Volume 154 Treatises 129: Foreign Relations 2, Britain

英吉利在歐羅巴西北。清置定海關，英人始來互市，然不能每歲至。來粵東，所載皆黑鉛、番錢、羽緞、哆囉、嗶嘰諸物，未幾去。七年，始通市不絕。冬十一月，英巡船遭風，飄至廣東澳門，總督策楞令地方官給貲糧、修船舶遣之。二十年，來寧波互市。時英商船收定海港，運貨寧波，逾年遂增數舶。旋禁不許入浙，並禁絲斤出洋。二十四年，英商喀喇生、通事洪任輝欲赴寧波開港。既不得請，自海道入天津，仍乞通市寧波，並訐粵海關陋弊。七月，命福州將軍來粵按驗，得其與徽商汪聖儀交結狀，治聖儀罪，而下洪任輝於獄。旋釋之。二十七年夏五月，英商啗㘓等以禁止絲斤，其貨艱于成造，仍求通市。粵督蘇昌以聞，許之，然仍限每船隻許配買土絲五千觔，二蠶湖絲三千斤，至頭蠶湖絲及綢緞綾匹仍禁。

Britain lies in the northwestern part of Europe. After the Qing set up the Dinghai customs house, the English began to trade, though they could not manage to come every year. When they came to eastern Guangdong, their cargoes were lead, foreign silver, feather satin, woolens, baize, and similar goods; they soon sailed away again. In the seventh year, continuous trade was finally established. In the eleventh winter month, a British patrol vessel was caught in a storm and driven to Macao in Guangdong; Governor Celen ordered local officials to provide funds and provisions, repair the ship, and send them on their way. In the twentieth year, they came to Ningbo to trade. British merchant ships then unloaded at Dinghai and carried goods on to Ningbo; within a year several more ships were added. Soon entry into Zhejiang was banned, and the export of raw silk overseas was forbidden as well. In the twenty-fourth year, the British merchant Flint and his interpreter James Flint sought to open trade at Ningbo. Denied permission, they sailed to Tianjin, again petitioning for trade at Ningbo while accusing the Guangdong customs of gross abuses. In the seventh month, the Fuzhou general was sent to Guangdong to investigate; collusion with the Huizhou merchant Wang Shengyi was proved, Wang was punished, and James Flint was thrown into prison. He was released soon afterward. In the fifth summer month of the twenty-seventh year, British merchants including Danqin, finding silk exports banned and their goods hard to finish, again petitioned to trade. Guangdong Governor Su Chang reported the request and trade was allowed, but each ship might buy only five thousand jin of native silk and three thousand jin of double-cocoon lake silk; first-cocoon lake silk and woven silks remained banned.

五十八年，英國王雅治遣使臣馬戛爾尼等來朝貢，表請派人駐京，及通市浙江寧波、珠山、天津、廣東等地，並求減關稅，不許。六十年，復入貢，表陳「天朝大將軍前年督兵至的密，英國曾發兵應援」。的密即廓爾喀也。奏入，敕書賜賚如例。

In the fifty-eighth year, King George III sent Lord Macartney and others on a tribute mission, asking to station envoys in the capital, open trade at Ningbo, Zhushan, Tianjin, Guangdong, and elsewhere, and reduce customs duties; all were denied. In the sixtieth year they presented tribute again, stating that when the Qing general had marched on Nepal two years before, Britain had sent troops to assist. "Demi" here means Gurkha Nepal. When the memorial arrived, an imperial letter and gifts were granted as usual.

二十一年夏六月，英國遣其臣加拉威禮來粵東投書，言英太子攝政已歷四年，感念純皇帝聖恩，遣使來獻方物，循貢道，由海洋舟山至天津赴都，懇總督先奏。時總督蔣攸銛方入朝，巡撫董教增權督篆，許其晉見，援督撫大吏見暹邏諸國貢使禮，加拉威禮不受，再三議相見儀，教增不得已許之。其日總督及將軍、兩副都統、海關監督畢坐節堂，陳儀衛，加拉威禮上謁，免冠致敬，通事為達意，教增離坐起立相問答，允為入告，加拉威禮徑出。比教增奏入，而貢使羅爾美都、副貢使馬禮遜乘貢舟五，已達天津。帝命戶部尚書和世泰、工部尚書蘇楞額往天津，率長蘆鹽政廣惠伴貢使來京，一日夜馳至圓明園，車路顛簸，又衣裝皆落後。詰朝，帝升殿受朝會，時正使已病，副使言衣車未至，無朝服不能成禮，和世泰懼獲譴，詭奏二貢使皆病，遂卻其貢不納，遣廣惠伴押使臣回粵。初英貢使齎表，帝覽表文，抗若敵體，又理籓院迓接不如儀，帝故疑其慢，絕不與通。羅爾美都等既出都，有以實入告者，帝始知非貢使罪，復降諭錫賚，追及良鄉，酌收貢物，仍賜國王珍玩數事，並敕諭國王歸咎使臣不遵禮節謝宴，英使怏怏去。七月，降革蘇楞額、和世泰、廣惠等有差。

In the sixth summer month of the twenty-first year, Britain sent Lord Gower to Guangdong with a letter: the prince regent had ruled four years, mindful of the late emperor's grace, and was dispatching envoys with tribute gifts via Zhoushan and Tianjin to the capital, asking the governor-general to memorialize in advance. Governor-General Jiang Yougui was then in Beijing; Governor Dong Jiaozeng acted in his place and agreed to an audience on the usual terms for receiving Siamese and other tribute missions. Gower refused, haggling repeatedly over ceremony until Jiaozeng reluctantly yielded. That day the governor-general, the general, two vice commanders, and the customs superintendent sat in the ceremonial hall with full guard. Gower paid his respects bareheaded; through an interpreter he spoke with Jiaozeng, who rose to reply and promised to report to the court, whereupon Gower withdrew. Before Jiaozeng's memorial arrived in Beijing, Lord Amherst and Deputy Envoy Morrison had already reached Tianjin with five tribute vessels. The emperor ordered Ministers Heshengtai and Suleng'e to Tianjin to escort the envoys to Beijing with Salt Commissioner Guanghui; they raced to the Yuanming Garden in a day and a night, jolted along bad roads while their court dress lagged behind. At dawn the emperor took the audience, but the chief envoy was ill and the deputy said their court dress had not arrived. Fearful of blame, Heshengtai falsely reported both envoys sick; their tribute was refused and Guanghui was sent to escort them back to Guangdong. When the envoys first presented their memorial, the emperor found its tone insolently equal and the Court of Colonial Affairs had botched the reception; suspecting deliberate disrespect, he broke off all contact. After the envoys left Beijing, the truth reached the emperor; he sent gifts after them as far as Liangxiang, accepted part of the tribute, and sent curios to the king with orders to blame the envoys for breach of ceremony. The British mission withdrew in ill humor. In the seventh month Suleng'e, Heshengtai, Guanghui, and others were demoted in varying degrees.

十六年，定食鴉片煙罪。初，英自以後，私設貯煙大舶十餘隻，謂之「躉船」，又省城包買戶，謂之「窯口」。由窯口兌價銀於英館，由英館給票單至躉船取貨。有來往護艇，名曰「快蟹」，砲械畢具。太常寺卿許乃濟見銀輸出歲千餘萬，奏請弛煙禁，令英商仍照藥材納稅，入關交行後，只許以貨易貨，不得用銀購買，以示限制。已報可，旋因疆臣奏請嚴販賣吸食罪名，加重至死，而私販私吸如故。十八年，鴻臚寺卿黃爵滋請嚴吸食罪，行保甲連坐之法，且謂其禍烈於洪水猛獸。疏上，下各督撫議，於是請禁者紛起。

In the sixteenth year, penalties for smoking opium were established. From this time the English privately maintained a dozen or more opium storage ships called "receiver ships," and wholesale buyers in the provincial capital known as "kiln mouths." Kiln mouths paid silver at the English factory, which issued receipts for collection from the receiver ships. Armed escort boats called "fast crabs" shuttled back and forth, fully mounted with guns. Xu Naiji of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, noting annual silver exports above ten million taels, urged relaxing the ban: opium should be taxed as medicine, traded only by barter after entry, and not bought with silver as a check on outflow. Approval had been granted, but frontier officials soon demanded harsher penalties up to death for sale and use; smuggling and smoking continued unchanged. In the eighteenth year Huang Juezi of the Court of State Ceremonial urged severe penalties for smokers with baojia collective responsibility, declaring the harm worse than flood or wild beasts. The memorial went up and was referred to every province; memorials calling for prohibition multiplied.

湖廣總督林則徐奏尤剴切，言：「鴉片不禁絕，則國日貧，民日弱，十餘年後，豈惟無可籌之餉，抑且無可用之兵。」帝深然其言，詔至京面授方略，以兵部尚書頒欽差大臣關防，赴粵東查辦。明年春正月，至粵東，與總督鄧廷楨會申煙禁，頒新律：以一年又六月為限，吸煙罪絞，販煙罪斬。時嚴捕煙犯，洋人泊零丁洋諸躉船將徙避，則徐咨水師提督各營分路扼守，令在洋躉船先繳煙方許開艙。又傳集十三行商人等，令諭各商估煙土存儲實數，並索歷年販煙之查頓、顛地二人，查頓遁走。義律託故回澳門。及事亟，斷水陸餉道，義律乃使各商繳所存煙土，凡二萬二百八十三箱，則徐命悉焚之，而每箱償以茶葉五斤，復令各商具「永不售賣煙土」結。於是煙商失利，遂生觖望。

Huguang Governor-General Lin Zexu wrote with especial force: "Unless opium is utterly banned, the state grows poorer and the people weaker daily; within a decade there will be neither revenue to levy nor soldiers fit to fight." The emperor strongly agreed, summoned him to Beijing, and as Minister of War commissioned him with the imperial commissioner's seal to investigate in Guangdong. The next spring he reached Guangdong, joined Deng Tingzhen in enforcing the ban, and issued new law: smokers faced strangulation and traffickers decapitation after eighteen months' grace. As arrests intensified, foreign receiver ships at Lintin prepared to flee; Lin ordered the navy to block every route and required opium surrendered before any ship might open its holds. He summoned the Thirteen Hong merchants to report stored opium and demanded Dent and Jardine, long-time traffickers; Dent escaped. Charles Elliot pleaded business and withdrew to Macao. As pressure mounted Lin cut supplies by land and sea; Elliot then had merchants surrender 20,283 chests, which Lin burned, paying five jin of tea per chest and requiring bonds never to deal in opium again. The opium traders suffered heavy losses and resentment grew.

