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Volume 110 Treatises 85: Selection and Examinations 5, Feng Yintuixuan

Chapter 110 of 清史稿 · Draft History of Qing
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1
Treatise 85
2
Selection and Examinations 5
3
Hereditary Privilege and Recommendation
4
滿 滿
Honorary enfeoffment for civil officials fell under the Board of Civil Appointments, while military posts in the Eight Banners and Green Standard Army fell under the Board of War. Under Shunzhi, both general grace amnesties and successful three-year reviews qualified officials for honorary enfeoffment. Early in the Kangxi reign, the practice of granting honorary enfeoffment when civil and military officials completed their reviews was abolished.
5
祿祿 祿祿
For civil honorary enfeoffment, principal first rank was initially styled Special Advancement with Grand Mentor of Splendor, but was soon reduced to Grand Mentor of Splendor alone. Junior first rank was first Grand Mentor of Splendor, then Grand Mentor of Glory. Principal second rank: Grand Mentor of Statecraft. Junior second rank: Grand Mentor of Court Presentation. Principal third rank: Grand Mentor of General Deliberation. Junior third rank: Grand Mentor of Central Deliberation. Principal fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Central Statutes. Junior fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Court Deliberation. Principal fifth rank: Grand Mentor of Court Governance. Junior fifth rank: Grand Mentor of Direct Service. Principal sixth rank: Gentleman of Inherited Virtue. Junior sixth rank was Gentleman of the Confucian Grove, while clerical appointees received Gentleman of Proclaimed Virtue. Principal seventh rank was Gentleman of Literary Forest, while clerical appointees received Gentleman of Proclaimed Deliberation. Junior seventh rank: Gentleman Summoned to Office. Principal eighth rank: Gentleman of Cultivated Office. Junior eighth rank: Assistant Gentleman of Cultivated Office. Principal ninth rank: Gentleman Entering Office. Junior ninth rank: Assistant Gentleman Entering Office.
6
滿祿 祿 祿
Military honorary enfeoffment was originally organized into three separate systems. First, Manchu and Han dukes, marquises, and earls received Grand Mentor of Splendor, later changed to General Who Establishes Might. Second, the Eight Banners. First rank: Grand Mentor of Splendor. Second rank: Grand Mentor of Statecraft. Third rank: Grand Mentor of General Deliberation. Fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Central Statutes. Fifth rank: Grand Mentor of Court Governance. Sixth rank was Gentleman of Inherited Virtue, later Gentleman of Martial Trust. Seventh rank was Gentleman of Literary Forest, later Gentleman of Exerted Martiality. Eighth rank: Gentleman of Cultivated Office. Ninth rank: Gentleman Entering Office. In Qianlong 32, the Banner system was aligned with the Green Standard. Third, the Green Standard Army. The ranks used for honorary enfeoffment changed many times. At first, both principal and junior first rank were styled Grand Mentor of Glory. Principal second rank: General of Fast Cavalry. Junior second rank: General of Valiant Cavalry. Principal third rank: General of Manifest Bravery. Junior third rank: General Who Cherishes the Distant. Principal fourth rank: General of Illustrious Might. Junior fourth rank: General Who Proclaims Martiality. Principal fifth rank: General of Martial Virtue. Junior fifth rank: General of Martial Strategy. Principal sixth rank: Commandant of Manifest Trust. Junior sixth rank: Commandant of Loyal Manifestation. Later, principal seventh rank Commandant of Exerted Valor was added. In Qianlong 20, principal second rank became Grand Mentor of Martial Manifestation. Junior second rank: Grand Mentor of Martial Achievement. Principal third rank: Grand Mentor of Martial Righteousness. Junior third rank: Grand Mentor of Martial Support. Principal fourth rank: Grand Mentor of Manifest Martiality. Junior fourth rank: Grand Mentor Who Proclaims Martiality. Principal fifth rank: Gentleman of Martial Virtue. Junior fifth rank: Gentleman of Martial Strategy. Principal sixth rank: Gentleman of Martial Trust. Junior sixth rank: Assistant Gentleman of Martial Trust. Principal seventh rank: Gentleman of Exerted Martiality. In year 32, principal first rank became Grand Mentor Who Establishes Might. Junior first rank: Grand Mentor Who Rouses Might. Junior seventh rank Assistant Gentleman of Exerted Martiality was also added. Principal eighth rank: Gentleman of Cultivated Martiality. Junior eighth rank: Assistant Gentleman of Cultivated Martiality. For the first time, the Eight Banners and Green Standard systems were brought into alignment. In year 51, principal first rank became General Who Establishes Might. Junior first rank: General Who Rouses Might. Principal second rank: General of Martial Manifestation. Junior second rank: General of Martial Achievement. Principal third rank: Commandant-in-Chief of Martial Righteousness. Junior third rank: Commandant-in-Chief of Martial Support. Principal fourth rank: Commandant-in-Chief of Manifest Martiality. Junior fourth rank: Commandant-in-Chief Who Proclaims Martiality. Principal fifth rank: Cavalry Commandant of Martial Virtue. Junior fifth rank: Assistant Cavalry Commandant of Martial Virtue. Principal sixth rank: Cavalry Commandant of Martial Strategy. Junior sixth rank: Assistant Cavalry Commandant of Martial Strategy. Principal seventh rank: Cavalry Commandant of Martial Trust. Junior seventh rank: Assistant Cavalry Commandant of Martial Trust. Principal eighth rank: Commandant of Exerted Martiality. Junior eighth rank: Assistant Commandant of Exerted Martiality. Principal ninth rank Commandant of Cultivated Martiality was added. Junior ninth rank: Assistant Commandant of Cultivated Martiality. At that point the civil and military rank ladders were finally matched in scale.
7
滿
Wives of civil and military officials of principal or junior first rank received the title Lady of the First Rank. Wives of Manchu and Han dukes were styled duchesses, ladies of the first rank. Wives of marquises were styled marchionesses, ladies of the first rank. Wives of earls were styled countesses, ladies of the first rank. Principal and junior second rank: Lady. Principal and junior third rank: Lady of Cultivated Virtue. Principal and junior fourth rank: Lady of Respectful Bearing. Principal and junior fifth rank: Lady of Fitting Demeanor. Principal and junior sixth rank: Lady of Tranquil Bearing. Principal and junior seventh rank: Lady of Gentle Nurture. Principal and junior eighth rank: Eighth-Rank Lady of Gentle Nurture. Principal and junior ninth rank: Ninth-Rank Lady of Gentle Nurture. In the military service, wives of Eight Banner officials below eighth rank and Green Standard officers below seventh rank received no honorary title. Later, wives of Green Standard officers of principal seventh rank were granted the title Lady of Gentle Nurture.
8
In Shunzhi 5 the rules were set: on grace edicts, first-rank officials could enfeoff three generations, with four patent scrolls. Second and third rank: two generations, three patent scrolls. Fourth and fifth rank: one generation, two patent scrolls. Sixth and seventh rank: one generation, two commission patents. Eighth and ninth rank: only the official himself, one commission patent. Patent scroll ends were jade for first rank, rhinoceros horn for second, gilt for third and fourth, and horn for fifth rank and below.
9
Under early Shunzhi rules on extended enfeoffment, living fathers and grandfathers could not accept honors conferred by their descendants. Retired or deceased kin could receive honors, and officials who had resigned to accept enfeoffment were also permitted. If two sons both held office, their parents were enfeoffed according to the higher of the two ranks. When a woman was enfeoffed through her son while both husband and son held office, she too followed the higher rank. If the father's rank exceeded the son's, the principal mother followed the father and the birth mother followed the son. An adopted son who had already enfeoffed his adoptive forebears could use his own and his wife's patents to extend honors to his birth grandparents and parents. In Kangxi 5, when the father's rank exceeded the son's, enfeoffment followed the father's original rank. When the father's rank was lower, enfeoffment followed the son. If a military official's son held civil office, enfeoffment followed civil rules. In Yongzheng 3, fourth- through seventh-rank officials who wished to extend their own and their wives' patents to grandparents, and eighth- and ninth-rank officials who wished to extend honors to parents, were all allowed to do so. Third rank and above who sought to enfeoff great-grandparents required imperial approval. Under Qianlong, ritual rules were revised substantially. In year 27 an edict declared: "When a son's rank does not match a father's eminence, the father remains the grand mentor and the son the gentleman — the Record states this plainly. The old practice of enfeoffing ancestors at their original ranks is improper; revise it." The Board ruled that when a descendant outranked an ancestor, enfeoffment followed the descendant's rank. When an ancestor outranked a descendant, the ancestor could not be enfeoffed at his original rank. If the father outranked the son, the birth mother followed the son's rank; the principal and stepmothers could not claim the father's rank, though those already enfeoffed at the son's rank kept it. The same rule applied when a military official's son held civil office. In year 50, first- through third-rank officials could not enfeoff great-great-grandparents; fourth through seventh could not enfeoff great-grandparents; eighth rank and below could not enfeoff grandparents.
