Volume 122 Treatises 97: Food and Money 3, Grain Transport

志九十七

Treatise 97

=食貨三=

=Food and Money 3=

清初，漕政仍明制，用屯丁長運。長運者，令瓜、淮兌運軍船往各州縣水次領兌民，加過江腳耗，視遠近為差；而淮、徐、臨、德四倉仍系民運交倉者，並兌運軍船，所謂改兌者也。逮至中葉，會通河塞，而膠萊故道又難猝復，借黃轉般諸法行之又不能無弊，於是宣宗采英和、陶澍、賀長齡諸臣議復海運，遴員集粟，由上海雇商轉船漕京師，民咸稱便。河運自此遂廢。夫河運剝淺有費，過閘過淮有費，催趲通倉又有費。上既出百餘萬漕項，下復出百餘萬幫費，民生日蹙，國計益貧。海運則不由內地，不歸眾飽，無造船之煩，無募丁之擾，利國便民，計無逾此。洎乎海禁大開，輪舶通行，東南之粟源源而至，不待官運，於是漕運悉廢，而改徵折漕，遂為不易之經。今敘次漕運，首漕糧，次白糧，次督運，次漕船，次錢糧，次考成，次賞恤，而以海運終焉。

At the beginning of the Qing, canal transport policy continued the Ming arrangement, relying on garrison troops for long-haul convoy duty. Under long-distance transport, military grain boats from Guazhou and Huai'an were sent to county landings to take over civilian grain, with cross-river portage and spoilage allowances scaled to distance; Grain destined for the Huai'an, Xuzhou, Linqing, and Dezhou granaries that civilians still hauled to the warehouses was likewise shifted onto military boats—the so-called redirected exchange. By mid-Qing the Huitong Canal had silted shut, and the ancient Jiao–Lai waterway could not be reopened overnight; stopgap schemes such as routing grain via the Yellow River proved no less corrupt. The Daoguang Emperor therefore took up memorials from Yinghe, Tao Zhu, He Changling, and others to revive sea transport, appointed officers to assemble grain, and chartered merchant ships at Shanghai to carry tribute rice to Beijing—an arrangement the populace widely welcomed. Canal transport was abandoned from that point on. Canal shipment meant paying to lighter cargo in shallows, paying again at locks and at the Huai crossing, and paying yet again to rush grain to the Tongzhou warehouses. The throne already spent over a million taels on canal tribute, while local levels extracted another million-plus in surcharges; commoners were squeezed ever tighter and the treasury grew poorer. Sea carriage avoided inland waterways, spared the endless feeding of convoy hands, eliminated the burden of building fleets and drafting crews, and served both treasury and populace—no policy could have been more advantageous. Once maritime restrictions eased and steamers plied the coast, southeastern grain poured in without need for state convoys; canal transport was fully discontinued, and converting tribute quotas to silver payments became permanent policy. This chapter treats grain transport in order: tribute grain, white-rice tribute, supervisory transport, transport vessels, transport finances, performance review, rewards and relief, and finally sea transport.

漕運初悉仍明舊，有正兌、改兌、改徵、折徵。此四者，漕運本折之大綱也。順治二年，戶部奏定每歲額徵漕糧四百萬石。其運京倉者為正兌米，原額三百三十萬石：江南百五十萬，浙江六十萬，江西四十萬，湖廣二十五萬，山東二十萬，河南二十七萬。其運通漕者為改兌米，原額七十萬石：江南二十九萬四千四百，浙江三萬，江西十七萬，山東九萬五千六百，河南十一萬。其後頗有折改。至乾隆十八年，實徵正兌米二百七十五萬餘石，改兌米五十萬石有奇，其隨時截留蠲緩者不在其例。山東、河南漕糧外有小麥、黑豆，兩省通徵正兌。改耗麥六萬九千五百六十一石八斗四升有奇，豆二十萬八千一百九十九石三斗一升有奇，皆運京倉。黑豆系粟米改徵，無定額。凡改徵出特旨，無常例。

Early Qing transport policy copied the Ming entirely, distinguishing regular exchange, redirected exchange, redirected levy, and commutation. These four categories defined the basic framework for converting transport obligations between grain and cash. In 1645 the Board of Revenue set the annual tribute-grain quota at four million piculs. Grain bound for Beijing warehouses counted as regular-exchange rice, originally 3.3 million piculs: Jiangnan 1.5 million, Zhejiang 600,000, Jiangxi 400,000, Huguang 250,000, Shandong 200,000, and Henan 270,000. Grain routed to Tongzhou counted as redirected-exchange rice, originally 700,000 piculs: Jiangnan 294,400, Zhejiang 30,000, Jiangxi 170,000, Shandong 95,600, and Henan 110,000. Subsequent reigns saw frequent quota adjustments and commutations. By 1753 actual collections stood at roughly 2.75 million piculs of regular-exchange grain and just over 500,000 piculs of redirected-exchange grain, excluding amounts temporarily held back or remitted. Beyond their main tribute quotas, Shandong and Henan also assessed wheat and black beans, both provinces folding these into regular-exchange collections. Converted wastage wheat totaled 69,561 piculs plus 8 dou 4 sheng odd; black beans 208,199 piculs plus 3 dou 1 sheng odd—all consigned to Beijing warehouses. Black-bean levies were converted from millet quotas and carried no fixed ceiling. Redirected collections always came by imperial order and never followed a fixed rule.

折徵之目有四：曰永折，曰灰石米折，曰減徵，曰民折官辦。永折漕糧，山東、河南各七萬石，石折銀六錢、八錢不等；江蘇十萬六千四百九十二石有奇，石折銀六錢不等；安徽七萬五千九百六十一石有奇，石折銀五錢至七錢不等；湖北三萬二千五百二十石，湖南五千二百十有二石各有奇，石均折銀七錢。其價銀統歸地丁報部。灰石改折，江蘇二萬九千四百二十四石，浙江萬八千六百五十三石，遇閏加折四千十有五石，石折銀一兩六錢，以供工部備置灰石之用，自順治十七年始也。

Commutation took four forms: permanent silver payment, lime-and-stone grain conversion, reduced levy, and official purchase on behalf of taxpayers. Permanent commutation fixed 70,000 piculs each for Shandong and Henan, payable at six to eight mace of silver per picul; Jiangsu 106,492 piculs odd, at six mace per picul; Anhui 75,961 piculs odd, from five to seven mace per picul; Hubei 32,520 piculs and Hunan 5,212 piculs odd, each commuted uniformly at seven mace per picul. Commutation silver was reported to the Board as part of land-tax receipts. Lime-and-stone grain conversion assessed Jiangsu 29,424 piculs and Zhejiang 18,653 piculs, plus 4,015 piculs in leap years, at 1.6 taels per picul to fund Ministry of Works supplies—a practice dating from 1660.

次年，飭江南、浙江、江西三省大吏，凡改折止許照價徵收，如藉兌漕為名，濫行科索者，即行參勘。又以蘇、松、常、鎮四府差( 每系) 賦重，漕米每石折銀一兩，其隨漕輕齎席木贈截等銀，仍徵之耗米，及給軍行月贈耗等米，亦按時價折徵。康熙八年，定河南漕糧石折銀八錢。九年，浙江嘉、湖二府被災，每石折徵一兩。五十八年，覆准河南附近水次之州縣，額徵漕糧每石八錢內，節省銀一錢五分，仍令民間上納，餘六錢五分，令徵本色起運。至距水次較遠及不近水次之州縣，額徵米石，仍依舊例徵銀八錢，以一錢五分解部，餘交糧道採辦米石。雍正元年，以嘉、湖二屬州縣災，諭令收徵漕米本折各半，其折價依康熙九年例。六年，議定河南去水次稍遠州縣，均徵本色，惟南陽、汝寧二府屬，河南府之盧氏、嵩、永寧三縣及光、汝二州並屬縣，又離水次最遠之靈寶、閿鄉，路遠運艱，共酌減米萬五千六十二石有奇，免其辦解，分撥內黃、濬、滑、儀封、考城等五縣協辦，於五縣地丁銀內扣除完漕，照部價每石八錢，以六錢五分辦運，節省之一錢五分，徵解糧道補項。其南、汝等府屬，每石折銀八錢解司，以抵濬、滑等五縣地丁銀數，所謂減徵是也。

The following year governors of Jiangnan, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi were instructed to collect commutation only at statutory rates and to impeach immediately any official who used transport quotas as a pretext for illegal surcharges. Because the four prefectures of Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, and Zhenjiang differ ( in each case) in heavy land-tax burden, tribute rice was commuted at one tael per picul; surcharges for light cargo, matting, timber, gifts, and deductions still came as wastage grain, while monthly rations, gifts, and transport wastage for the convoy troops were likewise commuted at market rates. In 1669 Henan tribute grain was fixed at eight mace of silver per picul. In 1670 flood-stricken Jiaxing and Huzhou in Zhejiang were allowed one tael commutation per picul. In 1719 the court approved that for Henan counties near river landings, of the eight-mace rate one mace five candareens still went to the treasury in silver while the remaining six mace five candareens was collected in grain for shipment. Counties far from landings still paid eight mace per picul in silver—one mace five candareens to the Board, the balance to the grain intendant for procurement. In 1723 disaster in Jiaxing and Huzhou subordinate counties prompted an edict requiring half the tribute in grain and half in silver at the 1670 rate. In 1728 counties moderately distant from Henan landings were ordered to pay grain in kind, but jurisdictions under Nanyang and Runing, Lushi, Song, and Yongning, Guang and Ru prefectures, and the remotest counties Lingbao and Minxiang—where haulage was hardest—received a combined reduction of over 15,000 piculs. Five nearer counties (Neihuang, Jun, Hua, Yifeng, and Kaocheng) covered the shortfall from land-tax receipts: at the statutory eight mace rate, six mace five candareens funded transport and the saved one mace five candareens went to the grain intendant. Nanyang and Runing jurisdictions instead paid eight mace per picul to the provincial treasury to offset the five counties' land-tax deductions—the so-called reduced levy.

乾隆二年，以大濬運河，江蘇淮安之山陽、鹽城、阜寧，揚州之江都、甘泉、高郵、寶應各

In 1737, to fund major canal dredging, Shanyang, Yancheng, and Funing in Huai'an prefecture and Jiangdu, Ganquan, Gaoyou, and Baoying in Yangzhou prefecture each

縣漕糧，每石徵折銀一兩。其後海州、贛榆兩邑亦然。山東、河南向所改徵黑豆，不敷支給，河南再改徵二萬石，山東四萬石。三年，湖廣總督德霈言湖南平江距水次五百餘里，請改折色，分撥衡陽、湘潭代買兌運，從之。七年，江西瀘溪以折價八錢不敷採買，定嗣後每年八月借司庫銀撥縣採買，照買價徵銀歸還。其後江蘇之嘉定、寶山、海州、贛榆，安徽之寧國、旌德、太平、英山，湖北之通山、當陽諸州縣，悉遵此例。十一年，定河南祥符等四十州縣額徵粟米內，每年改小麥萬石，與漕米黑豆並徵運通。

had its tribute grain commuted at one tael per picul. Haizhou and Ganyu were later added to the same rule. Converted black-bean quotas in Shandong and Henan no longer met demand, so Henan was directed to convert another 20,000 piculs and Shandong 40,000. In 1738 Governor-General De Pei noted that Pingjiang lay more than 500 li from river landings and asked to pay silver instead, with Hengyang and Xiangtan buying and shipping the grain; the court agreed. In 1742 Luxi, Jiangxi, found eight mace inadequate for procurement; thereafter each August the provincial treasury advanced funds for county purchase, with taxpayers reimbursing at actual market price. Jiading, Baoshan, Haizhou, and Ganyu in Jiangsu; Ningguo, Jingde, Taiping, and Yingshan in Anhui; and Tongshan and Dangyang in Hubei later adopted the same rule. In 1746 forty Henan counties including Xiangfu were required to convert 10,000 piculs of their millet quota annually to wheat, shipped with tribute rice and black beans to Tongzhou.

十六年，以京師官兵向養馬駝，需用黑豆，豫、東二省自雍正十年以來，於漕糧粟米內節次改徵，每年額解黑豆二十萬九千餘石，每省酌量再改徵黑豆一二萬石。尋定山東三萬石，河南二萬石，額徵粟米，照數除抵，其節省銀一錢五分為運腳之用者並徵之。十八年，倉場侍郎鶴年言：「現在京倉黑豆六十萬餘石，足供三年支放，請自明年始，豫、東二省應運黑豆，酌半改徵粟米，分貯京、通各倉，則豆無潮黰之虞，粟價亦平。」從之。

In 1751, to feed horses and camels for the capital garrison, Henan and Shandong had since 1732 been converting millet tribute to black beans, delivering over 209,000 piculs yearly, with each province directed to add another 10,000–20,000 piculs as needed. Shandong was soon set at 30,000 piculs and Henan at 20,000, with millet quotas reduced accordingly and the one mace five candareens transport savings still levied. In 1753 Granary Superintendent He Nian reported that Beijing warehouses held over 600,000 piculs of black beans—three years' supply—and asked that from the following year Henan and Shandong convert half their bean quota to millet for storage in Beijing and Tongzhou, preventing spoilage and stabilizing grain prices." The court approved.

二十六年，以江蘇之清河、桃源、宿遷、沭陽不產米粟，命嗣後先動司庫銀兩，按照時價採辦，令民輸銀還欸，是謂民折官辦。其後阜寧、旌德、泰興、寧國、太平、英山諸縣皆仿行之。

In 1761 four Jiangsu counties that grew no rice or millet were ordered to have the treasury buy grain at market rates in advance, with taxpayers repaying in silver—the so-called official procurement on commuted payments. Funing, Jingde, Taixing, Ningguo, Taiping, Yingshan, and other counties later followed suit.

二十一年諭曰：「漕糧歲輸天庾，例徵本色。勒收折色，向干嚴禁。現值年豐穀賤，若令小民以賤價糶穀，交納折色，是閭閻終歲勤劬，所得升斗，大半糶以輸官，以有限之蓋藏，供無窮之朘削，病民實甚。著通諭有漕省分大吏，飭所屬徵收糧米，概以本色交納，無許勒折滋弊。如有專利虐民者，據實嚴參。」然州縣往往仍藉改折浮收，雖有明令，莫能禁也。

In 1756 an edict declared: "Tribute grain feeds the imperial granaries each year and must normally be collected in kind. Forcing commutation to silver has always been strictly forbidden. In a bumper year when grain is cheap, forcing peasants to sell at low prices to pay silver tribute means most of a year's harvest goes to market for the state—draining meager stores to feed endless exactions, a grave injury to the people. Governors of all tribute provinces are to order their subordinates to accept grain in kind only and forbid forced commutation and its abuses. Officials who profit at the people's expense are to be impeached on verified evidence." Yet counties still used commutation as a cover for illegal surcharges, and clear edicts could not stop the practice.

正兌、改兌、改折之外，復有截漕及撥運。各省截留漕船，介於起運停運之間，行月二糧，應給應追，向無定例。自乾隆元年，議定江蘇、安徽、浙江截留漕船應支本折月糧三修銀，照數全給。至行糧盤耗贈銀負重等項，按站發給。若幫船截留本次，或旋兌旋卸，或數月後清，贈米亦按月計算。江西船大載重，每年三修銀不敷，則取辦於行月二糧。遇有截留，將原領折耗行月贈銀贈米斛面米均免扣追。嗣以運軍掛欠之項，諭將雍正十二年以前各省截留漕船應追等項悉免之。七年，以各省截留漕船已兌開行，例須扣追，酌定加給，視程途遠近、船糧多寡為衡。山東、河南每船給銀五十兩。江南、浙江六十兩，湖廣七十兩，江西九十兩，以充各軍在次修船置備器具，及雇募舵工水手安家養贍之用。其應給之銀，即於行月折色銀內扣給。十八年，諭曰：「前命截留南漕二十萬分貯天津水次各倉備用，但恐旗丁等於米色斛面任意攙和短少，而州縣胥役又往往藉端勒索，令方觀承飭天津道親往監看。嗣後截漕之省，俱派就近道員稽查，不得委州縣。著為令。」

Besides regular exchange, redirected exchange, and commutation, the system also included retention of tribute grain and allocated shipments. When provinces held back transport boats between sailing seasons, rules for monthly rations owed or recoverable had never been standardized. From 1736 retained boats in Jiangsu, Anhui, and Zhejiang were to receive full monthly rations and repair allowances in kind or silver. Travel grain, measuring wastage, gift silver, and load allowances were paid out station by station. When auxiliary boats were held for the current voyage—whether unloading immediately or settling months later—gift grain was prorated monthly. Jiangxi's larger, heavier boats often exhausted annual repair funds, drawing the balance from travel and monthly rations. Upon retention, previously issued wastage allowances, travel and monthly rations, gift silver and grain, and measuring grain were not clawed back. Later, given transport troops' accumulated debts, the court remitted all pre-1734 recoveries from retained boats nationwide. In 1742, because retained boats had already sailed after exchange, standard rules required clawbacks; supplemental allowances were set by distance and cargo volume. Shandong and Henan boats received fifty taels each. Jiangnan and Zhejiang received sixty taels, Huguang seventy, and Jiangxi ninety—for repairs, equipment, and hiring crews while boats waited. Allowances were deducted from commuted travel and monthly ration payments. In 1753 an edict noted that 200,000 piculs of southern tribute held at Tianjin risked adulteration and short-weighting by banner troops and extortion by local clerks, and ordered Fang Guancheng to supervise storage in person. Thereafter provinces retaining tribute grain had to assign nearby circuit officials to inspect, not county magistrates. This was made permanent regulation."