義律恥見挫辱，乃鼓動國人，冀國王出干預。國王謀於上下議院，僉以此類貿易本干中國例禁，其曲在我。遂有律土丹者，上書求禁，並請禁印度栽種。又有地爾窪，作鴉片罪過論，以為既壞中國風俗，又使中國猜忌英人，反礙商務。然自燒煙之信傳入外洋，茶絲日見翔踴，銀利日長，義律遂以為鴉片興衰，實關民生國計。

Humiliated, Elliot roused his compatriots and hoped the king would intervene. The king consulted Parliament; both houses agreed the trade violated Chinese law and Britain was in the wrong. Lord Shaftesbury then petitioned for prohibition and an end to cultivation in India. Dwarkanath Tagore wrote on opium's evils: it corrupted Chinese morals, bred suspicion of Britain, and harmed legitimate trade. But when news of the burning reached abroad, tea and silk prices soared and silver profits grew; Elliot concluded opium's fate was a matter of national prosperity.

時林則徐令各洋船先停洋面候查，必無攜帶鴉片者，始許入口開艙。各國商俱如命。獨義律抗不遵命，謂必俟其國王命定章程，方許貨船入口，而遞書請許其國貨船泊近澳門，不入黃埔。則徐嚴駁不許，又禁絕薪蔬食物入澳。義律率妻子去澳，寄居尖沙嘴貨船，乃潛招其國兵船二，又取貨船配以砲械，假索食，突攻九龍山。參將賴恩爵砲沈其雙桅船一，餘船留漢仔者亦為水師攻毀。義律求澳人轉圜，原遵新例，惟不肯即交毆斃村民之犯；又上書請毋逐尖沙嘴貨船，且俟其國王之命。水師提督關天培以不交犯，擲還其書。冬十月，天培擊敗英人，義律遁。十一月，罷英人互市，英貨船三十餘艘皆不得入。又搜捕偵探船，日數起。英商人人怨義律，義律不得已，復遣人投書乞恩，請仍回居澳門。林則徐以新奉旨難驟更，復嚴斥與之絕。而英貨船皆泊老萬山外洋不肯去，惟以厚利啗島濱亡命漁舟蜑艇致薪蔬，且以鴉片與之市。是月，廣東增嚴海防。

Lin ordered every foreign ship to anchor offshore for inspection; only vessels proved opium-free might enter and unload. Merchants of every nation complied. Elliot alone refused, insisting entry await royal instructions, and asked that British ships anchor near Macao instead of Whampoa. Lin rejected the request and cut off provisions to Macao. Elliot moved his family from Macao to a merchant ship at Kowloon, secretly summoned two warships, armed cargo vessels, and under pretense of seeking food attacked Kowloon Hill. Assistant Commander Lai Enjue sank one brig with gunfire; the navy destroyed the rest at Hankou. Elliot asked Macao intermediaries to mediate, agreeing to obey the new rules but refusing to surrender the men who had killed villagers; he also wrote asking that ships at Kowloon not be expelled and that action await orders from London. Naval Commander Guan Tianpei returned the letter unread because the culprits were not handed over. In the tenth winter month Guan Tianpei routed the British and Elliot fled. In the eleventh month British trade was suspended and more than thirty British merchantmen were barred from port. Spy boats were hunted down in several captures a day. British merchants blamed Elliot; he sent another plea begging to be allowed back to Macao. Lin, bound by fresh imperial orders, rebuked him again and broke off contact. British ships lingered off Lao Wan Shan, bribing fishermen and Tanka boats for provisions while trading opium on the side. That month Guangdong strengthened coastal defenses.

二十年春正月，廣東遊擊班格爾馬辛焚運煙濟英匪船二十餘。夏五月，林則徐復遣兵逐英人於磨刀洋。時義律先回國請益兵，其國遂命伯麥率兵船十餘及印度兵船二十餘來粵，泊金星門。則徐以火艘乘風潮往攻，英船避去。英人見粵防嚴，謀擾閩，敗於廈門。六月，攻定海，殺知縣姚懷祥等。事聞，特旨命兩江總督伊里布為欽差大臣，赴浙督師。七月，則徐遣副將陳連升、遊擊班格爾馬辛，率船五艘攻英帥士密於磨刀洋。班格爾馬辛一艘先至，乘風攻之，砲破其船。

In the first spring month of the twentieth year Commander Banger Maxin burned more than twenty opium supply ships bound for the British. In the fifth summer month Lin again sent troops to drive the British from Modaomen. Elliot had returned home for reinforcements; Britain sent Bremer with a dozen warships and twenty Indian vessels to Guangdong, anchoring at Golden Star Gate. Lin sent fire ships downwind to attack; the British squadron slipped away. Finding Guangdong too strong, the British turned on Fujian and were beaten at Xiamen. In the sixth month they took Dinghai and killed Magistrate Yao Huaixiang and others. On report of the disaster, Yilibu, governor-general of Liangjiang, was appointed imperial commissioner to command in Zhejiang. In the seventh month Lin sent Chen Liansheng and Banger Maxin with five ships against Admiral Smith at Modaomen. Banger Maxin's lead ship closed under wind and shot Smith's vessel to pieces.

八月，義律來天津要撫。時大學士琦善任直隸總督，義律以其國巴里滿衙門照會中國宰相書，遣人詣大沽口上之，多所要索：一，索貨價；二，索廣州、廈門、福州、定海各港口為市埠；三，欲敵體平行；四，索犒軍費；五，不得以外洋販煙之船貽累岸商；六，欲盡裁洋商浮費。琦善力持撫議，旋宴其酋目二十餘人，許陳奏。遂入都面陳撫事。乃頒欽差大臣關防，命琦善赴粵東查辦。是月，免浙江巡撫烏爾恭額，以失守海疆，又英人投書不受故也。義律既起椗，過山東，巡撫託渾布具犒迎送，代義律奏事，謂義律恭順，且感皇上派欽差赴粵查辦恩。罷兩廣總督林則徐，上諭切責，以怡良暫署總督事。會義律南行過蘇，復潛赴鎮海。時伊里布駐浙，接琦善議撫咨，遣家丁張喜赴英船犒師。英水師統領伯麥踞定海數月，聞撫事定，聽洋艘四出遊弈。至餘姚，有土人誘其五桅船入攔淺灘，獲黑白洋人數十。伊里布聞之，飛檄餘姚縣設供張，委員護入粵。

In the eighth month Elliot came to Tianjin demanding peace talks. Grand Secretary Qishan was then Zhili governor-general; Elliot sent Parliament's note to the Chinese premier at Dagu with many demands: first, indemnity for seized goods; second, trading ports at Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou, and Dinghai; third, diplomatic equality; fourth, war expenses; fifth, that shore merchants not be liable for opium ships at sea; sixth, abolition of all customary fees on foreign trade. Qishan pressed for negotiation, entertained twenty British officers, and promised to memorialize the throne. He then went to Beijing to report in person. The imperial commissioner's seal was issued and Qishan was sent to Guangdong. That month Zhejiang Governor Wuerhong'e was dismissed for losing the coast and refusing British correspondence. Sailing south Elliot passed Shandong; Governor Tuohunbu entertained him and memorialized that Elliot was submissive and grateful for the imperial commissioner sent to Guangdong. Lin Zexu was dismissed from the Liangguang post with a sharp imperial rebuke; Yiliang acted temporarily as governor-general. Elliot sailed south past Suzhou but secretly made for Zhenhai. Yilibu in Zhejiang, on Qishan's word of peace talks, sent his servant Zhang Xi with gifts to the British fleet. Bremer had held Dinghai for months; hearing peace was agreed, he let his squadron cruise freely. Off Yuyao locals lured a five-masted ship aground and captured dozens of British sailors. Yilibu hurriedly ordered Yuyao to entertain them and sent escorts to conduct them to Guangdong.