10
歿 歿
After Daoguang, purchased enfeoffment was permitted. In year 23, third rank and above could purchase enfeoffment for birth great-grandparents under the extended-enfeoffment rules. In year 28, fourth through seventh rank could purchase great-grandparent enfeoffment and eighth rank and below grandparent enfeoffment, all at double the usual fee. At that point the old limits were effectively gone. Previously, eighth- and ninth-rank officials could enfeoff parents but not themselves or their wives. Only one principal wife could receive a title. If the principal wife had died unenfeoffed and a successor wife was to be honored, the principal wife could receive posthumous enfeoffment as well. A second successor wife could not receive a title. In Daoguang 23, purchasers of eighth rank and below could include their wives at double the fee. In Xianfeng 2, civil officials and purchasers of office could enfeoff themselves and original and successor wives first, then purchase honors for a third successor wife at their own rank. In year 4, following ministry approval, wives after the third successor were treated as co-equal and could receive honors in sequence by purchase. Previously, a third-rank official raised by maternal grandparents who died without heirs could extend honors to them at his rank; other affinal kin could not. In Daoguang 23, purchasers could extend honors to foster uncles, aunts, in-laws, and parents-in-law under the maternal-grandparent rule. In Xianfeng 3, extended purchase was allowed for a long list of kin including great-grandparents, uncles and aunts, concubine mothers, brothers and sisters-in-law, various cousins and elders, and maternal and wife's forebears. Ranks were set by precedent and honors purchased accordingly. A widow could also purchase office and enfeoff her late husband's grandfather or father. Adopted sons extended honors to their adoptive forebears, and as the chain widened, the canonical system collapsed.
11
Rules for enfeoffment through added rank were also strict at first. Early in Shunzhi, grace-rank additions determined the rank of enfeoffment. In Kangxi 52, seventh rank and below could not enfeoff above fifth rank through additions; fifth and sixth not above fourth; third and fourth not above second; purchased rank did not count. Under Qianlong, provincial officials could not use rank additions for enfeoffment. In year 50 the ministry noted that letting capital officials below eighth rank reach fifth rank through additions was both excessive and too generous. Thereafter eighth rank and below could rise only to seventh; provincial sub-stream officials received no enfeoffment unless they had donated to honor kin. The emperor approved. After Jiaqing, the limits gradually widened. On grace amnesties, capital and provincial officials could donate for new rank and request enfeoffment. Titular third- and fourth-rank officials could purchase second-rank honors at double fee, under rules for incumbents and expectants. Early in Xianfeng, under expanded donation rules, third- and fourth-rank officials and purchasers of office could donate up to second rank through rank additions. Fifth- and sixth-rank officials purchasing third-rank honors paid double the usual fee. Those purchasing up to second rank paid two and a half times the fee under the fourth-rank titular precedent. Seventh rank purchasing third or fourth rank, and eighth rank and below purchasing fifth or sixth, each paid double the usual fee. In year 10, third-rank officials who paid double the first-rank fee could receive junior first-rank honors. Titular second- and third-rank officials purchasing junior first-rank honors paid surcharged or double fees based on actual second- and third-rank rates. Those purchasing junior first-rank honors for affinal kin paid further surcharges based on second- and third-rank actual and titular fees.
12
簿 退
By the Guangxu era the system had decayed. Censor Li Ciming wrote: "Governing a state rests on reward and punishment. Punishment must not be exceeded, but reward must not be lavished either! Kangxi and Qianlong ruled long and held countless celebrations and military honors. Then officials repeatedly received grace edicts; rewards followed merit in clear order, and no one overstepped his rank. Today many circuit intendants reach second rank, and their enfeoffments reach first. Prefects and sub-prefects often gain third rank, and their enfeoffments reach second. District magistrates are often fourth rank, clerks and constables fifth or sixth, yet their enfeoffments commonly reach third or fourth. Titles and rewards are how the ruler advances the worthy and dismisses the foolish, and how middle officials motivate clerks and subordinates. If honors come too easily, no one feels gratitude; if they come too fast, no one is truly motivated. When high and low blur, false arrogance grows, the people are misled, and the court's dignity and rank order are undermined. His memorial was submitted, but no cuts followed.
13
Afterward foreign crises multiplied and qualified men were scarce. In year 26 an edict halted purchase of actual offices, but purchase of titular honors continued. In Xuantong 1 the Board tried to restore old rules—capital officials by added rank, provincial by current post—but could not enforce them. The next year capital officials still used added rank and provincial officials added titular rank; fifth rank could reach third and eighth rank could reach sixth. They sought modest repair, but entrenched excess could not be reversed.
14
滿 滿
Hereditary privilege took three forms: grace yin, hardship yin, and special yin. Grace yin began in Shunzhi 18: on grace edicts, qualifying civil and military officials each sent one son to the Imperial College. Sons of guard commanders, deputy lieutenant-generals, ashan-i hafan, vice ministers, and academicians became yin graduates; others became regular college students. Initially dukes, marquises, and earls received first-rank yin; viscounts and barons received yin at their respective ranks. In Yongzheng 2 all hereditary titles were standardized to third-rank yin. In Qianlong 34 dukes, marquises, and earls received first-rank yin; viscounts second; barons third. Early in Yongzheng, literate yin graduates and yin students were assigned by the Board for probation in ministries and courts. Those fifteen or older who studied at the college, upon completing their term, were reported to the throne and assigned to ministries for training. Civil and military yin graduates and students who passed examinations could be employed in civil posts. Those trained in martial arts who wished military careers reported to the Board of Civil Appointments and were transferred to the Board of War for military yin.
15
滿
In Yongzheng 3, yin graduates who reached the ministry at twenty or older were examined and presented to the emperor. In Qianlong 11, examinations used classical essays and policy questions; appointed ministers graded them and submitted the results to the emperor. Those who excelled were presented for imperial audience. Poor performers were sent home to study and retested after three years. Later reigns followed this practice. In Guangxu 31, Han yin graduates were exempted from examination like Manchu yin graduates.
16
祿使簿祿簿簿 使 使
Han yin graduates could be employed in three ways: in the capital, in the provinces, or in military service. For capital service, fixed in Yongzheng 1: first-rank ministers placed yin graduates as vice directors, second-rank vice ministers as section chiefs; governors-general like ministers, governors like vice ministers. In year 7 the capital placements were revised in detail by rank; fourth-rank yin graduates rotated with purchased tribute and college graduates. In Qianlong 7 the censor-in-chief's yin privilege matched a minister's. In Tongzhi 10 the Director-General of Rivers placed yin graduates as vice director and section chief. Under Xuantong bureaucratic reform, offices were abolished and yin graduates reassigned at equivalent ranks. For provincial service, fixed under Qianlong: first rank as prefectural vice prefect, junior first as department magistrate, second as sub-prefect, third as county magistrate; Han viscounts as county magistrates—unchanged to the dynasty's end. For military service, fixed under Yongzheng: capital ministers and provincial governors-general and generals placed yin graduates as brevet colonels managing colonels. For second-rank vice ministers, governors, and provincial military commanders, yin graduates served as brevet colonels managing colonels. Third-rank vice censor-in-chiefs, provincial commissioners, and regional commanders placed yin graduates as garrison commandants by brevet managing garrison commandants. Provincial judicial commissioners and brigadiers with first-rank brevet served as brevet garrison commandants managing garrison commandants. Brigadiers with second-rank brevet were placed as garrison defense station captains. Under Qianlong, Han viscounts at third rank received captain posts and barons at fourth rank received lieutenant posts.
17
滿 滿 滿
For Han Banner placement, Kangxi 12 originally assigned first-rank yin to vice director and second-rank yin to Court of Judicial Review chief judge or department magistrate. In Yongzheng 7, department magistrate placements were converted to section chief posts. In Qianlong 5, third-rank yin graduates were placed as seventh-rank clerks and fourth-rank as eighth-rank clerks. In Xuantong 1 the Board of Civil Appointments reported: "Han civil and military yin graduates were appointed by rank, principal or secondary; Manchu yin graduates drew no such distinction. At imperial audience, Han yin graduates were proposed for capital or provincial service; Manchu yin graduates were proposed as civil bodyguards or banner officers. After Guangxu 32, however, Han officials were uniformly selected for appointment, and applying Manchu yin rules to banner posts like lieutenant-generals and deputy lieutenant-generals created real difficulties. The Board proposed that reassigned or promoted former ministers and vice ministers be treated by Han equivalents: lieutenant-generals like ministers, deputy lieutenant-generals like vice ministers, and deputy lieutenant-generals promoted from lower capital or provincial posts like principal second-rank officials, still with capital or provincial placement at audience. The emperor approved.