撥運者，截留山東、河南所運薊州糧，撥充陵糈及駐防兵米者也。康熙三十四年，議定年需粟米三萬六百餘石，將山東漕糧粟米照數截留，以原船自天津運至新河口，撥天津紅剝船百五十艘，運至薊州五里橋，船載百石，每百里給腳價一兩三錢二分，所需之銀，於過閘入倉腳價內撥給。四十五年，定密雲駐防兵米，在豫、東二省每年徵存薊糧項下撥運，令該縣於春夏之交，赴通領運收倉。平時由水運，有故則陸運。腳價由地糧銀內給發。次年，令豫、東各添撥米百石，備支銷折耗。又撥運保定、雄縣兩處駐防兵米，截至西沽就船受兌，以節耗費。嘉慶初，因東省輪免漕糧，先令豫省兌運，不敷之數，許動支節年倉存薊米，並動碾公穀。其後河南被災，亦准在薊倉存米存穀內碾動。其各州縣派撥之數，薊州五萬八千六百石、易州三萬八千六百石各有奇，密雲一萬一千五百餘石，保定、雄縣共三千一百餘石，良鄉暨大興之采育三百餘石，順義、昌平二百餘石，霸州、東安、固安、寶坻三百餘石，玉田及遷安之冷口各五百餘石，滄州二千七百餘石。又青州駐防兵米二千一百餘石，亦於薊糧內截留運供，德州駐防兵米不敷，亦得動支。此撥運之大略也。

Allocated transport diverted Shandong and Henan grain bound for Jizhou to supply imperial tombs and garrison rations. In 1695 the annual requirement of 30,600 piculs was set; Shandong millet was retained and lightered from Tianjin to Xinhekou, then 150 Tianjin barges carried it to Jizhou's Wuliqiao bridge at 100 piculs per boat and 1.32 taels per hundred li, funded from lock and warehouse portage accounts. In 1706 Miyun garrison rations were allocated from Henan and Shandong Jizhou grain stores, with the county collecting at Tongzhou each spring. Normally grain moved by water; in emergencies, by land. Portage came from land-tax revenues. The following year each province added 100 piculs to cover spoilage. Baoding and Xiong County garrisons received grain by exchange at Xigu to reduce transport losses. Early in the Jiaqing reign, with Shandong on rotating tribute exemption, Henan shipped first; shortfalls could be drawn from Jizhou reserves and public grain stocks. When Henan later suffered famine, Jizhou granary stocks could also be milled to cover shortages. County allocations included Jizhou 58,600 piculs, Yizhou 38,600 odd, Miyun 11,500-plus, Baoding and Xiong County 3,100-plus combined, Liangxiang and Daxing's Caiyu 300-plus, Shunyi and Changping 200-plus, Bazhou, Dong'an, Gu'an, and Baodi 300-plus, Yutian and Qian'an's Lengkou 500-plus each, and Cangzhou 2,700-plus. Qingzhou's 2,100-plus picul garrison ration came from retained Jizhou grain; Dezhou could draw on reserves when its quota fell short. Such was the general scheme of allocated transport.

各省之徵收漕糧也，向系軍民交兌，運軍往往勒索擾民。順治九年，始改為官收官兌，酌定贈貼銀米，隨漕徵收，官為支給。雍正六年，以江、浙應納漕糧為額甚巨，若必拘定粳米，恐價昂難於輸將，以後但擇乾圓潔淨，准紅白兼收，秈稉並納，著為令。乾隆初，奏定民納漕米，隨到隨收，嚴禁蠹書留難。四年，諭曰：「朕聞湖北糧米，以十五萬一千餘石運赴通倉，名曰北漕，十二萬六千餘石為荊州官米，名曰南漕，二項原可合收分解。乃有不肖州縣，分設倉口，令糧戶依兩處完納，以圖多得贏餘，重累吾民。著行文該省，將二項漕糧合收，永遠遵行。」七年，定直省有漕各屬，於隔歲年終，刊易知由單，條悉開載，按戶分給，以杜濫科。十年，工部侍郎范燦奏：「江南下江徵收漕米，向借漕費之名，或九折，或八折，自巡撫尹繼善定每石收費六分，諸弊盡革。久之，吏胥復乘緊兌之際，多方刁難，小民勢難久待，不得不議扣折。」諭飭有漕省分大小官吏，嚴行釐剔積弊。嘉慶八年，禁止各州縣漕糧私收折色，及刁生劣監收攬包交。

Provincial tribute collection had long relied on direct military-civilian exchange, with transport troops routinely extorting civilians. In 1652 the system shifted to official collection and exchange, with gift and subsidy payments levied with tribute grain and paid out by officials. In 1728, given Jiangsu and Zhejiang's huge quotas, requiring polished rice alone would have made payment unaffordable; thereafter only dry, clean grain was required, accepting both red and white and both glutinous and non-glutinous varieties. Early in Qianlong's reign officials ordered tribute rice accepted on arrival and forbade corrupt clerks from delaying collection. In 1739 an edict noted that Hubei's 151,000-plus piculs shipped to Tongzhou as northern tribute and 126,000-plus piculs as Jingzhou official grain called southern tribute could have been collected jointly and divided. Yet corrupt counties opened separate collection points, forcing taxpayers to pay twice to skim surplus profits, doubly burdening the people. The province was ordered to combine both tribute categories permanently." In 1742 all tribute provinces were required to print detailed tax notices at year-end and distribute them by household to prevent illegal surcharges. In 1745 Minister Fan Can reported that lower Jiangnan collectors had taken eight or nine-tenths under transport-fee pretexts until Governor Yin Jishan capped fees at six fen per picul and ended the abuses. Before long clerks again harassed taxpayers during rush collection, and peasants who could not wait were forced to accept discounted payment." Officials in all tribute provinces were ordered to root out these entrenched abuses. In 1803 the court banned counties from privately converting tribute grain to silver and stopped corrupt students and clerks from monopolizing collection and subcontracting delivery.

凡漕糧皆隨以耗費，耗皆以米，正兌一石耗二斗五升至四斗，改兌一石耗一斗七升至四斗，皆隨正入倉，以供京、通各倉並漕運折耗之用。其南糧又有隨船作耗米，自五升至二升三升不等，以途之遠近為差。嘉慶間，定江蘇漕糧耗米原備篩颺，耗米四升有奇。嗣後以二升餘劃付旗丁，二升隨糧交倉。浙江、江西、兩湖悉依此例。逮漕務改章，凡改徵折色各省，耗米亦折價與正米並徵，自是漕耗之名遂廢。

All tribute grain carried wastage levies paid in grain—2.5 to 4 dou per picul for regular exchange, 1.7 to 4 dou for redirected exchange—delivered with the principal grain to Beijing and Tongzhou granaries and for transport wastage conversion. Southern tribute also included shipboard wastage grain ranging from five sheng to two or three sheng, scaled to shipping distance. Under Jiaqing, Jiangsu's wastage grain for winnowing was set at just over four sheng per picul. Thereafter just over two sheng went to banner soldiers and two sheng was submitted to granaries with the tribute grain. Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Huguang adopted the same rule. When transport rules changed, provinces switching to silver commutation also converted wastage grain to cash levied with principal grain, and the separate "transport wastage" category was abolished.

初，各省漕糧改為官收官兌，贈貼名稱，山東、河南謂之潤耗，江蘇、安徽謂之漕貼，浙江謂之漕截，江西、兩湖謂之貼運，其數多寡不一，隨糧徵給，均刊列易知由單，私派挪移者罪之。其後江南每糧百石，竟私截至百餘兩，浙江至三十餘兩。糧道劉朝俊以貪婪漕貼萬二千餘兩被劾，給事中徐旭齡亦疏陳贈耗之弊。然貪官污吏，積習相沿，莫能禁也。康熙十年，議定江寧等府起運耗米及正糧一體貼贈，蘇、松、常三府改折灰石，幫貼漕折等銀悉免之。二十四年，令各省隨漕截銀免解道庫，徑令州縣給發。乾隆七年，定江南漕米贈耗永免停支例。各省收漕州縣，除隨正耗米及運軍行月糧本折漕贈等項外，別收漕耗銀米，其數亦多寡不一，此項耗外之米，皆供官軍兌漕雜費及州縣辦公之用者也。

When tribute collection shifted to official exchange, regional subsidy names differed—Shandong and Henan called them moisture wastage, Jiangsu and Anhui transport subsidies, Zhejiang transport deductions, Jiangxi and Huguang shipping allowances—levied with grain, listed on tax notices, with penalties for unauthorized diversion. Later Jiangnan counties illicitly skimmed over a hundred taels per hundred piculs, and Zhejiang over thirty. Grain Intendant Liu Chaojun was impeached for embezzling over 12,000 taels in transport subsidies, and Censor Xu Xulin also reported abuses in gift-wastage payments. Yet corrupt officials continued the practice through entrenched habit that no prohibition could break. In 1671 Jiangning and other prefectures bundled wastage grain with principal tribute as subsidies, while Suzhou, Songjiang, and Changzhou converted lime-and-stone obligations and all supplementary transport subsidies were waived. In 1685 provinces were told to pay transport-deduction silver directly to counties rather than routing it through intendant treasuries. In 1742 Jiangnan's tribute gift-wastage was permanently exempted from suspension. Beyond standard wastage grain, monthly rations, and transport gifts, tribute counties collected additional wastage silver and grain in varying amounts—extra grain used for military exchange costs and local administrative expenses.

輕齎銀者，始於有明中葉。以諸倉兌運，須給路費，徵耗米，兌運米一平一銳，其銳米量取隨船作耗，餘皆折銀，名曰輕齎。清因之。每年正兌米一石，江西、兩湖諸省加耗四斗六升或六斗六升，銳米皆一斗。加耗四斗六升者，則以三斗隨船作耗，而以連銳二斗六升折銀一錢三分；加耗六斗六升者，則以四斗隨船作耗，而以連銳三斗六升折銀一錢八分，謂之三六輕齎。江蘇、安徽每石加耗五斗六升，銳米一斗，除四斗隨船作耗，而以餘米二斗六升折銀一錢三分，謂之二六輕齎。山東、河南每石加耗三升，銳米一斗，除二斗五升隨船作耗，餘米一斗六升折銀八分，謂之一六輕齎。其改兌止有耗米，或三斗二升至一斗七升不等，止給本色隨船作耗，而以存米二升易銀一分，謂之折易輕齎。均每升折徵銀五釐，解倉場通濟庫。康熙四十七年，令每年江南等省額解輕齎銀三十八萬四千兩，內除山東、河南、湖廣、江西、浙江、江南等省額解銀二十四萬六千九百餘兩，仍留通濟庫應用，其蘇松糧道所屬額解銀十三萬七千餘兩，徑解戶部。如倉場不敷，得咨行戶部支發。尋分撥蘇松糧道所屬額解輕齎銀五萬分解通濟庫備用。用此項輕齎銀，例應兌漕通以濟運務，外此有席木竹板等存，皆隨漕交納，其尺寸長短廣狹，均有定制。

Light carriage silver dated from the mid-Ming period. Granary exchange transport required route fees and wastage levies; grain was measured flat and sharp—the sharp portion counted as shipboard wastage and the remainder converted to silver as light carriage. The Qing retained the system. For regular-exchange grain, Jiangxi, Huguang, and other provinces added 4.6 or 6.6 dou wastage per picul, with sharp grain always one dou. Where 4.6 dou wastage applied, three dou became shipboard wastage and the remaining 2.6 dou including sharp grain converted to 1.3 mace of silver; Where 6.6 dou wastage applied, four dou became shipboard wastage and 3.6 dou including sharp grain converted to 1.8 mace of silver—the "three-six light carriage." Jiangsu and Anhui added 5.6 dou wastage and one dou sharp grain per picul; after four dou shipboard wastage, the remaining 2.6 dou converted to 1.3 mace of silver—the "two-six light carriage." Shandong and Henan added wastage and one dou sharp grain per picul; after 2.5 dou shipboard wastage, 1.6 dou converted to eight candareens of silver—the "one-six light carriage." Redirected exchange included only wastage grain ranging from 3.2 to 1.7 dou, paying shipboard wastage in kind while two sheng remaining grain exchanged for one fen of silver—the "converted light carriage." All conversions were collected at five candareens per sheng and remitted to the granary depot's Tongji treasury. In 1708 the annual quota of 384,000 taels light-carriage silver from Jiangnan and other provinces was divided: 246,900 taels from Shandong, Henan, Huguang, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, and Jiangnan stayed at the Tongji treasury while the Suzhou-Songjiang grain intendant's 137,000 taels went directly to the Board of Revenue. If granary depots lacked funds, they could request disbursement from the Board of Revenue. Later 50,000 taels from the Suzhou-Songjiang grain intendant's quota was reallocated to the Tongji treasury reserves. Light-carriage silver was officially used for grain exchange and transport support; additionally mats, timber, bamboo, and planks submitted with tribute all had prescribed dimensions.

道光二十九年，兩江總督李星沅奏南漕改折，戶部定價太輕，開不肖州縣浮勒之端。江蘇巡撫陸建瀛亦言其不便。遂罷改徵折色。同治四年，曾國籓、李鴻章請將江蘇鎮洋、太倉二州縣漕糧改徵折色，不許。光緒十年，翰林院侍讀王邦璽疏陳丁漕有五弊、三難、五宜、三不可。是時直省丁漕積欠頻仍，故邦璽以為言。二十三年，侍講學士瑞洵言南漕改折，有益無損。先是江、浙漕米，除河運十二三萬石外，歲約海運百二十餘萬。二十年，辦理海防，江、浙各省各折十之五六。翌年，兩江總督張之洞擬令蘇省州縣收折收本仍其舊，而由官全行折解。部令仍運本色。張之洞復奏，蘇漕全折，歲可省運費八十萬，浙江全折，兩湖採買全停，剝船挑河各費、漕職衛官各項，均可酌減，歲可省百五十萬。嗣戶部以庫儲支絀，請將江蘇海運漕糧暫減運三十萬石，得銀九十八萬餘兩。奕劻等奏言：「南漕歲有定額，兵民生計攸關，京師根本重地，尤須寬為儲備。言者動稱折漕歲五六百萬，實則不過百餘萬有奇，似不宜輕議更張。」從之。

In 1849 Li Xingyuan, Governor-General of the two Jiangs, reported that southern tribute commutation rates set by the Board of Revenue were too low, opening opportunities for corrupt counties to extort. Jiangsu Governor Lu Jiayuan also argued against the arrangement. Commutation to silver was therefore abolished. In 1865 Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang requested commutation for Zhenjiang and Taicang counties in Jiangsu but were denied. In 1884 Hanlin Reader Wang Bangbi memorialized five abuses, three difficulties, five advisable reforms, and three things that should not be done regarding land tax and tribute grain. Provincial tribute arrears were chronic at the time, prompting Wang's memorial. In 1897 Reader Rui Xun argued that southern tribute commutation would benefit the state without harm. Previously Jiangsu-Zhejiang tribute shipped roughly 1.2 million piculs by sea annually, beyond 120,000 to 130,000 piculs via canal. In 1894, to fund coastal defense, Jiangsu and Zhejiang each commuted 50 to 60 percent of tribute to silver. The following year Governor-General Zhang Zhidong proposed that Jiangsu counties collect commutation or grain in kind as before while the government converted everything to silver. The Board ordered continued shipment in grain. Zhang memorialized again that full Jiangsu commutation would save 800,000 taels in transport costs; full Zhejiang commutation with Huguang procurement stopped would allow cuts to lighterage, dredging, transport offices, and officials—saving 1.5 million taels annually. Later the Board of Revenue, citing treasury shortfall, requested temporarily reducing Jiangsu sea transport by 300,000 piculs, yielding over 980,000 taels in silver. Yi Kuang and others argued: "Southern tribute has fixed annual quotas vital to military and civilian livelihood; the capital as the nation's foundation requires ample reserves. Reformers claiming commutation would yield five or six million taels yearly actually meant only a little over one million—reform should not be undertaken lightly." The court approved.

漕糧之外，江蘇蘇、松、常三府，太倉一州，浙江嘉、湖兩府，歲輸糯米於內務府，以供上用及百官廩祿之需，謂之白糧。原額正米二十一萬七千四百七十二石有奇。耗米，蘇、松、常三府，太倉一州每石加耗三斗，以五升或三升隨正米起交，餘隨船作耗，共二萬七百七石有奇；嘉、湖二府每石加耗四斗，以五升或三升隨正米起交，餘隨船作耗，共萬三千四百八十八石有奇。康熙初，定白糧概徵本色，惟光祿寺改折三萬石，石徵銀一兩五錢。十四年，議定江南白糧仿浙省例，抽選漕船裝運，每船給行月糧米六十九石三斗，銀五十六兩七錢六分。經費銀，浙江舊例四百五十七兩一錢一釐，議減去銀百二十六兩二錢四分、米二十八石。嗣以運漕、運白事同一體，裁江、浙白糧經費，仿漕糧之例，支給行贈銀兩。至白糧悉系包米運送，並無折耗，俟抵通照例交收。

Beyond regular tribute, Suzhou, Songjiang, and Changzhou prefectures, Taicang department, and Jiaxing and Huzhou in Zhejiang annually delivered glutinous rice to the Imperial Household Department for imperial use and official salaries—white rice tribute. The original principal quota was 217,472 piculs and a fraction. Wastage for Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, and Taicang: three dou per picul, with five or three sheng submitted with principal grain and the remainder as shipboard wastage—totaling 20,707 piculs and a fraction; Jiaxing and Huzhou: four dou wastage per picul, with five or three sheng with principal grain and the remainder as shipboard wastage—totaling 13,488 piculs and a fraction. Early in Kangxi's reign white rice was collected entirely in kind; only the Imperial Household Department commuted 30,000 piculs at 1.5 taels per picul. In 1675 Jiangnan white rice followed Zhejiang precedent: selected tribute boats received 69.3 piculs monthly rations and 56.76 taels silver per boat. Zhejiang's old expense allowance of 457.11 taels was reduced by 126.24 taels and 28 piculs. Since transport of tribute and white rice was unified, white-rice expense funds were cut and travel-gift silver paid by tribute precedent. White rice was entirely bagged for transport without wastage conversion, received at Tongzhou per regulation.

