Forest, later Gentleman of Exerted Martiality. Eighth rank: Gentleman of Cultivated Office. Ninth rank: Gentleman Entering Office. In Qianlong 32, the Banner system was aligned with the Green Standard. Third, the Green Standard Army. The ranks used for honorary enfeoffment changed many times. At first, both principal and junior first rank were styled Grand Mentor of Glory. Principal second rank: General of Fast Cavalry. Junior second rank: General of Valiant Cavalry. Principal third rank: General of Manifest Bravery. Junior third rank: General Who Cherishes the Distant. Principal fourth rank: General of Illustrious Might. Junior fourth rank: General Who Proclaims Martiality. Principal fifth rank: General of Martial Virtue. Junior fifth rank: General of Martial Strategy. Principal sixth rank: Commandant of Manifest Trust. Junior sixth rank: Commandant of Loyal Manifestation. Later, principal seventh rank Commandant of Exerted Valor was added. In Qianlong 20, principal second rank became Grand Mentor of Martial Manifestation. Junior second rank: Grand Mentor of Martial Achievement. Principal third rank: Grand Mentor of Martial Righteousness. Junior third rank: Grand Mentor of Martial Support. Principal fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Manifest Martiality. Junior fourth rank: Grand Mentor Who Proclaims Martiality. Principal fifth rank: Gentleman of Martial Virtue. Junior fifth rank: Gentleman of Martial Strategy. Principal sixth rank: Gentleman of Martial Trust. Junior sixth rank: Assistant Gentleman of Martial Trust. Principal seventh rank: Gentleman of Exerted Martiality. In year 32, principal first rank became Grand Mentor Who Establishes Might. Junior first rank: Grand Mentor Who Rouses Might. Junior seventh rank Assistant Gentleman of Exerted Martiality was also added. Principal eighth rank: Gentleman of Cultivated Martiality. Junior eighth rank: Assistant Gentleman of Cultivated Martiality. For the first time, the Eight Banners and Green Standard systems were brought into alignment. In year 51, principal first rank became General Who Establishes Might. Junior first rank: General Who Rouses Might. Principal second rank: General of Martial Manifestation. Junior second rank: General of Martial Achievement. Principal third rank: Commandant-in-Chief of Martial Righteousness. Junior third rank: Commandant-in-Chief of Martial Support. Principal fourth rank: Commandant-in-Chief of Manifest Martiality. Junior fourth rank: Commandant-in-Chief Who Proclaims Martiality. Principal fifth rank: Cavalry Commandant of Martial Virtue. Junior fifth rank: Assistant Cavalry Commandant of Martial Virtue. Principal sixth rank: Cavalry Commandant of Martial Strategy. Junior sixth rank: Assistant Cavalry Commandant of Martial Strategy. Principal seventh rank: Cavalry Commandant of Martial Trust. Junior seventh rank: Assistant Cavalry Commandant of Martial Trust. Principal eighth rank: Commandant of Exerted Martiality. Junior eighth rank: Assistant Commandant of Exerted Martiality. Principal ninth rank Commandant of Cultivated Martiality was added. Junior ninth rank: Assistant Commandant of Cultivated Martiality. At that point the civil and military rank ladders were finally matched in scale.
7
文、武正、從一品妻封一品夫人。 滿、漢公妻為公妻一品夫人。 侯妻為侯妻一品夫人。 伯妻為伯妻一品夫人。 正、從二品夫人。 正、從三品淑人。 正、從四品恭人。 正、從五品宜人。 正、從六品安人。 正從七品孺人。 正、從八品八品孺人。 正、從九品九品孺人。 武職八旗八品以下、綠旗營七品以下妻無封。 後改綠營正七品妻封孺人。
Wives of civil and military officials of principal or junior first rank received the title Lady of the First Rank. Wives of Manchu and Han dukes were styled duchesses, ladies of the first rank. Wives of marquises were styled marchionesses, ladies of the first rank. Wives of earls were styled countesses, ladies of the first rank. Principal and junior second rank: Lady. Principal and junior third rank: Lady of Cultivated Virtue. Principal and junior fourth rank: Lady of Respectful Bearing. Principal and junior fifth rank: Lady of Fitting Demeanor. Principal and junior sixth rank: Lady of Tranquil Bearing. Principal and junior seventh rank: Lady of Gentle Nurture. Principal and junior eighth rank: Eighth-Rank Lady of Gentle Nurture. Principal and junior ninth rank: Ninth-Rank Lady of Gentle Nurture. In the military service, wives of Eight Banner officials below eighth rank and Green Standard officers below seventh rank received no honorary title. Later, wives of Green Standard officers of principal seventh rank were granted the title Lady of Gentle Nurture.
8
順治五年,定制,凡遇恩詔,一品封贈三代,誥命四軸。 二、三品封贈二代,誥命三軸。 四、五品封贈一代,誥命二軸。 六、七品封贈一代,敕命二軸。 八、九品止封本身,敕命一軸。 凡軸端一品用玉,二品用犀,三、四品用裹金,五品以下用角。
In Shunzhi 5 the rules were set: on grace edicts, first-rank officials could enfeoff three generations, with four patent scrolls. Second and third rank: two generations, three patent scrolls. Fourth and fifth rank: one generation, two patent scrolls. Sixth and seventh rank: one generation, two commission patents. Eighth and ninth rank: only the official himself, one commission patent. Patent scroll ends were jade for first rank, rhinoceros horn for second, gilt for third and fourth, and horn for fifth rank and below.
9
凡推封之例,順治初制,父祖現任者,不得受子孫封。 致仕及已故者許給,原棄職就封者聽。 兩子均仕,其父母受封,從其品大者。 婦人因子封贈,而夫與子兩有官,亦從其品大者。 父官高於子者,嫡母從父官,生母從子官。 為人後者,已封贈祖父母、父母,請以本身妻室封典貤封本生祖父母、父母者,許貤封。 康熙五年,定父職高於子者,依父原品封贈。 官卑於子者,從子官封贈。 武職子現任文職,封贈依文官例。 雍正三年,定四品至七品官原將本身妻室封典貤封祖父、母者,八、九品官原貤封父、母者,皆許貤封。 三品以上貤封曾祖父、母者,請旨定奪。 乾隆間,折中禮制,頗有更定。 二十七年諭曰:「子孫官品不及祖、父之崇,則父為大夫子為士,記有明文。 舊例依祖、父原階封贈,殊未允協,其議改之。」 吏部議定文、武官子孫職大,祖、父職小,依子孫官階封贈。 祖、父職大,子孫職小,不得依祖、父原品封贈。 父官高於子者,生母從子官封贈,嫡母、繼母不得依父官請封,原依子官受封者聽。 武職子任文職者亦如之。 五十年,定一品至三品官不得貤封高祖父、母,四品至七品官不得貤封曾祖父、母,八品官以下不得貤封祖父、母。
Under early Shunzhi rules on extended enfeoffment, living fathers and grandfathers could not accept honors conferred by their descendants. Retired or deceased kin could receive honors, and officials who had resigned to accept enfeoffment were also permitted. If two sons both held office, their parents were enfeoffed according to the higher of the two ranks. When a woman was enfeoffed through her son while both husband and son held office, she too followed the higher rank. If the father's rank exceeded the son's, the principal mother followed the father and the birth mother followed the son. An adopted son who had already enfeoffed his adoptive forebears could use his own and his wife's patents to extend honors to his birth grandparents and parents. In Kangxi 5, when the father's rank exceeded the son's, enfeoffment followed the father's original rank. When the father's rank was lower, enfeoffment followed the son. If a military official's son held civil office, enfeoffment followed civil rules. In Yongzheng 3, fourth- through seventh-rank officials who wished to extend their own and their wives' patents to grandparents, and eighth- and ninth-rank officials who wished to extend honors to parents, were all allowed to do so. Third rank and above who sought to enfeoff great-grandparents required imperial approval. Under Qianlong, ritual rules were revised substantially. In year 27 an edict declared: "When a son's rank does not match a father's eminence, the father remains the grand mentor and the son the gentleman — the Record states this plainly. The old practice of enfeoffing ancestors at their original ranks is improper; revise it." The Board ruled that when a descendant outranked an ancestor, enfeoffment followed the descendant's rank. When an ancestor outranked a descendant, the ancestor could not be enfeoffed at his original rank. If the father outranked the son, the birth mother followed the son's rank; the principal and stepmothers could not claim the father's rank, though those already enfeoffed at the son's rank kept it. The same rule applied when a military official's son held civil office. In year 50, first- through third-rank officials could not enfeoff great-great-grandparents; fourth through seventh could not enfeoff great-grandparents; eighth rank and below could not enfeoff grandparents.
10
道光以後,捐封例開。 二十三年,許三品以上官欲捐請本生曾祖父、母封贈者,得依貤封曾祖父、母例報捐。 二十八年,許四品至七品官捐請貤封曾祖父、母,八品官以下捐請貤封祖父、母,均依常例加倍報捐。 而限制始廢矣。 舊例八、九品官許封父、母,不封本身妻室。 應封妻者,止封正妻一人。 正妻未封已歿,繼室當封者,正妻亦得追贈。 其再繼者不得給封。 道光二十三年,許八品以下捐封人員欲捐請及妻室者,加倍報捐。 咸豐二年,許京、外文職及捐職人員得先封本身及原配、繼配妻室,再依本身品級為第三繼妻捐封。 四年,並從部議,第三繼妻以後,誼同敵體,亦許依次遞捐矣。 舊例仕宦至三品,幼為外祖父、母撫養,其外祖父、母歿無嗣者,許依其官階貤贈,其餘外姻不許貤封。 道光二十三年,許捐封人員為其受恩撫養之母舅、舅母、姑夫、姑母、姨夫、姨母、妻父、妻母依貤封外祖父、母例,捐請貤封。 咸豐三年,並許貤封曾祖父、母,伯叔祖父、母,伯叔父母,庶母,兄、嫂並嫡堂伯叔祖父、母,嫡堂伯叔父、母,嫡堂兄、嫂,從堂、再從堂尊長及外曾祖父、母,外祖父、母,妻祖父、母。 按例定品級,一體捐請。 又許為人婦者,為其已故夫之祖若父捐職請封。 為人後者,為祖若父貤封其先人,展轉推衍,而經制蕩然矣。
After Daoguang, purchased enfeoffment was permitted. In year 23, third rank and above could purchase enfeoffment for birth great-grandparents under the extended-enfeoffment rules. In year 28, fourth through seventh rank could purchase great-grandparent enfeoffment and eighth rank and below grandparent enfeoffment, all at double the usual fee. At that point the old limits were effectively gone. Previously, eighth- and ninth-rank officials could enfeoff parents but not themselves or their wives. Only one principal wife could receive a title. If the principal wife had died unenfeoffed and a successor wife was to be honored, the principal wife could receive posthumous enfeoffment as well. A second successor wife could not receive a title. In Daoguang 23, purchasers of eighth rank and below could include their wives at double the fee. In Xianfeng 2, civil officials and purchasers of office could enfeoff themselves and original and successor wives first, then purchase honors for a third successor wife at their own rank. In year 4, following ministry approval, wives after the third successor were treated as co-equal and could receive honors in sequence by purchase. Previously, a third-rank official raised by maternal grandparents who died without heirs could extend honors to them at his rank; other affinal kin could not. In Daoguang 23, purchasers could extend honors to foster uncles, aunts, in-laws, and parents-in-law under the maternal-grandparent rule. In Xianfeng 3, extended purchase was allowed for a long list of kin including great-grandparents, uncles and aunts, concubine mothers, brothers and sisters-in-law, various cousins and elders, and maternal and wife's forebears. Ranks were set by precedent and honors purchased accordingly. A widow could also purchase office and enfeoff her late husband's grandfather or father. Adopted sons extended honors to their adoptive forebears, and as the chain widened, the canonical system collapsed.
11
加級請封之制,其初限制亦嚴。 順治初,凡恩詔加級者,以新加之級給封。 康熙五十二年,定例七品以下加級請封,不得逾五品,五、六品不得逾四品,三、四品不得逾二品,捐級不得計算。 乾隆間,外官加級不論新舊,不得依加級請封。 五十年,部議京官八品以下,得依加級請五品封,不惟逾分,亦覺太優。 嗣後八品以下不得逾七品,在外未入流不得給封,原捐納榮親者,許其捐封。 從之。 嘉慶後,限制漸寬。 京、外官恭遇覃恩,許報捐新級請封。 議敘三、四品職銜人員,加級捐請二品封典,許加倍納銀,按現任及候補、候選例給封。 咸豐初,撫廣捐例,京、外各官及捐職人員,由加級及捐加之級捐封者,現任及候補、候選三、四品官,許捐至二品。 其五、六品加等捐請三品封者,依常例加倍報捐。 加等捐請至二品者,依四品職銜得捐二品封例,加倍半報捐。 其七品加等捐請三、四品封,八品以下加等捐請五、六品封,均依常例,分別加倍報捐。 十年,定三品人員加級捐封,按一品人員銀數加倍,許給從一品封。 二、三品虛銜人員捐從一品封,應按二、三品實職銀數加成或加倍報捐。 其有為外姻捐從一品封者,許各按二、三品實職虛銜銀數,再行分別加成報捐。
Rules for enfeoffment through added rank were also strict at first. Early in Shunzhi, grace-rank additions determined the rank of enfeoffment. In Kangxi 52, seventh rank and below could not enfeoff above fifth rank through additions; fifth and sixth not above fourth; third and fourth not above second; purchased rank did not count. Under Qianlong, provincial officials could not use rank additions for enfeoffment. In year 50 the ministry noted that letting capital officials below eighth rank reach fifth rank through additions was both excessive and too generous. Thereafter eighth rank and below could rise only to seventh; provincial sub-stream officials received no enfeoffment unless they had donated to honor kin. The emperor approved. After Jiaqing, the limits gradually widened. On grace amnesties, capital and provincial officials could donate for new rank and request enfeoffment. Titular third- and fourth-rank officials could purchase second-rank honors at double fee, under rules for incumbents and expectants. Early in Xianfeng, under expanded donation rules, third- and fourth-rank officials and purchasers of office could donate up to second rank through rank additions. Fifth- and sixth-rank officials purchasing third-rank honors paid double the usual fee. Those purchasing up to second rank paid two and a half times the fee under the fourth-rank titular precedent. Seventh rank purchasing third or fourth rank, and eighth rank and below purchasing fifth or sixth, each paid double the usual fee. In year 10, third-rank officials who paid double the first-rank fee could receive junior first-rank honors. Titular second- and third-rank officials purchasing junior first-rank honors paid surcharged or double fees based on actual second- and third-rank rates. Those purchasing junior first-rank honors for affinal kin paid further surcharges based on second- and third-rank actual and titular fees.