18
Initially only incumbent officials could confer yin, and officials below assistant commandant in the Imperial Household Department were excluded. In Kangxi 6, yin was fixed by actual salary regardless of nominal rank, and sons of Imperial Household officials below assistant commandant were first made eligible that year. In year 12, officials dismissed at original rank who still drew salary were also allowed to confer yin.
19
Earlier, in Kangxi 3, yin graduates and college students who already held office or had passed the examinations were barred from supplementary yin. In Qianlong 45 the rule changed: eldest legitimate descendants with degrees not yet appointed, and those with titular posts who had inherited yin, could receive supplementary yin. After Daoguang, as purchase regulations expanded, officials who had already bought office could still receive supplementary yin. Appointment queues blurred, and unmerited advancement multiplied.
20
使
In Guangxu 22, Censor Xilin wrote: "The Board ranks special-edict appointees above every cohort. Yet yin graduates and annual audience candidates who had bought circuit or prefectural rank and were still appointed at circuit or prefect level were donation men in origin, yet ministry rules placed them in the special-edict cohort. In recent years men routinely schemed for advantage, buying circuit or prefect rank in advance to win later special-edict placement above every queue. Among the same yin graduates and annual candidates, upright officials' heirs found themselves outmatched, while pampered youths bought their way forward — a serious blow to public morals. He asked that those who additionally purchased circuit or prefect rank be selected with other purchased offices. The ministry deliberated and carried it out.
21
歿滿 歿歿 歿 歿 調
Hardship yin was fixed in Shunzhi 3: officials who died in the line of duty received posthumous rank at promotion level, and one son entered the Imperial College and awaited appointment after completing his term. In Kangxi 18, martyred officials conferred yin by original rank, not by posthumous brevet. In Yongzheng 12, officials lost on duty in open seas, major rivers, the Yellow River, or lakes like Dongting and Hongze received full promotion-level yin and posthumous honors; those lost on inner waters received reduced honors; eighth rank and below received brevet only, not yin. In Qianlong 60, officials who died of illness while serving with the army and straining to collect supplies received reduced yin and posthumous honors, as for inner-water losses. In Daoguang 23, eighth-rank officials and below lost on duty or dead of illness in camp received posthumous brevet; one son became a college student, could sit examinations, but could not be appointed. In Guangxu 2, incumbents martyred by bandits or dead of illness in camp received posthumous honors at promotion or purchased brevet level, but yin followed the actual office held. Expectant appointees and candidates received the same yin and posthumous honors as incumbents. Retired officials and those on sick leave received yin and posthumous honors by their former rank. Demoted officials received yin and posthumous honors at their reduced rank. Selected jinshi, appointed tribute graduates, and purchased graduates with titular rank each received yin and posthumous honors by rank, as incumbents did. Unselected jinshi received seventh-rank treatment. Grace, special, supplementary, annual, and distinguished tribute graduates received eighth-rank treatment. Stipendiary, augmented, and attached licentiates received ninth-rank yin and posthumous honors. Officials holding titular brevet and peacock feathers received posthumous honors only, not yin.
22
Before Qianlong, banner officers who served with distinction or fell in battle regularly passed hereditary rank to their descendants. Heirs who had inherited but were under age and not yet in post received half pay. Green Standard officers killed in action received hardship yin alone. In Qianlong 49 an edict declared: "Banner men and Green Standard troops who die loyal on the frontier deserve equal honor — how can we discriminate between them? Green Standard officers would still receive merit rewards under existing rules. All Green Standard officers who fell in battle, Han or banner, would alike receive hereditary rank. When hereditary turns ran out, a Grace Cavalry Commandancy was granted so the reward could continue for generations. Thereafter many Han officials who died in the line of duty also received hereditary rank.
23
使 使 祿 歿 使
In posthumous honors for martyrs, governors-general with minister brevet received Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. Governors with vice censor-in-chief brevet received posthumous censor-in-chief rank. Provincial commissioners received posthumous Grand Secretary rank. Provincial judges and salt transport commissioners received posthumous Court of Imperial Sacrifices director rank. Circuit intendants received posthumous Court of Imperial Entertainments director rank. Prefects received posthumous Court of the Imperial Stud director rank. Prefectural vice prefects, department magistrates, and sub-prefects received posthumous circuit rank. County magistrates received posthumous prefect rank. Directors of studies and instructors received posthumous Imperial College assistant instructor or recorder rank. All other officials received proportional posthumous promotion by rank. In Guangxu 2, deaths on inner waters or of illness in camp received reduced posthumous honors. Governors-general, governors, and provincial commissioners kept full posthumous brevet, but yin was still reduced.
24
簿 歿 使
Under Kangxi rules for yin grants: third rank and above placed sons as department magistrates; fourth rank through sub-prefect as county magistrates; provincial bureau chiefs and county deputies as assistant magistrates; eighth and ninth rank as registrars; unranked posts as department clerks. In Guangxu 2, officials martyred by bandits received yin under the old Kangxi scale. County magistrates conferred department judge yin; deaths in camp or on inner waters received reduced yin for sons. Military hardship yin placed sons as colonel, garrison commandant, captain, or lieutenant — the same posts as grace yin converted to military service. For hereditary honors, fallen provincial military commanders, like advisory ministers and lieutenant-generals, received Commandant of Cavalry plus one Cloud Cavalry Commandant. Regional commanders, like deputy lieutenant-generals, received Commandant of Cavalry. From brigadier down through lieutenants, regulars, and extern deputies, all received Cloud Cavalry Commandant, following banner company-commandant precedent. Heirs who reached eighteen were presented at the ministry and sent to banner units for training. Underage heirs drew half pay and were presented for audience when they came of age. Under Guangxu ministry rules, grace yin graduates could be dispatched to posts, but hardship yin could not claim the same privilege. In year 22, Xilin wrote: "Grace yin already enjoyed ministry assignment and provincial placement, and dispatch besides — a generous deal. Hardship yin was limited to provincial use and denied dispatch — an unfair imbalance. These are hard times, and qualified men are urgently needed. The state must stir loyalty and righteousness so men do not shrink from danger. Yet grace yin widened the path to office for eminent men's heirs, while hardship yin denied loyal ministers' descendants even a narrow chance — leaving the fallen bitter in their graves and discouraging loyalty in the face of danger. He asked the ministry to apply the grace yin dispatch rule to hardship yin as well. The ministry deliberated and carried it out.
25
西 西使使使西 使A5西西使使西使
Special yin: in Qianlong 3 an edict declared: "My late father rewarded service and honored the past by founding the Shrine of Worthies in the capital. Ministers who served the dynasty with integrity enjoy perpetual sacrifice and undying renown. Many of their descendants entered official life, but some could not sustain themselves and sank into obscurity — and I pity them deeply. Where worthy men's descendants held no office or only humble rank, lieutenant-generals, governors-general, and governors should select promising legitimate heirs and send them to the ministry for audience and special favor. In year 47, Shihai, great-grandson of former Guangxi governor and Bandit-Suppressing General Fu Honglie, and others were ordered appointed by edict. In Jiaqing 4, the late Censor Cao Xibao was posthumously made vice censor-in-chief, and his son received yin graduate status under that honor. Dynasty after dynasty showed favor to meritorious ministers' heirs through repeated grace edicts. In late Guangxu, as turmoil spread across the realm, the throne turned to meritorious commanders and declared: "Since Xianfeng and Tongzhi, the Nian, Taiping, and Muslim rebellions have been put down one after another. Leading civil and military officials had served with outstanding distinction. Generous rewards were granted, and more than fifty years have since elapsed. Many descendants of these meritorious ministers had risen to prominence; yet many others languished in low posts or lived quietly in their home villages. Governors-general, governors, and lieutenant-generals were ordered to investigate meritorious ministers' descendants, record whether they held office, and report. Grand councilors compiled the lists and submitted them to the emperor. Among those ordered promoted by rank were the descendants of Dolon'a, Xiang Rong, Jiang Zhongyuan, Luo Zinan, Luo Bingzhang, Zhang Guoliang, Li Xubin, Peng Yulin, Yang Yuebin, Bao Chao, Li Mengqun, Cheng Xueqi, Liu Songshan, and Feng Zicai — sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons across several generations. For Hunan provincial military commander Taqibu, officials were ordered to identify and establish an heir and memorialize for imperial favor. The following year another edict named the most distinguished ministers — including Liu Changyou, Liu Mingchuan, Wang Qi, Fuxing, Xiao Fusi, Li Diancian, Deng Shaoliang, Ulan'tai, Zhang Yuliang, Lü Xianji, Yuan Jiasan, Zhang Fu, Han Chao, Zhao Jingxian, Zhu Hongzhang, Guo Songlin, Jiang Yilai, Wen Shaoyuan, Jin Guangzhu, Hengling, Liu Jintang, Zhang Shushan, and Xie Zicheng — and ordered lieutenant-generals, governors-general, and governors to locate their descendants, report their offices, and seek imperial favor. When Qianlong 48 employed Xiong Tingbi's fifth-generation descendant Shixian and Yuan Chonghuan's fifth-generation descendant Bing, extending special yin to Ming loyalists' heirs was an act of truly exceptional generosity.