冬十月，琦善抵廣州，尋授兩廣總督。義律請撤沿海諸防。虎門為廣州水道咽喉，水師提督駐焉。其外大角、沙角二砲臺，燒煙後，益增戍守。師船、火船及蜑艇、扒龍、快蟹，悉列口門內外，密佈橫檔暗椿，至是裁撤殆盡。義律遂日夜增船櫓，造攻具；首索煙價，繼求香港，且行文趣琦善速覆。十二月五日，突攻沙角砲臺，副將陳連升等兵不能支，遂陷，皆死之。英人又以火輪、三板赴三門口，焚我戰船十數艘，水師亦潰。英人乘勝攻大角砲臺，千總黎志安受傷，推砲落水，潰圍出，砲臺陷。英人悉取水中砲，分兵戍守，於是虎門危急。水師提督關天培、總兵李廷鈺、遊擊班格爾馬辛等守靖遠、威遠砲臺，僅兵數百，遣弁告急，不應。廷鈺至省泣求增兵，以固省城門戶。琦善恐妨撫議，不許。文武僚屬皆力請，始允遣兵五百。義律仍挾兵力索煙價及香港。二十一年春正月，琦善以香港許英，而未敢入奏，乃歸浙江英俘易定海。義律先遣人赴浙繳還定海，續請獻沙角、大角砲臺以易之。琦善與訂期會於蓮花城。義律出所定貿易章程，並給予香港全島，如澳門故事，皆私許之。

In the tenth winter month Qishan reached Guangzhou and was soon made governor-general of Liangguang. Elliot asked that coastal defenses be dismantled. Humen guarded the approach to Guangzhou, where the naval commander was posted. The outer batteries at Dajiao and Shajiao had been reinforced after the opium burning. War junks, fire ships, Tanka craft, and escort boats had lined the channel with hidden stakes; now nearly all were withdrawn. Elliot meanwhile built up his fleet and siege gear night and day; first demanding opium indemnity, then Hong Kong, while pressing Qishan for a quick answer. On the fifth of the twelfth month they stormed Shajiao Fort; Chen Liansheng's men could not hold and all perished when it fell. Steamers and longboats then entered Sanmenkou, burned a dozen Chinese warships, and the fleet broke. Pressing their advantage, British forces stormed the Tayou battery. Company Officer Li Zhi'an was wounded; his men tipped guns into the water as they fought out of the encirclement, but the fort was lost. They recovered every gun from the water, posted detachments to hold the positions, and the situation at Humen turned critical. Naval commander Guan Tianpei, regional commander Li Tingyu, Mobile Corps Commander Ban Ge'er Maxin, and others held the Jingyuan and Weiyuan forts with only a few hundred men. Repeated urgent appeals through subordinates went unanswered. Li Tingyu came to the provincial seat in tears, pleading for reinforcements to shore up the capital's outer defenses. Qishan, fearing reinforcements would derail peace talks, refused. Only after the entire civil and military staff pressed the point did he agree to send five hundred men. Elliot continued to use military pressure to demand both an opium indemnity and the cession of Hong Kong. In the first month of spring, year 21 of the Daoguang reign, Qishan secretly promised Hong Kong to Britain without daring to report it to the throne. Instead he returned British prisoners captured in Zhejiang in exchange for the recovery of Dinghai. Elliot first sent envoys to Zhejiang to hand back Dinghai, then asked that the Shajiao and Tayou forts be surrendered in return. Qishan and Elliot set a date to meet at Lianhua City. Elliot presented his drafted commercial regulations and handed over all of Hong Kong Island on the Macao model—all concessions Qishan made on his own authority.

既而琦善以義律來文入奏，帝怒不許。罷琦善並伊里布，命宗室奕山為靖逆將軍，尚書隆文、湖南提督楊芳為參贊大臣，赴粵剿辦。時義律以香港已經琦善允給，遍諭居民，以香港為英屬埠。又牒大鵬營副將令撤營汛。粵撫怡良聞之，大駭，奏聞。帝大怒，合籍琦善家。遂下詔暴英人罪，促奕山等兼程進，會各路官兵進剿。尋以兩江總督裕謙為欽差大臣，赴浙視師。時定海、鎮海等處英船四出遊弈，裕謙遣兵節次焚剿，並誅其酋目一人。二月，英人犯虎門，水師提督關天培死之；乘勝薄烏湧，省城大震。十三日，參贊楊芳抵粵，各路官兵未集，而虎門內外舟師悉被毀。楊芳議以堵為剿，使總兵段永福率千兵扼守東勝寺，陸路總兵長春率千兵扼鳳凰岡水路。英人率師近逼，雖經鳳凰岡官兵擊退，仍乘潮深入，飛砲火箭並力注攻。會美領事以戰事礙各國商船進口，赴營請進埔開艙，兼為英人說和，謂英人繳還定海，惟求通商如舊，並出義律書，有「惟求照常貿易，如帶違禁物，即將貨船入官」之文。時定海師船亦至粵，楊芳欲藉此緩兵退敵，遂與怡良聯銜奏請。帝以其復踵請撫故轍，嚴旨切責不許。三月，詔林則徐會辦浙江軍務，尋復遣戍新疆。

When Qishan finally submitted Elliot's letter to the court, the Emperor was furious and rejected the terms. Qishan and Yilibu were removed from office. The imperial clansman Yishan was appointed Pacification General, with Long Wen, a minister of state, and Yang Fang, Hunan provincial military commander, as grand commissioners to prosecute the war in Guangdong. Meanwhile Elliot proclaimed throughout Hong Kong that Qishan's pledge made it a British possession. He also sent a formal notice to the Dapeng deputy commander ordering the removal of frontier garrison posts. When Guangdong governor Yiliang learned of this, he was horrified and immediately reported it to Beijing. The Emperor flew into a rage and ordered the confiscation of all of Qishan's property. An edict was then promulgated denouncing British crimes and ordering Yishan and the other commanders to hurry south while troops on every front moved to attack. Yu Qian, governor-general of Jiangsu and Jiangxi, was shortly afterward appointed imperial commissioner to take command in Zhejiang. British vessels were then ranging from Dinghai to Zhenhai and beyond. Yu Qian sent troops in successive operations to burn and harry them, and put one British officer to death. In the second month the British assaulted Humen, and naval commander Guan Tianpei was killed in the fighting. Victorious, they pressed on toward Wuyong, throwing the provincial capital into panic. On the thirteenth Yang Fang reached Canton, but the relief armies had not yet assembled and the entire fleet at Humen had already been destroyed. Yang Fang decided on a strategy of containment, posting Regional Commander Duan Yongfu with a thousand men at Dongsheng Temple and land-route commander Changchun with a thousand at the Fenghuang Gang waterway. British columns closed in. They were briefly driven back at Fenghuang Gang, but then exploited the rising tide to push upstream under concentrated barrages of artillery and rockets. The American consul intervened, arguing that fighting was blocking merchant shipping. He asked that Huangpu be opened for trade and offered to mediate, claiming the British would restore Dinghai in return for trade on the old terms. He showed a letter from Elliot stating that Britain wanted only normal commerce and would accept confiscation of any cargo carrying contraband. A British squadron from Dinghai had also reached Canton. Hoping to use the mediation to gain time, Yang Fang joined Yiliang in a joint memorial asking permission to negotiate. The Emperor saw this as the same old appeasement playbook and issued a stern rebuke refusing any negotiation. In the third month Lin Zexu was recalled to assist with military affairs in Zhejiang, only to be exiled to Xinjiang again soon afterward.

四月，奕山以楊芳、隆文等軍分路夜襲英人，不克。英人遂犯廣州城。不得已，仍議款。義律索煙價千二百萬。美商居間，許其半。議既定，奕山奏稱義律乞撫，求許照舊通商，永不售賣鴉片，將所償費六百萬改為追交商欠。撫議既定，英人以撤四方砲臺兵將擾佛山鎮，取道泥城，經蕭關、三元里，里民憤起，號召各鄉壯勇，四面邀截，英兵死者二百餘，殪其渠帥伯麥等。義律馳援，復被圍。亟遣人突出告急於廣州知府余葆純，葆純馳往解散，翼義律出圍登舟免。時三山村民亦擊殺英兵百餘。佛山義勇圍攻英民於龜岡砲臺，殲英兵數十，又擊破應援之杉板船。新安亦以火攻毀其大兵船一，餘船遁。義律牒總督示諭，眾始解散。

In the fourth month Yishan launched a coordinated night assault with Yang Fang, Long Wen, and other columns. It failed. The British then pressed the attack on Canton itself. With no other choice, the Chinese side reopened negotiations. Elliot demanded twelve million taels as opium indemnity. American merchants brokered the talks, and the Chinese agreed to pay half. When terms were settled Yishan reported that Elliot had sued for peace, asked to resume trade under the old rules, pledged never again to deal in opium, and reframed the six million indemnity as recovery of debts owed to merchants. After the truce was agreed, British units withdrawing garrisons from outlying batteries marched toward Foshan by way of Nicheng and through Xiaoguan and Sanyuanli. Outraged villagers rallied militia from the surrounding townships and ambushed them on every side; over two hundred British troops were killed, and their commander Bremer was slain along with other officers. Elliot hurried reinforcements to the scene and was surrounded in turn. Elliot sent a messenger through the lines to beg Guangzhou prefect Yu Baochun for help. Yu rode out and dispersed the crowd so Elliot could reach his boats and escape. Around the same time villagers at Sanshan killed more than a hundred British troops. Foshan militia besieged British troops at Guigang battery, killing dozens and destroying the sampans sent to their relief. At Xin'an a fire attack destroyed one large British warship and the rest of the squadron withdrew. Elliot asked the governor-general to issue a proclamation, after which the militia stood down.