先是江、浙輸將白糧二十二萬餘石，太常寺、光祿寺各賓館需用二千餘石，王公官員俸約需十五六萬石，內務府、紫禁城兵卒及內監食用需一萬石，尚餘五萬石。乾隆二年，高宗謂：「光祿寺等處收支，原以供祭祀及賓館之用，在所必需。其王公百官俸米，應用白糧酌減其半，以粳米抵充。至賚賞禁城兵卒及內監米石，應將白糧易以粳米，以紓民力。」自是實徵白糯不過十萬石有奇矣。又准松江、太倉額徵白糯，改徵漕糧，即在派運白米十萬石內通融盈縮，以均應減應運之數。浙江向不產糯，白糧中糯米一項，隨漕統徵糙粳，官為易糯兌運。兩省白糧經費前已議裁，至是復照舊例徵收。江蘇徵銀十八萬六千九百八十五兩有奇，米萬八千八百八十九石有奇，舂辦米二萬一千三百九十九石有奇，浙江徵銀四萬五千七十五兩有奇，米三千九百六十九石，舂辦米萬三千二百九十石有奇，共實徵銀二十三萬二千六十一兩，米五萬五千七百四十八石有奇。除給運弁運軍、並解通濟庫為運送京、通各倉腳價之用，餘銀及米折，均造冊送部酌撥。逮嘉慶中，白糧經費，江蘇徵銀六萬餘兩，米及舂辦米各萬餘石，浙江徵銀五萬餘兩，米三千餘石，舂辦米萬餘石，共實徵銀十一萬四千五百十八兩有奇，米五萬三千七百二十九石有奇，較之乾隆時經費銀所減又逾半矣。

Previously Jiangsu and Zhejiang delivered over 220,000 piculs white rice; the Sacrifice and Household departments' guest halls needed 2,000-plus; princes' and officials' salaries about 150,000 to 160,000; Forbidden City soldiers and eunuchs 10,000—leaving roughly 50,000 piculs surplus. In 1737 the Qianlong Emperor stated: "The Imperial Household Department and related agencies' receipts and expenditures for sacrifices and guest halls are essential. Princes' and officials' salary rice should halve the white rice quota, supplemented with polished non-glutinous rice. Grain for Forbidden City soldiers and eunuchs should substitute polished rice for white rice to ease the people's burden." Actual white glutinous rice collected thereafter did not exceed 100,000 piculs and a fraction. Songjiang and Taicang white glutinous quota was also converted to regular tribute within the 100,000 picul white-rice allocation to balance reductions and shipments. Zhejiang does not produce glutinous rice; the glutinous white-rice quota was collected as coarse non-glutinous grain with tribute and officials exchanged it for glutinous rice for transport. Both provinces' white-rice expense cuts were restored to former collection rules. Jiangsu collected 186,985 taels, 18,889 piculs, and 21,399 piculs husked; Zhejiang 45,075 taels, 3,969 piculs, and 13,290 piculs husked—totaling 232,061 taels and 55,748 piculs actually collected. After paying transport officers and troops and the Tongji treasury for Beijing-Tongzhou cartage, surplus silver and commuted grain were registered and sent to the Board for allocation. By Jiaqing white-rice expenses had fallen further: Jiangsu 60,000 taels and 10,000-plus piculs each of grain and husked; Zhejiang 50,000 taels and 3,000 piculs with 10,000-plus husked—totaling 114,518 taels and 53,729 piculs, more than half below Qianlong levels.

江、浙之運白糧也，初沿明代民運之制。嗣以臨期雇募民船，時日稽遲，改行官運；仍不便民，乃令漕船分帶，以省官民之累。康熙三年，定浙江行漕帶法，需船百二十六艘，於漕幫內抽出六十二艘裝運，增造六十四艘併入僉運，後江蘇亦踵行之。每船裝運五百石，擇軍船殷實堅固者裝運，五年一易。制定每年未兌之前，責令糧道赴次查驗，如運軍力疲、船不堅固者，別選殷軍補運。十六年，漕運總督瑚寶奏：「江蘇運白糧船向例五年更調，但為時過久，請依漕船三年抽調例，定運白三年即行另選。」從之。江、浙兩省運白糧船，原定蘇州、太倉為一幫，松江、常州各為一幫，嘉興、湖州各一幫，領運千總每幫二，隨幫武舉一。改行官運後，以府通判為總部，縣丞、典史為協部，吏典為押運。旋裁押運。後白糧改令漕船帶運，復裁總、協二部。蘇、松、常每府增設千總二，更番領運，每幫設隨幫百總一，押趲回空。浙江增設千總四、隨幫二，蘇州、太倉倉運白糧船，原定百十八艘，船多軍眾，分為前後兩幫，增設千總二、隨幫一。白糧減徵後，並兩幫為一，其千總隨幫悉予裁減。

Jiangsu-Zhejiang white-rice transport initially followed the Ming civilian-transport system. Late civilian boat hiring caused delays, so it shifted to official transport; Still burdening the people, tribute boats were ordered to carry white rice jointly to spare official and civilian labor. In 1664 Zhejiang's tandem-carry method required 126 boats—62 from tribute fleets plus 64 new boats in levy transport—later followed by Jiangsu. Each boat carried 500 piculs on sturdy military vessels, rotated every five years. Before annual exchange the grain intendant inspected convoys; exhausted troops or unsound boats were replaced with stronger crews. In 1677 Grain Transport Governor Hu Bao reported that Jiangsu's five-year white-rice boat rotation was too long and requested three-year rotation per tribute-boat precedent." Approved. White-rice fleets were organized as Suzhou-Taicang, Songjiang, Changzhou, Jiaxing, and Huzhou convoys, each with two transport lieutenants and one military licentiate. After official transport, prefectural vice commissioners headed convoys with county assistants and clerks as deputies and record clerks as escorts. Escort posts were soon abolished. When white rice shifted to tandem tribute transport, chief and assistant convoy posts were cut. Suzhou, Songjiang, and Changzhou each added two lieutenants rotating leadership; each convoy had one centurion escorting empty returns. Zhejiang added four lieutenants and two convoy centurions; Suzhou-Taicang's 118-boat fleet split into front and rear convoys with two lieutenants and one centurion added. After white-rice quota cuts both convoys merged and lieutenant and centurion posts were abolished.

清初，都運漕糧官吏，參酌明制。總理漕事者為漕運總督。分轄則有糧儲道。監兌押運則有同知、通判。趲運則有沿河鎮道將領等官。漕運總督駐淮南，掌僉選運弁、修造漕船、派撥全單、兌運開幫、過淮盤掣、催趲重運、查驗回空、覈勘漂流、督催漕欠諸務，其直隸、山東、河南、江西、江南、浙江、湖廣七省文武官吏經理漕務者皆屬焉。糧道，山東、江安、蘇松、江西、浙江、湖北、湖南各一。河南以開歸鹽驛道兼理。糧道掌通省糧儲，統轄有司軍衛，遴委領運隨幫各官，責令各府清軍官會同運弁、僉選運軍。兌竣，親督到淮，不得委丞倅代押。如有軍需緊要事件，須詳明督撫、漕臣，方許委員代行其職務。

Early Qing grain-transport officials followed the Ming system with adaptations. The Grain Transport Governor-General oversaw all transport affairs. Grain Storage intendants handled regional jurisdictions. Subprefects and vice commissioners supervised exchange and convoy escort. Route commanders and garrison officers along the canal urged convoys forward. Based at Huainan, the governor-general selected transport officers, maintained boats, issued allocation orders, opened convoys, inspected at the Huai crossing, urged laden convoys, verified empty returns, investigated losses, and pursued arrears over seven provinces. Each province had one grain intendant—Shandong, Jiang'an, Suzhou-Songjiang, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Hubei, and Hunan. Henan combined grain duties with the Kaigui Salt-Post intendant. Intendants managed provincial grain stores, appointed convoy officers, and coordinated with clear-army officials and transport officers to select troops. After exchange they personally escorted convoys to the Huai without delegating to assistants. Only urgent military matters with governor and transport governor approval permitted substitute commissioners.

監兌，舊以推官任之。推官裁，改委同知、通判。山東以武定同知，東昌清軍同知，濟南、兗州、泰安、曹州四通判，濟寧、臨清兩直隸州同；河南以歸德、衛輝、懷慶三通判；江南以江寧、蘇州督糧同知，松江董漕同知，鳳陽同知，蘇州、揚州、廬州、太平、池州、寧國、安慶、常州八管糧通判，太倉州臨時添委丞倅一；浙江以湖州同知，杭州局糧通判，嘉興通判；江西以南昌、吉安、臨江三通判；淮北、湘南每年於通省同知、通判內詳委三員，監兌。江西、湖廣、安徽監兌押淮之員尋裁。

Exchange supervision originally fell to legal evaluators. After evaluators were abolished, vice commissioners took over. Shandong assigned the Wuding subprefect, Dongchang clear-army subprefect, four prefectural vice commissioners, and Jining and Linqing subprefectures; Henan assigned three vice commissioners at Guide, Weihui, and Huaiqing; Jiangnan assigned grain vice commissioners at Jiangning and Suzhou, tribute supervisor at Songjiang, Fengyang subprefect, eight grain vice commissioners, plus a temporary Taicang assistant; Zhejiang assigned the Huzhou subprefect, Hangzhou grain vice commissioner, and Jiaxing vice commissioner; Jiangxi assigned Nanchang, Ji'an, and Linjiang vice commissioners; North Huai and south Xiang annually detailed three vice commissioners from the province for exchange supervision. Jiangxi, Huguang, and Anhui Huai-escort exchange posts were soon abolished.

凡開兌，監兌官須坐守水次，將正耗行月搭運等米，逐船兌足，驗明米色純潔，面交押運官。糧船開行，仍親督到淮，聽總漕盤驗。糧數不足、米色不純者，罪之。道、府、廳不揭報，照失察例議處。意存袒護，照徇庇例議處。

When exchange began, supervising officers stayed at the landing to load each boat with the full quota of regular, wastage, travel-month, and supplementary rice, certify the grain was clean, and deliver it personally to escort officers. When grain boats set out, supervisors still escorted them personally to the Huai for inspection by the transport director-general. Short shipments or adulterated grain were penalized. Circuits, prefectures, and departments that failed to report were punished for negligence. Officials who deliberately shielded offenders were punished for favoritism.

押運本糧道之職，但糧道在南董理運務，無暇兼顧。江、浙各糧道，止令督押到淮盤驗，即回任所。總漕會同巡撫遴委管糧通判一，專司督押，約束運軍，防範侵盜攙和等弊。山東、河南通判各一，江南七，浙江三，江西二，湖北、湖南各一。後因通判官卑職微，復令糧道押運。其漕船回空，仍令通判管押。過淮必依定限，如有遲誤，照重運違限例議處。江南、浙江、江西尋復通判押運之制。

Escort duty belonged to grain-route commissioners, but southern commissioners were already fully occupied with transport affairs and could not manage both. Jiangsu and Zhejiang grain-route commissioners were required only to escort convoys to the Huai for inspection, then return home. The transport director-general and provincial governor jointly appointed a grain vice commissioner to supervise escorts, discipline transport troops, and prevent theft, pilferage, and adulteration. Shandong and Henan each had one vice commissioner; Jiangnan seven; Zhejiang three; Jiangxi two; and Hubei and Hunan one apiece. Later, because vice commissioners lacked rank and authority, grain-route commissioners were again assigned escort duty. Empty return voyages of transport boats remained under vice-commissioner escort. Crossing the Huai had to meet fixed deadlines; delays were punished under the heavy-transport violation statute. Jiangnan, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi soon restored vice-commissioner escort duty.

押運同知、通判抵通後，出具糧米無虧印結，由倉場侍郎送部引見。糧道押運三次，亦准督撫咨倉場侍郎送部引見。其員弁紳董隨同押運到通，並准擇尤保獎，以昭激勸。其後各省大吏往往藉漕運保舉私人，朝廷亦無由究詰也。

After escorting subprefects and vice commissioners reached Tongzhou, they submitted sealed certificates of no grain loss, and the Granary Commissioner forwarded them to the ministry for imperial audience. Grain-route commissioners who completed three escort tours were also eligible, on gubernatorial recommendation, for ministry audience through the Granary Commissioner. Officers, commanders, and gentry who accompanied escorts to Tongzhou could also be commended for outstanding service as encouragement. Afterward provincial governors often used transport service to promote favorites, and the court had no way to investigate.

淮北、淮南沿河鎮道將領，遇漕船入境，各按汛地驅行，如催趲不力，聽所在督撫糾彈。江南京口、瓜洲渡江相對處，令鎮江道督率文武官吏催促，並令總兵官巡視河干，協催過江。總兵裁，改由副將管理。雍正三年，巡漕御史張坦麟條上北漕事宜：一，自通抵津，沿河舊汛窵遠，請照旱汛五里之例，漕船到汛，催漕官弁坐視阻抵不行申報者，依催趲不力例參處；一，沿途疏淺約十三四處，坐糧廳難以兼顧，請交各汛弁率役疏通，應銷錢糧，仍令坐糧廳管理。從之。巡漕御史伊喇齊疏劾河南糧道提催之弊，巡撫尹繼善亦疏請革除各州縣呈送監兌押運官役陋規。凡漕船回空到省，未開兌之前，責成本省巡撫及糧道，既開兌出境，則責成漕督及沿途文武官吏，抵津後，責成倉場侍郎、坐糧廳及天津總兵、通州副將，嚴行稽查。有違犯者，捕獲懲治。

Riverine commanders north and south of the Huai drove incoming transport boats forward within their patrol sectors; ineffective urging could be impeached by the local governor. At the Jingkou–Guazhou crossing in Jiangning, the Zhenjiang circuit intendant led civil and military officials in urging boats forward, while the regional commander patrolled the riverbank to assist the crossing. After the regional commander post was abolished, a brigade commander assumed the duty. In 1725 Transport-Circuit Censor Zhang Tanlin proposed northern transport reforms: first, patrol sectors from Tongzhou to Tianjin were too far apart; he asked that when boats reached a sector, officers who watched delays without reporting be impeached for ineffective urging, following the five-li dry-season patrol rule; second, about thirteen or fourteen shallow stretches along the route exceeded the Grain-Sitting Office's capacity; he proposed assigning dredging to patrol commanders while leaving expenditure under that office's control. The court approved. Transport-Circuit Censor Yilaqi impeached Henan grain commissioners for abusive advance urging; Governor Yin Jishan also asked to abolish customary fees that counties paid exchange and escort officers. Empty transport boats returning to a province were the governor's and grain commissioner's responsibility until exchange opened; after departure they fell to the transport governor and route officials; at Tianjin the Granary Commissioner, Grain-Sitting Office, Tianjin regional commander, and Tongzhou brigade commander conducted strict inspection. Violators were to be arrested and punished.

四十八年，漕督毓奇言：「各省督押，惟山東糧道抵通，餘祗押抵淮安。嗣後各省重運，俱令糧道督押本幫至臨清，出具糧米無虧印結，即行回任。其自臨清抵通，概令山東糧道往來催趲。山東運河，每年十一月朔煞壩挑淺。開壩之日，以南省漕船行抵台庄為準。微山等湖收蓄眾泉，為東省濟運水櫝，不許民間私截水源。徬河遇春夏水微，務遵漕規啟閉。漕船到徬，須上下會牌俱到，始行啟板。如河水充足，相機啟閉，以速漕運，不得兩徬齊啟，過泄水勢。其在江中偶遇大風，原可停泊守候，而催漕官吏惟知促迫，軍船冒險進行，恆有漂沒之虞。回空之船，管運員及運丁等恆意存怠玩，或吝惜雇價，將熟習舟子遣散，留不諳駕馭之人，而押運員弁每先行回署，並不在船督率，往往有運船失風之事。」上諭飭「沿途各員催趲，應察風色水勢，毋得過於急迫，至涉險失事，亦不得因此旨遂任意逗留，致逾定限」。初，運河中銅鉛船及木排，往往肆意橫行，民船多畏而讓之。糧船北上，亦為所阻。至是令巡漕御史轉飭沿途文武員弁，將運漕船催趲先行，餘船尾隨，循次前進，恃強爭先、不遵約束者，罪之。

In 1783 Transport Governor Yu Qi reported: "Of provincial escort supervisors, only Shandong's grain commissioner reached Tongzhou; the rest stopped at Huai'an. Henceforth each province's grain commissioner would escort its convoy to Linqing, certify no grain loss, and return home. From Linqing to Tongzhou the Shandong grain commissioner would handle all urging. Each year on the first day of the eleventh month the Shandong canal dam was closed and shallows dredged. The dam opened once southern transport boats reached Taizhuang. Lakes such as Weishan stored spring water as Shandong's transport reservoir; private diversion was forbidden. In spring and summer low water, sluice operation had to follow transport regulations. Transport boats could pass a sluice only after tally tokens from both upstream and downstream had arrived. When water was ample, sluices could be opened as needed to speed transport, but both gates must never be opened together and waste the current. Boats caught in high winds on the river could safely anchor and wait, but urging officials pressed on regardless, sending military boats into danger of capsizing. On empty return trips transport managers and troops often grew negligent, dismissed skilled boatmen to save wages, and left inexperienced hands at the helm, while escort officers returned to office instead of staying aboard—leading to frequent wind disasters." The emperor ordered route officials to read wind and water conditions and avoid excessive pressure that caused accidents, yet not use the edict as excuse for arbitrary delay beyond fixed deadlines. Early on, copper-lead boats and timber rafts on the canal often bullied their way through, and civilian boats usually yielded in fear. Northbound grain boats were blocked as well. The Transport-Circuit Censor then ordered route officials to send grain boats first and other vessels after in sequence; those who forced their way ahead were punished.

領運員弁，各省糧船分幫，每幫以衛所千總一人或二人領運，武舉一人隨幫效力。順治六年，奏定就漕運各衛中擇其才幹優長者授職千總，責其押運，量功升轉，掛欠者治罪追償。其後裁衛所外委百總，改為隨幫官。康熙五十一年，揀候選千總三十員，發南漕標效力，如有領運千總員缺，聽總漕委署押運，果能抵通全完，倉場總督咨送兵部，准其即用。揀選武舉，候推守衛所千總有原補隨幫者，可在總署處呈明，遇缺准其頂補，三年無誤，以衛千總推用。雍正二年，漕運總督張大有奏稱山東、河南輪運薊州、遵化、豐潤官兵米石，沿途管押及回空催趲，例責成押運通判，請添設薊糧千總二，更番領運，從之。各衛既有千總領運，而漕臣每歲另委押運幫官，分為押重押空，一重運費二三千金，一空運費浮於千金，幫丁之脂膏竭，而浮收之弊日滋矣。嘉慶十二年，諭漕督不得多派委員，並禁止運弁等收受餽贈。十四年，巡漕御史又請大加減省。自咸豐三年河運停歇，船隻無存，領運之名亦廢。

Convoy leaders: provincial grain boats were divided into convoys, each led by one or two guard-unit battalion commanders with one military licentiate attached. In 1649 the court selected the most capable men from transport guard units as battalion commanders to escort convoys, promoting on merit and punishing shortages with repayment. Later, externally delegated company commanders were abolished in favor of convoy-attached officers. In 1712 thirty candidate battalion commanders were sent to the southern transport banner; when convoy-leader posts opened, the transport director-general could appoint them, and those who reached Tongzhou with full shipments were immediately confirmed through the Granary Commissioner and Board of War. Military licentiates awaiting battalion-commander posts who had served as convoy officers could register at headquarters and fill vacancies by succession; after three error-free years they were promoted to guard battalion commanders. In 1724 Transport Director-General Zhang Dayou reported that Shandong and Henan rotated grain shipments to Jizhou, Zunhua, and Fengrun troops, with escort vice commissioners responsible for route supervision and return urging; he asked for two Jizhou-grain battalion commanders on rotating duty, and the court agreed. Although guard units already had convoy battalion commanders, transport commissioners annually added separate escort officers for loaded and empty runs—heavy loads costing two or three thousand taels and empty runs over a thousand—until convoy labor was bled dry and surcharges multiplied. In 1807 the throne ordered transport governors not to multiply delegates and forbade transport officers from accepting gifts. In 1809 the Transport-Circuit Censor again requested major cutbacks. After river transport halted in 1853, boats vanished and the convoy-leader post was abolished.