12
陵夷至光緒中,御史李慈銘疏曰:「治國之要,惟賞與罰。 罰固不可稍逾,賞亦豈可或濫! 康熙、乾隆兩朝,享國久長,慶典武功,僂指難盡。 其時內外臣工,屢逢恩詔,論功行賞,班序秩然,未有越等者。 今則外官道員多至二品,其封皆至一品矣。 知府、同知多加三品,其封皆至二品矣。 牧、令大半四品,簿、尉大半五、六品,其封率至三、四品矣。 夫爵賞者,人君所以進退賢愚,中臣所以奔走吏士。 得之太易,則人不知恩,予之太驟,則士無由勸。 尊卑不別,等級不明,長偽士之浮囂,惑小民之觀聽,非所以尊朝廷、清流品也。」 奏上,亦未殺減。
By the Guangxu era the system had decayed. Censor Li Ciming wrote: "Governing a state rests on reward and punishment. Punishment must not be exceeded, but reward must not be lavished either! Kangxi and Qianlong ruled long and held countless celebrations and military honors. Then officials repeatedly received grace edicts; rewards followed merit in clear order, and no one overstepped his rank. Today many circuit intendants reach second rank, and their enfeoffments reach first. Prefects and sub-prefects often gain third rank, and their enfeoffments reach second. District magistrates are often fourth rank, clerks and constables fifth or sixth, yet their enfeoffments commonly reach third or fourth. Titles and rewards are how the ruler advances the worthy and dismisses the foolish, and how middle officials motivate clerks and subordinates. If honors come too easily, no one feels gratitude; if they come too fast, no one is truly motivated. When high and low blur, false arrogance grows, the people are misled, and the court's dignity and rank order are undermined. His memorial was submitted, but no cuts followed.
13
厥後外患頻仍,人才缺乏。 二十六年,詔停報捐實官,而虛銜封典報捐如故。 宣統元年,吏部議定條例,京官依加級、外官依本任請封,頗欲規復舊制,格不得行。 明年,改定京官依加級,外官依加銜,五品人員許請至三品封贈,八品人員許請至六品封贈。 欲稍事補救,而積重難返矣。
Afterward foreign crises multiplied and qualified men were scarce. In year 26 an edict halted purchase of actual offices, but purchase of titular honors continued. In Xuantong 1 the Board tried to restore old rules—capital officials by added rank, provincial by current post—but could not enforce them. The next year capital officials still used added rank and provincial officials added titular rank; fifth rank could reach third and eighth rank could reach sixth. They sought modest repair, but entrenched excess could not be reversed.
14
廕敘之制,曰恩廕,曰難廕,曰特廕。 恩廕始順治十八年,恩詔滿、漢文官在京四品、在外三品以上,武官在京、在外二品以上,各送一子入監。 護軍統領、副都統、阿思哈尼哈番、侍郎、學士以上之子為廕生,餘為監生。 初制,公、侯、伯予一品廕,子、男分別授廕。 雍正二年改世職俱依三品予廕。 乾隆三十四年,定公、侯、伯依一品,子依二品,男依三品予廕。 雍正初,定例廕生、廕監生通達文義者,交吏部分各部、院試驗行走。 其十五歲以上送監讀書者,年滿學成,咨部奏聞,分部、院學習。 又令文、武廕、監生通達文理者,遵例考試,以文職錄用。 其幼習武藝,人材壯健,原改武職者,呈明吏部,移兵部改廕。
Hereditary privilege took three forms: grace yin, hardship yin, and special yin. Grace yin began in Shunzhi 18: on grace edicts, qualifying civil and military officials each sent one son to the Imperial College. Sons of guard commanders, deputy lieutenant-generals, ashan-i hafan, vice ministers, and academicians became yin graduates; others became regular college students. Initially dukes, marquises, and earls received first-rank yin; viscounts and barons received yin at their respective ranks. In Yongzheng 2 all hereditary titles were standardized to third-rank yin. In Qianlong 34 dukes, marquises, and earls received first-rank yin; viscounts second; barons third. Early in Yongzheng, literate yin graduates and yin students were assigned by the Board for probation in ministries and courts. Those fifteen or older who studied at the college, upon completing their term, were reported to the throne and assigned to ministries for training. Civil and military yin graduates and students who passed examinations could be employed in civil posts. Those trained in martial arts who wished military careers reported to the Board of Civil Appointments and were transferred to the Board of War for military yin.
15
考試之法,雍正三年,令廕生到部年二十以上者,奏請考試引見。 乾隆十一年,定考試以古論及時務策,欽派大臣閱卷,評定甲乙,進呈御覽。 文理優通者,交部引見。 荒謬者,發回原籍讀書,三年再試。 歷代遵例行。 光緒三十一年,免漢廕生考試如滿員例。
In Yongzheng 3, yin graduates who reached the ministry at twenty or older were examined and presented to the emperor. In Qianlong 11, examinations used classical essays and policy questions; appointed ministers graded them and submitted the results to the emperor. Those who excelled were presented for imperial audience. Poor performers were sent home to study and retested after three years. Later reigns followed this practice. In Guangxu 31, Han yin graduates were exempted from examination like Manchu yin graduates.
16
錄用之法,漢廕生有內用、外用、改武職用三途。 內用者,雍正元年定制,尚書一品用員外郎,侍郎二品用主事,總督同尚書,巡撫同侍郎。 七年,改定正一品用員外郎、治中,從一品用主事,正二品用主事、都察院經歷、京府通判,從二品用光祿寺署正、大理寺寺副,正三品用通政使司經歷、太常寺典簿、中、行、評、博,從三品用光祿寺典簿、鑾儀衛經歷、詹事府主簿、京府經歷,四品廕生與捐納貢監考職者一例,輪班選用。 乾隆七年,定左都御史廕同尚書。 同治十年,定河道總督廕用員外郎、主事。 宣統間,改革官制,裁撤各官,以相當品級改用。 外用者,乾隆間定制,正一品用府同知,從一品用知州,二品用通判,三品用知縣,漢世職子爵用知縣,終清世無變更。 改武職用者,雍正間定制,在京一品尚書等官,在外總督、將軍,廕生用都司銜管都司。 二品侍郎等官,巡撫、提督,用署都司銜管都司。 三品副都御史等官,布政使、總兵官,用守備銜管守備。 按察使、加一品銜副將,用署守備銜管守備。 二品銜副將,用守御所千總。 乾隆間定漢子爵三品用千總,男爵四品用把總。
Han yin graduates could be employed in three ways: in the capital, in the provinces, or in military service. For capital service, fixed in Yongzheng 1: first-rank ministers placed yin graduates as vice directors, second-rank vice ministers as section chiefs; governors-general like ministers, governors like vice ministers. In year 7 the capital placements were revised in detail by rank; fourth-rank yin graduates rotated with purchased tribute and college graduates. In Qianlong 7 the censor-in-chief's yin privilege matched a minister's. In Tongzhi 10 the Director-General of Rivers placed yin graduates as vice director and section chief. Under Xuantong bureaucratic reform, offices were abolished and yin graduates reassigned at equivalent ranks. For provincial service, fixed under Qianlong: first rank as prefectural vice prefect, junior first as department magistrate, second as sub-prefect, third as county magistrate; Han viscounts as county magistrates—unchanged to the dynasty's end. For military service, fixed under Yongzheng: capital ministers and provincial governors-general and generals placed yin graduates as brevet colonels managing colonels. For second-rank vice ministers, governors, and provincial military commanders, yin graduates served as brevet colonels managing colonels. Third-rank vice censor-in-chiefs, provincial commissioners, and regional commanders placed yin graduates as garrison commandants by brevet managing garrison commandants. Provincial judicial commissioners and brigadiers with first-rank brevet served as brevet garrison commandants managing garrison commandants. Brigadiers with second-rank brevet were placed as garrison defense station captains. Under Qianlong, Han viscounts at third rank received captain posts and barons at fourth rank received lieutenant posts.
17
漢軍錄用,康熙十二年原定一品用員外郎,二品用大理寺寺正、知州。 雍正七年,用知州者以主事改補。 乾隆五年,定三品用七品筆帖式,四品用八品筆帖式。 宣統元年,吏部奏言:「漢文、武官廕生,按品級正、從授職,滿廕生不分正、從。 漢廕生引見,以內用、外用擬旨,滿廕生以文職侍衛旗員擬旨。 惟光緒三十二年以後,漢員一體簡授,旗職若現任都統、副都統,廕生依滿例給廕,不無窒礙。 擬請原系尚書、侍郎改授升授者,都統依漢尚書例,副都統依漢侍郎例,三品以下京堂、監司升授之副都統,依漢正二品例,仍以內用、外用擬旨。」 允之。
For Han Banner placement, Kangxi 12 originally assigned first-rank yin to vice director and second-rank yin to Court of Judicial Review chief judge or department magistrate. In Yongzheng 7, department magistrate placements were converted to section chief posts. In Qianlong 5, third-rank yin graduates were placed as seventh-rank clerks and fourth-rank as eighth-rank clerks. In Xuantong 1 the Board of Civil Appointments reported: "Han civil and military yin graduates were appointed by rank, principal or secondary; Manchu yin graduates drew no such distinction. At imperial audience, Han yin graduates were proposed for capital or provincial service; Manchu yin graduates were proposed as civil bodyguards or banner officers. After Guangxu 32, however, Han officials were uniformly selected for appointment, and applying Manchu yin rules to banner posts like lieutenant-generals and deputy lieutenant-generals created real difficulties. The Board proposed that reassigned or promoted former ministers and vice ministers be treated by Han equivalents: lieutenant-generals like ministers, deputy lieutenant-generals like vice ministers, and deputy lieutenant-generals promoted from lower capital or provincial posts like principal second-rank officials, still with capital or provincial placement at audience. The emperor approved.
18
初制,非現任官不得廕,內務府佐領以下官不給廕。 康熙六年,定各官不論級銜,均依實俸廕子,是年始許內務府佐領以下官子弟給廕。 十二年,並許原品解任食俸者給廕。
Initially only incumbent officials could confer yin, and officials below assistant commandant in the Imperial Household Department were excluded. In Kangxi 6, yin was fixed by actual salary regardless of nominal rank, and sons of Imperial Household officials below assistant commandant were first made eligible that year. In year 12, officials dismissed at original rank who still drew salary were also allowed to confer yin.
19
先是康熙三年定廕、監生已得官及科目中式者,不得補廕。 乾隆四十五年改定嫡長子孫有科名尚未選用,及有職銜原承廕者,許補廕。 道光以後,捐例宏開,既得官職,仍許補廕。 銓選混淆,幸進滋多。
Earlier, in Kangxi 3, yin graduates and college students who already held office or had passed the examinations were barred from supplementary yin. In Qianlong 45 the rule changed: eldest legitimate descendants with degrees not yet appointed, and those with titular posts who had inherited yin, could receive supplementary yin. After Daoguang, as purchase regulations expanded, officials who had already bought office could still receive supplementary yin. Appointment queues blurred, and unmerited advancement multiplied.
20
光緒二十二年,御史熙麟奏言:「吏部銓選,以奉特旨人員統壓各班,然如廕生暨及歲引見之員,曾捐道府,引見奉諭仍以道府選用者,本系捐班,部章竟歸特旨班銓選。 比年以來,率皆營私取巧,預捐道府,為他日例邀特旨統壓各班之地。 致使同一廕生暨及歲人員,而廉吏兒孫,興嗟力薄,紈袴子弟,逞志夤緣,於世道人心,大有關係。 請以此等人員加捐道、府者,與捐納人員同班銓選。」 下部議行。
In Guangxu 22, Censor Xilin wrote: "The Board ranks special-edict appointees above every cohort. Yet yin graduates and annual audience candidates who had bought circuit or prefectural rank and were still appointed at circuit or prefect level were donation men in origin, yet ministry rules placed them in the special-edict cohort. In recent years men routinely schemed for advantage, buying circuit or prefect rank in advance to win later special-edict placement above every queue. Among the same yin graduates and annual candidates, upright officials' heirs found themselves outmatched, while pampered youths bought their way forward — a serious blow to public morals. He asked that those who additionally purchased circuit or prefect rank be selected with other purchased offices. The ministry deliberated and carried it out.