26
滿 簿滿 簿 使 滿
The Board of Civil Appointments managed civil appointments; the Board of War managed military ones. Among the Board's four bureaus, the Selection Bureau handled nominations and was especially critical. Manchu and Han officials entered service through examination degrees, tribute and college graduates, yin privilege, merit deliberation, miscellaneous routes, purchase, imperial academy training, and distinguished youth selection. By regulation, examination graduates, selected tribute graduates, and yin graduates formed the regular path; all others were irregular paths. Irregular-path officials recommended by guarantee counted as regular path, but could not compete for circuit intendant or censor posts. Without examination graduate credentials, one could not serve in the Hanlin Academy, Crown Prince's Household, or the Boards of Civil Appointments and Rites. Banner officials alone were exempt from this rule. Only officials of respectable family standing were eligible; banner bond servants, Han household slaves, and personal attendants were barred from entering the official rolls. Metropolitan graduates received appointment as Hanlin and ministry officials in the capital, or as prefects, magistrate-assessors, and local instructors in the provinces. Provincial graduates entered service as Grand Secretariat secretaries, Imperial College instructors, and local magistrates and instructors through examination and the great triennial selection. Distinguished and specially selected tribute graduates were placed as junior capital officials, district magistrates, educational officers, and assistant prefects. First- and second-rank yin graduates, after examination, filled vice directorships, section chiefships, and prefectural posts. Other tribute and college graduates who passed service exams served in subordinate local and clerical posts; after five years they might receive ninth-rank positions outside the regular rank stream. Board of Rites scholars on three-year grain stipends were assigned as prefectural inspectors and county sheriffs. Clerks passing service examinations in first class became eighth-rank administration commissioners; second class became registrars; third and fourth class received ninth-rank posts outside the regular stream. Imperial academy students who passed examinations were appointed ninth-rank clerks, depot stewards, and foreign-office clerks. Distinguished youths proficient in Manchu and Chinese who excelled at translation examinations received eighth-rank clerkships. Later changes to the bureaucratic system introduced minor adjustments. Irregular-path Han officials required recommendation by guarantee, and Han banner officials required examination, before receiving capital or seal-holding posts — a barrier meant to separate career streams and tighten advancement.
27
滿 滿 西 滿 滿 滿滿 滿 滿
Every capital and provincial vacancy was classified as Manchu, Mongol, Han banner, or Han. Among Manchu posts were separate quotas for Banner nobles and Imperial Household bond servants. Reserved posts included the Shuntian prefecture and circuit intendancies for the Shengjing patrimony, Shanhaiguan, Jilin, Rehe, Koubei, Shanxi, and Guisui. Provincial garrison commanders, legal affairs commissioners, subprefectural magistrates, and vice prefects were Manchu vacancies. The Tangut academy vice chancellor, assistant instructor, middle secretary, and nomadic vice director and section chief were Mongol posts. The Directorate of Astronomy's sixth-rank autumn officer was reserved for Han banner officials. All Directorate of the Imperial Clan posts were reserved for Banner nobles. Imperial Household Department posts were reserved for bond servants. Capital ministries, tomb precinct offices, the Five Boards at Shengjing, and provincial posts throughout the empire all carried fixed quotas. At senior secretary rank and above, Banner nobles and Han banner officials could interchangeably fill Manchu capital posts. Han banner officials could fill Han ministry posts from sub-director rank upward. In the provinces Mongols might hold Manchu posts, while Manchu, Mongol, and bond-servant officials could all hold Han posts. Shuntian's prefect and vice prefect, Shengjing's vice prefect, capital prefectural and county officials, and ward magistrates were never assigned to Manchu officials. Board of Punishments ministry posts were closed to Han banner officials. Provincial sixth-rank chiefs and all subordinate assistant posts were barred to Manchu and Mongol officials. Banner nobles were not appointed below circuit intendant rank. Such were the broad rules.
28
滿 滿 調 使使使 調 退 調
Advancement by salary seniority was termed promotion by recommendation; advancement before a salary term expired was termed immediate promotion. Grand secretaries, senior secretaries, governors-general, governors, treasurers, and judges were at first jointly recommended by court ministers, following Ming precedent. Joint recommendation was later abolished in favor of submitted candidate lists awaiting imperial approval. Vice ministers of the Sacrifices and Entertainments courts and Manchu assistant ministers were nominated through lists for imperial audience. When no list was opened, naming primary and alternate candidates for audience appointment was selective appointment; selecting twenty salary-eligible men for audience appointment was promotion appointment. Capital ministry officials, junior capital officials, and clerks were appointed by retention, transfer, selection, or examination — each requiring imperial audience — while other posts went through regular selection. Provincial treasurers and judges were nominated by opened lists; transport commissioners required direct imperial decree. Circuit and prefect posts could be filled by imperial decree, selective appointment, memorial, transfer, or retention; all others went through selection. Subprefectural, prefectural, and county posts followed the same rules as circuits and prefectures, but without imperial decree. Assistant officials, educational officers, and salt administrators on important posts were retained locally; others were filled by consultation or selection. At first no fixed rule governed whether capital ministry vacancies were filled by memorial or selection; department heads decided at will. In time most vacancies were filled by memorial, leaving many eligible candidates for promotion, supplementation, or selection stuck in limbo. In Qianlong 9 an edict required each bureau to register memorial posts with the Board of Civil Appointments and reserve the rest for selection, forbidding the two channels to be mixed. Each ministry bureau then received fixed quotas of Han directorships, vice directorships, and section chiefships for memorial appointment; the remainder went to selection. During Daoguang the memorial-supplementation quotas were revised, and ministries later added to them from time to time. In Shunzhi 12 the Board was ordered to review precedent and divide prefectural and county posts into three grades, matching candidates graded on personal bearing, speech, calligraphy, and legal judgment. Later posts were rated by the four criteria of strategic exposure, administrative burden, fiscal exhaustion, and governing difficulty. Posts meeting all four criteria ranked highest; those meeting three ranked next, then two, then one. Prefectural, subprefectural, and county posts were therefore filled either by imperial transfer or Board selection, depending on their rating.