義律受挫，久之，始變計入閩，攻廈門，再陷。復統兵攻定海，總兵葛雲飛等戰沒。裕謙以所部兵赴鎮海，方至，而英人自蛟門島來攻。時鎮海防兵僅四千，提督余步雲與總兵謝朝恩各領其半。步雲違裕謙節制，不戰先走。英遂據招寶山，俯攻鎮海，陷之。裕謙赴水死，謝朝恩亦戰歿。英人乘勝據寧波。八月，英人攻雞籠，為臺灣道姚瑩所敗。九月，命大學士宗室奕經為揚威將軍，侍郎文蔚、副都統特依順為參贊大臣，赴浙，以怡良為欽差大臣，赴閩，會辦軍務。二十二年春正月，大兵進次紹興，將軍、參贊定議同日分襲寧波、鎮海。豫泄師期，及戰，官軍多損失。是月，姚瑩復敗英人于大安。二月，英人攻慈谿營，金華協副將硃貴及其子武生昭南、督糧官即用知縣顏履敬死之。是月，起用伊里布。先是伊里布解任，並逮其家人張喜入都遣戍。至是，浙撫劉韻琦請起用，報可。旋以耆英為杭州將軍，命臺灣設防。

Stung by these defeats, Elliot eventually shifted operations to Fujian, captured Xiamen again, and pressed northward. He renewed the assault on Dinghai, where regional commander Ge Yunfei and other officers were killed. Yu Qian marched to Zhenhai with his force, but the British attacked from Jiaomen Island as soon as he arrived. Zhenhai's garrison numbered only four thousand men, split between commander Yu Buyun and regional commander Xie Chao'en. Bu Yun disobeyed Yu Qian's orders and fled without fighting. The British seized Zhaobaoshan, shelled Zhenhai from the heights, and took the city. Yu Qian drowned himself; Xie Chao'en also fell in battle. Victorious, the British occupied Ningbo. In the eighth month a British attack on Jilong was repulsed by Taiwan circuit intendant Yao Ying. In the ninth month the imperial clansman Yijing was named Campaigning General, with Vice Minister Wen Wei and banner vice commander Te Yishun as grand commissioners for Zhejiang, while Yiliang was sent as imperial commissioner to Fujian. In the first month of spring, year 22, the main force encamped at Shaoxing. Yijing and his commissioners resolved to strike Ningbo and Zhenhai simultaneously. The attack schedule leaked beforehand, and government forces took heavy casualties when the assault was launched. That same month Yao Ying again defeated the British at Da'an. In the second month the British attacked the camp at Cixi. Jinhua assistant regional commander Zhu Gui, his son the military licentiate Zhu Zhaonan, and acting magistrate Yan Lüjing, who oversaw grain supplies, were all killed. That month Yilibu was restored to office. Yilibu had earlier been dismissed, and his servant Zhang Xi was arrested and exiled to the capital with his household. Zhejiang governor Liu Yunqi now petitioned for his reinstatement, and the court agreed. Qiying was shortly appointed general at Hangzhou, and Taiwan's defenses were ordered strengthened.

夏四月，英人犯乍浦，副都統長喜、同知韋逢甲等戰死。時伊里布已來浙，即命家人張喜見英酋，告以撫事有成，令先退至大洋，即還所俘英人。英人如約，遂以收復乍浦奏聞。英人連陷寶山、上海，江南提督陳化成等死之，遂犯松江，陷鎮江，殺副都統海齡。淮揚鹽商懼甚，賂英師乞免。

In the fourth summer month the British attacked Zhapu. Vice banner commander Chang Xi, subprefect Wei Fengjia, and others were killed. Yilibu had by then reached Zhejiang. He sent his servant Zhang Xi to the British commander to say peace was assured, asked the fleet to withdraw to open water, and released the British prisoners. The British complied, and the court was memorialized that Zhapu had been recovered. The British took Baoshan and Shanghai in succession; Jiangnan commander Chen Huacheng and others were killed. They then overran Songjiang, captured Zhenjiang, and killed vice banner commander Hai Ling. Terrified Huai-Yang salt merchants bribed the British fleet to spare their region.

秋七月，犯江寧。英火輪兵船八十餘艘溯江上，自觀音門至下關。時耆英方自浙啟行，伊里布亦奉詔自浙馳至，遣張喜詣英船道意。英人要求各款：一，索煙價、商欠、兵費銀二千一百萬；一，索香港為市埠，並通商廣州、福州、廈門、寧波、上海五口；一，英官與中國官用敵體禮；餘則劃抵關稅、釋放漢奸等款，末請鈐用國寶。會耆英至，按款稍駮詰。英突張紅旗，揚言今日如不定議，詰朝攻城，遂即夜覆書，一如所言。翼日，遣侍衛咸齡、布政司黃恩彤、寧紹臺道鹿澤長往告各款已代請，俟批回即定約。奏上，許之。時耆英、伊里布、牛鑒以將修好，遣張喜等約期相見。馬利遜請以本國平行禮見。耆英等遂詣英舟，與璞鼎查等用舉手加額禮訂約，復親具牛酒犒師，畫諾於靜海寺，是為白門條約。自此煙禁遂大開矣。而英猶以臺灣殺英俘，為總兵達洪阿、兵備道姚瑩罪來詰，不得已，罷之。

In the seventh autumn month they advanced on Nanjing. More than eighty British steam warships steamed up the Yangzi from Guanyin Gate to Xiaguan. Qiying was just leaving Zhejiang when Yilibu, summoned by edict, hurried to Nanjing and sent Zhang Xi to the British fleet to open talks. Britain's demands ran as follows: first, twenty-one million taels in indemnity for opium, merchant debts, and war costs; second, cession of Hong Kong as a treaty port and trade at Guangzhou, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Ningbo, and Shanghai; third, diplomatic equality between British and Chinese officials; further clauses covered customs offsets, release of Chinese collaborators, and similar points, ending with a demand that the national seal be affixed. When Qiying arrived he raised modest objections to several clauses. The British hoisted a red flag and warned that unless terms were settled that day they would assault the city at dawn. That night they sent back a written reply accepting exactly what had been demanded. The next day Attendant Xian Ling, provincial administration commissioner Huang Entong, and Ning-Shao-Tai circuit intendant Lu Zechang informed the British that every clause had been submitted for imperial approval and the treaty would be signed once the response arrived. The memorial reached the throne and was approved. With peace imminent, Qiying, Yilibu, and Niu Jian sent Zhang Xi and others to arrange a meeting. Morrison asked that the British be received with the ceremonial equality of their own country. Qiying and his party went aboard the British ships, exchanged salutes with Pottinger and his staff, feasted the fleet, and signed the agreement at Jinghai Temple—the Treaty of Nanjing. From that point the ban on opium was effectively abandoned. Britain still demanded punishment for the execution of prisoners in Taiwan and blamed regional commander Da Hong'a and circuit intendant Yao Ying, who were dismissed under pressure.

十二月，以伊里布為欽差大臣，赴廣東督辦通商事。二十三年夏，伊里布卒，詔耆英往代。先許英廣州通市。初，英粵東互市章程，各國皆就彼掛號始輸稅。法人、美人皆言「我非英屬」，不肯從，遂許法、美二國互市皆如英例。

In the twelfth month Yilibu was appointed imperial commissioner to oversee trade in Guangdong. In the summer of year 23 Yilibu died, and Qiying was ordered to take his place. Guangzhou trade for Britain had already been authorized. Under the original Guangdong trade regulations, other nations had to register through Britain before paying duties. French and American merchants insisted they were not British subjects and refused; France and the United States were then allowed the same trading terms as Britain.

二十四年，英人築福州烏石山，英領事官見浙閩總督劉韻珂，請立商埠，欲於會城內外自南臺至烏石山造洋樓，阻之。值交還欠款，照江寧約，已付甲辰年銀二百五十萬，應將舟山、鼓浪嶼退還中國。英公使藉不許福州城內建樓事，不與交還。屢經辯論，始允退還鼓浪嶼，然執在彼建屋如故。

In year 24 the British began construction on Fuzhou's Wushi Hill. The consul asked Governor-General Liu Yunke of Zhejiang and Fujian for a commercial settlement and sought to erect foreign buildings from Nantai to Wushi Hill inside and outside the walled city; the request was refused. Under the Nanjing treaty outstanding payments were being settled; 2.5 million taels for the Jiachen year had been paid, and Zhoushan with Gulangyu were due to be returned to China. The British minister refused to return the islands, citing the refusal to allow construction inside Fuzhou. After prolonged argument he agreed to return Gulangyu but insisted on keeping the structures already built.

福州既得請，遂冀入居廣州城。廣州民憤阻，揭帖議劫十三洋行，英酋逸去，入城之議遂不行。二十六年秋七月，英人還舟山。十二月，請與西藏定界通商，以非條約所載，不許。二十八年，英酋文翰復請入廣州城互市，總督徐廣縉拒之。越日，英舟闖入省河，廣縉單舸往諭，省河兩岸義勇呼聲震天。文翰請仍修舊好，不復言入城事。

Having secured their points at Fuzhou, the British sought the right to reside inside Guangzhou's walls. Cantonese public opinion blocked the move; placards called for attacking the Thirteen Factories; the British chief fled, and the entry plan collapsed. In the seventh month of autumn, year 26, the British returned Zhoushan. In the twelfth month they asked to delimit borders and open trade with Tibet; the court refused because the treaty made no such provision. In year 28 British commissioner Wenhan again demanded entry into Guangzhou for trade; Governor-General Xu Guangjin refused. The next day British vessels forced their way up the provincial channel. Xu went out alone in a skiff to parley while militia on both banks roared their defiance. Wenhan asked to restore friendly relations and dropped the demand to enter the city.

六年秋九月，英人巴夏里致書葉名琛，請循江寧舊約入城，不省。英人攻粵城，不克逞，復請釋甲入見，亦不許。冬十月，攻虎門橫檔各砲臺，又為廣州義勇所卻，乃馳告其國。於是簡其伯爵額爾金來華，擬由粵入都，先將火輪兵船分泊澳門、香港以俟。額爾金至粵，初謀入城，不可。與水師提督、領事等議款，牒粵中官吏，俟其復書定進止，名琛置不答。七年冬十二月，英人遂合法、美、俄攻城，城陷，執名琛去。因歸罪粵中官吏，上書大學士裕誠求達。裕誠覆書，令赴粵與新命粵督黃宗漢商辦，不省。

In the ninth month of autumn, year 6, Harry Parkes wrote to Ye Mingchen asking entry to the city under the Nanjing treaty; Ye ignored the letter. British forces attacked Canton without success, then asked to lay down arms for an audience; that too was refused. In the tenth winter month they assaulted the Humen and Hengdang batteries but were driven off again by Canton militia, then hurried word home for reinforcements. The crown then dispatched Earl Elgin to China, intending to reach the capital via Canton while steam men-of-war took station at Macao and Hong Kong to await his orders. Elgin reached Canton and at once pressed to enter the walled city, but was refused. He negotiated terms with the admiral and consuls and notified Canton officials that he would await their reply before acting; Ye Mingchen ignored the messages entirely. In the twelfth month of winter, year 7, British forces allied with France, the United States, and Russia to storm the city; Canton fell and Ye Mingchen was taken prisoner. Elgin blamed the Canton authorities and memorialized Grand Secretary Yucheng to relay his grievances to the throne. Yucheng answered that he should return to Canton and treat with the new governor, Huang Zonghan; Elgin took no notice.