巡漕御史本明官，順治初省。雍正七年，以糧船過淮陋規甚多，並夾帶禁物，遣御史二，赴淮安專司稽察。糧船抵通，亦御史二稽察之。乾隆二年，設巡漕御史四：一駐淮安，巡察江南江口至山東交境；一駐濟寧，巡察山東台庄至北直交境；一駐天津，巡察至山東交境；一駐通州，巡察至天津。凡徵收漕糧，定限十月開倉，十二月兌畢。惟山東臨清徬內之船，改於次年二月兌開，依限抵通，徬外之船，仍冬兌冬開。乾隆間，令徬內徬外一律春兌春開，從漕督楊錫紱請也。嘉慶四年，諭曰：「冬兌冬開，時期促迫。嗣後東省漕糧，仍照舊例起徵，運赴水次，立春後兌竣開幫，翌年改為冬兌春開。」十五年，令徬河內外幫船，照春兌春開例辦理。江北冬漕，定於十二月朔開兌，限次年二月兌竣開行。

The Transport-Circuit Censor was a Ming office abolished early in Shunzhi. In 1729, because grain boats crossing the Huai were rife with corrupt fees and smuggled contraband, two censors were sent to Huai'an for dedicated inspection. Two censors also inspected grain boats at Tongzhou. In 1737 four Transport-Circuit Censors were established: one at Huai'an, inspecting from the Jiangnan river mouth to the Shandong border; one at Jining, from Shandong's Taizhuang to the Zhili border; one at Tianjin, to the Shandong border; one at Tongzhou, to Tianjin. Tribute grain collection opened granaries in the tenth month and finished exchange by the twelfth. Only Shandong boats inside the Linqing sluice exchanged and departed in the second month of the following year to reach Tongzhou on time; boats outside the sluice still exchanged and departed in winter. During Qianlong, boats inside and outside the sluice were uniformly ordered to exchange and depart in spring at Transport Governor Yang Xifu's request. In 1799 an edict stated: "Winter exchange and winter departure make the schedule too tight. Henceforth eastern tribute grain would still be levied under the old rule and delivered to landings, with exchange completed and convoys opened after the Beginning of Spring; the next year this became winter exchange and spring departure." In 1810 convoy boats inside and outside the canal sluice were ordered to follow the spring-exchange, spring-departure rule. North-of-the-Yangtze winter transport opened exchange on the first day of the twelfth month and had to finish exchange and depart by the second month of the following year.

凡漕兌，首重米色。如有倉蠹作奸，攙和滋弊，及潮濕霉變，未受兌前，責成州縣，既受兌後，責在弁軍，覈驗之責，監兌官任之。如縣衛因米色爭持，即將現兌米面同封固，送總漕巡撫查驗，果系潮濕攙雜，都令賠換篩颺，乃將米樣封送總漕，俟過淮後，盤查比較，分別糾劾。然運軍勒索州縣，即借米色為由。州縣開倉旬日，米多廒少，勢須先兌。運軍逐船挑剔，不肯受兌，致糧戶無廒輸納，因之滋事。運軍乘機恣索，或所索未遂，船竟開行，累州縣以隨幫交兌之苦。及漕米兌竣，運弁應給通關。通關出自尖丁。尖丁者，積年辦事運丁也，他運丁及運弁皆聽其指揮。尖丁索費州縣，不遂其欲，則靳通關不與，使州縣枉罹遲延處分。運軍運弁沆瀣一氣，州縣惟恐誤兌，勢不得不浮收勒折以供其求。上官雖明知其弊，而憚於改作。且慮運軍裁革，遺誤漕運，於是含容隱忍，莫之禁詰。州縣既多浮收，則米色難於精擇。運軍既有貼費，受兌亦不復深求。及至通州，賄賣倉書經紀，通挪交卸，米色潮濕不純之弊，率由於此。積重難返，而漕政日壞矣。乾隆間，漕運總督顧琮條上籌辦漕運七事：一，州縣親收漕糧，以免役胥藉端累民；一，杜匿富僉貧包丁代運之弊；一，受未開之幫船催令速行；一，糧船過淮後，分員催趲，以速運漕；一，河道舊有橫淺，豫為疏濬，以免阻滯；一，各閘俱照漕規，隨時啟閉，江、廣漕船攜帶竹木，限地解卸；一，回空三升五合餘米，速給副丁，以濟回時食用。詔從其議。

In transport exchange, grain quality came first. If granary fraud, adulteration, or damp spoilage occurred, prefectures and counties were responsible before acceptance and officers and troops afterward; exchange supervisors verified quality. When counties and guard units disputed grain quality, the grain under exchange was sealed and sent to the transport director-general and governor; if damp or adulterated, all parties had to compensate and replace it, samples were sealed for the director-general, and after the Huai crossing comparisons led to impeachments. Yet transport troops extorted counties using grain quality as a pretext. Within ten days of opening granaries, counties had more grain than storage space and had to exchange immediately. Transport troops nitpicked each boat and refused exchange, leaving grain households with nowhere to deliver and provoking disturbances. Transport troops seized the chance to extort freely; if refused, boats simply sailed off, forcing counties to chase convoys and complete exchange. After exchange was complete, transport officers were to issue clearance passes. Clearance passes came from lead transport laborers. Lead transport laborers were veteran transport hands whom other troops and officers obeyed. Lead laborers demanded fees from counties; if denied, they withheld clearance passes and counties suffered penalties for delay. Transport troops and officers colluded, and counties fearing missed exchange had no choice but to over-collect and squeeze deductions to meet their demands. Superiors knew the abuses but feared reform. They also feared that cutting transport troops would disrupt grain transport, so they tolerated the abuses and no one stopped them. With so much over-collection, counties could not carefully select grain quality. Once transport troops received side payments, they no longer scrutinized exchange closely. At Tongzhou they bribed granary clerks and brokers to arrange improper delivery, and most cases of damp, adulterated grain stemmed from this. Abuses piled up beyond reversal, and transport administration deteriorated daily. During Qianlong, Transport Director-General Gu Cong proposed seven transport reforms: first, counties should collect tribute grain personally to prevent clerks from burdening the people; second, stop the rich hiding while the poor contracted to substitute for transport labor; third, urge convoys that had not yet opened to depart quickly; fourth, after grain boats crossed the Huai, assign officers to urge transport separately and speed convoys; fifth, dredge old cross-channel shallows in advance to prevent blockage; sixth, all locks should open and close per transport regulations, and Jiangsu and Guangdong boats carrying bamboo and timber should unload at designated places; seventh, promptly give the three sheng five he of surplus grain from empty returns to assistant transport laborers for food on the return journey. The court approved his proposal.

各省漕糧過淮，順治初，定限江北各府州縣十二月以內，江南江寧、蘇、松等處限正月以內，江西、浙江限二月以內，山東、河南限正月侭數開行。如過淮違誤，以違限時日之多寡，定督撫糧道監兌推官降罰處分。領運等官，捆打革職，帶罪督押。其到通例限，山東、河南限三月朔，江北四月朔，江南五月朔，江西、浙江、湖廣六月朔。各省糧船抵通，均限三月內完糧，十日內回空。倉場定立限單，責成押幫官依限到淮，逾限不能到次，照章糾劾。

At the beginning of Shunzhi, provincial tribute grain crossing the Huai had fixed deadlines: north-of-the-Yangtze counties by the twelfth month; Jiangnan's Jiangning, Suzhou, and Songjiang by the first month; Jiangxi and Zhejiang by the second month; and Shandong and Henan to depart fully within the first month. Huai-crossing delays were penalized by how many days the deadline was missed, with governors, grain commissioners, exchange supervisors, and evaluators demoted accordingly. Convoy leaders were bound, beaten, dismissed, and made to escort convoys while under penalty. Regular Tongzhou arrival deadlines were: Shandong and Henan by the first day of the third month; north of the Yangtze by the fourth month; Jiangnan by the fifth month; and Jiangxi, Zhejiang, and Huguang by the sixth month. Provincial grain boats at Tongzhou had to complete delivery within three months and return empty within ten days. The granary field issued deadline certificates requiring convoy escort officers to reach the Huai on time; late arrivals were impeached under regulation.

承平日久，漕弊日滋。東南辦漕之民，苦於運弁旗丁，肌髓已盡，控告無門，而運弁旗丁亦有所迫而然。如漕船到通，倉院、糧廳、戶部雲南司等處投文，每船需費十金，由保家包送，保家另索三金。又有走部，代之聚斂。至於過壩，則有委員舊規，伍長常例，上斛下盪等費，每船又須十餘金。交倉，則有倉官常例，並收糧衙署官辦書吏種種需索，又費數十金。此抵通之苦也。逮漕船過淮，又有積歇攤派吏書陋規，投文過堂種種費用。總計每幫漕須費五六百金或千金不等。此過淮之苦也。從前運道深通，督漕諸臣只求重運如期抵通，一切不加苛察。各丁於開運時多帶南物，至通售賣，藉博微利。乾隆五十年後，黃河屢經開灌，運道日淤，漕臣慮船重難行，嚴禁運丁多帶貨物，於是各丁謀生之計絀矣。運道既淺，反增添夫撥淺之費，每過緊要閘壩，牽挽動須數百人，道路既長，限期復迫，丁力之敝，實由於此。雖經督撫大吏悉心調劑，無如積弊已深，迄未能收實效也。

As peace endured, transport abuses multiplied daily. Southeastern taxpayers handling transport were squeezed dry by transport officers and banner laborers with no recourse for complaint, yet those officers and laborers were themselves under pressure. When transport boats reached Tongzhou, filing documents at the granary office, grain office, Board of Revenue's Yunnan Bureau, and elsewhere cost ten taels per boat through guarantor households, who charged three taels more on top. Runners also collected fees on their behalf. Passing sluices added old delegate fees, squad-leader charges, and loading and unloading costs—another ten-plus taels per boat. Granary delivery brought standing fees for granary officers and assorted demands from grain-office clerks, costing dozens of taels more. Such were the hardships of reaching Tongzhou. Crossing the Huai brought apportioned rest levies, corrupt clerk fees, and costs for filing documents and passing through offices. Each convoy cost five or six hundred taels, or as much as a thousand. Such were the hardships of crossing the Huai. When the canal ran deep and clear, transport supervisors only required loaded convoys to reach Tongzhou on time and did not inspect closely. On departure transport laborers carried southern goods to sell at Tongzhou for a small profit. After 1785 repeated Yellow River irrigation silted the canal; fearing overloaded boats, transport commissioners strictly limited cargo, cutting off transport laborers' livelihood. The shallow canal added lightering costs; at each critical lock hundreds of men were needed to tow; long routes and tight deadlines exhausted transport labor. Despite governors' careful adjustments, deep-rooted abuses prevented real improvement.

各省漕船，原數萬四百五十五號。嘉慶十四年，除改折分帶、坍荒裁減，實存六千二百四十二艘。每屆修造十一，謂之歲造，其升科積缺漂沒者，謂之補修改造，限以十年。至給價之多寡，視時之久暫、地之遠近為等差。造船之費，初於民地徵十之七，軍地徵十之三，備給料價。不足，則徵軍衛丁田以貼造漕船。十年限滿，由總漕親驗，實系不堪出運，方得改造，有可加修再運者，量給加修銀，仍令再運。按年計算，舊船可用，不驗明駕運，督撫查實糾劾。司修造漕船各官，或詐朽壞，或修造未竣詐稱已完，或將朽壞船冊報掩飾，或承造推諉不依限竣工，或該管官督催不力，及朽壞船不估價申報，均降罰有差。

Provincial transport boats originally numbered 10,455. By 1809, after commuted shares and wasteland cutbacks, 6,242 boats remained. One-tenth were rebuilt annually as routine construction; boats replacing sunk or lost vessels counted as supplementary rebuilds, with a ten-year service limit. Payment varied by age of the boat and distance of the location. Boat-building costs were initially levied seven-tenths from civilian land and three-tenths from military land for materials. If insufficient, guard-unit transport laborers' fields were levied to subsidize boat construction. After ten years the transport director-general personally inspected; only unfit boats were rebuilt; repairable boats received supplementary funds and sailed again. If usable old boats sailed without inspection, investigating governors impeached the offenders. Officials who falsely claimed decay, reported unfinished boats complete, concealed decay in registers, missed deadlines, supervised poorly, or failed to report decayed boats—all received graded demotions and penalties.

直隸、山東、鳳陽地不產木，於清江關設廠，由船政同知督造。江寧各幫共船千二百餘，亦於清江成造。自儀徵逆流抵淮，四百餘里，沿途需用人夫挽曳，船成後復渡大江，道經千里，到次遲延，縣官急於考成，旗丁利於詐索，船未到即行交兌，名曰轉廒，於是贈耗、使費、賠補、苛索諸弊日滋，運軍苦之。嗣裁船政同知，統歸糧道管理，令運軍支領料價赴廠成造，不敷，即於道庫減存漕項銀內動支。徐州衛、河南後幫漕船，向亦在清江船廠成造，駕赴河南水次兌糧，程途遼遠，易誤兌限。尋改在山東臨清設廠成造。遇滿號之年，令各軍於江、安道庫銀內領價成造。其濟南前幫，則在江南夏成鎮成造，嗣又改於臨清胡家灣設廠。

Timberless Zhili, Shandong, and Fengyang established a shipyard at Qingjiang Pass under a ship-administration subprefect. Jiangning's convoys, over 1,200 boats, were also built at Qingjiang. From Yizheng upstream to the Huai, four hundred li of towing was required; finished boats then crossed the Yangtze on a thousand-li journey. Delayed arrivals made county officials eager for performance reviews and banner laborers eager to extort; exchange began before boats arrived—called transferred-granary exchange—multiplying gifts, fees, compensation, and exactions until transport troops suffered. Later the ship-administration subprefect was abolished and the grain commissioner took over; transport troops received material funds to build at the shipyard, drawing from stored transport silver if needed. Xuzhou Guard and Henan rear-convoy boats had also been built at Qingjiang and sailed to Henan landings—a distant route that easily missed exchange deadlines. Soon a shipyard was established at Linqing in Shandong instead. In full-register years each guard unit drew funds from Jiangsu-Anhui circuit treasuries to build boats. Jinan's front convoy was built at Xiacheng in Jiangnan, later moved to a shipyard at Hujiawan in Linqing.

船成查驗之法九：一驗木，二驗板，三驗底，四驗樑，五驗棧，六驗釘，七驗縫，八驗艙，九艙頭梢。山東各幫於額運漕船外，向設量存船三十。江蘇揚州亦有量存船二十四。先後議裁，並將揚州衛應裁之船，抵補江、興二衛貧疲軍船。乾隆八年，漕運總督顧琮上漕船變通事宜：一，漕船當大造之年，遇有減歇，即停造一年，與先運之船年限參差，將來無須同時配造；一，賠造之船已出運多次，恆欠堅固，嗣後將賠造接算原船，已滿十年尚能出運者，准其將船在通售賣；一，滿號之船，向俱分年抽造，其中堅固者，交總漕擇令加修，出運一次，許其流通變賣。從之。二十九年，漕督楊錫紱言：「各省漕船當十運屆滿應行成造之年，如運糧抵通，准在通變價。再買補之船未經滿運，或中途猝遇風火，請准就地折變。」詔從其議。大河、淮安等幫漕船，恆有遭風沈溺之事。阿桂奏稱，因船過高大，掉挽維艱所致，請較原定尺寸酌量減小。嘉慶十五年，復酌減江、廣兩省漕船尺寸。運丁利於攬載客貨，船身務為廣大，不知載重則行遲，行遲則壅塞，民船被阻，甚有相去數丈守候經旬者；兼之強拏剝運，捶撻交加，怨聲載道，不僅失風之虞也。十七年，以浙省成造漕船賠累日甚，每船除例給二百八兩外，復給銀五百九十餘兩，以紓丁力。漕船建造修葺，其費有經常，有額外，年糜國帑數十百萬。及其出運，勒索於州縣者又數十百萬。催趲迎提，終歲勞攘，夾帶愈多，雖蘇、松內河，亦無歲不剝運。剝運仍責舟於沿途，甚至攔江索費，奪船毀器，患苦商民，抗違官長，以天庾為口實，援漕督為護符，文武吏士，畏其勢焰，莫或究詰。

Finished boats were inspected nine ways: timber, planks, bottom, beams, decking, nails, seams, hold, and bow and stern. Beyond quota boats, Shandong convoys formerly kept thirty reserve boats. Yangzhou in Jiangsu also kept twenty-four reserve boats. Reserve boats were gradually cut; Yangzhou Guard's cutbacks replaced impoverished boats in Jiangning and Xinghua guards. In 1743 Transport Director-General Gu Cong proposed transport-boat reforms: first, in major construction years, if convoys were reduced, stop building for one year so service years would stagger and future construction need not coincide; second, compensation-built boats that had sailed repeatedly were often flimsy; henceforth they would count toward the original boat's term, and boats still seaworthy after ten years could be sold at Tongzhou; third, full-register boats had been built in rotation; sturdy ones selected by the transport director-general could be repaired, sail once more, and then be sold openly. The court approved. In 1764 Transport Governor Yang Xifu proposed: "When provincial transport boats completed ten voyages and reconstruction was due, if grain reached Tongzhou, boats could be sold there. Replacement boats that had not completed full service, or boats lost to wind or fire en route, should be permitted local sale." The court approved his proposal. Dahe and Huai'an convoy boats frequently sank in storms. Agui reported that oversized boats made steering and towing difficult and asked to reduce dimensions below the original specifications. In 1810 Jiangsu and Guangdong transport-boat dimensions were again reduced. Transport laborers profited from passenger and merchant cargo and built ever-larger hulls, unaware that overload slowed travel, caused jams, and blocked civilian boats—some waiting weeks just yards apart; They also forcibly seized lightering work and beat victims repeatedly; public outrage filled the roads—not only the risk of capsizing. In 1812, because Zhejiang boat construction losses worsened daily, each boat received over 590 taels beyond the statutory 280 to relieve transport labor. Building and repairing transport boats cost millions from the treasury annually in regular and extra expenses. On transport duty they extorted tens of millions more from counties. Urging and hauling kept them busy year-round; smuggled cargo grew; even Suzhou and Songjiang inland waterways saw annual lightering extortion. Lightering still seized boats along the route, even blocking rivers for fees, seizing boats and destroying equipment, harming merchants and defying officials, citing imperial granaries and the transport governor as protection; civil and military officials feared their power and none investigated.