29
滿滿滿 滿
Selection vacancies fell into immediate, regular, inserted, parallel, offset, and seated categories, each tracking whether vacancies accumulated; candidates were chosen when their turn came due. Selection rosters covered officials whose terms, leave, or salary periods had expired, those restored or awaiting supplementation, demoted candidates, released Hanlin bachelors, and graduates of every degree path plus merit deliberation, purchase, and salary-order promotion. Major selections were held in even-numbered months; urgent selections in odd-numbered months. Manchu, Mongol, and Han banner selections ran in the first ten days of the month; Han officials in the last ten; clerks in the middle ten. Originally selectees reported in person to the Board for roll call; later they returned home while the Board drew lots by seniority and mailed appointment credentials. In Kangxi 2 Supervising Secretary Yu Ketuo argued: "Mailing credentials invites impersonation, yet selectees from distant provinces spend a year or more traveling back and forth. When problems arose, surrendering credentials for re-selection wasted still more time. Posts stayed vacant for long stretches, acting officials grew corrupt, and provinces repeatedly memorialized urging newly selected appointees to hurry. Candidates should again appear in person at the Board for selection in proper order." In year 8 Censor Ge Ying raised the same proposal. The proposal was approved and put into effect. Thereafter all selectees reported in person to the Board for roll call — a rule that became permanent. The Kangxi Emperor, pitying selectees who could not obtain posts immediately and often went hungry in capital lodgings, ordered the Board to keep one year's cohort in Beijing while the rest might return home. Censor Tian Liushan reported: "In six months, among retained magistrate-assessor candidates eighty competed for one post; among district magistrates three hundred for thirty-one — the rest must wait three or four years. Companion drawing produced empty lots, making selection dates impossible to predict. Lots should be drawn by name in sequence, with candidates reporting two months before selection." The Board deliberated and abolished monthly roll call and empty-lot drawing; an edict then halved the number of retained selectees. Selectees originally reported on the fifteenth of the month before selection — too close to the date, making it easy to manipulate desirable versus undesirable vacancies. Reporting was later moved to the first of each month, with supplementation every other selection cycle — a rule thereafter fixed. Newly selected officials were at first tested with eight-legged examination essays; the practice was soon dropped. The test became a three-hundred-character policy memorandum on governing people, improving customs, collecting taxes, nurturing subjects, and adjudicating cases. Both new appointments and promotions required a written account of conditions in one's previous jurisdiction. In practice the memoranda were usually ghostwritten or reduced to empty praise of the throne, and the requirement was soon abandoned. By precedent selectees were inspected jointly by the Board and the Nine Ministers; censors, circuit intendants, and Hanlin academicians were later added to the panel. In Kangxi 27, on Censor Jing Yuanshi's recommendation, all officials selected by lot for prefectural and county posts were required to attend imperial audience with the primary nominee — a practice later generations continued. By precedent the inspecting ministers reported monthly appointees for misconduct, improper origins, ancestral grain-tax deficits, or mismatch between the man and the post. Under Qianlong, when a monthly appointee was ill suited to his post the emperor often reassigned him at audience — a useful corrective to the rigidity of selection law. In year 10, finding magistrates Zhou Zhong and four others too frail at audience, the emperor demoted them to educational posts. In year 12 he again personally removed four magistrates too aged and incompetent for the post, and sharply rebuked the inspecting ministers for failing to report them. Thereafter dispatched, awaiting-supplementation, and probationary prefectural and county officials all attended audience together, not only those holding substantive posts. In time provincial magistrates and vice prefects, and dispatched miscellaneous officials, could buy exemption from audience by donation; inspection became an empty formality.
30
調 使 使 使 滿
Cross-appointment between capital and provincial service had long-standing precedents. The dynasty at first instituted a system of internal promotion and external transfer. Within the capital, the Hanlin Academy, Crown Prince's Household, Censorate, and circuit intendant corps enjoyed the highest prestige and followed distinctive promotion paths. When editors and proofreaders became middle censors or tutors it was called entering the side halls; Hanlin, Crown Prince's Household, side-hall, bureau, Imperial College, and senior secretary posts all offered promotion routes, with top examination honors bringing exceptional advancement. External transfer began in Shunzhi 10, when twenty-one Hanlin posts from junior vice chancellor downward were assigned to circuit and prefect service, with the best performers recalled to senior secretary rank. The quotas were soon revised: Hanlin chancellors became provincial treasurers, readers-in-chief became judges, middle censors became administration commissioners, and editors and proofreaders became vice commissioners. In year 18 one reader-in-chief and below was transferred externally each spring and autumn: readers and lecturers as administration commissioners, compilers as vice commissioners, editors and proofreaders as assistant commissioners. The practice was soon discontinued. In Kangxi 25 undistinguished Hanlin officials were sent to the provinces as subprefectural magistrates, transport vice commissioners, and salt intendant vice prefects. In year 28 Compiler Li Tao became the first Hanlin official directly appointed prefect. In year 37 Censor-in-Chief Wu Han, noting sluggish promotion for editors and proofreaders, asked that one or two be exceptionally appointed prefect, following Li Tao and Wang Qi. For still more exceptional appointments he cited Wang Shizhen, Xu Chao, Gu Zao, and Wang Jiuling as precedents for vice censor-in-chief and communications commissioner. The emperor agreed and appointed Proofreader Liu Han prefect. Early in Yongzheng, with editors, proofreaders, and Hanlin bachelors overcrowding the ranks, the court placed them in censor and Board posts in the capital and in circuit, prefectural, and county posts in the provinces to relieve the backlog. Thereafter editors and proofreaders typically rose within the side halls to censor posts, or went out to circuits and prefectures — a pattern that became standard. The six bureau chiefs of the Board of Civil Appointments were at first limited to one internal promotion and one external transfer per year. That system was soon abolished. In Kangxi 8, on Censor Yu Jin's recommendation, it was restored. In year 40 the special rule lapsed again, and bureau chiefs advanced by salary like other officials. Supervising secretaries rotated once a year, censors twice; they might be sent out as circuit or prefect officials or recalled to senior secretary rank. In year 59 an edict fixed salary progression: two years for appointees from editor, proofreader, or vice director rank, with one additional year for each step down to section chief. In Qianlong 16 the rule was set that supervising secretaries and censors would rotate once every three years; in year 55 that rule was abolished. For capital officials sent to provincial posts, aside from capital inspection there was selective recommendation—all had to wait until salary tenure was complete before being nominated. For distribution and selective appointment, the choice of difficult or easy posts was left to the senior official. Prefectural officials, prefectural magistrates, county magistrates, assistants, and deputies could all transfer to provincial service according to their seniority rank. For promotion of provincial officials to the capital, the initial quota was three circuit and prefect officials per year, limited to Han examination graduates with outstanding merit ratings and excellent salary recommendations.
31
仿 西
Direct selection of magistrates followed the Ming model: at first, recommended officials, promoted officials, and serving magistrates alike could be examined for appointment as supervising secretaries or censors. During the Kangxi reign repeated edicts ordered the ministries to select able magistrates for appointment as supervising secretaries and censors in the capital. Guo Xiù of Wujiang, Shao Siyao of Qingyuan, Peng Peng of Sanhe, Lu Longqi of Lingshou, and Zhao Cangbi of Macheng were all recommended by senior ministers, directly selected, and appointed censors—a cohort widely regarded as the finest. In year 43 Sichuan Governor Neng Tai petitioned to abolish the precedent of recommendation by governors and governor-generals, and the Emperor agreed. An edict provided that thereafter each province might directly select three or four magistrates who had no grain-tax or banditry cases on their records. The next year Censor Huang Bingzhong argued that selecting magistrates for supervising secretary and censor posts seemed far too precipitate. The court deliberated and halted the practice. Direct selection was soon fixed at once every three years: five each from Zhili, Jiangnan, Huguang, and Shaanxi, and one to three from the other provinces, with appointees filling section chief posts. In the Yongzheng era Minister of Justice Xu Ben petitioned to restore the old direct selection of censors, but was blocked by the ministries' deliberation. Directly selected officials appointed as section chiefs were easy to place at first, but once purchase appointments were interleaved, the queue became badly clogged. In Qianlong 1 they were ordered, on the model of military recommendation registration, to remain in their current posts. Those who had already traveled to the capital were allowed to take sub-prefect posts in the provinces instead. By then the provinces treated direct selection as a mere formality, routinely nominating undistinguished prefectural and county officials who had avoided censure; in year 16 it was abolished. In the late Guangxu period all substantive officials and acting appointees from county magistrate rank upward were required to take the censor examination. This was no longer the original purpose of direct selection, and the measure too was abandoned soon after its introduction.
32
滿 沿 調
Official appointments followed fixed ranks, lot-drawing, and precedent; dynasties from time to time relied on recommendation to fill gaps the regular selection system could not reach. Early in the Shunzhi reign a law was set making recommenders jointly liable for their nominees. In year 12, thirty strategically critical prefectures—including Baoding and Hejian in Zhili, Jiangning and several Yangzi delta prefectures, and Hangzhou, Jiaxing, Huzhou, and Shaoxing in Zhejiang—were designated; capital and provincial chiefs and governors were each to nominate one candidate for reserve appointment and extraordinary promotion. Before long several appointees had been dismissed for corruption and incompetence. Supervising Secretary Ren Kepu memorialized: "His Majesty weighted the thirty most demanding prefectures among the empire's magistracies and allowed officials of second rank and above to nominate candidates for appointment outside the usual rules. Within a short time several nominees had been impeached and removed for corruption and incompetence. The ministers failed to honor His Majesty's intent and select with impartial care. I beg that the matter be referred to the Board of Civil Appointments. The request was granted. In Kangxi 7 an edict allowed talented Manchu and Han officials in the ministries and boards to be appointed regardless of seniority. The next year the Board petitioned to abolish recommendation and revert to promotion by seniority, so as to curb lobbying and bribery. Approval was granted. In year 40 Governor-Generals Guo Xiù and Zhang Penghe and Governors Peng Peng and Li Guangdi were ordered to recommend circuit, prefectural, and county officials known for benevolent and upright governance. After the Yongzheng Emperor took the throne, he repeatedly ordered capital and provincial leaders to recommend local officials; those who recommended unworthy men were sharply rebuked. Minister of Revenue Shi Yizhi argued: "Promotions should follow formal qualifications. Qualifications may not produce geniuses, but they can yield capable middle-grade officials. Those who leap over seniority do not regard it as a fair reward, but secretly exult in having found a cunning shortcut; while those left behind blame not their own mediocrity but only the lack of a path upward. Let appointments again follow the old rule, rank by rank, in due order. Men of truly outstanding ability and governance may still be recommended for extraordinary promotion. The memorial was accepted. Under Qianlong, recommendation was rigorously applied, and many circuit and prefect officials were chosen through it. Early in the Daoguang reign, Director Zheng Yu and Prefects Alin and Tang Zhongmian were all promoted by ministerial recommendation to provincial and frontier commands. Dynasties had long charged their officials with recommending worthy men, and occasionally appointed men outside the usual rules. At first capital offices selected circuit and prefect officials, and when frontier governors found them inadequate they often petitioned to have them recalled to the capital—a request usually granted. Early in Qianlong some court officials argued that incompetent men should not be restored to ministry posts; an edict sharply forbade the practice. After that provincial officials found wanting could only retire or take demotions—recall to the capital was no longer an option.