21
難廕,順治三年定制,官員歿於王事者,依應升品級贈銜,並廕一子入監讀書,期滿候銓。 康熙十八年定殉難官依本銜廕子,不依贈銜。 雍正十二年,奏定官員因公差委,在大洋、大江、黃河,洞庭、洪澤等湖,遭風漂歿者,依應升品級廕、贈,在內洋、內河漂歿者,減等廕、贈,八品以下,贈銜不給廕。 乾隆六十年定官員隨營任事,催餉儘力,因病身故者,依內洋、內河漂歿例廕、贈。 道光二十三年,許八品以下官因公漂歿及軍營病故者,贈銜,廕一子監生,許應試,不得銓選。 光緒二年奏定現任官遇賊殉難及軍營病故,如系以何種官階升用、補用、即用並捐保升銜者,依升階、升銜、贈銜,依實官給廕。 候補、候選者,依現任官廕、贈。 休致、告病者,依原官廕、贈。 降調者,依所降官廕、贈。 已揀選之舉人,就職、就教之恩、拔、副、歲、優貢生,並考有職銜之捐納貢監生,各按品級、依現任官廕、贈。 未經揀選舉人,依七品例。 恩、拔、副、歲、優貢生依八品例。 廩、增、附文生員依九品例廕、贈。 虛銜頂戴人員,止予贈銜,不給廕。
Hardship yin was fixed in Shunzhi 3: officials who died in the line of duty received posthumous rank at promotion level, and one son entered the Imperial College and awaited appointment after completing his term. In Kangxi 18, martyred officials conferred yin by original rank, not by posthumous brevet. In Yongzheng 12, officials lost on duty in open seas, major rivers, the Yellow River, or lakes like Dongting and Hongze received full promotion-level yin and posthumous honors; those lost on inner waters received reduced honors; eighth rank and below received brevet only, not yin. In Qianlong 60, officials who died of illness while serving with the army and straining to collect supplies received reduced yin and posthumous honors, as for inner-water losses. In Daoguang 23, eighth-rank officials and below lost on duty or dead of illness in camp received posthumous brevet; one son became a college student, could sit examinations, but could not be appointed. In Guangxu 2, incumbents martyred by bandits or dead of illness in camp received posthumous honors at promotion or purchased brevet level, but yin followed the actual office held. Expectant appointees and candidates received the same yin and posthumous honors as incumbents. Retired officials and those on sick leave received yin and posthumous honors by their former rank. Demoted officials received yin and posthumous honors at their reduced rank. Selected jinshi, appointed tribute graduates, and purchased graduates with titular rank each received yin and posthumous honors by rank, as incumbents did. Unselected jinshi received seventh-rank treatment. Grace, special, supplementary, annual, and distinguished tribute graduates received eighth-rank treatment. Stipendiary, augmented, and attached licentiates received ninth-rank yin and posthumous honors. Officials holding titular brevet and peacock feathers received posthumous honors only, not yin.
22
乾隆以前,旗員效力行間,懋著勞績,及臨陣捐軀者,其子孫例得世職。 年未及歲,已承襲未任職者,給半俸。 綠營員弁陣亡議恤,僅得難廕而已。 乾隆四十九年詔曰:「旗員及綠營人員,效命疆埸,同一抒忠死事,何忍稍存歧視。 嗣後綠營員弁軍功議敘恤賞,仍依舊例。 陣亡人員,無論漢人及旗人,用於綠營者,一體給予世職。 襲次完時,依例酌給恩騎尉,俾賞延於世。」 自是漢員死難者,亦多得世職矣。
Before Qianlong, banner officers who served with distinction or fell in battle regularly passed hereditary rank to their descendants. Heirs who had inherited but were under age and not yet in post received half pay. Green Standard officers killed in action received hardship yin alone. In Qianlong 49 an edict declared: "Banner men and Green Standard troops who die loyal on the frontier deserve equal honor — how can we discriminate between them? Green Standard officers would still receive merit rewards under existing rules. All Green Standard officers who fell in battle, Han or banner, would alike receive hereditary rank. When hereditary turns ran out, a Grace Cavalry Commandancy was granted so the reward could continue for generations. Thereafter many Han officials who died in the line of duty also received hereditary rank.
23
凡殉難贈銜,總督加尚書銜者,贈太子少保銜。 巡撫加副都御史銜者,贈左都御史銜。 布政使贈內閣學士銜。 按察、鹽運使贈太常寺卿銜。 道員贈光祿寺卿銜。 知府贈太僕寺卿銜。 同知、知州、通判贈道銜。 知縣贈知府銜。 教諭、訓導贈國子監助教、學錄銜。 其餘各官,按品級比例加贈。 光緒二年,定內洋、內河漂歿及軍營病故者,減等贈銜。 惟總督、巡撫、布政使,無庸議減,仍減等給廕。
In posthumous honors for martyrs, governors-general with minister brevet received Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. Governors with vice censor-in-chief brevet received posthumous censor-in-chief rank. Provincial commissioners received posthumous Grand Secretary rank. Provincial judges and salt transport commissioners received posthumous Court of Imperial Sacrifices director rank. Circuit intendants received posthumous Court of Imperial Entertainments director rank. Prefects received posthumous Court of the Imperial Stud director rank. Prefectural vice prefects, department magistrates, and sub-prefects received posthumous circuit rank. County magistrates received posthumous prefect rank. Directors of studies and instructors received posthumous Imperial College assistant instructor or recorder rank. All other officials received proportional posthumous promotion by rank. In Guangxu 2, deaths on inner waters or of illness in camp received reduced posthumous honors. Governors-general, governors, and provincial commissioners kept full posthumous brevet, but yin was still reduced.
24
凡給廕,康熙間定制,三品以上廕知州,四品以下至通判廕知縣,布政、按察、都轉鹽運三司首領官及州、縣佐貳六品、七品官廕縣丞,八品、九品官廕縣主簿,未入流廕州吏目。 光緒二年,定遇賊殉難官給廕如康熙舊制。 惟知縣廕州判,軍營病故及因公漂歿者,減等廕子。 武職難廕,有都司、守備、千總、把總,與恩廕改用武職同。 凡給世職,陣亡提督,依參贊、都統例,給騎都尉兼一雲騎尉。 總兵官依副都統例,給騎都尉。 副將以下,把總、經制、外委以上,依參領以下及有頂戴官以上例,俱給雲騎尉。 應襲人員年十八歲者,送部引見,發標學習。 未及歲者給半俸,及歲補送引見。 光緒間,部章恩廕許分發,難廕不得援例。 二十二年,熙麟奏言:「恩廕既分部並外用,待之已優,又予分發,難廕專外用,待之已絀,又不予分發,殊失其平。 今時事多艱,需人孔亟。 正賴鼓天下忠義之氣,俾臨難毋苟。 顧於恩廕則為顯宦兒孫擴功名之路,於難廕不為忠臣後裔開一線生機,是使國殤飲恨於重泉,忠義灰心於臨事。 請飭部臣援恩廕外用例,一體分發補用。」 下部議行。
Under Kangxi rules for yin grants: third rank and above placed sons as department magistrates; fourth rank through sub-prefect as county magistrates; provincial bureau chiefs and county deputies as assistant magistrates; eighth and ninth rank as registrars; unranked posts as department clerks. In Guangxu 2, officials martyred by bandits received yin under the old Kangxi scale. County magistrates conferred department judge yin; deaths in camp or on inner waters received reduced yin for sons. Military hardship yin placed sons as colonel, garrison commandant, captain, or lieutenant — the same posts as grace yin converted to military service. For hereditary honors, fallen provincial military commanders, like advisory ministers and lieutenant-generals, received Commandant of Cavalry plus one Cloud Cavalry Commandant. Regional commanders, like deputy lieutenant-generals, received Commandant of Cavalry. From brigadier down through lieutenants, regulars, and extern deputies, all received Cloud Cavalry Commandant, following banner company-commandant precedent. Heirs who reached eighteen were presented at the ministry and sent to banner units for training. Underage heirs drew half pay and were presented for audience when they came of age. Under Guangxu ministry rules, grace yin graduates could be dispatched to posts, but hardship yin could not claim the same privilege. In year 22, Xilin wrote: "Grace yin already enjoyed ministry assignment and provincial placement, and dispatch besides — a generous deal. Hardship yin was limited to provincial use and denied dispatch — an unfair imbalance. These are hard times, and qualified men are urgently needed. The state must stir loyalty and righteousness so men do not shrink from danger. Yet grace yin widened the path to office for eminent men's heirs, while hardship yin denied loyal ministers' descendants even a narrow chance — leaving the fallen bitter in their graves and discouraging loyalty in the face of danger. He asked the ministry to apply the grace yin dispatch rule to hardship yin as well. The ministry deliberated and carried it out.
25
特廕,乾隆三年詔曰:「皇考酬庸念舊,立賢良祠於京師。 凡我朝宣勞輔治完全名節之臣,永享禋祀,垂譽無窮。 其子孫登仕籍者固多,或有不能自振、漸就零落者,朕甚憫焉。 其旁求賢良子孫無仕宦者,或品級卑微者,各都統、督、撫,擇其嫡裔,品行材質可造就者,送部引見加恩。」 四十七年,原任廣西巡撫、滅寇將軍傅弘烈曾孫世海等,降旨錄用。 嘉慶四年,追贈已故御史曹錫寶副都御史,依贈銜給予其子廕生。 歷代眷念功臣後嗣,恩旨屢頒。 光緒季年,海內多故,因思將帥有功之臣,詔曰:「咸、同以來,發、捻、回匪,次第戡定。 文武大員,勛績卓著。 懋賞酬庸,閱時五十餘年。 各勛臣子孫,名位顯達者,固不乏人; 而浮沉下位,伏處鄉里者,亦復不少。」 令各督、撫、都統詳察勛臣後裔,有無官職,匯列上聞。 軍機大臣繕單呈覽。 前西安將軍多隆阿次孫壽慶、曾孫奎弼,湖北提督向榮曾孫楷、乃全,安徽巡撫江忠源孫慎勛、曾孫勤培,布政使銜、浙江寧紹台道羅澤南孫長耿、曾孫延祚,協辦大學士、四川總督駱秉章孫懋勛、曾孫毓樞,江南提督張國樑孫繩祖、繼祖,巡撫銜、浙江布政使李續賓孫前普、曾孫正繩,兵部尚書彭玉麟次孫見綏、曾孫萬澂,陝甘總督楊岳斌子正儀、孫道澂,四川提督鮑超次子祖恩、孫世爵,署安徽巡撫、布政使李孟群孫興仁、興孝,江西南贛鎮總兵程學啟嗣子建勛,廣東提督劉松山孫國安、曾孫家琨,貴州提督馮子材次子相華、孫承鳳等,命各按官級升用。 湖南提督塔齊布,令訪明立嗣,奏請施恩。 其明年,又詔開列勛績最著之臣,前雲貴總督劉長佑,台灣巡撫、一等男劉銘傳,贈布政使、道員王★A5,綏遠城將軍福興,福建陸路提督、一等男蕭孚泗,記名提督、一等子、河南歸德鎮總兵李臣典,浙江提督鄧紹良,都統銜、廣東副都統烏蘭泰,署廣西提督、甘肅肅州鎮總兵張玉良,工部左侍郎呂賢基,漕運總督袁甲三,都察院副都御史、江西巡撫張芾,署貴州巡撫韓超,布政使銜,福建督糧道趙景賢,雲南鶴麗鎮總兵硃洪章,直隸總督郭松林,廣東等省巡撫蔣益澧,布政使銜、江南道員溫紹原,署安徽廬鳳潁道金光箸,護軍統領恆齡,新疆巡撫、一等男劉錦棠,記名提督、廣西右江鎮總兵張樹珊,贈布政使銜、升用知府、天津知縣謝子澄,令各都統、督、撫訪明有無後嗣,有何官職,請旨施恩。 若夫乾隆四十八年錄用明臣經略熊廷弼五世孫世先,督師袁崇煥五世孫炳,則推恩特廕勝代忠臣後裔,尤曠典也。
Special yin: in Qianlong 3 an edict declared: "My late father rewarded service and honored the past by founding the Shrine of Worthies in the capital. Ministers who served the dynasty with integrity enjoy perpetual sacrifice and undying renown. Many of their descendants entered official life, but some could not sustain themselves and sank into obscurity — and I pity them deeply. Where worthy men's descendants held no office or only humble rank, lieutenant-generals, governors-general, and governors should select promising legitimate heirs and send them to the ministry for audience and special favor. In year 47, Shihai, great-grandson of former Guangxi governor and Bandit-Suppressing General Fu Honglie, and others were ordered appointed by edict. In Jiaqing 4, the late Censor Cao Xibao was posthumously made vice censor-in-chief, and his son received yin graduate status under that honor. Dynasty after dynasty showed favor to meritorious ministers' heirs through repeated grace edicts. In late Guangxu, as turmoil spread across the realm, the throne turned to meritorious commanders and declared: "Since Xianfeng and Tongzhi, the Nian, Taiping, and Muslim rebellions have been put down one after another. Leading civil and military officials had served with outstanding distinction. Generous rewards were granted, and more than fifty years have since elapsed. Many descendants of these meritorious ministers had risen to prominence; yet many others languished in low posts or lived quietly in their home villages. Governors-general, governors, and lieutenant-generals were ordered to investigate meritorious ministers' descendants, record whether they held office, and report. Grand councilors compiled the lists and submitted them to the emperor. Among those ordered promoted by rank were the descendants of Dolon'a, Xiang Rong, Jiang Zhongyuan, Luo Zinan, Luo Bingzhang, Zhang Guoliang, Li Xubin, Peng Yulin, Yang Yuebin, Bao Chao, Li Mengqun, Cheng Xueqi, Liu Songshan, and Feng Zicai — sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons across several generations. For Hunan provincial military commander Taqibu, officials were ordered to identify and establish an heir and memorialize for imperial favor. The following year another edict named the most distinguished ministers — including Liu Changyou, Liu Mingchuan, Wang Qi, Fuxing, Xiao Fusi, Li Diancian, Deng Shaoliang, Ulan'tai, Zhang Yuliang, Lü Xianji, Yuan Jiasan, Zhang Fu, Han Chao, Zhao Jingxian, Zhu Hongzhang, Guo Songlin, Jiang Yilai, Wen Shaoyuan, Jin Guangzhu, Hengling, Liu Jintang, Zhang Shushan, and Xie Zicheng — and ordered lieutenant-generals, governors-general, and governors to locate their descendants, report their offices, and seek imperial favor. When Qianlong 48 employed Xiong Tingbi's fifth-generation descendant Shixian and Yuan Chonghuan's fifth-generation descendant Bing, extending special yin to Ming loyalists' heirs was an act of truly exceptional generosity.