凡漕船載米，毋得過五百石。正耗米外，例帶土宜六十石，雍正七年，加增四十，共為百石，永著為例。旋准各船頭工舵工人帶土宜三石，水手每船帶土宜二十石。嘉慶四年，定每船多帶土宜二十四石。屯軍領運漕糧，冬出冬歸，備極勞苦，日用亦倍蓰家居，於是有夾帶私貨之弊。漕船到水次，即有牙儈關說，引載客貨，又於城市貨物輻輳之處，逗留遲延，冀多攬載，以博微利。運官利其餽獻，奸商竄入糧船，藉免國課。其始運道通順，督漕諸臣不事苛察。逮黃屢倒灌，運道淤淺，漕臣嚴申夾帶之禁，丁力益困。

Transport boats could carry no more than five hundred piculs of grain. Beyond regular and wastage grain, sixty piculs of local products were permitted; in 1729 forty more were added for a permanent total of one hundred piculs. Soon each boat's foreman, helmsman, and crew were allowed three piculs of local products, and sailors twenty piculs per boat. In 1799 each boat was allowed an additional twenty-four piculs of local products. Garrison troops hauling tribute grain departed and returned in winter under extreme hardship, with daily expenses far exceeding home life—leading to smuggling. At landings brokers immediately arranged passenger cargo; at busy cities boats lingered hoping to take more freight for a small profit. Transport officers profited from gifts; unscrupulous merchants hid aboard grain boats to evade state duties. At first the canal ran smoothly and transport supervisors did not inspect harshly. When repeated Yellow River backflow silted the canal, transport commissioners strictly enforced smuggling bans and transport labor grew more distressed.

當商力充裕時，軍船回空過淮，往往私帶鹽斤。漕運總督張大有條上六事：一，長蘆、兩淮產鹽之處，奸民勾串灶丁，私賣私販，伺回空糧船經過，即運載船中，請嚴行禁止，違者俱依私鹽例治罪；一，糧船回空時，請於瓜洲、江口派瓜洲營協同廳員搜查；一，運司等官拏獲私鹽，請依專管兼轄官例議敘；一，隨幫官專司回空，有能拏獲私鹽三次及幫船三次回空無私鹽事者，以千總推用；一，每船量帶食鹽四十斤，多帶者以私鹽例治罪；一，例帶土宜之外，包攬商船木筏者，照漏稅例治罪，貨物入官。自是禁網益密矣。幫丁困苦，爰有津貼之議。江蘇漕船，以松江幫丁力為最疲。定例松、太等屬每船津貼銀三百兩，旋加為五百兩。幫丁視為額給之項，仍欲另議津貼，開船遲延，州縣恐貽誤獲譴，恆私餽之，以致津貼日增，流弊無已。

When commerce flourished, empty military boats crossing the Huai often smuggled salt. Transport Director-General Zhang Dayou proposed six measures: first, at Changlu and Two Huai salt areas, smugglers colluded with saltern workers to load salt onto empty grain boats; strict prohibition was requested and violators punished under the private-salt statute; second, empty grain boats should be searched at Guazhou and the river mouth with garrison and office staff cooperating; third, transport commissioners who captured private salt should be rewarded under the specialized-jurisdiction statute; fourth, convoy officers specializing in empty returns who captured private salt three times, or whose convoys returned clean three times, should be promoted to battalion commanders; fifth, each boat might carry forty jin of table salt; excess was punished under the private-salt statute; sixth, beyond permitted local products, contracting merchant boats and timber rafts was punished as tax evasion with confiscation of goods. From then on prohibitions grew ever tighter. Distressed convoy laborers prompted talk of subsidies. Among Jiangsu transport boats, Songjiang convoy labor was most exhausted. Songjiang, Taicang, and related districts received three hundred taels subsidy per boat by regulation, soon raised to five hundred. Convoy laborers treated this as fixed pay yet still sought more subsidies; delayed departures made counties fear penalties and give private gifts—subsidies grew and abuses never ceased.

漕運抵通及遇淺，皆須用剝船。清初設紅剝船六百艘，每船給田四十頃，收租贍船，免其徵科。近畿州縣距河甚遠，恆雇覓民船，河干遊民藉之邀利，及接運漕糧，往往有盜賣攙和之弊，甚有盜賣將盡，故傾覆其船，逮運官查明，仍責地戶賠償，傾家盪業。又領船船戶例受天津鈔關部差管轄，每歲河冰未泮之日，部差催促過堂守候，莫不有費，苦累實甚。三十九年，裁紅剝船，依原收租數分派各省，於漕糧項下編徵，解糧道庫支發。乾隆二年，定每船給紅剝銀二兩，由隨幫千總領發，漕船遇淺，由運軍自雇民船，坐糧廳酌定雇價。十三年，增設★船六十艘，造船及用具夫役工食，均於紅剝銀內支用，餘仍分給運軍。南糧入北河後，官為雇船剝運，糧艘未到，剝船先期預備，守候累日，且有妨商鹽挽運。五十年，諭令另造剝船，南糧抵北河，即剝運赴通，嗣後毋得封固民船，致滋擾累，違者罪之。尋議定官備剝船千二百艘，發交附近沿河天津等十八州縣收管，如有商貨鹽斤，許其攬載，四月以後，調赴水次，毋得遠離。翌年復添造三百隻，交江西、湖廣成造，運送天津，與原設剝船在楊村更番備剝。豫、東二省，因水淺阻滯，定造剝船三百艘，交德州、恩、武城、夏津、臨清五州縣分管。

Grain transport at Tongzhou and in shallows required lighter boats. Early Qing established six hundred red lighter boats, each granted forty qing of tax-exempt fields whose rent supported the boat. Capital-area counties far from the river constantly hired civilian boats; riverbank vagrants profited; grain handoffs often involved theft and adulteration; sometimes nearly all grain was stolen and boats deliberately capsized; transport officers still held local households liable, ruining families. Boat owners leading boats fell under Tianjin customs board runners; each year before the ice melted, board runners urged them through offices and waiting—all involving fees and severe hardship. In 1774 red lighter boats were abolished; original rent was apportioned to provinces, levied on tribute grain, remitted to grain commissioners' treasuries, and disbursed. In 1737 each boat received two taels of red-lighter silver from convoy battalion commanders; in shallows transport troops hired civilian boats at prices set by the Grain-Sitting Office. In 1748 sixty additional lighter boats were established; construction, equipment, labor, and rations came from red-lighter silver, with the remainder distributed to transport troops. After southern grain entered the northern canal, the government hired lighters; boats waited days before grain arrived, also obstructing merchant salt transport. In 1785 the throne ordered separate lighter boats built; southern grain reaching the northern canal was immediately lightered to Tongzhou; civilian boats must no longer be commandeered; violators were punished. Soon 1,200 government lighters were assigned to eighteen nearby riverine counties including Tianjin; they could carry merchant goods and salt; after the fourth month they reported to landings and must not stray far. The next year three hundred more were built in Jiangxi and Huguang, sent to Tianjin, and rotated with original lighters at Yangcun. Henan and Shandong, blocked by shallow water, built three hundred lighters assigned to Dezhou, En, Wucheng, Xiajin, and Linqing.

清初沿明衛所之制，以屯田給軍分佃，罷其雜徭。尋改衛軍為屯丁，毋得竄入民籍，五年一編審，糧道掌之。康熙初，定各省衛所額設運丁十名。三十五年，定漕船出運，每船僉丁一名，餘九名以諳練駕馭之水手充之。凡僉選運丁，僉責在糧道，舉報責衛守備，用舍責運弁，保結責通幫各丁。尋僉本軍子弟一人為副軍。雍正初，免文學生員僉運。先是江蘇按察使胡文伯以江、安十衛去蘇、松水次遙遠，遇有應更換之丁，運官赴衛查僉，往返須時，請預僉備丁，造冊送糧道，轉送總漕備案。經戶部議准。漕督楊錫紱上疏爭之，略言：「預僉閒丁，其不必者有二，不便者有二。各省衛幫，貧富不等。殷富之幫，本無俟閒丁預備；貧乏之幫，遇有應換之丁，百計搜查，求一二殷丁且不可得，安有數十閒丁可以預備？其不必一也。又殷實軍丁，生計粗裕，猝遇收成歉薄，一二年或即轉為貧乏，今既僉選註冊矣，設需用之時，已經貧乏，是仍以疲丁應選，其不必二也。至送糧道點驗，僕僕道途，廢時失業，不便一也。衛所州縣書吏，喜於有事，富者賄脫，貧者受僉，不便二也。請停止預選閒丁註冊。」從之。

Early Qing followed the Ming guard-unit system, granting garrison fields to troops for tenant farming and abolishing miscellaneous corvée. Soon guard troops became garrison laborers barred from civilian registers; the grain commissioner conducted registration every five years. Early in Kangxi each guard unit was fixed at ten transport laborers. In 1696 each sailing boat conscripted one transport laborer; the remaining nine were skilled boatmen. Conscripting transport laborers was the grain commissioner's duty; nomination fell to guard defense commanders, selection to transport officers, and guarantees to the whole convoy. Soon one native son of the unit was conscripted as assistant soldier. Early in Yongzheng literary licentiates were exempted from transport conscription. Earlier Jiangsu provincial judge Hu Wenbo, because ten Jiangsu-Anhui guard units were far from Suzhou and Songjiang landings and replacing laborers required time-consuming trips to guard units, requested pre-conscripting reserve laborers, compiling registers for the grain commissioner and transport director-general. The Board of Revenue approved. Transport Governor Yang Xifu memorialized in opposition, stating: "Pre-conscripting idle laborers is unnecessary for two reasons and inconvenient for two reasons. Provincial guard convoys differed in wealth. Wealthy convoys had no need to prepare idle laborers in advance; impoverished convoys, when laborers needed replacement, could scarcely find one or two wealthy men—how could dozens of idle laborers be prepared? That is the first reason it is unnecessary. Moreover prosperous garrison laborers might become impoverished within a year or two of poor harvests; once registered, when needed they might already be exhausted— that is the second reason it is unnecessary. Sending them to the grain commissioner for inspection wasted time and disrupted livelihood on the road—the first inconvenience. Guard-unit and county clerks welcomed the extra business; the rich bribed their way out and the poor were conscripted—the second inconvenience. He requested stopping advance selection and registration of idle laborers." The court approved.

舊制漕船旗丁十名，丁地五頃。其後丁地半歸民戶，運丁生計貧乏，經戶部行文清查，不許民間侵佔。乾隆初，巡漕御史王興吾奏：「屯田籍冊年久散失，無可稽考。亦有冊籍僅存而界址難於徵實，或軍丁典佃於民，而展轉相售、屢易其主者。清田歸運，徒滋擾累。蓋津貼之舉已成通例，民出費以贍丁，丁得項以承運，相沿既久，無礙於漕。況丁得田不能自耕，勢必召佃收租，是與未贖時之津貼同一得項承運，未見有益也。」二十五年，錫紱奏：「漕運之有疲幫，實緣運丁債負為累。浙江之金、衢、嚴、溫、處、紹、台、嘉等幫，江南之江、淮、興、武、鳳陽、大河等幫，債欠尤多，幫疲益甚。欲除私負之累，莫若出借官帑。請於浙江江、安道庫各提銀六萬兩，專備疲幫領借。每歲督運道員，查按沿途及抵通需用銀數，提交押運，至期散給，於次年新運應領項下扣還，俟疲幫漸起，奏明停止。

Under the old system each transport boat had ten banner laborers, each with five qing of assigned fields. Later half the laborer fields passed to civilians; transport laborers grew impoverished; the Board of Revenue ordered investigation and forbade civilian encroachment. Early in Qianlong, Transport-Circuit Censor Wang Xingwu memorialized: "Garrison-field registers had long been lost and could not be verified. Some registers survived but boundaries were hard to confirm; or garrison laborers mortgaged fields to civilians, which were then resold repeatedly. Clearing fields and returning them to transport would only increase disturbance and burden. Subsidies had already become common practice: civilians paid to support laborers, who received funds to undertake transport—a long-standing custom that did not hinder grain transport. Moreover, laborers who received fields could not farm them themselves and would hire tenants for rent—the same income as subsidies, with no visible benefit." In 1760 Yang Xifu memorialized: "Exhausted convoys in grain transport truly arose from transport laborers' debt burdens. Among Zhejiang convoys of Jinhua, Quzhou, Yanzhou, Wenzhou, Chuzhou, Shaoxing, Taizhou, and Jiaxing, and Jiangnan convoys of Jiangning, Huai'an, Xinghua, Wujiang, Fengyang, and Dahe, debts were especially heavy and exhaustion especially severe. To remove private debt burdens, nothing was better than lending from the public treasury. He requested withdrawing sixty thousand taels each from the Zhejiang and Jiangsu-Anhui circuit treasuries for exhausted convoys to borrow. Each year transport-supervising circuit officials calculated silver needed along the route and at Tongzhou, submitted it to escort officers, disbursed on schedule, and deducted repayment from the following year's allotments until exhausted convoys recovered.

各省州縣衛幫承僉運丁，均以奉文派僉日起，限兩月僉解，並查明田地房產，造冊送總漕存案。設有虧短掛欠，令其賠補。若僉派後實系賣富差貧，或棄船脫逃，或重僉已革之丁，以及徇情出結、將軍丁改入民籍者，承僉之員降二級調用，不準抵銷。其上司照失察例議處。從漕督毓奇請也。道光十三年，給事中金應麟奏：「江、浙內河一帶漕船，訛詐商民，有買渡、排幫等名目。州縣以兌米畏其挑剔，置若罔聞，滯運擾民，為害甚大。」詔林則徐、富呢揚阿嚴行查禁。

Provincial counties and guard convoys conscripting transport laborers had two months from the dispatch date to deliver them, with fields and property investigated and registers filed with the transport director-general. Shortages or outstanding debts required compensation. If after conscription the rich bought their way out and the poor were assigned, or laborers fled, dismissed men were re-conscripted, or garrison laborers were shifted to civilian registers through favoritism, the conscripting officer was demoted two ranks without offset. Their superiors were penalized for negligence. This followed a request from Transport Governor Yu Qi. In 1833 Supervising Secretary Jin Yinglin memorialized: "Transport boats along Jiangsu and Zhejiang inland waterways extorted merchants under names such as passage purchase and convoy blocking. Counties, fearing nitpicking over exchange grain, ignored the abuses; transport delays harmed the people greatly." The throne ordered Lin Zexu and Funiyang'a to strictly investigate and prohibit the practice.

運軍往來淮、通，終歲勤苦，屯田所入有限，於是別給行月錢糧資用，其數各省不一。江南運軍每名支行糧二石四斗至二石八斗，月糧八石至十二石。浙江、江西、湖廣行糧三石，月糧九石六斗。山東行糧二石四斗，月糧九石六斗。其通、津等衛協運河南漕船運丁行月之數，與山東同。各省領運千總等官，於廩俸外多有兼支行糧者。行月二糧，舊時本少折多，且折價每石不過三四五錢，各處官丁常有偏枯之控。詔令漕督議定查照歲支行月舊額本折各半，折色照漕欠每石銀一兩四錢，永著為令。康熙二十九年，行月錢糧設立易知由單，列明應給各項錢糧，丁各一紙，照款支給。如官役剋扣婪索，許本丁將事由載單內，於過淮時陳控。

Transport troops traveling between the Huai and Tongzhou toiled all year; garrison-field income was limited; thus separate travel-month grain funds were provided, varying by province. Jiangnan transport troops each received two piculs four dou to two piculs eight dou travel grain and eight to twelve piculs monthly grain. Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Huguang received three piculs travel grain and nine piculs six dou monthly grain. Shandong received two piculs four dou travel grain and nine piculs six dou monthly grain. Transport laborers of Tongzhou, Tianjin, and other guards assisting Henan transport boats received the same travel-month amounts as Shandong. Provincial convoy-leader battalion commanders and other officers often additionally received travel grain beyond their salary rations. For travel and monthly grain, formerly little grain and much silver conversion were given at only three to five qian per picul; officials and laborers everywhere petitioned about unfair distribution. The throne ordered the transport governor to fix payment at half grain and half silver conversion per old travel-month quotas, with conversion at 1.4 taels per picul as for transport arrears, permanently as regulation. In 1690 travel-month funds used easy-receipt vouchers listing all payments; each laborer received one slip and was paid accordingly. If officials or runners embezzled or extorted, laborers could record the matter on the slip and petition at the Huai crossing.

雍正元年，覆准運船到次，先將本色行月錢糧於三日內給發折色銀，由衛守備出具印領受，領運千總鈐章，解道驗明，以半給軍，半封固，糧道賚淮，由總漕監發，愆期遲延者罪之。乾隆五年，議定運丁於解淮驗給一半錢糧內，酌留回空費用，數多者扣留三之一，少者酌扣八兩，令糧道另行封兌，於過淮時交隨運官弁收領，俟抵通交糧後，給發各丁。緣各省漕船回空，每因資斧缺乏，不能及時抵次也。十年，漕督顧琮上言：「糧道所押幫船，多少不同，兌開復有遲早，必俟最後之幫開竣，方得赴幫督察，而首進之幫，又不免守候領銀之累。請仍令糧道兌准封給領運千總，解淮呈驗散給。」從之。

In 1723 when transport boats arrived, grain-form travel-month funds were converted to silver within three days; the guard defense commander issued a sealed receipt, the convoy battalion commander affixed his seal, and the grain commissioner carried half to the Huai for the transport director-general to supervise disbursement; deadline violators were punished. In 1740 from the half of funds verified at Huai release, return-voyage expenses were set aside—one-third for larger amounts, eight taels for smaller—the grain commissioner sealed them separately, handed them to escort officers at the Huai, and disbursed them after Tongzhou delivery. Empty return voyages often lacked travel funds and could not reach destinations on time. In 1745 Transport Governor Gu Cong reported: "Convoys escorted by the grain commissioner differ in size and timing; he must wait for the last convoy to open before supervising, while the first convoy waits to receive silver. He asked that the grain commissioner again seal funds after verifying exchange and give them to convoy battalion commanders to send to the Huai for inspection and disbursement." The court approved.