33
西西西 滿 沿 沿 滿
Promotions were governed by salary tenure, but provincial officials were graded by years of service—a rule unlike that for capital posts. In the provinces there were two tracks: frontier salary and interior salary. On the interior track, deputies and chiefs in circuit, prefectural, and county offices were promoted after five unblemished years. Frontier salary worked differently. Malarial posts included counties such as Yazhou, Gan'en, Changhua, and Lingshui in Guangdong, and prefectures, departments, and counties such as Baise, Taiping, Ningming, Mingjiang, Zhen'an, Sicheng, Lingyun, Xilong, and Xilin in Guangxi, along with Zhongzhou, Hechi, and dozens of other minor posts. Miao frontier posts included intendant deputies and sub-prefects in Yuanjiang, Heqing, Guangnan, Pu'er, Zhaotong, and Zhenbian in Yunnan; prefectures and counties such as Zhenxiong, Enle, En'an, Yongshan, Ning'er, and Baoning; the Guzhou military circuit in Guizhou; sub-prefects in Liping, Zhenyuan, Duyun, and Tongren; intendant deputies in Qingjiang, Dujiang, and Danjiang; the prefect of Yongfeng; the magistrate of Libo; and sub-prefects in Mabian and Yuexi in Sichuan. After three years all who had served competently with no infractions were routinely promoted. Coastal posts included ten counties such as Taicang and Shanghai in Jiangsu, seventeen counties such as Renhe and Haining in Zhejiang, seven prefectures and counties such as Zhucheng and Jiaozhou in Shandong, thirteen counties such as Dongguan and Xiangshan in Guangdong, and nine counties such as Minhou in Fujian. Riverine posts included twelve prefectures and counties such as Liangxiang and Tongzhou in Zhili, eleven such as Xiangfu and Zhengzhou in Henan, thirteen such as Dezhou and Dongping in Shandong, and thirteen such as Shanyang and Pizhou in Jiangnan. Promotion by salary tenure followed the frontier track. In the harshest frontier districts promotion could come before three years were complete. Where conditions were less severe or the Miao frontier less critical, promotion might follow the interior track instead. Under Qianlong long-tenure rules were set for frontier, minority, and coastal posts, with promotions after six or eight years when posts required the right man for the place rather than routine seniority.
34
使 滿 使
The appointment rolls gave first place to examination graduates on the regular path. Under the original rule only five jinshi were appointed county magistrates every other month, and some waited more than ten years. In Yongzheng 2 Vice Minister Shen Jinssi asked that four be appointed in the alternate months as well. Wait times then fell to two or three years. Juren and tribute graduates were grouped with jinshi as regular-path scholars, but in standing they were far inferior. In the Shunzhi era a tribute graduate who passed the intendant-deputy examination might never receive any further appointment. Under Qianlong some juren waited thirty years for a county magistrate appointment. Court officials often complained of the clogged juren queue, yet each examination produced more than twelve hundred graduates—over five thousand in a decade—while fewer than one in ten received appointments. To relieve the backlog, the Great Selection system was established. The Great Selection was held every six years for juren who had passed at least three examinations. Imperial princes and senior ministers supervised the process, selecting five out of every ten candidates. Two first-rank candidates were appointed county magistrates and three second-rank candidates were appointed directors of studies or instructors. Those appointed county magistrates could serve acting terms as prefectural staff, sub-prefects of direct-affiliated prefectures, prefectural judges, county assistants, or salt depot commissioners. Those appointed directors of studies or instructors could serve acting terms as assistant directors of studies. Compared with earlier conditions, this was a real improvement. At first alternate-route officials did not compete with regular-path appointees. Early in Kangxi, officials from student, purchased-student, or clerk backgrounds required recommendation by a chief official or governor before promotion to capital or seal-holding posts. Without such recommendation, vice directors and section chiefs were assigned instead as transport intendant deputies or prefectural sub-prefects. Han Banner purchase appointees could take office only after passing the court examination. In year 18 purchased appointees were again required to serve three years competently before promotion could be requested; otherwise they were impeached, as a check on the practice. From year 26, to support transport in the Xuan-Da region, tribute students who purchased capital seal-holding posts were exempted from the recommendation requirement. Soon purchase appointees at circuit rank and below were also, after three years, allowed to advance by routine promotion without a special memorial. Regular and alternate routes were then treated alike. After the Qianlong and Jiaqing reigns purchase quotas widened greatly, and by the Xianfeng and Tongzhi eras the system had become badly overcrowded. Besides purchase there was also the merit-service route: purchasers enjoyed fill-on-arrival privileges, merit appointees could be retained and appointed as soon as a vacancy appeared, and regular-path candidates were left at a clear disadvantage. Examination graduates reaching the Board often waited more than ten years for appointment, with county magistrate posts the worst bottleneck. In Guangxu 2 Censor Zhang Guanzhun submitted a set of measures to relieve the Board backlog: first, do not reduce quotas for purchased Board appointees; second, permit selective appointment as soon as section chiefs complete salary tenure; third, give Hanlin section chiefs priority by number in filling vacancies; fourth, allow jinshi section chiefs to return from county magistrate posts to their original rank for appointment. Approval was granted. Shuntian Prefect Jiang Qiling also reported that immediate county magistrate appointees in the provinces had little hope not only of permanent posts but even of acting assignments—some regretted having passed the examinations at all. Many court officials, citing the clogged jinshi magistrate queue, petitioned to change the rules, and the Emperor repeatedly referred the proposals to the responsible offices for review. In year 16 Censor Liu Lunxiang argued: "Lately ministers have flooded the Board with proposals on appointment rules, and the Board can barely keep up. The state creates offices to place capable men in service, not to satisfy every aspirant's ambition. Official posts are finite, but the supply of degree holders is endless. How can there be enough desirable posts for every man hungry for rank and emolument? Such proposals only add confusion and solve nothing. The Emperor responded with an edict sharply forbidding further petitions of this kind. By then alternate-route appointees were flooding in, and frontier governors often petitioned to halt their distribution. The Board, citing the corruption of the official career, petitioned to rely more heavily on examination graduates. But the trend had already hardened, and could not be reversed.
35
滿 使 滿 滿 滿 滿 調
Manchus entered office by examination, hereditary privilege, purchase, or merit review—on the same terms as Han Chinese. The one distinctive category was the bitishi clerk. Quota posts for bitishi were established in every capital ministry and board, in Mukden's five boards, and in the offices of provincial generals, commanders-in-chief, and their deputies. The posts were classified as translation, fair-copying, or transcription. They ranked from seventh to ninth grade. They entered by hereditary privilege, purchase, merit review, or competitive examination. Civil and military translation juren and graduates, translation students, banner and charity-school students, idle cavalry bannermen, bodyguard clerks, and depot attendants were all eligible to sit the examination. Successful candidates were appointed at seventh grade if juren or tribute graduates, eighth if students or graduates, and ninth if banner or charity-school students, idle cavalry bannermen, or the like. The Six Ministries had 140 section chief posts, 85 reserved for Manchu and Mongol appointees, making appointment relatively easy. Bitishi promoted to section chief could reach high office within a few years. Among examination appointees only a handful served as compilers or revisers, and some were promoted the moment they took office. When Hanlin pavilion posts could not be filled by compilers and revisers, examination-route officials from the ministries and boards were appointed instead—the so-called outer-cohort Hanlin. Provincial posts in the Three Eastern Provinces and Xinjiang cities, and senior civil and military garrison officials in the provinces, were all held by Manchus. Circuit, prefectural, and county posts on the Gansu and Xinjiang frontiers, and provincial administrative sub-prefect and intendant deputy posts, all had Manchu-only vacancies. Han vacancies could also be filled when Manchu posts were not available. Officials who completed filial mourning and returned to the banner could be given capital posts. Civil appointees in the capital or provinces who could not immediately obtain posts, or who had been demoted or returned on consultation, were allowed to transfer to military service—a rare exception.