26
任官之法,文選吏部主之,武選兵部主之。 吏部四司,選司掌推選,職尤要。 凡滿、漢入仕,有科甲、貢生、監生、廕生、議敘、雜流、捐納、官學生、俊秀。 定制由科甲及恩、拔、副、歲、優貢生、廕生出身者為正途,餘為異途。 異途經保舉,亦同正途,但不得考選科、道。 非科甲正途,不為翰、詹及吏、禮二部官。 惟旗員不拘此例。 官吏俱限身家清白,八旗戶下人,漢人家奴、長隨,不得濫入仕籍。 其由各途入官者,內則修撰、編、檢、庶吉士、主事、中書、行人、評事、博士,外則知州、推官、州縣教授,由進士除授。 內閣中書、國子監學正、學錄、知縣、學正,由舉人考授及大挑揀選。 小京官、知縣、教職、州判,由優、拔貢生錄用。 員外郎、主事、治中、知州、通判,由一、二品廕生考用。 此外貢監生考職,用州判、州同、縣丞、主簿、吏目、京通倉書、內閣六部等衙門書吏、供事,五年役滿,用從九品未入流。 禮部儒士食糧三年,用府檢校、典史。 吏員考職,一等用正八品經歷,二等用正九品主簿,三、四等用從九品未入流。 官學生考試,用從九品筆帖式、庫使、外郎。 俊秀識滿、漢字者考繙譯,優者用八品筆帖式。 厥後官制變更,略有出入。 其由異途出身者,漢人非經保舉、漢軍非經考試,不授京官及正印官,所以別流品,嚴登進也。
The Board of Civil Appointments managed civil appointments; the Board of War managed military ones. Among the Board's four bureaus, the Selection Bureau handled nominations and was especially critical. Manchu and Han officials entered service through examination degrees, tribute and college graduates, yin privilege, merit deliberation, miscellaneous routes, purchase, imperial academy training, and distinguished youth selection. By regulation, examination graduates, selected tribute graduates, and yin graduates formed the regular path; all others were irregular paths. Irregular-path officials recommended by guarantee counted as regular path, but could not compete for circuit intendant or censor posts. Without examination graduate credentials, one could not serve in the Hanlin Academy, Crown Prince's Household, or the Boards of Civil Appointments and Rites. Banner officials alone were exempt from this rule. Only officials of respectable family standing were eligible; banner bond servants, Han household slaves, and personal attendants were barred from entering the official rolls. Metropolitan graduates received appointment as Hanlin and ministry officials in the capital, or as prefects, magistrate-assessors, and local instructors in the provinces. Provincial graduates entered service as Grand Secretariat secretaries, Imperial College instructors, and local magistrates and instructors through examination and the great triennial selection. Distinguished and specially selected tribute graduates were placed as junior capital officials, district magistrates, educational officers, and assistant prefects. First- and second-rank yin graduates, after examination, filled vice directorships, section chiefships, and prefectural posts. Other tribute and college graduates who passed service exams served in subordinate local and clerical posts; after five years they might receive ninth-rank positions outside the regular rank stream. Board of Rites scholars on three-year grain stipends were assigned as prefectural inspectors and county sheriffs. Clerks passing service examinations in first class became eighth-rank administration commissioners; second class became registrars; third and fourth class received ninth-rank posts outside the regular stream. Imperial academy students who passed examinations were appointed ninth-rank clerks, depot stewards, and foreign-office clerks. Distinguished youths proficient in Manchu and Chinese who excelled at translation examinations received eighth-rank clerkships. Later changes to the bureaucratic system introduced minor adjustments. Irregular-path Han officials required recommendation by guarantee, and Han banner officials required examination, before receiving capital or seal-holding posts — a barrier meant to separate career streams and tighten advancement.
27
凡內、外官分滿洲缺、蒙古缺、漢軍缺、漢缺。 滿洲又有宗室、內務府包衣缺。 其專屬者,奉天府府尹、奉錦、山海、吉林、熱河、口北、山西、歸綏等道缺。 各直省駐防官、理事、同知、通判為滿洲缺。 唐古特司業、助教、中書、游牧員外郎、主事為蒙古缺。 欽天監從六品秋官正為漢軍缺。 宗人府官為宗室缺。 內務府官為內務府包衣缺。 此外京師各衙門、陵寢衙門、盛京五部、各直省地方俱設額缺。 滿洲京堂以上缺,宗室漢軍得互補。 漢司官以上缺,漢軍得互補。 外官蒙古得補滿缺,滿、蒙包衣皆得補漢缺。 惟順天府府尹、府丞,奉天府府丞,京府、京縣官,司、坊官不授滿洲。 刑部司官不授漢軍。 外官從六品首領,佐貳以下官不授滿洲、蒙古。 道員以下不授宗室。 其大凡也。
Every capital and provincial vacancy was classified as Manchu, Mongol, Han banner, or Han. Among Manchu posts were separate quotas for Banner nobles and Imperial Household bond servants. Reserved posts included the Shuntian prefecture and circuit intendancies for the Shengjing patrimony, Shanhaiguan, Jilin, Rehe, Koubei, Shanxi, and Guisui. Provincial garrison commanders, legal affairs commissioners, subprefectural magistrates, and vice prefects were Manchu vacancies. The Tangut academy vice chancellor, assistant instructor, middle secretary, and nomadic vice director and section chief were Mongol posts. The Directorate of Astronomy's sixth-rank autumn officer was reserved for Han banner officials. All Directorate of the Imperial Clan posts were reserved for Banner nobles. Imperial Household Department posts were reserved for bond servants. Capital ministries, tomb precinct offices, the Five Boards at Shengjing, and provincial posts throughout the empire all carried fixed quotas. At senior secretary rank and above, Banner nobles and Han banner officials could interchangeably fill Manchu capital posts. Han banner officials could fill Han ministry posts from sub-director rank upward. In the provinces Mongols might hold Manchu posts, while Manchu, Mongol, and bond-servant officials could all hold Han posts. Shuntian's prefect and vice prefect, Shengjing's vice prefect, capital prefectural and county officials, and ward magistrates were never assigned to Manchu officials. Board of Punishments ministry posts were closed to Han banner officials. Provincial sixth-rank chiefs and all subordinate assistant posts were barred to Manchu and Mongol officials. Banner nobles were not appointed below circuit intendant rank. Such were the broad rules.
28
官吏論俸序遷曰推升,不俟俸滿遷秩曰即升。 內而大學士至京堂,外而督、撫、籓、臬,初因明制由廷臣會推。 嗣停會推,開列題請。 太常、鴻臚、滿洲少卿,開列引見。 不開列,以應升員擬正、陪引見授官曰揀授,論俸推取二十人引見授官曰推授。 京司官、小京官、筆帖式,分留授、調授、揀授、考授,皆引見候旨,餘則選。 外官布政使、按察使開列,運使請旨。 道府缺有請旨、揀授、題授、調授、留授,餘則選。 廳、州、縣缺同道、府,無請旨者。 佐雜、教職、鹽官,要缺則留,餘或咨或選。 初京司官缺,題、選無定例,長官以意為進退。 久之,員缺率由題補,而應升、應補、應選者多致沈滯。 乾隆九年,詔以各司題缺咨部註冊,餘缺則選,不得混淆。 於是定各部各司漢郎中、員外郎、主事各幾缺題授,餘若干缺則選。 道光間,更定題補缺額,嗣各部時有增益。 順治十二年,詔吏部詳察舊例,參酌時宜,析州、縣缺為三等,選人考其身、言、書、判,亦分三等,授缺以是為差。 厥後以沖、繁、疲、難四者定員缺緊要與否。 四項兼者為最要,三項次之,二項、一項又次之。 於是知府、同、通、州、縣等缺,有請旨調補、部選之不同。
Advancement by salary seniority was termed promotion by recommendation; advancement before a salary term expired was termed immediate promotion. Grand secretaries, senior secretaries, governors-general, governors, treasurers, and judges were at first jointly recommended by court ministers, following Ming precedent. Joint recommendation was later abolished in favor of submitted candidate lists awaiting imperial approval. Vice ministers of the Sacrifices and Entertainments courts and Manchu assistant ministers were nominated through lists for imperial audience. When no list was opened, naming primary and alternate candidates for audience appointment was selective appointment; selecting twenty salary-eligible men for audience appointment was promotion appointment. Capital ministry officials, junior capital officials, and clerks were appointed by retention, transfer, selection, or examination — each requiring imperial audience — while other posts went through regular selection. Provincial treasurers and judges were nominated by opened lists; transport commissioners required direct imperial decree. Circuit and prefect posts could be filled by imperial decree, selective appointment, memorial, transfer, or retention; all others went through selection. Subprefectural, prefectural, and county posts followed the same rules as circuits and prefectures, but without imperial decree. Assistant officials, educational officers, and salt administrators on important posts were retained locally; others were filled by consultation or selection. At first no fixed rule governed whether capital ministry vacancies were filled by memorial or selection; department heads decided at will. In time most vacancies were filled by memorial, leaving many eligible candidates for promotion, supplementation, or selection stuck in limbo. In Qianlong 9 an edict required each bureau to register memorial posts with the Board of Civil Appointments and reserve the rest for selection, forbidding the two channels to be mixed. Each ministry bureau then received fixed quotas of Han directorships, vice directorships, and section chiefships for memorial appointment; the remainder went to selection. During Daoguang the memorial-supplementation quotas were revised, and ministries later added to them from time to time. In Shunzhi 12 the Board was ordered to review precedent and divide prefectural and county posts into three grades, matching candidates graded on personal bearing, speech, calligraphy, and legal judgment. Later posts were rated by the four criteria of strategic exposure, administrative burden, fiscal exhaustion, and governing difficulty. Posts meeting all four criteria ranked highest; those meeting three ranked next, then two, then one. Prefectural, subprefectural, and county posts were therefore filled either by imperial transfer or Board selection, depending on their rating.
29
凡選缺分即選、正選、插選、並選、抵選、坐選,各辨其積缺不積缺,到班者選之。 選班有服滿、假滿、俸滿、開復、應補、降補、散館庶吉士、進士、舉、貢、廕生、議敘、捐納、推升。 大選雙月,急選單月。 滿、蒙、漢軍上旬,漢官下旬,筆帖式中旬。 初制,選人均到部投供點卯,已而例停,令各回籍,部查年月先後掣選,寄憑赴任。 康熙二年,給事中於可託言:「寄憑既慮頂冒,遠省選人往返輒經年。 遇有事故,繳憑更選,亦復需時。 懸缺遲久,劾署員肆貪,催新任速赴者,連章見告。 宜仍令人文到部,按次銓選。」 八年,御史戈英復以為言。 議行。 自是應選者悉赴部投供點卯,為永制。 聖祖念選人一時不能得官,往往飢寒旅邸,令吏部截留一年選人留京,餘聽回籍。 御史田六善言:「半載以來,截留推官八十選一人,知縣三百選三十一人,餘須守候三、四年。 陪掣空簽,選期難料。 當按名挨掣實簽,臨選前兩月投供。」 下部議,罷按月點卯及掣空簽,詔減半截留人數。 選人投供,初於應選前月十五日,距選期近,出缺美惡易滋弊。 後改每月初一日投供,間一選期銓補,著為令。 選人得缺,初試以八股時文,尋罷。 改書履歷三百字,條列治民厚俗、催科撫字、讞獄聽訟諸方法,謂之條陳。 補任、升任,並須敷陳舊任地方利弊。 然條陳多倩作,或但作頌聖語,其制未久亦廢。 選人例由吏部會九卿驗看,後增科、道、詹事。 康熙二十七年,從御史荊元實言,令州、縣、同、通等官掣缺後,俱隨本引見,後世踵行焉。 故事,大臣驗看月官,查有行止不端、出身不正、祖父有錢糧虧空或人缺不相當者以聞。 乾隆時,月官有人缺不稱,引見時帝輒為移易,頗足劑銓法之窮。 十年,引見月官,帝以知縣周仲等四人衰頹,特降教職。 十二年,復親汰衰庸不勝知縣四人,而切責驗看諸臣之不糾舉。 厥後分發、候補、試用之州、縣、同、通,且一體引見,不限實官。 久之,州、縣、同、通在外補官,及雜職分發,並得援例捐免引見,驗看益視為具文,無足輕重矣。
Selection vacancies fell into immediate, regular, inserted, parallel, offset, and seated categories, each tracking whether vacancies accumulated; candidates were chosen when their turn came due. Selection rosters covered officials whose terms, leave, or salary periods had expired, those restored or awaiting supplementation, demoted candidates, released Hanlin bachelors, and graduates of every degree path plus merit deliberation, purchase, and salary-order promotion. Major selections were held in even-numbered months; urgent selections in odd-numbered months. Manchu, Mongol, and Han banner selections ran in the first ten days of the month; Han officials in the last ten; clerks in the middle ten. Originally selectees reported in person to the Board for roll call; later they returned home while the Board drew lots by seniority and mailed appointment credentials. In Kangxi 2 Supervising Secretary Yu Ketuo argued: "Mailing credentials invites impersonation, yet selectees from distant provinces spend a year or more traveling back and forth. When problems arose, surrendering credentials for re-selection wasted still more time. Posts stayed vacant for long stretches, acting officials grew corrupt, and provinces repeatedly memorialized urging newly selected appointees to hurry. Candidates should again appear in person at the Board for selection in proper order." In year 8 Censor Ge Ying raised the same proposal. The proposal was approved and put into effect. Thereafter all selectees reported in person to the Board for roll call — a rule that became permanent. The Kangxi Emperor, pitying selectees who could not obtain posts immediately and often went hungry in capital lodgings, ordered the Board to keep one year's cohort in Beijing while the rest might return home. Censor Tian Liushan reported: "In six months, among retained magistrate-assessor candidates eighty competed for one post; among district magistrates three hundred for thirty-one — the rest must wait three or four years. Companion drawing produced empty lots, making selection dates impossible to predict. Lots should be drawn by name in sequence, with candidates reporting two months before selection." The Board deliberated and abolished monthly roll call and empty-lot drawing; an edict then halved the number of retained selectees. Selectees originally reported on the fifteenth of the month before selection — too close to the date, making it easy to manipulate desirable versus undesirable vacancies. Reporting was later moved to the first of each month, with supplementation every other selection cycle — a rule thereafter fixed. Newly selected officials were at first tested with eight-legged examination essays; the practice was soon dropped. The test became a three-hundred-character policy memorandum on governing people, improving customs, collecting taxes, nurturing subjects, and adjudicating cases. Both new appointments and promotions required a written account of conditions in one's previous jurisdiction. In practice the memoranda were usually ghostwritten or reduced to empty praise of the throne, and the requirement was soon abandoned. By precedent selectees were inspected jointly by the Board and the Nine Ministers; censors, circuit intendants, and Hanlin academicians were later added to the panel. In Kangxi 27, on Censor Jing Yuanshi's recommendation, all officials selected by lot for prefectural and county posts were required to attend imperial audience with the primary nominee — a practice later generations continued. By precedent the inspecting ministers reported monthly appointees for misconduct, improper origins, ancestral grain-tax deficits, or mismatch between the man and the post. Under Qianlong, when a monthly appointee was ill suited to his post the emperor often reassigned him at audience — a useful corrective to the rigidity of selection law. In year 10, finding magistrates Zhou Zhong and four others too frail at audience, the emperor demoted them to educational posts. In year 12 he again personally removed four magistrates too aged and incompetent for the post, and sharply rebuked the inspecting ministers for failing to report them. Thereafter dispatched, awaiting-supplementation, and probationary prefectural and county officials all attended audience together, not only those holding substantive posts. In time provincial magistrates and vice prefects, and dispatched miscellaneous officials, could buy exemption from audience by donation; inspection became an empty formality.