八年夏四月，聯兵犯大沽，連陷前路砲臺。帝命科爾沁親王僧格林沁率師赴天津防剿，京師戒嚴。帝命大學士桂良、吏部尚書花沙納赴天津查辦，復起用耆英偕往。耆英至，往謁英使，不得見，擅自回京，賜自盡。英有里國太者，嘉應州人也，世仰食外洋，隨英公使額爾金為行營參贊。聞桂良至，即持所定新議五十六條，要桂良允許，桂良辭之。津民憤，與英人鬥，擒里國太將殺之。桂良、譚廷襄恐誤撫局，亟遣人釋里國太，送回舟。時廷臣交章請罷撫議，以疆事棘，不得已，始命桂良等與定和約五十六款。六月，遣桂良、花沙納巡視江蘇，籌議諸國通商稅則。冬十月，定通商稅則。時英人以條約許增設長江海口商埠，欲先察看沿江形勢。定約後，即遣水師、領事以輪船入江，溯流至漢口，逾月而返。

In the fourth month of summer, year 8, allied fleets struck the Dagu forts and captured the outer batteries in succession. The emperor ordered Prince Sengge Rinchen of Khorchin to march on Tianjin with an army, and Beijing was placed under martial alert. He also sent Grand Secretaries Guiliang and Huashana, Minister of Personnel, to Tianjin to conduct talks, reappointing the veteran negotiator Qiying to accompany them. Qiying called on the British envoy but was refused an audience; he returned to Beijing without authorization and was ordered to take his own life. Among Elgin's staff was Horatio Nelson Lay, a native of Jiaying prefecture whose family had long lived on foreign employ; he served the envoy as camp adviser. When Guiliang arrived, Lay pressed the fifty-six draft articles and demanded immediate acceptance; Guiliang refused. Tianjin crowds, enraged, clashed with the British and seized Lay, nearly executing him on the spot. Fearing the negotiations would collapse, Guiliang and Tan Tingxiang hurriedly had Lay released and sent back to his ship. Officials bombarded the throne with pleas to abandon talks, but with the frontier crisis acute the court had no choice and finally ordered Guiliang to sign the fifty-six-article treaty. In the sixth month Guiliang and Huashana were sent to tour Jiangsu and draft a uniform tariff for foreign trade. By the tenth winter month the tariff schedule was settled. The treaty allowed new treaty ports on the Yangtze, and the British now wanted to reconnoiter the river before opening them. Soon after ratification naval officers and consuls steamed upriver to Hankou on a survey that lasted over a month.

是年，議通商善後事。時各國來天津換約，均因桂良原議，改由北塘海口入。獨英船先抵天津海口，俄人繼之，突背前約，闖入大沽口。直隸總督恆福遣人持約往，令改道，不聽。九年夏五月，英船十餘艘駛至灘心。越日，豎紅旗挑戰，拽倒港口鐵鏁、鐵椿，遂逼砲臺，開砲轟擊。時僧格林沁防海口，開砲應之，沈毀其數船。英人復以步隊接戰，又敗之。十年夏六月，復犯天津海口，直隸提督樂善守北岸砲臺，拒戰，中砲死。時僧格林沁尚守南岸砲臺。詔罷兵議撫，乃自天津退軍張家灣，英遂乘勢陷天津。尋復遣僧格林沁進軍通州。帝仍命大學士桂良往天津議撫。桂良抵津，牒洋人商和局。英公使額爾金、參贊巴夏里請增軍費及在天津通商，並請各國公使帶兵入京換約。桂良以聞，嚴旨拒絕，仍命僧格林沁等守通州。

That year the court turned to the routine business of treaty commerce. Foreign envoys arrived at Tianjin to exchange ratifications; following Guiliang's plan, all were to land at Beitang instead of Dagu. British vessels reached Tianjin first, Russians close behind, and both broke the agreement by forcing the Dagu passage. Governor-General Hengfu of Zhili sent envoys with the treaty to demand they change course; they refused. In the fifth month of summer, year 9, a dozen British ships anchored on the inner shoals of the Dagu bar. The next day they ran up a red battle flag, hauled away the harbor chains and piles, closed on the batteries, and opened a bombardment. Sengge Rinchen, commanding the coastal defense, replied in kind and sank several ships. A British landing force followed; they were beaten back again. In the sixth month of summer, year 10, the allies again assaulted the Tianjin approaches; provincial commander Le Shan held the north-bank batteries and was killed by shellfire. Sengge Rinchen still held the south bank. Fighting was halted in favor of peace talks; Qing forces withdrew from Tianjin to Zhangjiawan, and the British occupied the port city. Sengge Rinchen was soon ordered forward again to Tongzhou. The emperor again sent Grand Secretary Guiliang to Tianjin to negotiate. Guiliang reached Tianjin and proposed terms to the foreign ministers. Elgin and Parkes demanded increased indemnities, commercial rights at Tianjin, and that all ministers enter Beijing under arms to exchange ratifications. Guiliang reported the demands; the throne refused flatly and ordered Sengge Rinchen to hold Tongzhou.

八月，英人犯通州，帝命怡親王載垣赴通議款。時桂良及軍機大臣穆廕皆在，英使額爾金遣其參贊巴夏里入城議和，請循天津原議，並約法使會商。翼日，宴於東獄廟。巴夏里起曰：「今日之約，須面見大皇帝，以昭誠信。」又曰：「遠方慕義，欲觀光上國久矣，請以軍容入。」王憤其語不遜，密商僧格林沁，擒送京師，兵端復作。時帝適秋獮，自行在詔以恭親王奕訢為全權大臣，守京師，並詔南軍入援。時團防大臣、大學士周祖培，尚書陳孚恩等議籌辦團練城守事。恭親王、桂良駐城外，而英師已薄城下，焚圓明園。英人請開安定門入與恭親王面議和，乃約以次日定和議，而釋巴夏里於獄，遣恆祺送歸。九月，和議成，增償兵費八百萬，並開天津商埠，復以廣東九龍司地與英人。是年，用里國太幫辦稅務。

In the eighth month British forces advanced on Tongzhou, and Prince Zaiyuan was sent to negotiate. Guiliang and Grand Councillor Muyin were on hand when Elgin sent Parkes into the city to treat, asking to adhere to the Tianjin terms and arrange a joint conference with the French plenipotentiary. The next day a banquet was held at the Eastern Peak Temple. Parkes rose and said, "Today's pact requires an audience with the Emperor himself, that good faith may be plain for all to see." He added, "We have long admired the Middle Kingdom from afar and beg leave to enter the capital in martial array. Outraged at his insolence, the prince secretly arranged with Sengge Rinchen to seize Parkes and send him to Beijing; hostilities reopened at once. The emperor was away on the autumn hunt and from Rehe appointed Prince Gong full plenipotentiary to defend the capital, summoning southern troops to reinforce Beijing. Defense coordinators including Grand Secretary Zhou Zupei and Minister Chen Fuen organized militia and strengthened the city walls. Prince Gong and Guiliang remained outside the walls even as British columns reached the suburbs and burned the Old Summer Palace. The British asked that Anding Gate be opened so Prince Gong could treat with them in person; terms were set for the morrow, Parkes was released from prison, and Hengqi escorted him back to camp. In the ninth month peace was concluded: indemnities rose by eight million taels, Tianjin was opened to trade, and Kowloon was ceded. That year Horatio Nelson Lay was appointed to assist in customs administration.

十一年春二月，英人始立漢口、九江市埠，均設洋關。九月，總署因與英使卜魯士議暫訂長江通商章程十二款，納稅章程五款。是月，交還廣東省城。卜魯士始駐京。

In the second month of spring, year 11, treaty ports were opened at Hankou and Jiujiang, each with an Imperial Maritime Customs house. In the ninth month the Zongli Yamen provisionally agreed twelve articles on Yangtze trade and five on taxation with Minister Frederick Bruce. That month the British returned the walled city of Canton. Bruce took up residence in Beijing for the first time.

五年春正月，與英人議立招工章程。七年十二月，臺灣英領事吉必勳因運樟腦被阻，牽及教堂，洋將茄當踞營署，殺傷兵勇，焚燒軍火局庫，索取兵費。事聞，詰英使，久之，始將吉必勳撤任。未幾，英兵船在潮州，又有毀燒民房、殺死民人事，幾釀變。八年九月，與英換新約，英使阿禮國請朝覲，不許。九年，請辦電線、鐵路，不許。既而請設水底電線於中國通商各口，許之。十年，請開瓊州商埠。先是同治七年修新約，英使阿禮國允將瓊州停止通商，以易溫州。至是，英使威妥瑪與法、俄、美、布各國咸以為請，允仍開瓊州。十二年，穆宗親政，始覲見。初因覲見禮節中外不同，各國議數月不決，英持尤力，至是始以鞠躬代拜跪，惟易三鞠躬為五，號為加禮。

In the first month of spring, year 5 of the reign, regulations on recruiting contract laborers were negotiated with Britain. In the twelfth month, year 7, the British consul at Taiwan, Gibson, clashed over blocked camphor exports; foreign troops under a naval commander took over the yamen, killed Qing soldiers, burned the arsenal, and demanded indemnities. When word reached Beijing the British minister was pressed; only after prolonged diplomacy was Gibson recalled. Soon afterward British gunboats at Chaozhou burned houses and killed civilians, nearly sparking a riot. In the ninth month, year 8, a revised treaty was exchanged; Minister Rutherford Alcock asked for an audience and was refused. In year 9 they sought permission for telegraph lines and railways; the court refused. A later request to lay submarine cables between treaty ports was granted. In year 10 they asked to open Qiongzhou (Haikou) as a treaty port. Earlier, under the Tongzhi revision of year 7, Alcock had agreed to close Qiongzhou in exchange for Wenzhou. Now Wade, joined by the French, Russian, American, and Prussian ministers, asked again, and the court agreed to reopen Qiongzhou. In year 12 the Tongzhi Emperor assumed personal rule and foreign ministers were at last received in audience. For months the powers had haggled over court etiquette; Britain had been the most insistent. Now bowing replaced the kowtow, three bows becoming five in what was styled an "enhanced courtesy."