36
滿
Recommendation was the state's way of rewarding service, to encourage diligence and honor those who had earned it. Dynasties rewarded those who compiled veritable records, edited books by imperial order, or distinguished themselves in military service, river works, tax collection, or bandit suppression. When the Shizu veritable record was completed in Kangxi 11 and the Pacification of the Northern Deserts strategy in year 49, officials below vice director received only rank increments. When the calendrical treatise was completed in year 61, a three-tier merit system was adopted, with varying rewards of promotion, rank increase, or immediate appointment. When the Kangxi and Yongzheng veritable records were completed, the chief directors requested and received exemption from merit review. In the Jiaqing era compilers petitioned for rewards one or two grades above the norm, but the Emperor refused. It was soon fixed that officials not specially appointed by edict could not receive merit review or promotion—a rule successive dynasties followed. At first military and river-work rewards meant at most a rank increment, or promotion before salary tenure was complete—official titles were not something to be grasped at. By the dynasty's decline recommendation had become a shortcut, and capital and provincial reward cases were routinely inflated and ignored established rules. In Guangxu 1 Censor Wang Rongyao petitioned for a ban on promotions by recommendation that skipped ranks. The Emperor agreed. In year 3, when the Muzong veritable record passed the halfway mark, all participating officials were recommended for promotion with additional titles in exceptionally generous terms. In year 10 the ministries restricted recommendation: fifth- and sixth-grade capital chiefs, Hanlin and academicians' pavilion posts, and vacancy memorials could no longer be filled by unauthorized recommendation. Before long, awaiting-appointment bureau directors were still being recommended for capital chief posts, compilers and revisers for fourth- and fifth-grade pavilion vacancies, and due-promotion vacancies were still listed ahead of others. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi military campaigns, recommendation cases multiplied in succession. The Board set up a special audit office in the Appointment Selection Bureau; the workload was as heavy as an entire bureau. In Tongzhi 12 Fujian Governor Wang Kaitai memorialized: "Since the military campaigns began, recommendation cases have piled up layer upon layer; after purchase quotas opened, the varieties have multiplied endlessly. Military recommendation cases used every loophole in a scramble to get ahead; other recommendations copied military labels and poured in without end. The abuse of official titles has now reached its limit. Thousands upon thousands merely create clutter. I beg that the ministries inspect capital and provincial personnel in every roster, retain two or three tenths as appropriate, and send the rest home to await consultation. The memorial was referred to the responsible offices for review. After military merit, the most notorious source of excess was river-works recommendation. In Guangxu 20 Censor Zhang Zhongxin memorialized: "Shandong river-works recommendation cases in recent years often reach five or six hundred persons. The Board fixed six rewards—extraordinary and ordinary combined—for each breach site. The province simply scaled the number of nominees to the number of breach sites reported. Those seeking recommendation treated Shandong as a shortcut: buy a county assistant or minor post, and within months receive a seal-holding appointment. I beg that the responsible offices be ordered to fix strict regulations. The Emperor granted the request.
37
調 調
In year 32 Censor Liu Ruji again memorialized: "Nothing corrupts governance like the recommendation route. Those who deceive superiors and pursue private gain do so first through river works. The state spent hundreds of thousands each year on river defense, yet frontier governors used it merely to shuffle their subordinates. If nothing went wrong, assistants and deputies were recommended for prefectural and county posts, and sub-prefects and intendants for prefectural and circuit posts. Second, military merit. Factory riots and hungry mobs were inflated into grand campaigns of punitive expedition. Men who had never heard war drums or set foot on a battlefield falsely claimed to have killed enemies in battle and fought a hundred campaigns—such cases were everywhere. Third, soliciting donations. One Shuntian relief-donation case produced more than 1,300 recommendations; Shandong work-relief more than 500; other provinces annually no fewer than a thousand. I beg that favoritism and excessive recommendation be strictly forbidden, to block shortcuts to office. The memorial was referred to the responsible offices to draft restrictions. At that time four or five hundred candidates presented themselves to the Board each month and three or four hundred were distributed; more than ten staff in the Selection Bureau's dispatch office still could barely keep up. In the dynasty's final years purchase was resolutely abolished and Board selection halted, as a plan to unblock the official career and appoint county and prefectural officials with care. Yet though purchase quotas were halted, old purchase privileges and transferred rewards kept appearing without end. After the examinations were abolished, school graduates were immediately rewarded with substantive posts. Office examinations for juren, tribute graduates, and students far exceeded the usual quota. Meritorious ministers' descendants were all given official ranks, and newly appointed personnel held empty titles memorialized for transfer. The tangle grew worse and harder to catalog. In Xuantong 3 the Board was abolished and an Appointment Review Bureau established; though politics might have been refreshed, the appointment system of the age could no longer be cleared up.
38
西西 滿
Military posts came under the Board of War; the Military Selection Bureau handled appointments in the Eight Banners and in camps and guards. Within the capital were cavalry, vanguard, guard, infantry, firearms, elite sharp, and tiger-gun corps; beyond were imperial tombs, hunting grounds, Rehe, Uliastai, Kobdo, Altai, Uriankhai, Xining, Tibet, Tarbagatai nomadic areas, Chahar, Suiyuan, and provincial garrisons—all banner posts under the Eight Banners. Gate battalion commanders held gate posts under the Han Banners. River corps, land forces, and naval units were camp posts divided between Manchu and Han appointees. Grain transport posts were guard vacancies that Han Banner and Han Chinese could both fill. Banner posts from deputy commander-in-chief upward were filled by listed selection; lower posts by direct choice. Fifth grade and above were filled by imperial memorial; sixth grade and below by consultation. Green Standard regional commanders and above were first appointed by joint recommendation; later that rule was abolished and they were listed and memorialized instead. Brigade generals presenting themselves for audience were sometimes also listed for selection. Important vacancies were filled by memorial, minor ones by recommendation, and platoon commanders by direct selection. Such was the general outline.
39
滿 滿 滿 滿
Manchu and Han entered office through hereditary posts, yin privilege, or the military examination. For Eight Banner hereditary ranks, dukes through barons were appointed deputy commanders-in-chief; chief commandants of chariots and commandants of cavalry became company commanders; commandants of cloud cavalry became defense commandants; commandants of grace cavalry became cavalry captains. Han barons, viscounts, and baronets were appointed brigade generals; chief commandants of chariots regimental commanders; commandants of cavalry battalion commanders or battalion directors; commandants of cloud cavalry garrison commanders. Ministers through vice censor-in-chief, and governors, generals, and second-rank brigade generals with yin privilege who transferred to military service, were appointed battalion directors, garrison commanders, defense-office battalion commanders, or guard battalion commanders. The top military jinshi received first-class bodyguard; second and third places second-class bodyguard; ten from the second and third ranks third-class bodyguard; sixteen blue-feather bodyguard; the rest were appointed camp or guard garrison commanders. Han Banner and Han military juren of first and second rank were appointed gate or camp battalion commanders; third rank guard battalion commanders. Those promoted by seniority and service—camp detachment officers, courier relay, grain-transport escort, camp duty officers, regular troops and external deputies, battalion and platoon commanders, and provisional officials without substantive duty—who had earned grand coordinator through brigade general titles by merit were appointed battalion commanders. Those given regimental commander or battalion commander titles were appointed battalion directors. Those given battalion director or garrison commander titles were appointed garrison commanders. Those given battalion commander titles were selected for platoon commander posts. Military jinshi and juren who completed three years as courier relay officers were tested by the Board in archery and horsemanship; the best were appointed camp or guard garrison commanders, the rest military juren as defense-office battalion commanders. Military juren who completed three years on camp duty were selected for camp battalion commander posts. After three grain-transport escort rounds, appointees received guard battalion commander posts. For Board-recommended vacancies, in the second month regimental commander and battalion commander posts were filled by one Han first- or second-class bodyguard. In the fourth, sixth, and eighth months battalion commander and battalion director posts were filled by three Han third-class bodyguards. In the first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth months battalion director posts were filled by five blue-feather bodyguards. In the first and seventh months camp guard posts were filled by promoting gate and guard battalion commanders. Otherwise there were seven rotation cohorts for odd-month vacancies and twelve for even-month vacancies; eleven cohorts for guard garrison commanders in odd months and six in even months; defense-office and guard battalion commander posts were filled regardless of month; only gate battalion commanders were appointed exclusively in even months.