凡漕船停歇，月糧減半給發，民船停運，給月糧原額四之一。三十年，車駕南巡，截留江、浙二省冬兌漕糧各十萬石，減歇之船，於應給月糧外，加恩再給十之二，以示體恤。運軍月糧，遇閏按月本折均平支給，尋罷。嗣以閏月錢糧乃計日授食，各軍春出冬歸，停支一月，不免枵腹。山東、河南、浙江、江寧、鳳陽等衛閏月有糧，仍照原額支給。山東、浙江及蘇、太等衛，遇閏各有額編加徵銀，江、興等衛無之，遇閏於道庫減存銀內支用。江西、湖北、湖南系按出運船米之數支給。河南遇閏亦無加徵銀，向准山東等省一例支給，經部駁追，尋准其照支。

When transport boats halted, monthly grain was halved; when civilian boats halted transport, one-quarter of the monthly quota was given. In 1765 during the southern tour, Jiangsu and Zhejiang each retained one hundred thousand piculs of winter-exchange tribute grain; halted boats received an additional twenty percent beyond monthly grain as sympathy. Transport troops' monthly grain in leap years was evenly disbursed in grain and silver conversion; this was soon abolished. Later, because leap-month funds were calculated daily and troops departed in spring and returned in winter, stopping one month left them hungry. Shandong, Henan, Zhejiang, Jiangning, Fengyang, and other guards with leap-month grain still received full quotas. Shandong, Zhejiang, and Suzhou-Taicang guards had fixed leap-year silver levies; Jiangning and Xinghua guards drew leap-year funds from circuit treasury reserves. Jiangxi, Hubei, and Hunan were paid according to grain on departing boats. Henan also had no leap-year levy silver; it had been permitted to pay like Shandong; the ministry initially rejected and demanded repayment, then approved continued payment.

各省運軍名數參差不齊。江、浙每船十一二名不等。嗣議定每船概以十軍配運，按名支給行月。安慶衛舊系按漕用軍按名派行月二糧。自畫一裁減後，每船祗用十軍，而所載漕糧則倍於他船，應仍按糧支給行月。山東德州等衛有自雇民船裝運漕糧者，一體支給行月錢糧。江寧省衛無贍運屯田，遇有減存，同出運之船支給安家月糧。江淮、興武二衛，原

Registered transport troop numbers varied by province. Jiangsu and Zhejiang had eleven or twelve men per boat. Later each boat was fixed at ten soldiers for transport, with travel-month paid by name. Anqing Guard formerly assigned travel and monthly grain by name according to troops used for transport. After uniform reduction to ten soldiers per boat, Anqing boats still carried double the tribute grain and should receive travel-month pay by grain volume. Shandong guards such as Dezhou that hired civilian boats to load transport grain received travel-month funds equally. Jiangning guards had no garrison fields supporting transport; reduced boats received settlement monthly grain like boats on transport duty. The Huaijiang and Xingwu guards had originally

減駕軍二名，准其復設，派給行月二糧，例由布政司行文各府州縣支領，每船餽遺書吏六七金不等，否則派撥遠年難支錢糧及極遠州縣，而州縣糧書又有需索，每船約二三金不等。十金之糧，運丁所得實不及半也。

had two steering soldiers cut; they were permitted to restore them with travel and monthly grain; by regulation the provincial treasurer ordered counties to disburse funds; each boat gave clerks six or seven taels in gifts, otherwise distant hard-to-collect funds were assigned; county grain clerks also demanded two or three taels per boat. Of ten taels' worth of grain, transport laborers actually received less than half.

漕糧為天庾正供，司運官吏考成綦嚴。順治十二年，定漕、糧二道考成則例。經徵州縣衛所各官，漕糧逾期未完，分別罰俸、住俸、降級、革職，責令戴罪督催，完日開復。康熙二年，議定隨漕行月、輕齎各項錢糧，總作十分計算，原參各官限一年接徵，而接徵之員止限半年，殊未平允。嗣後接徵官限一年，糧道、知府、直隸州一年半，巡撫二年。如仍不完，照原參分數議處。其經徵督催白糧各官考成條例，悉與漕糧同。白糧項下減存經費銀不得擅用，違者題參，並勒令賠繳。糧道完儲錢糧，春秋造冊達部，候撥解京餉。年終及離任日，籓司盤查出如有侵虧，揭報巡撫題參。

Tribute grain was the regular supply of the imperial granaries; transport officials faced extremely strict performance review. In 1655 performance-review regulations were fixed for the transport and grain circuits. Collecting officials who missed tribute-grain deadlines received salary fines, suspension, demotion, or dismissal, and supervised urging under penalty until completion. In 1663 travel-month grain, light-cargo funds, and other transport items, calculated as ten parts, gave impeached officials one year to collect arrears while collecting officials had only half a year—quite unfair. Thereafter collecting officials had one year, grain commissioners and prefects one and a half years, and governors two years. If still incomplete, penalties followed the original impeachment proportions. Performance-review regulations for white-rice tribute officials were the same as for tribute grain. Reduced stored operating silver under white-rice items must not be used without authorization; violators were impeached and ordered to repay. When grain commissioners completed stored funds, spring and autumn registers went to the ministry awaiting allocation for capital funds. At year-end and on departure, provincial treasurers audited and reported embezzlement or loss to governors for impeachment.

凡漕欠，無論多寡，均發各糧道嚴追，承追官吏嚴查本弁本軍產業，估計變售償補。如運軍侵糧逃逸，報明戶部，行文總督提究。掛欠米石，追完補運，與本幫原欠米不符者，將過淮不駁換之總漕及督漕、承運各官並採買搭運之員，一併糾劾。其運到之米，按數收用，以免累及運軍。承平日久，法令日弛，糧道及監兌、押運官既不親臨水次，糧船抵淮，漕總復不嚴行稽查，於是弁軍任意折銀，沿途盜賣，抵關時遂多掛欠矣。

All transport arrears, regardless of amount, were strictly pursued by grain commissioners; pursuing officials investigated officers' and troops' property, sold assets, and compensated. If transport troops embezzled grain and fled, the Board of Revenue was notified and governor-generals ordered to arrest and prosecute. If recovered grain did not match the convoy's original shortage, the transport director-general who failed to reject substitution at the Huai, transport supervisors, transport officers, and procurement personnel were all impeached. Arrived grain was accepted in full to avoid burdening transport troops. As peace endured, laws grew lax; grain commissioners and exchange and escort officers no longer attended landings; at the Huai the transport director-general did not inspect strictly; officers and troops converted grain to silver and sold along the route, accumulating debts at the customs pass.

四十五年，令嗣後耗贈漕截等銀米，暫存糧道倉庫，俟回空時，倉場查明，按其掛欠數扣抵。不足，以行糧抵補。旋議定掛欠漕糧不及一分至六分之弁軍治罪，總漕、糧道按所欠分數議處，並將所欠漕糧，由總漕、糧道及監兌、押運、僉丁、衛所各官至運丁，分別擔任，均限定期內償還。不完，總漕、糧道交部議，運官、運軍分別治罪，仍責成總漕、糧道賠償。全完者，優敘。

In 1780 wastage, gift, transport, and intercept silver and grain were temporarily stored in grain commissioners' granaries; upon empty return the granary field deducted according to outstanding amounts. If insufficient, travel grain made up the difference. Soon officers and troops with arrears from less than one to six percent were punished; the transport director-general and grain commissioner were penalized proportionally; outstanding grain was borne by transport officials, exchange supervisors, escort officers, conscripting officials, guard officers, and transport laborers, all required to repay within fixed deadlines. If incomplete, the transport director-general and grain commissioner were referred to the ministry; transport officers and troops were punished separately; the transport director-general and grain commissioner remained liable for compensation. Full repayment earned preferential commendation.

糧船抵通起卸漕米，例買別幫餘米抵補。雍正三年，奏准嗣後漕米如有不足，即分別參處償還，不得以別幫餘米買補。其運軍日用餘米，許其售賣，餘並禁阻。

When grain boats reached Tongzhou and unloaded tribute grain, surplus grain from other convoys was routinely purchased to cover shortages. In 1725 if tribute grain was insufficient, officials were impeached and made to repay separately; surplus grain from other convoys could no longer be purchased to supplement. Transport troops' daily surplus grain could be sold; all else was forbidden.

漕船經涉江湖，偶遇風濤漂沒，沿途催趲各官，及汛地文武官，親臨勘驗出結，總漕及巡撫覆勘奏免。若軍弁詐報漂沒，及漂沒而損失不多，乘機侵盜至六百石者，擬斬；不及六百石，充發極邊，漕米按數賠繳。文武官遇漕船沈溺，不將情由申報，押運官弁巡查不謹，致失火焚毀者，俱降一級調用。地方官不協救，延燒他船者，罰俸一年。雍正初，奏准漕船在內河失風漂沈者，不許豁免，押運官弁照失於防範例，罰俸一年。如有假捏，嚴加治罪，出結官弁，從重議處。凡海洋江河遭風漂沒，領運弁軍幸獲生全者，照軍功保守在事有功例，晉級賜金。其漂沒身故者，官弁照軍功陣亡例，分別准廕加贈，運軍給予祭葬銀。

When transport boats crossing lakes and rivers were sunk by wind and waves, route urging officials and patrol civil and military officials personally inspected and certified; the transport director-general and governor re-inspected and memorialized for exemption. If officers falsely reported sinking, or after limited loss embezzled up to six hundred piculs, decapitation was proposed; if less than six hundred piculs, exile to the frontier; tribute grain was repaid in full. Civil and military officials who failed to report sinkings, and escort officers who inspected carelessly and allowed fire to destroy boats, were all demoted one rank and transferred. Local officials who failed to assist rescue and allowed fire to spread to other boats were fined one year's salary. Early in Yongzheng, transport boats lost to wind on inland waterways were not exempted; escort officers were fined one year's salary for failure to guard. Fabricated cases were severely punished; certifying officers were penalized heavily. When wind swept boats away on sea or river, surviving convoy officers and troops were promoted and given gold for meritorious service in preserving supplies. Those swept away and killed—officers received posthumous honors and enfeoffment; transport troops received funeral silver.

乾隆七年，議定漕船失風火災，船未沉沒，無論已未過淮，即令修固復載抵通。如已被沈難戽者，雇民船載運，隨幫過淮盤驗抵通。如失事在過淮以後，黃河中流，民船難募，令先分通幫帶運開行，沿途仍雇覓民船裝載。通幫各丁，出具互結，稍有虧欠，責令償補。江、廣漕船失風沈溺，如果不堪戽修，無論已未滿號，地方官驗明，申報總漕，就近變價，令運弁賚交糧道發給。回空漕船失事亦如之。嗣議准江蘇、浙江、山東、河南等省買補船艘，如已滿號，遇失風事故，就近折變，價銀封交員弁攜回，由糧道驗給各軍，以補新漕。漕船遇冰凌迅下，致被損壞，及雷火焚毀，沈失米糧，免其償補。

In 1742 when transport boats met wind or fire but had not sunk, whether or not they had crossed the Huai, they were repaired and reloaded to reach Tongzhou. If already sunk and hard to pump out, civilian boats carried the grain, crossing the Huai with the convoy for inspection to Tongzhou. If the accident occurred after the Huai in mid-Yellow River where civilian boats were hard to hire, Tongzhou convoys first carried part of the grain while civilian boats were hired along the route. Each Tongzhou convoy laborer issued mutual guarantees; any shortage required compensation. When Jiangsu and Guangdong transport boats sank, if beyond repair, local officials verified, reported to the transport director-general, sold locally, and transport officers carried the silver to the grain commissioner for disbursement. Empty return transport boats meeting disaster were handled the same way. Later Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Shandong, Henan, and other provinces were permitted to purchase replacement boats; if the register was full and wind disaster occurred, local sale was permitted and silver was carried back by officers to the grain commissioner for new transport. When transport boats were damaged by ice floes or destroyed by lightning fire with grain lost, compensation was waived.

各省漕糧，歲有定額，凡荒地無徵者，督撫勘實報免，隨漕銀米，一例蠲免。災傷之區，應徵漕糧，及折改漕價，酌量各被災輕重，分別緩徵、帶徵。遇帶徵之年，復又被災傷，分年壓徵帶補。沿江沿海田地坍沒水中者，保題豁免。水旱偏災民地，例得蠲免，惟應船役，即被災甚重，仍須供修船雇募等事，不得同邀寬典。康熙三十七年，議定京畿通州、武清、寶坻、香河、東安、永清六州縣紅剝船戶所領地，水旱一體蠲免。水淹田畝，例於歲終確勘，涸前起徵，淹則停免。雍正十年，定淹田漕米照壓徵例，俟冬勘後，涸則帶徵，淹則豁免。

Each province's tribute grain had annual quotas; for unlevied wasteland, governors investigated and reported exemption, and accompanying transport silver and grain were exempted equally. In disaster areas, tribute grain due and converted transport prices were adjusted by disaster severity, with deferred or arrears collection. In arrears-collection years struck again by disaster, collection was spread over years with deferred supplementary payment. Fields along rivers and coasts that collapsed into water were reported with guarantee for exemption. Civilian land suffering partial flood or drought was exempt by regulation; only boat-service obligations, even in severe disaster, still required repair, hiring, and recruitment and could not claim the same leniency. In 1698 fields held by red-lighter boat households in Tongzhou, Wuqing, Baodi, Xianghe, Dong'an, and Yongqing in the capital region were exempt alike in flood and drought. Flooded fields were surveyed at year-end; if dried, collection began; if still flooded, collection was suspended and exempted. In 1732 flooded-field tribute grain followed deferred-collection rules; after winter survey, dried fields were collected in arrears and flooded fields were exempted.

蘇、松、太三屬為東南財賦之區，賦額最重。世宗以來，屢議蠲緩，然較之同省諸府縣，尚多四五倍或十數倍。道光時，兩遭大水，各州縣每歲歉蠲減，遂成年例。嗣是徵收之數，除官墊民欠，每年僅得正額之七八或五六而已。軍興以後，兩府一州，受害尤酷。同治二年，諭江督、蘇撫查明，折衷議減，期與舊額本輕之常、鎮二府，通融覈計，著為定額。其紳戶把持、州縣浮收諸弊，永遠禁革。四年，戶部遵議：「江蘇常、鎮、太五屬編徵米，系會同漕贈行月南恤局糧等款徵收。應如李鴻章等所奏，無分起運留支，一體並減，酌科則之重輕，視減成之多寡，計原額編徵米豆二百二萬餘石，減五十四萬餘石。」民困稍舒。曾國籓又請將蘇、松地漕錢糧一體酌減。部覆漕項為辦運要需，若議覈減，費必不敷，勢須另加津貼，於民生仍無裨益。詔令國籓、鴻章仿浙省成例，覈實刪減浮收，並嚴禁大戶包攬短交等弊。是年減浙江杭、嘉、湖三屬米二十六萬餘石。

Suzhou, Songjiang, and Taicang were the southeastern revenue region with the heaviest tax quotas. Since Yongzheng, exemptions and deferrals were repeatedly discussed, yet compared with other prefectures and counties in the province they still bore four to ten times the burden. During Daoguang, after two great floods, annual famine exemptions and reductions became yearly precedent in each county. Thereafter, aside from official advances for civilian arrears, annual collection reached only fifty to eighty percent of the regular quota. After military campaigns began, the two prefectures and one department suffered especially severely. In 1863 the Jiangsu governor-general and governor were ordered to investigate balanced reductions, reconcile with lighter-quota Changzhou and Zhenjiang, and fix permanent quotas. Gentry manipulation, county over-collection, and other abuses were permanently forbidden. In 1865 the Board of Revenue followed deliberation: "Registered levy grain of Changzhou, Zhenjiang, and Taicang in Jiangsu was collected together with transport gifts, travel-month, southern relief bureau grain, and other items. Following Li Hongzhang's memorial, regardless of shipment or retention, all should be reduced together by tax-rate severity; originally 2.02 million piculs were registered, reduced by 540,000 piculs." Popular hardship was somewhat eased. Zeng Guofan again requested balanced reduction of Suzhou and Songjiang land transport grain funds. The ministry replied that transport funds were essential; reduction would leave funds insufficient and require added subsidies, still without benefit to the people. The throne ordered Guofan and Hongzhang to follow Zhejiang precedent, cut verified excess collection, and strictly forbid large-household contracting and short delivery. That year Zhejiang's Hangzhou, Jiaxing, and Huzhou districts reduced grain by over 260,000 piculs.

海運始於元代，至明永樂間，會通河成，乃罷之。清沿明代長運之制。嘉慶中，洪澤湖泄水過多，運河淺涸，令江、浙大吏兼籌海運。兩江總督勒保等會奏不可行者十二事，略謂，「海運既興，河運仍不能廢，徒增海運之費。且大洋中沙礁叢雜，險阻難行，天庾正供，非可嘗試於不測之地。旗丁不諳海道，船戶又皆散漫無稽，設有延誤，關係匪細」。上謂「海運既多窒礙，惟有謹守前人成法，將河道盡心修治，萬一嬴絀不齊，惟有起剝盤壩，或酌量截留，為暫時權宜之計，斷不可輕議更張，所謂利不百不變法也」。自是終仁宗之世，無敢言海運者。

Sea transport began in the Yuan; when the Huitong Canal was completed in Ming Yongle, it was abandoned. The Qing followed the Ming long-distance transport system. During Jiaqing, excessive discharge from Hongze Lake shallowed the canal, and Jiangsu and Zhejiang officials were ordered to plan sea transport as well. Governor-General Lebao and others jointly memorialized twelve reasons sea transport would not work, stating: "If sea transport began, river transport still could not be abandoned, merely increasing costs. Moreover, the open ocean had numerous sandbars and reefs, dangerous and hard to navigate; the imperial granary supply must not be tried in unpredictable waters. Banner laborers did not know sea routes, boat owners were scattered and unregistered, and delay would have serious consequences." The emperor said: "Sea transport has many obstacles; predecessors' methods must be kept and the canal diligently repaired; if surplus and deficit do not balance, only lightering, lock passage, or measured retention may serve as temporary expedients; change must not be lightly discussed—if benefit is not a hundredfold, do not change the law." From then until the end of Jiaqing, none dared propose sea transport.