二年五月，諭：「馬嘉理案，疊經王大臣與英使威妥瑪辯論未洽，命李鴻章商辦早結。」六月，命鴻章為全權大臣，赴煙臺，與威妥瑪會商，相持者逾月，議始定。七月，鴻章奏稱：「臣抵煙臺，威妥瑪堅求將全案人證解京覆訊，其注意尤在岑毓英主使。臣與反復駁辨，適俄、德、美、法、日、奧六國使臣及英、德水師提督均集煙臺，往來談宴，因于萬壽聖節，邀請列國公使、提督至公所燕飲慶賀，情誼聯洽。翌日，威使始允另議辦法，將條款送臣查核。其昭雪滇案六條，皆總理衙門已經應允，惟償款銀數未定。其優待使臣三條：一，京外兩國官員會晤，禮節儀制互異，欲訂以免爭端；一，通商各口會審案件；一，中外辦案觀審，兩條可合併參看。觀審一節，亦經總署於八條內允行。至通商事務原議七條：一，通商各口，請定不應抽收洋貨釐金之界，並欲在沿海、沿江、沿湖地面，添設口岸；一，請添口岸，分作三項，以重慶、宜昌、溫州、蕪湖、北海五處為領事官駐紮，湖口、沙市、水東三處為稅務司分駐，安慶、大通、武穴、陸溪口、岳州、瑪斯六處為輪船上下客商貨物；一，洋藥准在新關並納稅釐；一，洋貨半稅單，請定劃一款式，華、洋商人均准領單，洋商運土貨出口，商定防弊章程；一，洋貨運回外國，訂明存票年限；一，香港會定巡船收稅章程；一，各口未定租界，請再議訂。以上如洋藥釐稅由新關並徵，既免偷漏，亦可隨時加增；土貨報單嚴定章程，冀免影射冒騙諸弊；香港妥議收稅辦法，均尚於中國課餉有益。其餘亦與條約不背。英使又擬明年派員赴西藏探路，請給護照，因不便附入滇案、優待、通商三端之內，故列為專條。免定口界、添設口岸兩事，反覆爭論，乃允免定口界，僅於租界免抽洋貨釐金，且指明洋貨、土貨仍可抽收。將來洋藥加徵，稍資撥補，似於大局無甚妨礙。至添口岸一節，總署已允宜昌、溫州、北海三處，赫德續請添蕪湖口，亦經奏准。今仍堅持前議，准添四口，作為領事官駐紮處所。其重慶派英員駐寓，總署已於八條內議准，未便即作口岸，聲明俟輪船能上駛時，再行議辦。至沿江不通商口岸上下客商貨物一節，自長江開碼頭後，輪船隨處停泊，載人運物，因未明定章程，礙難禁阻。英使既必欲議准，似不在停泊處所之多寡，要在口岸內地之分明。臣今與訂『上下貨物，皆用民船起卸，仍照內地定章，除洋貨稅單查驗免釐外，有報單之土貨，只准上船，不准卸賣，其餘應完稅釐，由地方官一律妥辦』等語，是與民船載貨查收釐金者一律，只須各地方關卡員役查察嚴密耳。英使先請湖口等九處，臣與釐定廣東之水東系沿海地方，不准驟開此禁，岳州距江稍遠，不准繞越行走，姑允沿江之大通、安慶、湖口、武穴、陸溪口、沙市六處，輪船可暫停泊，悉照內地抽徵章程。臣復與德國使臣巴蘭德議及德國修約添口，即照英國議定辦理。威妥瑪請半年後，開辦口岸租界，免洋貨釐，洋藥並納釐稅，須與各國會商，再行開辦，因准另為一條。至派員赴西藏探路一節，條約既准遊歷，亦無阻止之理。臣於原議內由總理衙門、駐藏大臣查度情形字樣，屆時應由總理衙門妥慎籌酌。迨至諸議就緒，商及滇案償款。英使謂去冬專為此事，調來飛遊幫大兵船四隻，保護商民，計船費已近百萬。臣謂兩國並未失和，無認償兵費之例，囑其定數。英使謂吳淞鐵路正滋口舌，如臣能調停主持，彼即擔代，仍照原議作二十萬，遂定議。因於二十六日，將所繕會議條款華、洋文四分，彼此畫押蓋印互換。至滇邊通商，威使面稱擬暫緩開辦，求於結案諭旨之末，豫為聲明。」疏入，報聞。鴻章仍回直督本任。約成互換，是為煙臺條約。約分三端：一曰昭雪滇案，二曰優待往來，三曰通商事務。又另議專案一條。是年，遣候補五品京堂劉錫鴻持璽書往英，為踐約惋惜滇案也。

In the fifth month, year 2, an edict declared that the Margary affair, long debated between senior ministers and Minister Wade without result, must now be settled by Li Hongzhang. In the sixth month Li was appointed plenipotentiary and went to Yantai; negotiations with Wade deadlocked for more than a month before terms were fixed. In the seventh month Li reported from Yantai that Wade insisted all witnesses be brought to Beijing for retrial, focusing above all on provincial governor Cen Yuying as the alleged mastermind. Li rebuffed him repeatedly. Envoys of Russia, Germany, the United States, France, Japan, and Austria—along with British and German admirals—were also at Yantai; on the emperor's birthday Li hosted a banquet for all the envoys and naval commanders, and the goodwill thus cultivated helped loosen the talks. The next day Wade agreed to an alternative procedure and submitted draft articles for Li's review. Six articles on exonerating officials in the Yunnan case had already been accepted by the Yamen; only the indemnity sum remained open. Three articles on diplomatic privileges followed: first, uniform etiquette when Chinese and foreign officials met inside and outside the capital, to forestall disputes; second, joint trial of cases at treaty ports; third, the right of foreign observers at trials—the last two were to be read together. The observer principle had already been conceded in earlier eight-article negotiations. On commercial matters, seven original articles remained. First, delimit zones exempt from likin on foreign goods and open additional ports along the coast, rivers, and lakes; second, new ports in three tiers—Chongqing, Yichang, Wenzhou, Wuhu, and Beihai for consuls; Hukou, Shashi, and Shuidong for deputy commissioners of customs; and Anqing, Datong, Wuxue, Luxikou, Yuezhou, and Masi for steamers to land passengers and cargo; third, opium to pay duty and likin together at treaty customs houses; fourth, a uniform certificate for the transit duty on foreign goods, issuable to Chinese and foreign merchants alike, with agreed safeguards on foreign merchants exporting native goods; fifth, fixed validity periods for warehouse receipts when foreign goods were re-exported; sixth, revised regulations for revenue cruisers operating out of Hong Kong; seventh, further talks on concessions not yet demarcated at various ports. On these points, collecting opium likin at treaty customs would curb smuggling and allow rates to be raised when needed; tighter rules on native-goods transit passes would curb false reporting and smuggling; and a sound revenue regime for Hong Kong would still benefit the imperial treasury. The remaining clauses were consistent with existing treaties. Wade also sought passports for a survey mission to Tibet the following year; as this lay outside the Yunnan, diplomatic, and commercial sections, it was set out in a separate article. After prolonged debate over likin-free zones and new ports, the court conceded on boundaries—exempting foreign-goods likin only within concessions while reserving the right to tax both foreign and native goods elsewhere. Higher opium duties could offset revenue losses and seemed acceptable on balance. On new ports the Yamen had already approved Yichang, Wenzhou, and Beihai; Hart then secured approval for Wuhu as well. Li held to prior limits and approved four ports for consular residence. Chongqing, where an English officer might reside, had been conceded in the eight articles but could not yet be opened as a full port until steamers could reach it upstream. Steamers already stopped at will along the Yangtze to take on passengers and cargo; without clear rules the practice could not be stopped. Wade insisted on formal approval; Li argued the issue was not how many landing places existed but how clearly port limits were drawn inland. Li agreed that cargo must be transferred by native craft under inland rules: foreign goods with duty certificates would be likin-exempt, certificated native goods could be loaded but not sold ashore, and all other dues would be collected by local officials—matching existing likin practice, provided barrier staff enforced the rules. Wade had asked for nine stops including Hukou; Li barred Shuidong on the Guangdong coast and Yuezhou as too far inland, granting six Yangtze anchorages—Datong, Anqing, Hukou, Wuxue, Luxikou, and Shashi—subject to inland likin rules. Li also told the German minister Brandt that new ports in Germany's revised treaty would follow the British settlement. Wade asked that concession zones, likin exemptions, and combined opium duties take effect in six months after consultation with other powers; this was allowed as a separate clause. On the Tibet survey, the treaty already allowed travel and could not reasonably be blocked. The draft had left timing to the Yamen and the Tibetan resident minister; Li noted the Yamen would decide when the mission should proceed. Once the other points were settled, talks turned to the Margary indemnity. Wade said he had last winter sent four fast cruisers solely for this affair to protect merchants, at a cost approaching one million taels. Li replied that the two countries were not at war and that there was no precedent for paying military costs as indemnity, and asked Wade to state a definite sum. Wade said the Wusong Railway dispute was still contentious; if Li would mediate, Britain would cover that issue and hold to the original figure of two hundred thousand taels, and the indemnity was settled. On the twenty-sixth the negotiated articles were drawn up in four Chinese and four English copies, signed, sealed, and exchanged. On border trade with Yunnan, Wade said opening would be deferred for the time being and asked that the closing edict say so explicitly. The memorial was received and noted. Li Hongzhang then resumed his post as governor-general of Zhili. After ratification and exchange, the agreement became known as the Chefoo Convention. It had three sections: vindication in the Margary affair, diplomatic courtesies, and trade. A fourth separate article was added. That year Liu Xihong was sent to Britain as acting fifth-rank capital official with an imperial letter of regret over the Margary affair, as the treaty required.