40
滿 滿宿 滿 西沿滿 滿 滿滿 滿 滿 滿滿 滿 滿滿 滿 西西滿 滿滿 滿西滿 滿
Manchus who entered office through noble lineage usually began as bodyguards or bahtangga attendants. By precedent, sons of Manchu ministers in the capital and provinces were selected every five years as bodyguards or bahtangga; idle sons of meritorious old clans, once chosen for palace guard duty, were often promoted to high office within a few years. Green Standard military posts were especially heavily occupied. Formerly, from Shanhaiguan to Shahekou and Baodezhou, brigade general through garrison commander posts were filled three tenths by Green Standard troops and seven tenths by Manchus. At Malang and Taining garrisons and along the Zhili and Shanxi frontiers, brigade general through garrison commander posts were split evenly between Manchu and Han appointees. In Yongzheng 6 Deputy Commander-in-Chief Manzhuxili of the imperial clan argued that regimental commanders and below and battalion commanders and above in the capital garrison should not be held exclusively by Han Chinese. An edict replied: "Manchus are already few in number, and enough fill important posts in the capital and provinces. If regimental commanders and below in the capital garrison were all Manchu, there would not be enough men—vacancies would go unfilled. During the Qianlong reign, when military posts in the provinces were filled by selection and dispatch from the capital, Manchus were usually chosen. The Emperor said, "Green Standard commanders were to be drawn from both Manchus and Han, and the number of vacancies for each had to be properly balanced—that was the established order. If every vacancy were filled by dispatched Manchu appointees, the Green Standard would in time become entirely Manchu posts, which would defeat the purpose of widening selection and encouraging talent. He ordered the relevant offices to devise rules for alternating Manchu and Han appointments. The Ministry of War proposed that Han bodyguards who had completed two years of service, together with Manchu and Mongol personnel of the Eight Banners patrol battalions, be recommended by their supervising ministers for registration. When selections were made for provincial dispatch, these men were presented for audience alongside candidates awaiting appointment or promotion at the ministry, with Manchu and Han candidates assigned separately. The proposal was approved and put into effect. In Qianlong 38 the Ministry of War memorialized again: "In Zhili, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu, and Sichuan there were 647 Manchu vacancies from brigade general down to garrison commander; across all provinces there were 1,179 such posts, which had traditionally been filled from the Green Standard ranks. Manchu and Mongol officers in the Green Standard now exceeded the original quota by twofold, largely because provinces had repeatedly requested Manchu appointees when filling vacancies. Henceforth, except in provinces that had always used Manchu appointees, vacancies in the interior provinces of Henan, Shandong, Jiangnan, Jiangxi, and Huguang, and in the coastal and miasma-ridden provinces of Fujian, Zhejiang, and the two Guang, should be filled from Green Standard candidates awaiting appointment, men recommended for outstanding merit, and first-, second-, and third-rank bodyguards and blue-laced bodyguards who had completed their term of service. The request was approved. From that point the balance between Manchu and Han vacancies in the Green Standard began to be restored, and appointments were no longer made without restraint as before.
41
仿 調 滿
For military office, promotion from the ranks was the proper route; holders of examination degrees came second. By established practice, ministry-recommended officers found on review to be aged, ill, or unfit were compelled to retire. Only men with battle honors who bore wounds were still promoted and employed even when old. Brigade and regimental commanders were customarily filled by nominating regimental and battalion commanders of long service. Men recommended for military merit could receive appointment even when their seniority was still slight. The examination route to office had been congested since the early Kangxi reign. Censor Zhu Fei memorialized asking that vacancies be divided between examination degree-holders and men from the ranks: outer delegates, service appointees, and the like were to be compared with military jinshi and juren by number, and following the precedent of a two-to-eight split, degree-holders were to be chosen first. Outer delegate officers had to show real battle achievements and records of capturing bandits; they could not be appointed merely on the strength of a forwarded recommendation. The matter was referred to the relevant offices for deliberation and implementation. Early in the Yongzheng reign some court ministers proposed merging guard posts and battalion stations into ordinary prefectures and counties. The ministry replied: "Degree-holders were appointed chiefly as garrison commanders and battalion commanders in guard posts and stations; if those posts were abolished entirely, appointments would become hopelessly congested, and the proposal could not be adopted. The Emperor refused. Instead it was ordered that newly listed jinshi be appointed in greater numbers as garrison commanders to relieve the congestion. In Qianlong 15 Supervising Secretary Yang Eryou said: "There were only thirty-nine provincial and guard garrison commander posts filled by ministry selection, yet several hundred military jinshi were already waiting for guard appointments, along with several dozen relay-station duty officers and service appointees who had completed their terms and returned to the roster. With the new rule allowing men to leap ranks and block regular appointments, candidates far outnumbered vacancies, and appointment seemed indefinitely delayed. He asked that, following the precedent of Qianlong 1, third-class military jinshi be re-examined, with first- and second-class men assigned to garrison posts and third-class men still assigned to guard posts. The proposal was approved. Under earlier practice, military jinshi selected for garrison duty usually found posts fairly quickly, whereas those assigned to guard posts often waited indefinitely without receiving office. By the Daoguang reign military jinshi assigned to guard posts were allowed to purchase transfer to garrison duty, and abolished posts of guard garrison commander, guard battalion commander, and defense-station battalion commander were all permitted to revert to the Green Standard. Officers from garrison commander upward were also allowed to purchase appointment and provincial dispatch. Ministry recommendations and provincial appointments alike fell into the same stagnation; the problem was no longer confined to degree-holders alone.
42
使 沿 滿
For all posts not filled by ministry recommendation, men registered through prior nomination were appointed first. By regulation, frontier posts, inland and coastal naval commands, and critical overland commands were eligible for prior nomination. In Kangxi 9 the Ministry of War memorialized: "When governors-general, provincial commanders-in-chief, and regional commanders filled banner and garrison vacancies, they routinely nominated banner officers by name whenever rank and post matched, without regard to whether the locality was critical, leaving many senior officers who were due for promotion stuck in the queue. It asked that nomination be permitted only where a vacancy from brigade general down to garrison commander truly lay on the coast, the frontier, or in a strategic border region and the officer was a proper match for the place; in all other cases nominations were not to be made routinely. The request was approved. In Yongzheng 5 an edict ordered that for ministry-recommendation vacancies, governors-general, governors, provincial commanders-in-chief, and regional commanders were to recommend candidates for reserve appointment. Early in the Qianlong reign the practice of prior nomination for nearby inland provinces was abolished. In Qianlong 10 Jiangsu Governor-General Yin Jishan said: "Prior nomination for military posts—registering candidates with the ministry and drawing lots when a vacancy opened—was indeed a sound way to fill important commands with care. Yet some men were vigorous when first nominated, only to grow old after several years, lose their skill in riding and archery, and let their units fall into neglect. He asked that candidates who had been nominated for three years without receiving a post be re-examined by the provincial commander-in-chief: if still fit for promotion, an evaluation was to be sent to the ministry; otherwise the nomination was to be cancelled. The proposal was approved.
43
At that time recommendations were divided into three grades and limited to five years; brigade generals deemed fit for regional command and regimental commanders deemed fit for brigade command were chosen with particular care. Once recommended, a man was promptly promoted. During the Xianfeng and Tongzhi wars the old rules for nomination and recommendation fell into disuse for more than a decade, and military merit became virtually the only means of encouraging talent. Cases of reward and commendation poured forth in an endless stream. The number of common soldiers recommended for merit all the way to registered candidacy for provincial or regional command was beyond counting. In Tongzhi 5 an edict ordered that registered candidates for provincial or regional command who had no banner or garrison post to return to be sent on assignment to provincial garrisons. In the provinces dozens of men were waiting for provincial or regional command and hundreds for brigade command and below; many had no hope of ever receiving their proper rank, and so rules for temporary lower-rank appointment were established. Provincial and regional commanders were allowed to fill brigade, regimental, and battalion commander posts temporarily; brigade, regimental, and battalion commanders could fill battalion director and garrison commander posts; battalion directors and garrison commanders could fill battalion commander and platoon leader posts. Even after ministry recommendations were suspended at the center and priority appointments were suspended in the provinces, the backlog still could not be cleared.
44
In the closing years of the Guangxu reign edicts cut the Green Standard, trained the New Army, abolished the military examination, and established military academies. For a time New Army officers and graduates of the academies enjoyed markedly preferential treatment in appointment. The longstanding principle of honoring promotion from the ranks in military service was gone without a trace. Although Green Standard military posts were not wholly abolished, there remained scarcely any coherent system of appointment.
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