道光四年，南河黃水驟漲，高堰漫口，自高郵、寶應至清江浦，河道淺阻，輸輓維艱。吏部尚書文孚等請引黃河入運，添築閘壩，鉗束盛漲，可無泛溢。然黃水挾沙，日久淤墊，為患滋深。上亦知借黃濟運非計，於是海運之議復興。詔魏元煜、顏檢、張師誠、黃鴻傑各就轄境情形籌議。諸臣憚於更張，以窒礙難行入奏。會孫玉庭因渡黃艱滯，軍船四十幫，須盤壩接運，請帑至百二十萬金。未幾，因水勢短絀，難於挽運，復請截留米一百萬石。上令琦善往查，覆稱玉庭所奏渡黃之船，有一月後尚未開行者，有淤阻御黃各壩之間者，其應行剝運軍船，皆膠柱不能移動。上震怒，元煜、玉庭、檢均得罪。

In 1824 Yellow River water in the Southern Canal surged; the Gaoyan dam breached; from Gaoyou and Baoying to Qingjiangpu the canal was shallow and blocked and transport was extremely difficult. Minister Wen Fu and others requested diverting the Yellow River into the canal and adding locks and dams to constrain the swollen flow. Yet Yellow River water carried silt; over time silting accumulated and the harm deepened. The emperor also knew borrowing the Yellow River to aid transport was no solution; thus sea transport was proposed again. The throne ordered Wei Yuanyu, Yan Jian, Zhang Shicheng, and Huang Hongjie each to plan according to conditions in their jurisdictions. The officials feared change and memorialized that obstacles made implementation difficult. Meanwhile Sun Yuting, because Yellow River crossing was difficult, with forty military convoys requiring lock passage and transshipment, requested up to 1.2 million taels from the treasury. Before long, because water was insufficient and hauling was difficult, he again requested retaining one million piculs of grain. The emperor ordered Qishan to investigate; he reported that among boats crossing the Yellow, some had not departed after a month, some were silt-blocked between Yellow-control dams, and military boats that should have been lightered could not move. The emperor was greatly angered; Yuanyu, Yuting, and Jian were all punished.

協辦大學士、戶部尚書英和建言：「治道久則窮，窮則必變。河道既阻，重運中停，河漕不能兼顧，惟有暫停河運以治河，雇募海船以利運，雖一時之權宜，實目前之急務。蓋滯漕全行盤壩剝運，則民力勞而帑費不省，暫雇海船分運，則民力逸而生氣益舒。國家承平日久，航東吳至遼海者，往來無異內地。今以商運決海運，則風颶不足疑，盜賊不足慮，霉濕侵耗不足患。以商運代官運，則舟不待造，丁不待募，價不待籌。至於屯軍之安置，倉胥之稽察，河務之張弛，胥存乎人。矧借黃既病，盤壩亦病，不變通將何策之從？臣以為無如海運便。」詔仍下有漕各省大吏議。時琦善督兩江，陶澍撫安徽，咸請以蘇、松、常、鎮、太倉四府一州之粟全由海運。乃使布政使賀長齡親赴海口，督同地方官吏，招徠商船，並籌議剝運兌裝等事。嗣澍言：「現雇沙船千艘，三不像船數十，分兩次裝載，計可運米百五六十萬石。其安徽、江西、湖廣離海口較遠，浙江乍浦、寧波海口或不能停泊，或盤剝費鉅，仍由河運。」上乃命設海運總局於上海，並設局天津。覆命理籓院尚書穆彰阿，會同倉場侍郎，駐津驗收監兌，以杜經紀人需索留難諸弊。

Associate Grand Secretary Yinghe submitted advice: "When governance lasts long it reaches exhaustion; when exhausted it must change. Since the canal was blocked and heavy transport halted, river and canal transport could not both be managed; river transport must temporarily halt to repair the canal while hiring sea boats to aid transport—urgent though temporary. If stalled tribute were entirely passed through locks and lightered, the people would be exhausted and treasury costs not saved; temporarily hiring sea boats for divided transport would ease the people and restore vitality. The state had enjoyed peace long; voyages from eastern Wu to the Liaodong sea passed back and forth like inland routes. Using merchant transport for sea transport, storms, bandits, and mold or damp spoilage need not be feared. Using merchant transport instead of official transport, boats need not be built, crews need not be recruited, and prices need not be arranged. Resettling garrison troops, auditing granary clerks, and managing river affairs all depended on personnel. Moreover, borrowing the Yellow River was already harmful and lock passage also harmful—without change, what policy could be followed? Your subject believes nothing is as convenient as sea transport." The throne again sent the matter to transport-province officials for deliberation. Qishan supervised the Two Jiangs and Tao Zhu governed Anhui; both requested that grain from Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, Zhenjiang, and Taicang all go by sea transport. Provincial treasurer He Changling was sent to the port to supervise local officials in recruiting merchant boats and planning lightering, exchange, and loading. Later Tao Zhu reported: "One thousand sand boats and several dozen 'three-unlike' boats are hired, loaded in two batches, estimated to transport 1.5 to 1.6 million piculs. Anhui, Jiangxi, and Huguang were farther from port; Zhejiang's Zhapu and Ningbo ports either could not anchor or lightering costs were huge; they still went by river transport." The throne then ordered a Sea Transport General Bureau at Shanghai and a bureau at Tianjin. The throne ordered Minister Mujangga and the Granary Commissioner stationed at Tianjin to inspect receipt and supervise exchange, stopping broker demands and obstruction.

六年正月，各州縣剝運之米，以次抵上海受兌，分批開行。計海運水程四千餘里，逾旬而至。米石抵通後，轉運京倉，派步軍統領衙門文武員弁沿途稽查。沙船耗米，於例給旗丁十八萬餘石內動放，所節省耗米六萬石，仍隨同起運。承運漕糧每石給耗米八升，白糧耗米一斗，以補正米之不足。仍將漕運商耗覈出二成，白糧覈出三成，由津局給價收買，隨正交運。漕糧無故短少霉變，於備帶耗米內補足；不敷，勒令買補。如有斫桅松艙傷人等事則免之。船戶腳價飯米折色並津貼等銀，先於受兌後發七成，餘三成交押運員弁，到壩後查無弊端，始行全發。沙船餘米不下十萬石，初照南糧例，聽天津人照市價收買。嗣以商人希圖賤價售買，改由官為收買，其價銀由江南委員轉發船戶，後仍令商船自行售賣。

In the first month of 1826, grain lightered by each county reached Shanghai in sequence for exchange and departed in batches. The sea route totaled over four thousand li and was completed in little over ten days. After grain reached Tongzhou, it was transferred to Beijing granaries under inspection by civil and military officers from the Metropolitan Banner commander's office. Sand-boat wastage grain was drawn from the 180,000 piculs statutorily given to banner laborers; the 60,000 piculs saved still departed with the shipment. Transported tribute grain received eight sheng wastage per picul; white-rice tribute received one dou wastage per picul to supplement shortfalls. Merchant wastage was calculated at twenty percent and white-rice wastage at thirty percent, purchased by the Tianjin bureau and delivered with principal grain. If tribute grain was short or moldy without cause, it was made up from reserve wastage grain; if insufficient, purchase to supplement was ordered. If masts were cut, hulls loosened, or people injured, exemption was granted. Boat owners' freight, rice rations, silver conversion, and subsidies were disbursed seventy percent after exchange; the remaining thirty percent was held by escort officers and fully paid only after reaching the dam with no abuses found. Sand-boat surplus grain was at least one hundred thousand piculs; initially Tianjin residents could purchase at market price under southern-grain precedent. Later, because merchants sought cheap purchase, the government bought instead and Jiangnan commissioners forwarded silver to boat owners; afterward merchant boats sold on their own again.

每屆海運期，沿海水師提鎮，各按汛地，派撥哨船兵丁，巡防護送，並派武職大員二，隨船赴津。上海交兌時，先期咨照浙江提鎮水師營出哨招寶、陳錢一帶地方，江南提鎮水師營出哨大小洋山，會於馬跡山，山東總鎮出哨成山、石島，會於鷹游門，以資彈壓。山東洋面，責成游擊、守備，搜查島嶼，防護迎送。後以邵燦言，停派護送武職大員，責成沿海水師逐程遞護。嗣寧、滬商人各置火輪船一，遇新漕兌開行時，分別扼要巡防。

Each sea transport season, coastal naval commanders dispatched patrol boats and soldiers by sector for escort, and two senior military officers accompanied boats to Tianjin. At Shanghai exchange, Zhejiang naval commanders patrolled Zhaobao and Chenqian, Jiangnan commanders patrolled Greater and Lesser Yangshan, meeting at Matsu Island; Shandong's regional commander patrolled Chengshan and Shidao, meeting at Yingyou Gate. On Shandong waters, brigade and garrison commanders searched islands and protected escort reception. Later, following Shao Can's advice, senior escort officers were discontinued; coastal naval forces relayed escort stage by stage. Later Ningbo and Shanghai merchants each placed one steamship to patrol key points when new tribute exchange departed.

剝船，直隸舊設二千五百艘，二百艘分撥故城等處，八百艘留楊村，餘千五百艘集天津備用。後雇賝堪裝漕糧二百五十石民船五百艘，以備裝載。商船首次抵津，先僅府縣倉腳廟宇撥卸三十萬石，餘令剝船徑運通倉。隨將天津倉腳廟宇所儲漕米運通，無庸轉卸北倉，致多周折。至商船二次抵津，如剝船不敷裝載，即將米先儲府縣倉腳廟宇；不敷，再剝儲北倉。隨令原剝將所儲米石侭數運通。剝船足敷裝載，即按首次商船辦法，不必分儲北倉，以歸簡便。剝船百六十隻為一起，由經紀自派人分起押運交倉，押運員役稟報倉場，復馳回續押後起米船。經紀等止須帶領斛手到船起卸，如有藉端刁難需索，交地方官從嚴治罪。

Zhili originally had 2,500 lighter boats; 200 were distributed to Gucheng and elsewhere, 800 kept at Yangcun, and 1,500 gathered at Tianjin for reserve. Later five hundred civilian boats capable of loading 250 piculs were hired for loading. When merchant boats first reached Tianjin, only three hundred thousand piculs were unloaded at county granary annexes and temples; the rest went directly to Tongzhou granaries by lighter. Then tribute grain stored at Tianjin granary annexes and temples was transported to Tongzhou, avoiding transfer to the northern granary and extra complications. When merchant boats reached Tianjin a second time, if lighters were insufficient, grain was first stored at county granary annexes and temples; if still insufficient, it was lightered to the northern granary. Then the original lighters transported all stored grain to Tongzhou. If lighters sufficed, the first-arrival method was followed without storing at the northern granary, for simplicity. One hundred sixty lighters formed one group; brokers dispatched escorts in groups to deliver to granaries, reported to the granary field, then returned to escort later grain boats. Brokers need only lead measuring hands to boats for unloading; obstruction or demands for fees were severely punished by local officials.

各州縣經管剝船，每年例給修艌銀五兩，三年小修一次，給費二十兩，歲終漕竣，逐一挑驗，船身堅固者，酌量修艌，如損壞較甚，即核賞估價，所需經費，於道庫油艌銀項下動撥。封河守凍期內，每船工食銀十五兩，運米百石，給腳價八兩四錢，食米一石一斗五升。嗣每百石加腳費五兩。李鴻章因官剝船戶貧困滋弊，例定工食銀十五兩，僅領一半，不敷贍家，請每船由蘇、浙漕項內酌貼五兩，部格不行。鴻章上疏爭之，詔從其議。商船領運漕糧，迅速無誤，萬石以下給匾額，五萬石獎職銜，每次奏保以百二三十人為限。

County-managed lighters received five taels repair silver annually; minor repair every three years received twenty taels; at year-end boats were inspected; sturdy hulls received measured repair; severe damage was valuated and funded from circuit-treasury oil-and-caulking silver. During river closure and ice-guard periods, each boat received fifteen taels labor rations; per hundred piculs transported, freight was eight taels four qian and rations one picul one dou five sheng. Later five taels freight per hundred piculs was added. Li Hongzhang, because official lighter households grew impoverished and abuses multiplied, noted statutory fifteen-tael labor rations were only half received; he requested five taels subsidy per boat from Jiangsu and Zhejiang transport funds; the ministry rejected it. Hongzhang memorialized in opposition; the court approved his proposal. Merchant boats transporting tribute grain swiftly and without error: under ten thousand piculs received a plaque; fifty thousand piculs received honorary rank; each commendation memorial was limited to 120–130 persons.

七年，蔣攸銛請新漕仍行海運。上以近年河湖漸臻順軌，軍船可以暢行，不許。其後各省歲運額漕，逐漸短少，太倉積粟，動放無存。二十六年，詔復行海運。二十七年，議准蘇、松、太二府一州漕白糧米，自明歲始，改由海運。三十年，復令蘇、松、太二府一州白糧正耗米，援照成案，由海運津。咸豐元年，戶部尚書孫瑞珍請河海並運。御史張祥晉請將江蘇新漕，援案推廣常、鎮各屬及浙江，一體海運。下江督陸建瀛、蘇撫楊文定、浙撫常大淳妥議。覆稱明年蘇、松、常、鎮、太四府一州漕白糧米，請一律改由海運。浙漕礙難海運，請仍循舊章，從之。二年，建瀛上籌辦海運十事，下部議行。是年以浙江漕船開兌過遲，回空不能依期歸次，詔來歲新漕改為海運，從巡撫黃宗漢請也。五年，河決銅瓦廂，由張秋入大清河，挾汶東趨，運道益梗。六年，截留江蘇應運漕糧二十萬石供支兵餉，實運漕白正耗及支賸給丁餘耗米七十五萬五千餘石，其歉緩南漕，令各州縣依限催徵運通。

In 1827 Jiang Yohuan requested that new tribute still go by sea transport. The emperor, because rivers and lakes had gradually become navigable and military boats could proceed smoothly, did not permit it. Thereafter each province's annual transport quota gradually shrank; Taicang stored grain was drawn down until none remained. In 1846 an edict restored sea transport. In 1847 tribute and white-rice grain from Suzhou, Songjiang, and Taicang would change to sea transport from the following year. In 1850 white-rice principal and wastage grain from Suzhou, Songjiang, and Taicang was again ordered to Tianjin by sea transport under established precedent. In 1851 Minister Sun Ruizhen requested combined river and sea transport. Censor Zhang Xiangjin requested extending Jiangsu new tribute by precedent to Changzhou, Zhenjiang, and Zhejiang, all by sea transport. The matter was sent to Governor-General Lu Jianying, Governor Yang Wending, and Zhejiang Governor Chang Dachun for deliberation. They replied that the following year tribute and white-rice grain from Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, Zhenjiang, and Taicang should uniformly change to sea transport. Zhejiang tribute found sea transport difficult and requested continuing old regulations; the court agreed. In 1852 Jianying submitted ten items for organizing sea transport; sent to the ministry for implementation. That year, because Zhejiang transport boats opened exchange too late and empty returns missed deadlines, the following year's new tribute was changed to sea transport at Governor Huang Zonghan's request. In 1855 the river breached at Tongwaxiang, entered the Daqing River from Zhangqiu, carried the Wen eastward, and the transport route grew more blocked. In 1856 two hundred thousand piculs of Jiangsu tribute grain were retained for military pay; actually transported were tribute, white-rice principal and wastage, and surplus wastage for laborers totaling over 755,000 piculs; famine-deferred southern tribute was collected and transported to Tongzhou by deadline.

同治七年，議試用夾板船裝運採買米石，水腳銀數悉仍沙船例，給銀五錢五分，挽至天津紫竹林，由商董就近寄棧，聽驗米大臣會同通商大臣驗收過剝，所需小船剝價、棧租、挑力，每石給銀七分，由商董承領經理。又每石給保險銀三分，設有遭風拋失，責令貼補。至每米千石，隨耗八十石，備帶餘米二十石，剝船食耗米十一石五斗。又每百石給津、通剝價銀八兩一錢四釐，通倉個兒錢折銀二兩，均照海運正漕採買各案辦理。是年以津沽河面狹隘，常有沈船失米之虞，於大沽增設海運外局。

In 1868 trial use of decked boats for purchased grain was discussed; freight followed sand-boat rates at five qian five fen per picul to Zizhulin in Tianjin; merchant directors stored grain nearby for inspection and lightering; lightering, warehouse rent, and porterage at seven fen per picul were managed by merchant directors. Three fen insurance silver per picul was also given; wind losses required compensation. Per thousand piculs, eighty piculs wastage accompanied shipment, twenty piculs reserve surplus was carried, and lighters consumed eleven piculs five dou wastage grain. Per hundred piculs, Tianjin and Tongzhou lightering cost eight taels one qian four li and Tongzhou granary handling two taels—all under sea transport regular tribute and purchase precedents. That year, because the Tianjin river was narrow and boats often sank with grain lost, an outer sea transport bureau was added at Dagu.

九年，浙江巡撫楊昌濬奏：「浙省來歲新漕，酌擬海運章程十四條：一，委員分辦，以專責成；一，新漕仍由上海受兌放洋，白糧仍循案裝盛麻袋，首先運滬；一，寬備海運商船，並由蘇省多撥沙船，移浙濟用；一，經耗等米，仍照數支給，商耗飭帶本色並餘耗申糙等米搭交倉；一，增給天津剝船耗米，以彌虧欠；一，津、通經費，照案備帶，羨等款，仍按數抵解；一，商船准帶砲械，並由商捐輪船護送，仍責成沿海水師實力巡防；一，天津交米後，循舊責成經紀，續到之船，仍由天津道驗收；一，循案加增海運經費；一，米船到津，應多添排數，寬備剝船；一，商船水腳等項，照案核給，並二成免稅，酌定賞罰；一，商船二成免私之貨，仍以米石計斤，所帶竹木，照案免稅；一，商船回空載貨，照向章免稅；一，米船抵津交卸，嚴禁經紀斗斛剝船需索浮費。」下部議行。十年，鴻章言：「剝船守候苦累，每載米百石，請加給腳價銀五兩，並另籌運白糧民船守候口糧銀萬二千兩，由蘇、浙糧道庫漕項內撥解；不敷，則由司庫通融借撥。」

In 1870 Zhejiang Governor Yang Changjun proposed fourteen sea transport regulations for next year's tribute: first, commissioners divide duties for specialized responsibility; second, new tribute still exchanges at Shanghai and departs to sea; white rice still follows precedent in hemp sacks and goes to Shanghai first; third, prepare ample merchant boats and allocate extra sand boats from Jiangsu to assist Zhejiang; fourth, route wastage grain is still disbursed in full; merchant wastage must carry grain in kind plus surplus wastage and declared coarse grain to granaries; fifth, increase Tianjin lighter wastage grain to cover shortages; sixth, Tianjin and Tongzhou operating funds are carried per precedent; surplus and other items are still remitted in full; seventh, merchant boats may carry arms, merchants donate steamships for escort, and coastal naval forces remain charged with effective patrol; eighth, after Tianjin delivery, brokers remain responsible as before; later boats are still inspected by the Tianjin circuit; ninth, increase sea transport operating funds per precedent; tenth, when grain boats reach Tianjin, add more convoy groups and prepare ample lighters; eleventh, merchant-boat freight is verified and paid per precedent, with twenty percent tax-free cargo, and rewards and penalties set; twelfth, merchant boats' twenty percent tax-free private cargo is still counted by picul weight; bamboo and timber are tax-free per precedent; thirteenth, merchant boats loading cargo on empty return are tax-free per usual regulations; fourteenth, when grain boats reach Tianjin for delivery, brokers, measuring hands, and lighters are strictly forbidden from demanding excess fees. Sent to the ministry for implementation. In 1871 Hongzhang reported: "Lighter boats waiting is burdensome; please add five taels freight per hundred piculs loaded, and twelve thousand taels ration silver for waiting civilian white-rice boats from Jiangsu and Zhejiang transport funds; if insufficient, the provincial treasury may lend funds flexibly." End of Hongzhang's memorial.