三年，英窺喀什噶爾，以護持安集延為詞。陝甘總督左宗棠拒之。英人欲中國與喀什噶爾劃地界，又請入西藏探路，皆不行。是年始於英屬地星嘉坡設領事。四年秋八月，福建民毀英烏石山教堂，英人要求償所失乃已。五年，英欲與中國定釐稅並徵確數。總署擬仍照煙臺原議條款，稅照舊則，釐照舊章。

In year 3 Britain cast its eyes on Kashgar, citing protection of Andijan. Zuo Zongtang, governor-general of Shaanxi and Gansu, refused. Britain asked China to delimit a border with Kashgar and sought permission to survey routes into Tibet; both requests were denied. That year China first posted a consul at Singapore in British territory. In the eighth month, year 4, Fujian locals razed the British church at Wushishan; Britain demanded compensation before it would drop the matter. In year 5 Britain pressed China to fix likin rates and exact figures. The Yamen proposed to keep Chefoo terms: customs duties on the old scale and likin under existing rules.

七年十月，李鴻章復與威妥瑪議洋藥加徵稅釐。初，洋藥稅釐並征之議，始發于左宗棠，原議每箱徵銀一百五十兩。其後各督撫往來商議，訖無成說。滇案起，鴻章乃與威妥瑪議商洋藥加徵稅釐。威妥瑪謂須將進出口稅同商，定議進口稅值百抽十，而出口稅以英商不原加稅為辭，並主張在各口新關釐稅並加，通免內地釐金。鴻章以欲通免釐金，當於海關抽稅百二十兩，須加正稅三倍。如不免釐金，則須增加一倍至六十兩。既，威妥瑪接到本國擬定鴉片加稅章程數條：「一，釐稅並徵增至九十兩；二，增正稅至五十兩，各口釐金仍照舊收；三，擬由中國通收印度鴉片，而印度政府或約於每年減種鴉片，或由兩國商定當減年限，至限滿日停種，至每石定價，或按年交還，或另立付價，時候亦由兩國訂明，其價或在香港撥還，或在印度交兌，其事則官辦商辦均可；四，擬立專辦洋藥英商公司，每箱應償印度政府一定價值，應納中國國家一定釐稅，至繳清此項釐稅後，其洋藥在中國即不重徵，印度政府約明年限，將鴉片逐漸裁止。」初，威妥瑪於進口已允值百抽十，至是因洋藥稅釐未定，又翻。又欲於各口租界外，酌定二三十里之界，免收洋貨釐。鴻章以租界免釐，載在條約，業經開辦有年，何得復議推廣？拒之。威妥瑪又請由香港設電線達粵省，其上岸祗准在黃埔輪船停泊附近之處，由粵省大吏酌定。

In the tenth month, year 7, Li Hongzhang again negotiated with Wade over higher combined duties on imported opium. The idea of a combined opium duty had first come from Zuo Zongtang, who had proposed one hundred fifty taels per chest. Provincial governors debated the matter by correspondence, but no agreement was reached. During the Margary negotiations Li took up opium duties again with Wade. Wade insisted import and export tariffs be negotiated together, sought ten per cent ad valorem on imports, refused export increases on British merchants' plea, and wanted combined opium duties at treaty ports in exchange for abolishing inland likin. Li replied that a nationwide likin exemption would require one hundred twenty taels at the customs—three times the basic duty. Without likin exemption the rate need only be doubled, to sixty taels. Wade then received from London a draft opium tariff with several clauses: "First, combined duties raised to ninety taels; second, the basic duty raised to fifty taels, with port likin unchanged; third, China might monopolize Indian opium imports while India phased out cultivation over agreed years, with price, payment schedule, and settlement in Hong Kong or India left to bilateral terms and to official or merchant management; fourth, a British opium company would pay India a fixed sum per chest and China a fixed likin, after which opium would be duty-free inland, while India undertook to end exports over a set period." Wade had already accepted ten per cent on general imports, but reopened the question while opium duties remained unsettled. He also sought a likin-free belt of twenty or thirty li beyond each concession. Li objected that likin exemption within concessions was treaty-bound and long established and could not be widened. He refused. Wade also asked for a telegraph cable from Hong Kong to Guangdong, landing only near the Huangpu steamer anchorage as the provincial authorities might designate.

九年三月，上諭：「洋藥稅釐並徵，載在煙臺條約，總理衙門歷次與英使威妥瑪商議，終以咨報本國為詞，藉作延宕。威妥瑪現已回國，著派出使大臣曾紀澤妥為商辦，如李鴻章前議一百一十兩之數，並在進口時輸納，即可就此定議。洋藥流毒多年，自應設法禁止。英國現有戒煙會，頗以洋藥害人為恥。如能乘機利導，與英外部酌議洋藥進口、分年遞減專條，逐漸禁止，尤屬正本清源之計。並著酌量籌辦。」紀澤奉旨與英外部議，三年始定。十一年六月，奏曰：「臣遵旨與英外部尚書伯爵葛蘭斐爾，侍郎龐斯茀德、克雷等商論，力爭數目，最後乃得照一百一十兩之數。今年二月，准彼外部允照臣議，開具節略，咨送臣署，且欲另定專條，聲明中國如不能令有約諸國一體遵照，英國即有立廢專約之權。臣復力爭，不允載入專條，彼乃改用照會。詳勘所送節略，即系商定約稿。其首段限制約束等語，緣逐年遞減之說，印度部尚書堅執不允。其侍郎配德爾密告臣署參贊官馬格里云，照專條辦法，印度每年已減收英金七十萬餘鎊，中國欲陸續禁減洋藥入口，惟有將來陸續議加稅金，以減吸食之人，而不能與英廷豫定遞減之法。遂未堅執固爭，而請外部于專案首段，加入於行銷洋藥之事須有限制約束一語，以聲明此次議約加稅之意，而暗伏將來修約議加之根。至如何酌定防弊章程，設立稽徵總口，煙臺條約第三端第五節固已明定要約。臣此次所定專條第九款又復聲明前說，將來派員商定，自不難妥立章程，嚴防偷漏。其餘各條，核與疊准總理衙門函電吻合。旋承總署覆電照議畫押。時適英外部尚書葛蘭斐爾退位，前尚書侯爵沙力斯伯里推為首相，仍兼外部。六月三日，始據來文定期七日畫押。臣屆期帶同參隨等員前往外部，與沙力斯伯里將續增條約專條漢文、英文各二分，互相蓋印畫押。按此次所訂條約，除第二條稅釐並徵數目，恪遵諭旨，議得百一十兩外，又於第五條議得洋藥於內地拆包零售，仍可抽釐，是內地並未全免稅捐。將來若于土煙加重稅釐，以期禁減，則洋藥亦可相較均算，另加稅釐。臣於專條中並未提及土煙加稅之說，以期保我主權。」疏入，得旨允行。旋兩國派員互換，是為煙臺續約。

In the third month, year 9, the throne ordered: "Combined opium duties were promised in the Chefoo Convention; the Yamen had repeatedly negotiated with Wade, who stalled by referring every point to London. Wade has now left China. Zeng Jiyang in London should settle the matter on Li Hongzhang's figure of one hundred ten taels, payable on import. Opium had poisoned the country for decades and ought to be curbed. Britain itself had a temperance movement that regarded the trade as a national disgrace. If Zeng could steer London toward a phased reduction of imports, that would strike at the root of the evil. He was told to explore that course as well. Zeng obeyed and bargained with the Foreign Office for three years before terms were fixed. In the sixth month, year 11, he reported: "As ordered, I negotiated with Foreign Secretary Earl Granville and Under-Secretaries Ponsonby and Clare, pressing hard on the sum until London accepted one hundred ten taels per chest. In the second month the Foreign Office agreed to my terms in a memorandum and proposed a separate article giving Britain the right to cancel the agreement if other treaty powers did not follow suit. I resisted that clause and they recorded it only in an exchange of notes. The memorandum was in effect the agreed text. Its opening language on "restriction and constraint" reflected the India Office's refusal of a fixed schedule of reductions. Under-Secretary Pauncefote told Macartney privately that the new duty already cost India over seven hundred thousand pounds a year; further cuts in imports could come only through higher taxes to discourage use, not through a treaty timetable with London. I did not press the point but asked that the opening clause state that the opium trade must be "restricted and constrained," reserving leverage for future tariff increases. Rules against evasion and a central collecting office were already required by section five of the Chefoo Convention's commercial articles. Article nine of the new protocol repeated that pledge; detailed regulations could be worked out later to stop smuggling. The other clauses matched the Yamen's standing instructions. The Yamen soon telegraphed approval to sign. Granville had just left office; Salisbury returned as prime minister and foreign secretary. On 3 June London set the signing for the seventh. On the appointed day I went to the Foreign Office with my staff and exchanged seals with Salisbury on two Chinese and two English copies of the supplementary articles. Besides fixing the combined duty at one hundred ten taels as ordered, article five preserved likin on opium broken bulk for inland retail, so inland taxation was not wholly surrendered. If China later raised duties on native opium to discourage use, foreign opium could be taxed proportionally. I left native-opium duties out of the protocol to keep that lever in Chinese hands. The memorial was approved. The two governments then exchanged ratifications—the Convention Supplementary to the Chefoo Convention.