30
內、外官互用,本有成例。 初行內升、外轉制。 在內翰、詹、科、道四衙門品望最清,升轉特異他官。 編、檢遷中允、贊善曰開坊,他若翰、詹、坊、局、國子監堂官、京堂,俱得升調,大考上第,擢尤不次。 外轉例始順治十年,詔定少詹事以下二十一員用司、道,治行優者,內擢京堂。 尋更定正、少詹事用布政,侍讀學士用按察,中允用參政,編、檢用副使。 十八年,復定侍讀以下每年春秋外轉各一員,讀、講用參政,修撰用副使,編、檢用參議。 未幾例停。 康熙二十五年,甄別翰林官平常者,外用同知、運副、提舉通判。 二十八年,編修李濤外簡知府,翰林官授知府自濤始。 三十七年,左都御史吳涵言編、檢升轉遲滯,請破格外用,照編修李濤、檢討汪楫例,補知府一、二人。 若破格改授,請照少詹王士禎、徐潮,侍讀顧藻,編修王九齡例,用副都御史、通政使。 帝納其言,為授檢討劉涵知府。 雍正初,以編、檢、庶吉士人多,內用科、道、吏部,外用道、府、州、縣,以疏通之。 嗣是編、檢率內升坊缺,用科、道,外授道、府,以為常。 吏部六官之長,初定司官內升、外轉歲各一人。 已,罷其制。 康熙八年,用御史余縉言復之。 四十年,例復停,與他部司員一體較俸。 給事中升轉歲一次,御史倍之,外簡道、府,內擢京堂。 五十九年,詔定歷俸制,由編、檢、郎中授者限二年,員外郎或主事授者遞增一年。 乾隆十六年,定科、道三年升轉一次,五十五年停其例。 內官外用,京察外有截取保送,皆俟俸滿保送。 分發截取,則選繁簡,由長官定之。 府、牧、令、丞、倅皆得以其班次改外。 外官內升,初定司、道歲三人,漢人以科目出身,且膺卓異、俸薦俱優者為限。
Cross-appointment between capital and provincial service had long-standing precedents. The dynasty at first instituted a system of internal promotion and external transfer. Within the capital, the Hanlin Academy, Crown Prince's Household, Censorate, and circuit intendant corps enjoyed the highest prestige and followed distinctive promotion paths. When editors and proofreaders became middle censors or tutors it was called entering the side halls; Hanlin, Crown Prince's Household, side-hall, bureau, Imperial College, and senior secretary posts all offered promotion routes, with top examination honors bringing exceptional advancement. External transfer began in Shunzhi 10, when twenty-one Hanlin posts from junior vice chancellor downward were assigned to circuit and prefect service, with the best performers recalled to senior secretary rank. The quotas were soon revised: Hanlin chancellors became provincial treasurers, readers-in-chief became judges, middle censors became administration commissioners, and editors and proofreaders became vice commissioners. In year 18 one reader-in-chief and below was transferred externally each spring and autumn: readers and lecturers as administration commissioners, compilers as vice commissioners, editors and proofreaders as assistant commissioners. The practice was soon discontinued. In Kangxi 25 undistinguished Hanlin officials were sent to the provinces as subprefectural magistrates, transport vice commissioners, and salt intendant vice prefects. In year 28 Compiler Li Tao became the first Hanlin official directly appointed prefect. In year 37 Censor-in-Chief Wu Han, noting sluggish promotion for editors and proofreaders, asked that one or two be exceptionally appointed prefect, following Li Tao and Wang Qi. For still more exceptional appointments he cited Wang Shizhen, Xu Chao, Gu Zao, and Wang Jiuling as precedents for vice censor-in-chief and communications commissioner. The emperor agreed and appointed Proofreader Liu Han prefect. Early in Yongzheng, with editors, proofreaders, and Hanlin bachelors overcrowding the ranks, the court placed them in censor and Board posts in the capital and in circuit, prefectural, and county posts in the provinces to relieve the backlog. Thereafter editors and proofreaders typically rose within the side halls to censor posts, or went out to circuits and prefectures — a pattern that became standard. The six bureau chiefs of the Board of Civil Appointments were at first limited to one internal promotion and one external transfer per year. That system was soon abolished. In Kangxi 8, on Censor Yu Jin's recommendation, it was restored. In year 40 the special rule lapsed again, and bureau chiefs advanced by salary like other officials. Supervising secretaries rotated once a year, censors twice; they might be sent out as circuit or prefect officials or recalled to senior secretary rank. In year 59 an edict fixed salary progression: two years for appointees from editor, proofreader, or vice director rank, with one additional year for each step down to section chief. In Qianlong 16 the rule was set that supervising secretaries and censors would rotate once every three years; in year 55 that rule was abolished. For capital officials sent to provincial posts, aside from capital inspection there was selective recommendation—all had to wait until salary tenure was complete before being nominated. For distribution and selective appointment, the choice of difficult or easy posts was left to the senior official. Prefectural officials, prefectural magistrates, county magistrates, assistants, and deputies could all transfer to provincial service according to their seniority rank. For promotion of provincial officials to the capital, the initial quota was three circuit and prefect officials per year, limited to Han examination graduates with outstanding merit ratings and excellent salary recommendations.
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知縣行取,蓋仿明制,初有薦推、知皆得考選科、道。 康熙間屢詔部臣行取賢能,內用科、道。 吳江知縣郭琇、清苑知縣邵嗣堯、三河知縣彭鵬、靈壽知縣陸隴其、麻城知縣趙蒼璧,皆以大臣薦舉,行取授御史,得人稱最。 四十三年,川撫能泰請罷督、撫保題例,帝韙之。 詔嗣後知縣無錢糧盜案者,省行取三、四員。 明年,御史黃秉中言知縣考選科、道,殊覺太驟。 廷議停止。 尋定行取三年一次,直隸、江南、湖廣、陝西各五員,餘省三員、一員不等,以主事補用。 雍正間,刑部尚書徐本請復行取御史舊制,格於部議。 行取官用主事者,初選補猶易,後與捐納間補,遂病壅滯。 乾隆元年,令視武官保舉註冊例,仍留本任。 已赴京者,許外補同知。 時各省視行取為具文,例以無參罰之次等州、縣應選,十六年罷之。 洎光緒季年,令州、縣以上實官及曾署缺者,一體考試御史。 非復行取遺意,亦行之未久而罷。
Direct selection of magistrates followed the Ming model: at first, recommended officials, promoted officials, and serving magistrates alike could be examined for appointment as supervising secretaries or censors. During the Kangxi reign repeated edicts ordered the ministries to select able magistrates for appointment as supervising secretaries and censors in the capital. Guo Xiù of Wujiang, Shao Siyao of Qingyuan, Peng Peng of Sanhe, Lu Longqi of Lingshou, and Zhao Cangbi of Macheng were all recommended by senior ministers, directly selected, and appointed censors—a cohort widely regarded as the finest. In year 43 Sichuan Governor Neng Tai petitioned to abolish the precedent of recommendation by governors and governor-generals, and the Emperor agreed. An edict provided that thereafter each province might directly select three or four magistrates who had no grain-tax or banditry cases on their records. The next year Censor Huang Bingzhong argued that selecting magistrates for supervising secretary and censor posts seemed far too precipitate. The court deliberated and halted the practice. Direct selection was soon fixed at once every three years: five each from Zhili, Jiangnan, Huguang, and Shaanxi, and one to three from the other provinces, with appointees filling section chief posts. In the Yongzheng era Minister of Justice Xu Ben petitioned to restore the old direct selection of censors, but was blocked by the ministries' deliberation. Directly selected officials appointed as section chiefs were easy to place at first, but once purchase appointments were interleaved, the queue became badly clogged. In Qianlong 1 they were ordered, on the model of military recommendation registration, to remain in their current posts. Those who had already traveled to the capital were allowed to take sub-prefect posts in the provinces instead. By then the provinces treated direct selection as a mere formality, routinely nominating undistinguished prefectural and county officials who had avoided censure; in year 16 it was abolished. In the late Guangxu period all substantive officials and acting appointees from county magistrate rank upward were required to take the censor examination. This was no longer the original purpose of direct selection, and the measure too was abandoned soon after its introduction.
32
銓選按格擬註,憑簽掣缺,拘於成例,歷代間行保薦制,以補銓法之不逮。 順治初,定保舉連坐之法。 十二年,以直隸保定、河間,江南江寧、淮、揚、蘇、松、常、鎮,浙江杭、嘉、湖、紹等三十府,地方緊要,詔京、外堂官、督、撫各舉一人備簡,不次擢用。 已,有以貪庸敗者,給事中任克溥言:「皇上對天下知府中權其繁劇難治者三十,許二品以上官薦舉,破格任用。 為時未久,以貪劣劾罷者數人。 諸臣不能仰承聖意,秉公慎選,乞下吏議。」 從之。 康熙七年,詔部、院滿、漢官才能出眾者,許不計資補用。 明年,吏部請罷保薦,仍循俸次升轉,以杜鑽營賄賂。 報可。 四十年,令總督郭琇、張鵬翮,巡撫彭鵬、李光地等,各舉道、府、州、縣惠愛清廉者以聞。 世宗御極,屢詔京、外大臣薦舉道、府、同、通、州、縣,所舉非人,輒遭嚴譴。 戶部尚書史貽直言:「遷擢宜循資格,資格雖不足以致奇士,而可以造中材。 捐棄階資,幸進者不以為獎勵之公,而陰喜進取之獨巧; 沈滯者不自咎才智之拙,而徒怨進身之無階。 請照舊例,循階按級,以次銓除。 果才猷出眾,治行卓越,仍許破格薦擢。」 從之。 乾隆間,厲行保薦之法,司、道、郡守,多由此選。 宣宗初元,郎中鄭裕、知府阿麟、唐仲冕,皆以大臣推舉,陟方面、擢疆圻。 歷代相沿,率以薦賢舉能責諸臣工,間亦破格任用。 初京職簡道、府,疆吏察其才不勝任,疏請調京任用,多邀俞允。 乾隆初,廷臣有以衰廢之人不宜復玷曹司為言者,詔切止之。 嗣是外官才力不及者,但有休致、降補,無內用矣。
Official appointments followed fixed ranks, lot-drawing, and precedent; dynasties from time to time relied on recommendation to fill gaps the regular selection system could not reach. Early in the Shunzhi reign a law was set making recommenders jointly liable for their nominees. In year 12, thirty strategically critical prefectures—including Baoding and Hejian in Zhili, Jiangning and several Yangzi delta prefectures, and Hangzhou, Jiaxing, Huzhou, and Shaoxing in Zhejiang—were designated; capital and provincial chiefs and governors were each to nominate one candidate for reserve appointment and extraordinary promotion. Before long several appointees had been dismissed for corruption and incompetence. Supervising Secretary Ren Kepu memorialized: "His Majesty weighted the thirty most demanding prefectures among the empire's magistracies and allowed officials of second rank and above to nominate candidates for appointment outside the usual rules. Within a short time several nominees had been impeached and removed for corruption and incompetence. The ministers failed to honor His Majesty's intent and select with impartial care. I beg that the matter be referred to the Board of Civil Appointments. The request was granted. In Kangxi 7 an edict allowed talented Manchu and Han officials in the ministries and boards to be appointed regardless of seniority. The next year the Board petitioned to abolish recommendation and revert to promotion by seniority, so as to curb lobbying and bribery. Approval was granted. In year 40 Governor-Generals Guo Xiù and Zhang Penghe and Governors Peng Peng and Li Guangdi were ordered to recommend circuit, prefectural, and county officials known for benevolent and upright governance. After the Yongzheng Emperor took the throne, he repeatedly ordered capital and provincial leaders to recommend local officials; those who recommended unworthy men were sharply rebuked. Minister of Revenue Shi Yizhi argued: "Promotions should follow formal qualifications. Qualifications may not produce geniuses, but they can yield capable middle-grade officials. Those who leap over seniority do not regard it as a fair reward, but secretly exult in having found a cunning shortcut; while those left behind blame not their own mediocrity but only the lack of a path upward. Let appointments again follow the old rule, rank by rank, in due order. Men of truly outstanding ability and governance may still be recommended for extraordinary promotion. The memorial was accepted. Under Qianlong, recommendation was rigorously applied, and many circuit and prefect officials were chosen through it. Early in the Daoguang reign, Director Zheng Yu and Prefects Alin and Tang Zhongmian were all promoted by ministerial recommendation to provincial and frontier commands. Dynasties had long charged their officials with recommending worthy men, and occasionally appointed men outside the usual rules. At first capital offices selected circuit and prefect officials, and when frontier governors found them inadequate they often petitioned to have them recalled to the capital—a request usually granted. Early in Qianlong some court officials argued that incompetent men should not be restored to ministry posts; an edict sharply forbade the practice. After that provincial officials found wanting could only retire or take demotions—recall to the capital was no longer an option.