十一年，昌濬請以輪船運漕，從之。輪船招商，由商人借領二十萬串為設局資本，盈虧悉由商任之。購堅捷輪船三艘，每年撥海運漕米二十萬石，由招商輪船運津，其水腳耗米等項，仍照向章辦理。輪船到津，命直督籌備剝船轉運，並會同倉場侍郎臨棧查驗，仍仿照白糧例，由江、浙撫道運通交納，以杜折耗偷漏。輪船協運江、浙漕糧，簽明某省漕白糧米字樣於米袋之上。糧米上棧時，由滬局派員監兌；兌竣，即由輪船商局給收米迴文，以後裝船起運，俱由商局覈辦，滬局不再與聞。其棧費夫力，亦由商局任之。凡漕糧派裝輪船，輪船商局酌委執事，會同滬局詳驗，米色乾潔，方行收兌，交輪局押赴浦江東棧斛收。抵津，飭津局各員董提前驗收，以免壅滯。輪船每艘載米三千石，填發連單，由津局稽核，一切領銀領米等結悉罷之。輪船運米，由上海道填給免稅執照，並援例得酌帶二成貨物。其洋藥及二成之外另帶貨物，仍須納稅。

In 1872 Changjun requested steamship tribute transport; the court agreed. Merchants borrowed two hundred thousand strings as bureau capital for steamship recruitment; profit and loss were entirely borne by merchants. Three sturdy steamships were purchased; each year two hundred thousand piculs were allocated for merchant steamships to Tianjin; freight, wastage, and other items still followed usual regulations. When steamships reached Tianjin, the Zhili governor-general prepared lighters for transshipment and the Granary Commissioner inspected at warehouses; following white-rice precedent, Jiangsu and Zhejiang officials transported to Tongzhou to stop loss and theft. Steamships assisting Jiangsu and Zhejiang tribute marked each province's tribute and white-rice labels on grain sacks. When grain was stored in warehouses, the Shanghai bureau dispatched officers to supervise exchange; after exchange, the steamship merchant bureau issued receipts; thereafter loading and departure were handled by the merchant bureau, and the Shanghai bureau was no longer involved. Warehouse fees and labor were also borne by the merchant bureau. For tribute grain assigned to steamships, merchant bureau agents with the Shanghai bureau inspected quality; only dry clean grain was accepted, then escorted to the Pudong warehouse for measuring and receipt. At Tianjin, bureau officers were ordered to inspect receipt in advance to avoid blockage. Each steamship carried three thousand piculs; chain documents were audited by the Tianjin bureau; all silver and grain receipt documents were abolished. Steamships transporting grain received tax-exemption licenses from the Shanghai circuit intendant and could carry twenty percent cargo by precedent. Opium and cargo beyond the twenty percent still required tax payment.

喬松年奏山東境內黃水日益汎濫，運河淤塞，擬因勢利導，俾黃水先驅張秋。其張秋南北，普行挑濬，修建徬壩以利漕。丁寶楨、文彬奏請挽復淮、徐故道。事下廷臣會議。復稱銅瓦廂決後，舊河身淤墊過高，勢不能挽復淮、徐故道。至借黃濟運，築堤束水，與導衛濟運之法同一難行。鴻章奏請仍由海道轉運，令各省酌提本色若干運滬，由海船解津，餘照章折解，以節運費。並隨時指撥漕折銀兩採買接濟，並請停止河運採買糧石，推廣海運。仍下部議。先是江北漕糧，由河運通，至是亦試辦海運。十三年，奏准江西在滬採買漕糧八萬石，交招商局由海運津，每石腳價銀二兩七錢。光緒元年，湖南漕糧採辦正耗米二萬三百四十五石，湖北採辦三萬石，均交招商局由海運津。江西、湖南尋停。

Qiao Songnian memorialized that within Shandong Yellow River flooding worsened and the canal silted shut; he proposed guiding the flow so Yellow River water would first reach Zhangqiu. North and south of Zhangqiu, universal dredging and sluice dams were to aid transport. Ding Baozhen and Wen Bin memorialized requesting restoration of the old Huai and Xuzhou route. The matter was sent to court ministers for deliberation. They replied that after the Tongwaxiang breach, the old riverbed was silted too high and the Huai-Xuzhou route could not be restored. Borrowing the Yellow River to aid transport by building dikes was equally impracticable with guiding the Wei to aid transport. Hongzhang requested continued sea transshipment, ordering each province to allocate grain in kind to Shanghai for sea delivery to Tianjin, with the remainder commuted to silver to save transport costs. Transport-commutation silver was to be allocated as needed to purchase grain for relief; he also requested stopping river-transport grain purchases and expanding sea transport. Still sent to the ministry for deliberation. Earlier north-of-the-Yangtze tribute grain went by river to Tongzhou; now sea transport was also trial-operated. In 1874 Jiangxi was approved to purchase eighty thousand piculs at Shanghai for the Merchant Steamship Bureau to deliver to Tianjin by sea at two taels seven qian freight per picul. In 1875 Hunan purchased 20,345 piculs principal and wastage tribute grain and Hubei thirty thousand piculs; all went to the Merchant Steamship Bureau for sea delivery to Tianjin. Jiangxi and Hunan soon stopped.

寶楨奏運河廢壞，莫非黃水之害，治運必先治黃。應先將微山湖之湖口雙閘及各減閘，迅速修砌，及時收蓄，以保湖瀦；運河正身亦須量為疏濬。嗣桂清、畢道遠、廣壽、賀壽慈等亦以籌款修復運河為請。黃元善復稱：「自黃河北徙，運河阻滯，改由海運，原屬權宜之計。當時奏定江蘇漕額，以河運經費作為海運支銷，每石不得過七錢。嗣以經費不敷，迭次請增。江蘇所加，距一兩不遠，浙江已加至一兩，較道光二十八年、咸豐二年海運經費尚有節省歸公者，大相逕庭。且海運歷涉重洋，風波靡定，萬有不測，所關匪細。河運雖迂滯，而沿途安定，經費維均。自各省以達京倉，民之食其力者，不可數計。裕國利民，計無善於此者。現停運未久，及時修復，尚屬未晚。再遲數年，河道日淤，需費更鉅。臣以為河運迂而安，海運便而險，計出萬全，非復河運不可。」上命河督、漕督及沿河各督撫籌畫具奏。沈葆楨疏駁桂清、畢道遠等請將有漕省分酌提漕項及將海運糧石分出十數萬石改辦河運之議，並力言「河運決不能復。運河旋濬旋淤，運方定章，河忽改道，河流不時遷徙，漕路亦隨為轉移。而借黃濟運，為害尤烈。前淤未盡，下屆之運已連檣接尾而至，高下懸殊，勢難飛渡。於是百計逆水之性，強令就我範圍，致前修之款皆空，本屆之淤復積。設令因濟運而奪溜，北趨則畿輔受其害，南趨則淮、徐受其害，億萬生靈，將有其魚之嘆，又不僅徒糜巨帑無裨漕運已也」。七年，令直督飭招商局有協運漕糧時，酌分道員駐津驗兌，並責成糧道嚴督治漕事人員，兌米時加意查察。因招商局協運江、浙漕糧，有攙雜破碎諸弊故也。

Baozhen memorialized that canal ruin came entirely from the Yellow River; managing transport must first manage the Yellow River. Weishan Lake's twin outlet gates and all reduction sluices should first be quickly repaired to store water and preserve the lake reservoir; the canal trunk itself must also be dredged. Later Guiqing, Bi Daoyuan, Guangshou, He Shouci, and others also requested raising funds to restore the canal. Huang Yuanshan again stated: "Since the Yellow River shifted north, the canal was blocked and transport changed to sea route—originally a temporary expedient. At the time Jiangsu's tribute quota used river-transport funds for sea transport expenses, not exceeding seven qian per picul. Later because funds were insufficient, increases were repeatedly requested. Jiangsu's addition was nearly one tael; Zhejiang had reached one tael—quite contrary to 1848 and 1852 sea transport funds that still returned savings to the treasury. Moreover sea transport crossed the open ocean where winds and waves were unsettled; unforeseen events were possible—the stakes were high. River transport, though circuitous and slow, was stable along the route with evenly distributed funds. From each province to the capital granaries, countless people lived by this labor. Enriching state and benefiting people—no plan was better. Transport has halted not long; timely restoration is still not too late. Delay a few more years and the canal silts daily, requiring even greater expense. Your subject believes river transport is circuitous but safe, sea transport convenient but dangerous; for full security, river transport must be restored." The emperor ordered the river governor, transport governor, and route governors to plan and memorialized in detail. Shen Baozhen rebutted Guiqing and Bi Daoyuan's proposals to allocate transport items from tribute provinces and shift sea-transport grain back to river transport, stating: "River transport absolutely cannot be restored. The canal was dredged then immediately silted again; transport rules were just fixed when the river changed course; rivers shifted constantly and transport routes shifted with them. Borrowing the Yellow River to aid transport caused especially severe harm. Before previous silt was cleared, the next year's transport already arrived stern to stern; heights differed vastly and passage was impossible. Thus every method reversed the water's nature and forcibly constrained it, wasting previous repair funds while silt accumulated again. If aiding transport diverted the current, northward flow would harm the capital region and southward flow Huai and Xuzhou; millions would face disaster—not merely wasting vast funds without aiding transport." In 1881 the Zhili governor-general was ordered that when the Merchant Steamship Bureau assisted tribute transport, circuit officials should verify exchange at Tianjin and the grain commissioner should strictly supervise exchange inspection. This was because the Merchant Steamship Bureau's assisted Jiangsu and Zhejiang tribute transport had adulteration and broken-grain abuses.

十年，法人構釁，海運梗阻。太常卿徐樹銘言：「漕糧宜全歸河運，請於運道經行處疏濬河流，修治閘壩，並選雇民船以濟運。」明年，曾國荃言：「來年河運酌添江蘇漕糧五萬石，並將邳、宿河道淤淺處，酌估挑濬。」從之。盧士傑言：「鄭州黃河漫口奪溜，山東運河十里堡門外積淤日寬，回空漕船，不能挽抵口門。現寧、蘇新漕待船裝載，邳、宿挑淤築壩，必待空船過竣，方可興工。」上命迅飭疏濬積淤，俾漕船早日南下。十五年，從山東巡撫張曜請，改撥海運漕米二十萬石仍歸河運。曾國荃、黃彭年奏：「江、安河運米石，業經截留充賑。蘇屬河運漕米十萬，前已改歸海運，各州縣起運，均已抵滬，驟改河運，窒礙難行。且雇船將近千艘，亦非旦夕可致。請俟本年冬漕，再行遵旨提前河運，以期規復舊章。」制可。

In 1884 France provoked conflict and sea transport was obstructed. Court of Imperial Sacrifices Minister Xu Shuming said: "Tribute grain should wholly return to river transport; dredge rivers along the route, repair locks and dams, and hire civilian boats to aid transport." The following year, Zeng Guoquan said: "Next year add fifty thousand piculs of Jiangsu tribute to river transport and estimate dredging shallow sections of the Pi and Su route." The court approved. Lu Shijie said: "At Zhengzhou the Yellow River overflowed and seized the current; outside Shili Fort gate on the Shandong canal silt widened daily; empty return transport boats could not reach the gate. Ningbo and Suzhou new tribute awaits boats; Pi and Su dredging and dam building must wait until empty boats pass." The emperor ordered swift dredging of accumulated silt so transport boats could go south early. In 1889, following Shandong Governor Zhang Yao's request, two hundred thousand piculs reallocated from sea transport to river transport. Zeng Guoquan and Huang Pengnian memorialized: "Jiangsu-Anhui river-transport grain has already been retained for relief. One hundred thousand piculs of Suzhou tribute had already changed to sea transport and all counties had reached Shanghai; suddenly changing to river transport would be obstructed and impractical. Moreover nearly a thousand boats would need hiring—not achievable overnight. Please wait until this year's winter transport, then follow the edict to advance river transport and restore old regulations." The emperor approved.

十九年，北運河上游潮、白等河狂漲，水勢高於堤顛數尺，原築上堰，俱沒水中，運河水旱大小決口七十餘處，由津運京米麥雜糧千數百艘，在楊村阻淺，命鴻章將各口門堵合，並疏濬河身，停蓄水勢，以利舟行。二十二年，王文韶奏：「南漕改行海運，惟江北漕糧仍由河運，復於蘇、松項下提撥米十萬石併入河運。船多道遠，自黃入運，自運入衛，節節阻滯，船戶窮無復之，竊米攙水，諸弊叢生。本年漕船到津，較昔已遲二三月，誠恐有誤回空。已飭並程催趲，剋日兌收。但此次截留江北漕米五萬石，米色尚佳。江蘇五萬石，米色參差，甚或蒸變，剔除晾曬，幾費周章，蓋運受黃病，已非人力所能挽救。擬請自本年始，改撥蘇漕之十萬石統歸海運。其江蘇冬漕仍辦河運，以保運道。」下部議行。御史秦夔揚以江北河運勞費太甚，疏請停辦，改折解部。部議漕糧關係京倉儲積，未便遽更舊制。

In 1893 upstream Chaobai and other rivers surged, water several feet above dike tops; upper dams were submerged; the canal had over seventy breaches; over a thousand grain boats from Tianjin to Beijing were blocked at Yangcun; Hongzhang was ordered to block openings, dredge the canal, store water, and aid navigation. In 1896 Wang Wenshao memorialized: "Southern tribute changed to sea transport, but north-of-the-Yangtze tribute still went by river; one hundred thousand piculs were again allocated from Suzhou and Songjiang into river transport. Boats were many and the route distant; from the Yellow into the canal and canal into guard units, blocked at every stage; destitute boat owners stole grain and added water; abuses multiplied. This year transport boats reached Tianjin two or three months late; there was real fear of missing empty return. Orders were already issued to urge simultaneously and complete exchange on schedule. But the fifty thousand piculs of north-of-the-Yangtze tribute retained this time still had acceptable grain quality. Jiangsu's fifty thousand piculs had uneven quality, some steamed and spoiled; sorting and drying required great trouble—transport via the Yellow River could no longer be remedied by human effort. It is proposed that from this year, the reallocated one hundred thousand piculs of Suzhou tribute uniformly return to sea transport. Jiangsu winter transport would still operate river transport to preserve the transport route." Sent to the ministry for implementation. Censor Qin Kuiyang, because north-of-the-Yangtze river transport was excessively costly, memorialized requesting cessation and commutation to the ministry. The ministry deliberated that tribute grain concerned capital granary reserves and old regulations should not be hastily changed.

二十六年，以戰端既開，從陳璧請，於清江浦設漕運總局。車駕西幸，轉運局移漢口，清江改設分局。是年南漕改用火車由津運京。二十七年，以財用匱乏，諭：「自本年始，直省河運海運，一律改徵折色，責成各省大吏清釐整頓，節省局費運費，並查明各州縣徵收浮費，勒令繳出歸公，以期匯成巨款。」奕劻請於應辦白糧外，每年採辦漕糧百萬石，純用粳米，並不得率請截留，從之。二十八年，部議本年江、浙漕糧，純歸招商局輪船承運，費應力從減省。盛宣懷奏：「近年滬局輪船，因事起運太遲，棧耗既鉅，及運至塘沽，又值聯軍未退，費用倍於常時。二十六、二十七兩年，招商局所領水腳，實不敷所出。本年太古洋行原減價攬載，英、日議定商約，均欲漕運列入約章，臣等力拒之。蓋招商局為中國公司，前李鴻章奏准漕米、軍米悉歸招商局承運，實寓有深意也。此次詳察中外情形，擬請自二十八年冬漕始，於向章每石輪船水腳保險等項漕米銀三錢八分八釐一毫內減去五分，永為定制。」從之。

In 1900, because war had begun, following Chen Bi's request, a Grain Transport General Bureau was established at Qingjiangpu. When the court fled west, the transshipment bureau moved to Hankou and Qingjiang became a branch bureau. That year southern tribute was carried by train from Tianjin to Beijing. In 1901, because finances were depleted, an edict ordered that from that year all provincial river and sea transport uniformly convert to silver collection; provincial governors were to investigate and rectify affairs, economize bureau and transport costs, recover excess county collections, and accumulate a large treasury sum. Yikuang requested that beyond required white rice, one million piculs of tribute grain be purchased annually using only non-glutinous rice, with no routine retention requests; the court agreed. In 1902 the ministry decided that Jiangsu and Zhejiang tribute grain would wholly be carried by Merchant Steamship Bureau steamships, with costs reduced as much as possible. Sheng Xuanhuai memorialized: "In recent years Shanghai-bureau steamships departed too late, warehouse wastage was huge, and at Tanggu the allied armies had not yet withdrawn; costs doubled the usual amount. In 1900 and 1901 freight received by the Merchant Steamship Bureau was insufficient for expenditures. This year Butterfield & Swire cut prices to solicit cargo; Britain and Japan both wanted tribute transport listed in commercial treaties; your ministers forcefully refused. The Merchant Steamship Bureau is a Chinese company; Li Hongzhang had approved that tribute and military grain all be carried by it—this contained deep intent. After examining domestic and foreign conditions, it is proposed that from 1902 winter transport, five fen be permanently cut from the precedent rate of three qian eight fen eight li one hao per picul for steamship freight, insurance, and other tribute-grain charges." The court approved.

江、浙漕糧由海運津，向用剝船運至通倉，每石支耗米一升一合五勺，名曰「津剝食耗」。自南漕改用火車運京，此項耗米，改令隨正交倉。嗣因運米事竣，每有虧耗，許仍舊支給，以抵車運虧耗云。

Jiangsu and Zhejiang tribute grain carried by sea to Tianjin formerly used lighters to Tongzhou granaries, disbursing one sheng one he five shao wastage grain per picul, called "Tianjin lighter ration wastage." Since southern tribute changed to trains to Beijing, this wastage grain was delivered together with principal grain to granaries. Later, because losses often occurred after transport was complete, payment under the old rule was permitted to offset train-transport losses.

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