33
官吏升轉論俸,惟外官視年勞為差,異於京秩。 在外有邊俸,有腹俸。 腹俸之道、府、州、縣佐貳、首領官,五年無過失,例得遷擢。 邊俸異是。 廣東崖州、感恩、昌化、陵水等縣,廣西百色、太平、寧明、明江、鎮安、泗城、凌雲、西隆、西林等府、廳、州、縣及忠州、河池等數十雜職,為煙瘴缺。 雲南元江、鶴慶、廣南、普洱、昭通、鎮邊等府通判、同知,鎮雄、恩樂、恩安、永善、寧洱、寶寧等州、縣,貴州古州兵備道,黎平、鎮遠、都勻、銅仁等府同知,清江、都江、丹江通判,永豐知州,荔波知縣,四川馬邊、越巂同知,為苗疆缺。 俱三年俸滿,有政績、無差忒者,例即升用。 江蘇太倉、上海等十縣,浙江仁和、海寧等十七縣,山東諸城、膠州等七州、縣,廣東東莞、香山等十三縣,福建閩侯等九縣,為沿海缺。 直隸良鄉、通州等十二州、縣,河南祥符、鄭州等十一州、縣,山東德州、東平等十三州、縣,江南山陽、邳州等十三州、縣,為沿河缺。 歷俸升擢,與邊俸同。 邊疆水土惡毒,或不俟三年即升。 其水土非甚惡劣,苗疆非甚緊要者,升遷或同腹俸。 乾隆間,定邊缺、夷疆、海疆久任之制,升用有須滿八年或六年者,則為地擇人,不拘牽常例也。
Promotions were governed by salary tenure, but provincial officials were graded by years of service—a rule unlike that for capital posts. In the provinces there were two tracks: frontier salary and interior salary. On the interior track, deputies and chiefs in circuit, prefectural, and county offices were promoted after five unblemished years. Frontier salary worked differently. Malarial posts included counties such as Yazhou, Gan'en, Changhua, and Lingshui in Guangdong, and prefectures, departments, and counties such as Baise, Taiping, Ningming, Mingjiang, Zhen'an, Sicheng, Lingyun, Xilong, and Xilin in Guangxi, along with Zhongzhou, Hechi, and dozens of other minor posts. Miao frontier posts included intendant deputies and sub-prefects in Yuanjiang, Heqing, Guangnan, Pu'er, Zhaotong, and Zhenbian in Yunnan; prefectures and counties such as Zhenxiong, Enle, En'an, Yongshan, Ning'er, and Baoning; the Guzhou military circuit in Guizhou; sub-prefects in Liping, Zhenyuan, Duyun, and Tongren; intendant deputies in Qingjiang, Dujiang, and Danjiang; the prefect of Yongfeng; the magistrate of Libo; and sub-prefects in Mabian and Yuexi in Sichuan. After three years all who had served competently with no infractions were routinely promoted. Coastal posts included ten counties such as Taicang and Shanghai in Jiangsu, seventeen counties such as Renhe and Haining in Zhejiang, seven prefectures and counties such as Zhucheng and Jiaozhou in Shandong, thirteen counties such as Dongguan and Xiangshan in Guangdong, and nine counties such as Minhou in Fujian. Riverine posts included twelve prefectures and counties such as Liangxiang and Tongzhou in Zhili, eleven such as Xiangfu and Zhengzhou in Henan, thirteen such as Dezhou and Dongping in Shandong, and thirteen such as Shanyang and Pizhou in Jiangnan. Promotion by salary tenure followed the frontier track. In the harshest frontier districts promotion could come before three years were complete. Where conditions were less severe or the Miao frontier less critical, promotion might follow the interior track instead. Under Qianlong long-tenure rules were set for frontier, minority, and coastal posts, with promotions after six or eight years when posts required the right man for the place rather than routine seniority.
34
選班首重科目正途。 初制,進士知縣惟雙月銓五人,選官有遲至十餘年者。 雍正二年,侍郎沈近思請單月復銓用四人。 於是需次二、三年即可得官。 舉、貢與進士雖並稱正途,而軒輊殊甚。 順治間,貢生考取通判,終身無望得官。 乾隆間,舉人知縣銓補,有遲至三十年者。 廷臣屢言舉班壅滯,然每科中額千二百餘人,綜十年計之,且五千餘人,銓官不過十之一。 謀疏通之法,始定大挑制。 大挑六年一舉行,三科以上舉人與焉。 欽派王大臣司其事,十取其五。 一等二人用知縣,二等三人用學正、教諭。 用知縣者,得借補府逕歷、直隸州州同、州判、縣丞、鹽庫大使。 用學正、教諭者,得借補訓導。 視前為疏通矣。 異途人員,初與正途不相妨。 康熙初,生員、例監、吏員出身官,須經堂官、督、撫保舉,始升京官及正印官。 無保舉者,郎中、員外郎、主事以運同、府同知分別補用。 漢軍捐納官,朝考後方得授官。 十八年,復令捐納官蒞任三年稱職者,題請升轉,否則參劾,以示限制。 自二十六年,以宣大運輸,許貢監指捐京官正印官者,捐免保舉。 尋復許道、府以下納貲者,三年後免其具題,一例升轉。 於是正途、異途始無差異。 乾、嘉以後,納貲之例大開,洎咸、同而冗濫始甚。 捐納外復有勞績一途,捐納有遇缺侭先花樣,勞績有無論題選咨留遇缺即補花樣,而正途轉相形見絀。 甲榜到部,往往十餘年不能補官,知縣遲滯尤甚。 光緒二年,御史張觀准條上疏通部員之法:一,捐納部員勿庸減成; 一,主事俸滿即准截取; 一,散館主事侭數先選; 一,進士主事准以知縣改歸原班銓選。 報可。 順天府府尹蔣琦齡亦言各省即用知縣,不但無補缺之望,幾無委署之期,至有以得科名為悔者。 廷臣多以進士知縣壅滯,紛請變更成例,帝輒下所司覈議。 十六年,御史劉綸襄言:「近日諸臣條奏選補章程,吏部議覈,日不暇給。 朝廷設官,惟期任用得人,以資治理,非能胥天下仕者使盡償所原也。 國家缺額有定,士子登進無窮。 安得如許美官,以待縈情膴仕之人? 徒滋紛擾,無濟於事。」 帝為下詔切止之。 是時異途競進,疆吏多請停分發。 吏部以仕途幸濫,申多用科甲之請。 勢已積重,不能返也。
The appointment rolls gave first place to examination graduates on the regular path. Under the original rule only five jinshi were appointed county magistrates every other month, and some waited more than ten years. In Yongzheng 2 Vice Minister Shen Jinssi asked that four be appointed in the alternate months as well. Wait times then fell to two or three years. Juren and tribute graduates were grouped with jinshi as regular-path scholars, but in standing they were far inferior. In the Shunzhi era a tribute graduate who passed the intendant-deputy examination might never receive any further appointment. Under Qianlong some juren waited thirty years for a county magistrate appointment. Court officials often complained of the clogged juren queue, yet each examination produced more than twelve hundred graduates—over five thousand in a decade—while fewer than one in ten received appointments. To relieve the backlog, the Great Selection system was established. The Great Selection was held every six years for juren who had passed at least three examinations. Imperial princes and senior ministers supervised the process, selecting five out of every ten candidates. Two first-rank candidates were appointed county magistrates and three second-rank candidates were appointed directors of studies or instructors. Those appointed county magistrates could serve acting terms as prefectural staff, sub-prefects of direct-affiliated prefectures, prefectural judges, county assistants, or salt depot commissioners. Those appointed directors of studies or instructors could serve acting terms as assistant directors of studies. Compared with earlier conditions, this was a real improvement. At first alternate-route officials did not compete with regular-path appointees. Early in Kangxi, officials from student, purchased-student, or clerk backgrounds required recommendation by a chief official or governor before promotion to capital or seal-holding posts. Without such recommendation, vice directors and section chiefs were assigned instead as transport intendant deputies or prefectural sub-prefects. Han Banner purchase appointees could take office only after passing the court examination. In year 18 purchased appointees were again required to serve three years competently before promotion could be requested; otherwise they were impeached, as a check on the practice. From year 26, to support transport in the Xuan-Da region, tribute students who purchased capital seal-holding posts were exempted from the recommendation requirement. Soon purchase appointees at circuit rank and below were also, after three years, allowed to advance by routine promotion without a special memorial. Regular and alternate routes were then treated alike. After the Qianlong and Jiaqing reigns purchase quotas widened greatly, and by the Xianfeng and Tongzhi eras the system had become badly overcrowded. Besides purchase there was also the merit-service route: purchasers enjoyed fill-on-arrival privileges, merit appointees could be retained and appointed as soon as a vacancy appeared, and regular-path candidates were left at a clear disadvantage. Examination graduates reaching the Board often waited more than ten years for appointment, with county magistrate posts the worst bottleneck. In Guangxu 2 Censor Zhang Guanzhun submitted a set of measures to relieve the Board backlog: first, do not reduce quotas for purchased Board appointees; second, permit selective appointment as soon as section chiefs complete salary tenure; third, give Hanlin section chiefs priority by number in filling vacancies; fourth, allow jinshi section chiefs to return from county magistrate posts to their original rank for appointment. Approval was granted. Shuntian Prefect Jiang Qiling also reported that immediate county magistrate appointees in the provinces had little hope not only of permanent posts but even of acting assignments—some regretted having passed the examinations at all. Many court officials, citing the clogged jinshi magistrate queue, petitioned to change the rules, and the Emperor repeatedly referred the proposals to the responsible offices for review. In year 16 Censor Liu Lunxiang argued: "Lately ministers have flooded the Board with proposals on appointment rules, and the Board can barely keep up. The state creates offices to place capable men in service, not to satisfy every aspirant's ambition. Official posts are finite, but the supply of degree holders is endless. How can there be enough desirable posts for every man hungry for rank and emolument? Such proposals only add confusion and solve nothing. The Emperor responded with an edict sharply forbidding further petitions of this kind. By then alternate-route appointees were flooding in, and frontier governors often petitioned to halt their distribution. The Board, citing the corruption of the official career, petitioned to rely more heavily on examination graduates. But the trend had already hardened, and could not be reversed.
35
滿人入官,或以科目,或以任子,或以捐納、議敘,亦同漢人。 其獨異者,惟筆帖式。 京師各部、院,盛京五部,外省將軍、都統、副都統各署,俱設筆帖式額缺。 其名目有繙譯、繕本、貼寫。 其階級自七品至九品。 其出身有任子、捐納、議敘、考試。 凡文、武繙譯舉人、貢監生,文、武繙譯生員,官、義學生、驍騎閒散,親軍領催,庫使,皆得與試。 入選者,舉、貢用七品,生、監用八品,官、義學生、驍騎閒散等用九品。 六部主事,額設百四十缺,滿、蒙缺八十五,補官較易。 筆帖式擢補主事,或不數年,輒致通顯。 其由科甲進者,編、檢科僅數人,有甫釋褐即遷擢者。 翰林坊缺,編、檢不敷補用,得以部院科甲司員充之,謂之外班翰林。 外官東三省、新疆各城,各省駐防文、武大員,俱用滿人。 甘肅、新疆等邊地道、府、同、通、州、縣,各省理事、同知、通判,皆設滿洲專缺。 滿缺外,漢缺亦得補用。 其有終養回旗,得授京秩。 內、外文職選補,一時不能得官,及降調、咨回各員,許改授武職,尤特例也。
Manchus entered office by examination, hereditary privilege, purchase, or merit review—on the same terms as Han Chinese. The one distinctive category was the bitishi clerk. Quota posts for bitishi were established in every capital ministry and board, in Mukden's five boards, and in the offices of provincial generals, commanders-in-chief, and their deputies. The posts were classified as translation, fair-copying, or transcription. They ranked from seventh to ninth grade. They entered by hereditary privilege, purchase, merit review, or competitive examination. Civil and military translation juren and graduates, translation students, banner and charity-school students, idle cavalry bannermen, bodyguard clerks, and depot attendants were all eligible to sit the examination. Successful candidates were appointed at seventh grade if juren or tribute graduates, eighth if students or graduates, and ninth if banner or charity-school students, idle cavalry bannermen, or the like. The Six Ministries had 140 section chief posts, 85 reserved for Manchu and Mongol appointees, making appointment relatively easy. Bitishi promoted to section chief could reach high office within a few years. Among examination appointees only a handful served as compilers or revisers, and some were promoted the moment they took office. When Hanlin pavilion posts could not be filled by compilers and revisers, examination-route officials from the ministries and boards were appointed instead—the so-called outer-cohort Hanlin. Provincial posts in the Three Eastern Provinces and Xinjiang cities, and senior civil and military garrison officials in the provinces, were all held by Manchus. Circuit, prefectural, and county posts on the Gansu and Xinjiang frontiers, and provincial administrative sub-prefect and intendant deputy posts, all had Manchu-only vacancies. Han vacancies could also be filled when Manchu posts were not available. Officials who completed filial mourning and returned to the banner could be given capital posts. Civil appointees in the capital or provinces who could not immediately obtain posts, or who had been demoted or returned on consultation, were allowed to transfer to military service—a rare exception.
36
保舉為國家酬庸之典,所以勵勞勩、待有功也。 歷朝纂辦實錄,各館奉敕修書,及各省軍營、河工、徵賦、緝盜有功者獎敘。 康熙十一年世祖實錄成,四十九平定朔漠方略成,副總裁以下官但獎加級。 六十一年算法成書,始議以三等敘功,獎應升、加等、即用有差。 康、雍兩朝實錄成,從總裁請,無議敘。 嘉慶間,修書館臣請超一、二等優獎,帝不許。 尋定非特旨專設之官,不得議敘、升用,歷代踵行。 其軍營、河工等獎案,始不過加級,或不俟俸滿即升,名器非可幸邀。 迨季世以保舉為捷徑,京、外獎案,率冒濫不遵成例。 光緒元年,御史王榮琯請下越階保升之禁。 帝韙之。 三年,以纂修穆宗實錄過半,與事諸臣俱保升並加銜,備極優異。 十年,部議限制保舉,五、六品京堂、翰、詹坊缺,及遇缺題奏,俱不得擅保。 未幾,仍有以候補郎中保京堂,編、檢保四、五品坊缺,及應升缺並開列在前者。 咸、同軍興,保案踵起。 吏部於文選司設專處司稽核,事之繁重,與一司埒。 同治十二年,閩撫王凱泰言:「軍興以來,保案層迭,開捐以後,花樣紛繁。 軍營保案,藉花樣以爭先恐後,各項保舉,又襲軍營名目以紛至沓來。 名器之濫,至今已極。 盈千累百,徒形冗雜。 請敕部察核京、外各班人員,酌留二、三成,餘令回籍候咨取。」 下所司覈議。 軍功外,號稱冗濫者,為河工保。 光緒二十年,御史張仲炘言:「山東河工保案,近年多至五、六百人。 部定決口一處,獎異常、尋常者六人。 該省所報決口多寡,輒以所保人數為衡。 圖保者以山東為捷徑,捐一縣丞、佐雜,不數月即正印矣。 請飭所司嚴定章程。」 帝俞其請。
Recommendation was the state's way of rewarding service, to encourage diligence and honor those who had earned it. Dynasties rewarded those who compiled veritable records, edited books by imperial order, or distinguished themselves in military service, river works, tax collection, or bandit suppression. When the Shizu veritable record was completed in Kangxi 11 and the Pacification of the Northern Deserts strategy in year 49, officials below vice director received only rank increments. When the calendrical treatise was completed in year 61, a three-tier merit system was adopted, with varying rewards of promotion, rank increase, or immediate appointment. When the Kangxi and Yongzheng veritable records were completed, the chief directors requested and received exemption from merit review. In the Jiaqing era compilers petitioned for rewards one or two grades above the norm, but the Emperor refused. It was soon fixed that officials not specially appointed by edict could not receive merit review or promotion—a rule successive dynasties followed. At first military and river-work rewards meant at most a rank increment, or promotion before salary tenure was complete—official titles were not something to be grasped at. By the dynasty's decline recommendation had become a shortcut, and capital and provincial reward cases were routinely inflated and ignored established rules. In Guangxu 1 Censor Wang Rongyao petitioned for a ban on promotions by recommendation that skipped ranks. The Emperor agreed. In year 3, when the Muzong veritable record passed the halfway mark, all participating officials were recommended for promotion with additional titles in exceptionally generous terms. In year 10 the ministries restricted recommendation: fifth- and sixth-grade capital chiefs, Hanlin and academicians' pavilion posts, and vacancy memorials could no longer be filled by unauthorized recommendation. Before long, awaiting-appointment bureau directors were still being recommended for capital chief posts, compilers and revisers for fourth- and fifth-grade pavilion vacancies, and due-promotion vacancies were still listed ahead of others. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi military campaigns, recommendation cases multiplied in succession. The Board set up a special audit office in the Appointment Selection Bureau; the workload was as heavy as an entire bureau. In Tongzhi 12 Fujian Governor Wang Kaitai memorialized: "Since the military campaigns began, recommendation cases have piled up layer upon layer; after purchase quotas opened, the varieties have multiplied endlessly. Military recommendation cases used every loophole in a scramble to get ahead; other recommendations copied military labels and poured in without end. The abuse of official titles has now reached its limit. Thousands upon thousands merely create clutter. I beg that the ministries inspect capital and provincial personnel in every roster, retain two or three tenths as appropriate, and send the rest home to await consultation. The memorial was referred to the responsible offices for review. After military merit, the most notorious source of excess was river-works recommendation. In Guangxu 20 Censor Zhang Zhongxin memorialized: "Shandong river-works recommendation cases in recent years often reach five or six hundred persons. The Board fixed six rewards—extraordinary and ordinary combined—for each breach site. The province simply scaled the number of nominees to the number of breach sites reported. Those seeking recommendation treated Shandong as a shortcut: buy a county assistant or minor post, and within months receive a seal-holding appointment. I beg that the responsible offices be ordered to fix strict regulations. The Emperor granted the request.
37
三十二年,御史劉汝驥復言:「史治之蠹,莫如保舉一途。 其罔上營私者,一曰河工。 國家歲糜數十萬帑金以慎重河防,封疆大吏乃以此為調劑屬員之舉。 幸而無事,丞、倅保州、縣矣,同、通保府、道矣。 一曰軍功。 工廠之鼓噪,飢民之嘯聚,輒浮誇其詞曰大張撻伐。 耳未聞鼙鼓,足未履沙場,而謬稱殺敵致果、身經百戰者,比比然也。 一曰勸捐。 順天賑捐一案,保至千三百餘人,山東工賑,保至五百餘人,他省歲計亦不下千人。 請嚴禁徇情濫保,以杜幸進。」 下所司核議限制之法。 其時吏部投供月多至四、五百人,分發亦三、四百人,選司原設派辦處,司其事者十餘人,猶虞不給。 季年乃毅然廢捐納,停部選,為疏通仕途,慎選州、縣之計。 然捐例雖停,而舊捐移獎,層出不窮。 加以科舉罷後,學堂卒業,立獎實官。 舉、貢生員考職,大逾常額。 且勛臣後裔,悉予官階,新署人員,虛銜奏調。 紛然錯雜,益難紀極。 宣統三年,裁吏部,設銓敘局,雖有刷新政治之機,而一代銓政,終不復能廓清也。
In year 32 Censor Liu Ruji again memorialized: "Nothing corrupts governance like the recommendation route. Those who deceive superiors and pursue private gain do so first through river works. The state spent hundreds of thousands each year on river defense, yet frontier governors used it merely to shuffle their subordinates. If nothing went wrong, assistants and deputies were recommended for prefectural and county posts, and sub-prefects and intendants for prefectural and circuit posts. Second, military merit. Factory riots and hungry mobs were inflated into grand campaigns of punitive expedition. Men who had never heard war drums or set foot on a battlefield falsely claimed to have killed enemies in battle and fought a hundred campaigns—such cases were everywhere. Third, soliciting donations. One Shuntian relief-donation case produced more than 1,300 recommendations; Shandong work-relief more than 500; other provinces annually no fewer than a thousand. I beg that favoritism and excessive recommendation be strictly forbidden, to block shortcuts to office. The memorial was referred to the responsible offices to draft restrictions. At that time four or five hundred candidates presented themselves to the Board each month and three or four hundred were distributed; more than ten staff in the Selection Bureau's dispatch office still could barely keep up. In the dynasty's final years purchase was resolutely abolished and Board selection halted, as a plan to unblock the official career and appoint county and prefectural officials with care. Yet though purchase quotas were halted, old purchase privileges and transferred rewards kept appearing without end. After the examinations were abolished, school graduates were immediately rewarded with substantive posts. Office examinations for juren, tribute graduates, and students far exceeded the usual quota. Meritorious ministers' descendants were all given official ranks, and newly appointed personnel held empty titles memorialized for transfer. The tangle grew worse and harder to catalog. In Xuantong 3 the Board was abolished and an Appointment Review Bureau established; though politics might have been refreshed, the appointment system of the age could no longer be cleared up.
38
武職隸兵部,八旗及營、衛官之選授,武選司掌之。 內而驍騎、前鋒、護軍、步軍、火器、健銳、虎槍各營,外而陵寢、圍場、熱河、烏里雅蘇台、科布多、阿爾泰、烏梁海、西寧、西藏、塔爾巴哈台游牧、察哈爾、綏遠城、各省駐防,皆旗缺,屬八旗。 門千總為門缺,屬漢軍。 河營、陸路、水師皆營缺,滿、漢分焉。 漕運為衛缺,漢軍、漢人得兼補。 旗缺副都統以上開列,餘則揀選。 五品以上題補,六品以下咨補。 綠旗總兵以上,初用會推,嗣罷其例,開列具題。 副將投供引見,亦有開列者。 其次要缺則題,簡則推,把總拔補。 其大略也。
Military posts came under the Board of War; the Military Selection Bureau handled appointments in the Eight Banners and in camps and guards. Within the capital were cavalry, vanguard, guard, infantry, firearms, elite sharp, and tiger-gun corps; beyond were imperial tombs, hunting grounds, Rehe, Uliastai, Kobdo, Altai, Uriankhai, Xining, Tibet, Tarbagatai nomadic areas, Chahar, Suiyuan, and provincial garrisons—all banner posts under the Eight Banners. Gate battalion commanders held gate posts under the Han Banners. River corps, land forces, and naval units were camp posts divided between Manchu and Han appointees. Grain transport posts were guard vacancies that Han Banner and Han Chinese could both fill. Banner posts from deputy commander-in-chief upward were filled by listed selection; lower posts by direct choice. Fifth grade and above were filled by imperial memorial; sixth grade and below by consultation. Green Standard regional commanders and above were first appointed by joint recommendation; later that rule was abolished and they were listed and memorialized instead. Brigade generals presenting themselves for audience were sometimes also listed for selection. Important vacancies were filled by memorial, minor ones by recommendation, and platoon commanders by direct selection. Such was the general outline.
39
凡滿、漢入仕,有世職、廕生、武科。 八旗世職,公、侯、伯、子、男補副都統,輕車都尉、騎都尉補佐領,雲騎尉補防禦,恩騎尉補驍騎校。 漢伯、子、男用副將,輕車都尉用參將,騎都尉用游擊或都司,雲騎尉用守備。 尚書至副都御史等官,總督、將軍至二品銜副將廕生改武者,用都司、守備、守御所千總、衛千總。 武科進士一甲一名授頭等侍衛,二、三名授二等侍衛,二、三甲揀選十名授三等侍衛,十六名授藍翎侍衛,餘以營、衛守備補用。 漢軍、漢人武舉揀選一、二等用門千總及營千總,三等用衛千總。 其以資勞進用者,營伍差官,提塘,隨幫,隨營差操,經制及外委,千、把總、無責任效用官,因功加都督至副將等銜者用游擊。 加參將、游擊銜者用都司。 加都司、守備銜者用守備。 加千總銜者拔補把總。 武進士、武舉充提塘差官滿三年,由部考驗弓馬,優者用營、衛守備,次者武舉用防禦所千總。 武舉隨營差操滿三年,以營千總拔補。 隨幫三運報滿,用衛千總。 凡部推之缺,歲二月,參將、游擊缺,用漢一、二等侍衛一人。 四、六、八月游擊、都司缺,用漢三等侍衛三人。 正、三、五、七、九月都司缺,用藍翎侍衛五人。 正月、七月營守衛缺,以門、衛千總升用。 其餘單月缺輪補之班七,雙月缺輪補之班十二,衛守備單月缺輪補之班十一,雙月缺輪補之班六,守御所千總、衛千總缺,俱不論雙、單月推選,惟門千總專於雙月銓補焉。
Manchu and Han entered office through hereditary posts, yin privilege, or the military examination. For Eight Banner hereditary ranks, dukes through barons were appointed deputy commanders-in-chief; chief commandants of chariots and commandants of cavalry became company commanders; commandants of cloud cavalry became defense commandants; commandants of grace cavalry became cavalry captains. Han barons, viscounts, and baronets were appointed brigade generals; chief commandants of chariots regimental commanders; commandants of cavalry battalion commanders or battalion directors; commandants of cloud cavalry garrison commanders. Ministers through vice censor-in-chief, and governors, generals, and second-rank brigade generals with yin privilege who transferred to military service, were appointed battalion directors, garrison commanders, defense-office battalion commanders, or guard battalion commanders. The top military jinshi received first-class bodyguard; second and third places second-class bodyguard; ten from the second and third ranks third-class bodyguard; sixteen blue-feather bodyguard; the rest were appointed camp or guard garrison commanders. Han Banner and Han military juren of first and second rank were appointed gate or camp battalion commanders; third rank guard battalion commanders. Those promoted by seniority and service—camp detachment officers, courier relay, grain-transport escort, camp duty officers, regular troops and external deputies, battalion and platoon commanders, and provisional officials without substantive duty—who had earned grand coordinator through brigade general titles by merit were appointed battalion commanders. Those given regimental commander or battalion commander titles were appointed battalion directors. Those given battalion director or garrison commander titles were appointed garrison commanders. Those given battalion commander titles were selected for platoon commander posts. Military jinshi and juren who completed three years as courier relay officers were tested by the Board in archery and horsemanship; the best were appointed camp or guard garrison commanders, the rest military juren as defense-office battalion commanders. Military juren who completed three years on camp duty were selected for camp battalion commander posts. After three grain-transport escort rounds, appointees received guard battalion commander posts. For Board-recommended vacancies, in the second month regimental commander and battalion commander posts were filled by one Han first- or second-class bodyguard. In the fourth, sixth, and eighth months battalion commander and battalion director posts were filled by three Han third-class bodyguards. In the first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth months battalion director posts were filled by five blue-feather bodyguards. In the first and seventh months camp guard posts were filled by promoting gate and guard battalion commanders. Otherwise there were seven rotation cohorts for odd-month vacancies and twelve for even-month vacancies; eleven cohorts for guard garrison commanders in odd months and six in even months; defense-office and guard battalion commander posts were filled regardless of month; only gate battalion commanders were appointed exclusively in even months.
40
滿人入官,以門閥進者,多自侍衛、拜唐阿始。 故事,內、外滿大臣子弟,五年一次挑取侍衛、拜唐阿,以是閒散人員,勛舊世族,一經揀選,入侍宿衛,外膺簡擢,不數年輒致顯職者,比比也。 綠旗武職,佔缺尤多。 向例山海關至殺虎口、保德州副、參、游、都、守缺,綠旗補十之三,滿洲補十之七。 馬蘭、泰寧二鎮,直隸、山西沿邊副、參、游、都、守缺,滿、漢各補其一。 雍正六年,副都統宗室滿珠錫禮言京營參將以下、千總以上,不宜專用漢人。 得旨:「滿洲人數本少,補用中、外要缺已足,若京營參將以下悉用滿洲,則人數不敷,勢必有員缺而無補授之人。」 乾隆間,揀發各省武職,率以滿人應選。 帝曰:「綠營將領,滿、漢參用,必須員缺多寡適均,方合體制。 若概將滿員揀發,行之日久,綠營盡成滿缺,非所以廣掄選而勵人材。」 飭所司議滿、漢間用之法。 兵部議上,凡行走滿二年之漢侍衛,與巡捕營八旗滿、蒙人員,由該管大臣保送記名。 揀發時,與在部候補、候推者,按滿、漢分派引見。 如所議行。 三十八年,兵部復疏言:「直隸、山西、陝西、甘肅、四川五省,自副將至守備,滿缺六百四十七,各省自副將至守備,千一百七十九缺,向以綠營人員選補。 現滿、蒙在綠營者逾原額兩倍,實緣各省請員時,多用滿員揀選。 請嗣後除原用滿員省分外,其河南、山東、江南、江西、湖廣腹地及閩、浙、兩廣海濱煙瘴等省,需員請揀,應於綠營候補候選,及保卓薦人員,並行走年滿之頭、二、三等侍衛、藍翎侍衛,一併揀選。」 從之。 自是綠營滿、漢員缺始稍劑其平,非復從前漫無限制矣。
Manchus who entered office through noble lineage usually began as bodyguards or bahtangga attendants. By precedent, sons of Manchu ministers in the capital and provinces were selected every five years as bodyguards or bahtangga; idle sons of meritorious old clans, once chosen for palace guard duty, were often promoted to high office within a few years. Green Standard military posts were especially heavily occupied. Formerly, from Shanhaiguan to Shahekou and Baodezhou, brigade general through garrison commander posts were filled three tenths by Green Standard troops and seven tenths by Manchus. At Malang and Taining garrisons and along the Zhili and Shanxi frontiers, brigade general through garrison commander posts were split evenly between Manchu and Han appointees. In Yongzheng 6 Deputy Commander-in-Chief Manzhuxili of the imperial clan argued that regimental commanders and below and battalion commanders and above in the capital garrison should not be held exclusively by Han Chinese. An edict replied: "Manchus are already few in number, and enough fill important posts in the capital and provinces. If regimental commanders and below in the capital garrison were all Manchu, there would not be enough men—vacancies would go unfilled. During the Qianlong reign, when military posts in the provinces were filled by selection and dispatch from the capital, Manchus were usually chosen. The Emperor said, "Green Standard commanders were to be drawn from both Manchus and Han, and the number of vacancies for each had to be properly balanced—that was the established order. If every vacancy were filled by dispatched Manchu appointees, the Green Standard would in time become entirely Manchu posts, which would defeat the purpose of widening selection and encouraging talent. He ordered the relevant offices to devise rules for alternating Manchu and Han appointments. The Ministry of War proposed that Han bodyguards who had completed two years of service, together with Manchu and Mongol personnel of the Eight Banners patrol battalions, be recommended by their supervising ministers for registration. When selections were made for provincial dispatch, these men were presented for audience alongside candidates awaiting appointment or promotion at the ministry, with Manchu and Han candidates assigned separately. The proposal was approved and put into effect. In Qianlong 38 the Ministry of War memorialized again: "In Zhili, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu, and Sichuan there were 647 Manchu vacancies from brigade general down to garrison commander; across all provinces there were 1,179 such posts, which had traditionally been filled from the Green Standard ranks. Manchu and Mongol officers in the Green Standard now exceeded the original quota by twofold, largely because provinces had repeatedly requested Manchu appointees when filling vacancies. Henceforth, except in provinces that had always used Manchu appointees, vacancies in the interior provinces of Henan, Shandong, Jiangnan, Jiangxi, and Huguang, and in the coastal and miasma-ridden provinces of Fujian, Zhejiang, and the two Guang, should be filled from Green Standard candidates awaiting appointment, men recommended for outstanding merit, and first-, second-, and third-rank bodyguards and blue-laced bodyguards who had completed their term of service. The request was approved. From that point the balance between Manchu and Han vacancies in the Green Standard began to be restored, and appointments were no longer made without restraint as before.
41
武職以行伍出身為正途,科目次之。 故事,考驗部推人員衰老病廢者,勒令休致。 惟軍功帶傷者,雖年老仍行推用。 副、參例以俸深參、游題補。 若有軍功保舉,雖俸淺亦得與焉。 科目自康熙初即病壅滯。 御史硃斐疏請定科目、行伍分缺選用之制,外委、效力等與武進士、武舉較人數多寡,仿二八分缺之例,先選科目人員。 其外委各弁,須有戰功及捕盜實績,不得止憑咨送選補。 下所司議行。 雍正初,廷臣有請改並衛、所各州、縣者,部議:「科甲人員,專選衛、所守備、千總,若盡裁衛、所,必致選法壅滯,事不可行。」 帝不許。 為定榜下進士增用營守備以調劑之。 乾隆十五年,給事中楊二酉言:「各省、衛守備歸部選者三十九缺,現武進士以衛用者積至數百人,提塘差官、效力報滿歸班選用者亦數十人,加以新例飛班壓銓,缺少班多,選用無期。 請照乾隆元年例,將三等武進士再行揀選,一、二等以營用,三等仍以衛用。」 報可。 向例揀選武進士以營用者,選缺猶易,衛用往往濡滯不能得官。 洎道光間,衛用武進士得捐改營用,而裁缺衛守備、衛千總、守御所千總,均准改歸綠營。 營守備以上官,並得報捐分發。 由是部推、外補,同一沈滯,不僅科目為然矣。
For military office, promotion from the ranks was the proper route; holders of examination degrees came second. By established practice, ministry-recommended officers found on review to be aged, ill, or unfit were compelled to retire. Only men with battle honors who bore wounds were still promoted and employed even when old. Brigade and regimental commanders were customarily filled by nominating regimental and battalion commanders of long service. Men recommended for military merit could receive appointment even when their seniority was still slight. The examination route to office had been congested since the early Kangxi reign. Censor Zhu Fei memorialized asking that vacancies be divided between examination degree-holders and men from the ranks: outer delegates, service appointees, and the like were to be compared with military jinshi and juren by number, and following the precedent of a two-to-eight split, degree-holders were to be chosen first. Outer delegate officers had to show real battle achievements and records of capturing bandits; they could not be appointed merely on the strength of a forwarded recommendation. The matter was referred to the relevant offices for deliberation and implementation. Early in the Yongzheng reign some court ministers proposed merging guard posts and battalion stations into ordinary prefectures and counties. The ministry replied: "Degree-holders were appointed chiefly as garrison commanders and battalion commanders in guard posts and stations; if those posts were abolished entirely, appointments would become hopelessly congested, and the proposal could not be adopted. The Emperor refused. Instead it was ordered that newly listed jinshi be appointed in greater numbers as garrison commanders to relieve the congestion. In Qianlong 15 Supervising Secretary Yang Eryou said: "There were only thirty-nine provincial and guard garrison commander posts filled by ministry selection, yet several hundred military jinshi were already waiting for guard appointments, along with several dozen relay-station duty officers and service appointees who had completed their terms and returned to the roster. With the new rule allowing men to leap ranks and block regular appointments, candidates far outnumbered vacancies, and appointment seemed indefinitely delayed. He asked that, following the precedent of Qianlong 1, third-class military jinshi be re-examined, with first- and second-class men assigned to garrison posts and third-class men still assigned to guard posts. The proposal was approved. Under earlier practice, military jinshi selected for garrison duty usually found posts fairly quickly, whereas those assigned to guard posts often waited indefinitely without receiving office. By the Daoguang reign military jinshi assigned to guard posts were allowed to purchase transfer to garrison duty, and abolished posts of guard garrison commander, guard battalion commander, and defense-station battalion commander were all permitted to revert to the Green Standard. Officers from garrison commander upward were also allowed to purchase appointment and provincial dispatch. Ministry recommendations and provincial appointments alike fell into the same stagnation; the problem was no longer confined to degree-holders alone.
42
凡不屬於部推之缺,皆題補豫保註冊者最先授。 定例邊疆、內河、外海水師員缺及陸路緊要者得豫保。 康熙九年,兵部疏言:「總督、提、鎮遇標、營員缺,不論地方緩急,銜缺相當,輒將標員坐名題補,使俸深應補人員致多壅滯。 請定副將以下、守備以上缺出,實系近海、沿邊、岩疆人地相宜者,酌量題補,餘不得率行題請。」 從之。 雍正五年,詔部推缺由各督、撫、提、鎮保題備用。 乾隆初,罷陸路近省豫保例。 十年,江督尹繼善言:「武職豫保,咨部註冊,遇缺掣補,誠慎重要缺之良法。 乃或豫保之初,年力本強,數年後漸已衰老,騎射生疏,營伍廢弛。 請將豫保滿三年未得缺者,各提督再行甄別,果堪升用,出具考語咨部,否則註銷。」 報可。
For all posts not filled by ministry recommendation, men registered through prior nomination were appointed first. By regulation, frontier posts, inland and coastal naval commands, and critical overland commands were eligible for prior nomination. In Kangxi 9 the Ministry of War memorialized: "When governors-general, provincial commanders-in-chief, and regional commanders filled banner and garrison vacancies, they routinely nominated banner officers by name whenever rank and post matched, without regard to whether the locality was critical, leaving many senior officers who were due for promotion stuck in the queue. It asked that nomination be permitted only where a vacancy from brigade general down to garrison commander truly lay on the coast, the frontier, or in a strategic border region and the officer was a proper match for the place; in all other cases nominations were not to be made routinely. The request was approved. In Yongzheng 5 an edict ordered that for ministry-recommendation vacancies, governors-general, governors, provincial commanders-in-chief, and regional commanders were to recommend candidates for reserve appointment. Early in the Qianlong reign the practice of prior nomination for nearby inland provinces was abolished. In Qianlong 10 Jiangsu Governor-General Yin Jishan said: "Prior nomination for military posts—registering candidates with the ministry and drawing lots when a vacancy opened—was indeed a sound way to fill important commands with care. Yet some men were vigorous when first nominated, only to grow old after several years, lose their skill in riding and archery, and let their units fall into neglect. He asked that candidates who had been nominated for three years without receiving a post be re-examined by the provincial commander-in-chief: if still fit for promotion, an evaluation was to be sent to the ministry; otherwise the nomination was to be cancelled. The proposal was approved.
43
其時保薦別以三等,限以五年,於副將堪勝總兵、參將堪勝副將者,尤慎選。 一經保薦,輒予升擢。 洎咸、同軍興,十餘年保題舊例不復行,所恃以鼓勵人材者,惟軍功保舉。 獎敘之案,層出不窮。 以兵丁積功保至提、鎮記名者,殆難數計。 同治五年,詔以記名提、鎮無標、營可歸者,發往各省各營差遣。 各省投標候補者,提、鎮多至數十,副、參以下數百,本職補官,終身無望,於是定借補之法。 提、鎮准借補副、參、游缺,副、參、游准借補都、守缺,都、守准借補千、把總缺。 雖內停部推,外停侭先,仍不足疏通冗滯。
At that time recommendations were divided into three grades and limited to five years; brigade generals deemed fit for regional command and regimental commanders deemed fit for brigade command were chosen with particular care. Once recommended, a man was promptly promoted. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi wars the old rules for nomination and recommendation fell into disuse for more than a decade, and military merit became virtually the only means of encouraging talent. Cases of reward and commendation poured forth in an endless stream. The number of common soldiers recommended for merit all the way to registered candidacy for provincial or regional command was beyond counting. In Tongzhi 5 an edict ordered that registered candidates for provincial or regional command who had no banner or garrison post to return to be sent on assignment to provincial garrisons. In the provinces dozens of men were waiting for provincial or regional command and hundreds for brigade command and below; many had no hope of ever receiving their proper rank, and so rules for temporary lower-rank appointment were established. Provincial and regional commanders were allowed to fill brigade, regimental, and battalion commander posts temporarily; brigade, regimental, and battalion commanders could fill battalion director and garrison commander posts; battalion directors and garrison commanders could fill battalion commander and platoon leader posts. Even after ministry recommendations were suspended at the center and priority appointments were suspended in the provinces, the backlog still could not be cleared.
44
光緒季年,詔裁綠營,練新軍,罷武科,設武備學校。 一時新軍將、弁,與學成授官者,特為優異。 歷朝武職尊重行伍之意,盪無復存。 雖綠營武職未盡廢除,然無銓法可言云。
In the closing years of the Guangxu reign edicts cut the Green Standard, trained the New Army, abolished the military examination, and established military academies. For a time New Army officers and graduates of the academies enjoyed markedly preferential treatment in appointment. The longstanding principle of honoring promotion from the ranks in military service was gone without a trace. Although Green Standard military posts were not wholly abolished, there remained scarcely any coherent system of appointment.