秋八月，英人議通商西藏。是歲英窺緬甸，踞其都。滇督岑毓英奏請設防，旋遣總兵丁槐率師往騰越備之。中國以緬甸久為我屬，電曾紀澤向英外部力爭，令存緬祀立孟氏。英外部不認緬為我籓屬，而允立孟氏支屬為緬甸教王，不得與聞政令。紀澤未允，外部尚書更易教王之說亦置諸不議矣。既，英署使歐格訥以煙臺約有派員入藏之文，堅求立見施行。總署王大臣方以藏眾不許西人入境，力拒所請。會歐格訥以緬約事自詣總署，言緬甸前與法私立盟約，是以興師問罪。令若重立緬王，則法約不能作廢，故難從命。今欲依緬甸舊例，每屆十年，由緬甸長官派員赴京，而勘定滇、緬邊界，設關通商，以踐前約。王大臣等以但言派員赴京，並未明言貢獻，辨爭再四，始改為呈進方物，循例舉行，而勘界、通商，則皆如所請。歐格訥始允停止派員入藏，藏、印通商，仍請中國體察情形，再行商議。議既定，總署因與歐格訥商訂草約四條，得旨允行。十二年九月，請英退朝鮮巨文島，不聽。十月，議瓊州口岸。英領事以條約有牛莊、登州、臺灣、潮州、瓊州府城口字樣，謂城與口皆口岸，中國以英約十一款雖有瓊州等府城口字樣，而煙臺續約第三端，聲明新舊各口岸，除已定有各國租界，應無庸議云云。英約天津郡城海口作通商埠，紫竹林已定有各國租界，城內亦不作為口岸，以此例之，則瓊州海口系口岸，瓊州府城非口岸也。十三年秋七月，與英換緬約於倫敦。

In the eighth month Britain again pressed for trade with Tibet. That year Britain invaded Burma and took the capital. Yunnan governor Cen Yuying asked for defenses and sent regional commander Ding Huai to Tengyue with troops. China, treating Burma as a long-standing dependency, wired Zeng Jiyang to press London to preserve the dynasty and install a prince of the Meng family. The Foreign Office denied Chinese suzerainty but offered a Meng collateral as a religious king without political power. Zeng refused; after a change of foreign secretary even the religious-king proposal lapsed. Then chargé d'affaires O'Conor, citing the Chefoo clause on missions to Tibet, insisted it be carried out at once. Yamen ministers resisted on the ground that Tibetans would not admit Westerners. O'Conor then came to the Yamen on Burma, explaining that Britain had invaded because Burma had secretly allied with France. Restoring the Burmese king, he said, would leave the Franco-Burmese treaty in force and could not be done. He proposed instead the old decennial Burmese mission to Beijing, a Sino-Burmese boundary survey, and border trade to satisfy earlier commitments. Ministers argued that "dispatching staff" was not tribute until O'Conor agreed to the usual presentation of local products; boundary and trade terms stood as he asked. O'Conor then dropped the Tibet mission in return for a Chinese promise to consider Sino-Indian trade when circumstances allowed. The Yamen then signed a four-article draft convention with O'Conor, which the throne approved. In the ninth month, year 12, China asked Britain to leave Korea's Komundo (Giant Stone Island); Britain refused. In the tenth month the court debated which Qiongzhou port to open. The consul cited treaty language on Niuzhuang, Dengzhou, Taiwan, Chaozhou, and "Qiongzhou prefectural city and port" to claim both city and harbor were open ports; China replied that the Chefoo supplementary articles had closed the question for ports where concessions already existed. At Tianjin only the treaty port outside the city was open while Zizhulin held the concessions and the walled city was not a port; by that precedent Qiongzhou harbor was the port, not Qiongzhou city. In the seventh month, year 13, the Burma convention was exchanged in London.

十四年春，英人麻葛藟督兵入藏，藏人築卡禦之，為英屬印兵所逐。藏人旋又攻哲孟雄境之日納宗，又敗。先是，藏地國初歸附，自英侵入印度後，藏遂與英鄰。乾隆年，英印度總督曾通使班禪求互市，班禪謂當請諸中國，議未協而罷。哲孟雄者，藏、印間之部落也。道光間，英收為印屬。及煙臺訂約有派員入藏之說，而藏人未知，遂築砲臺於邊外之隆吐山，冀阻英兵使不得前。英人以為言，帝諭四川總督劉秉璋，飛咨駐藏大臣文碩、幫辦大臣升泰，傳各番官嚴切宣示，迅撤卡兵。於時升泰尚未抵任，文碩未諳交涉，輒以拒英護藏覆奏。於是嚴旨切責，以長庚代之。仍有旨催令升泰赴藏，傳齊番官，諭以：「上年與英人訂議，緩辦通商，正朝廷護持黃教、覆庇藏番，代籌一永保安全之至計。但令迅速撤卡，印督已言明彼決不越藏、中定界熱勒巴拉山嶺一步。彼此未經開戰，無論此地屬藏屬哲，將來尚可從容辨論。」時十四年正月也。

In the spring of year 14 a British officer, Magalei, advanced into Tibet; Tibetans built blockhouses but were driven back by troops of British India. They then attacked Nathu La in what they held to be Sikkimese territory and were defeated again. Tibet had submitted in the early Qing; once Britain held India, Tibet faced the Raj along its southern marches. Under Qianlong the governor-general of India had asked the Panchen Lama for trade; the Lama said Beijing must decide, and talks lapsed. Sikkim lay between Tibet and India. In the Daoguang era Britain made it a protectorate of India. Tibetans, unaware of the Chefoo clause on surveys, fortified Lungdu Ridge beyond the border to stop British advance. Britain protested; the emperor ordered Liu Bingzhang of Sichuan to urge the Tibetan resident Wen Shuo and assistant Sheng Tai to tell all Tibetan officials to pull back their outposts at once. Sheng Tai had not yet arrived; Wen Shuo, inexperienced in diplomacy, reported that refusing the British was protecting Tibet. Beijing rebuked him severely and replaced him with Chang Geng. Another edict sent Sheng Tai to Tibet to tell the chiefs: "Last year's agreement with Britain deferred border trade while the court protected the Yellow Faith and Tibetan subjects—our plan for lasting security. Withdraw the outposts at once. The viceroy of India has pledged not to cross the Relabara ridge, the border between Tibet and China. No fighting had yet begun; whether the ground was Tibetan or Sikkimese could still be argued later." This was in the first month, year 14.

寄諭未至，英兵已進攻隆吐，毀其壘，藏番悉潰。乃欲藉通商以緩師，文碩復左右之，竟以藏人與英自行立約入奏。四月丁亥，諭曰：「印、藏通商一事，英人約定並不催辦。此次開釁，與通商絕無干涉。文碩始終不明機要，乃欲藉通商為轉圜，不思藏為中國屬地，豈有聽其自行與人立約之理！升泰、文碩接奉此旨，即傳集番官，諭以事須稟明駐藏大臣具奏，由總理衙門核定，候旨遵辦。」五月庚申，又諭曰：「使英大臣劉瑞芬電稱，『印督近又函達藏官，但令藏眾退回原界，便可仍舊和好，絕不欲侵入藏地，致礙兩國睦誼。』向來藏務專歸商上，第穆呼圖克圖人尚和平曉事，現在掌辦商上，責有專歸。升泰接奉此旨，即傳諭第穆，令其妥為了結。」

Before the order reached Tibet, British forces stormed Lungdu, destroyed the works, and the Tibetan troops scattered. Wen Shuo then urged using trade talks to slow the advance and allowed Tibetans to make a separate agreement with Britain and report it to court. On the dinghai day of the fourth month an edict declared: "India-Tibet trade was not to be pressed by Britain. This fighting had nothing to do with trade. Wen Shuo never grasped the stakes yet tried to trade concessions for peace, forgetting that Tibet is Chinese territory and cannot treaty with foreigners on its own. Sheng Tai and Wen Shuo were to tell the chiefs that any agreement must go through the resident minister and the Yamen for imperial approval." On the gengshen day of the fifth month another edict cited Minister Liu Ruifen's telegram: "The viceroy of India writes again that if Tibetans withdraw to their former line, relations may be restored and he has no wish to invade Tibet or disturb friendship between our countries. Tibetan affairs have always rested with the council of regents; the Ninth Pakpa Hutuktu's faction is moderate and capable, and now holds the council—the duty is theirs alone. On receiving the decree, Sheng Tai instructed Demu to settle the affair properly."

未幾，升泰抵任受事。九月，奏言：「藏番自作不靖，肇起兵戈。所有隆吐山南北本皆哲孟雄地，英人雖視為保護境內，實則哲孟雄、布魯克巴皆西藏屬籓，每屆年終，兩部長必與駐藏大臣呈遞賀稟，駐藏大臣循例優加賞犒。唐古特自達賴喇嘛以下，均有額定禮物，商上亦回賞緞疋銀茶，與兩部復書草稿，必呈送駐藏大臣批准，始行繕覆。哲、布兩部遇有爭訟，亦稟由藏官酌派漢、番官辦理，此哲、布本為藏地屬籓之實在情形也。兩部長於光緒二年曾各遞番字稟，以英人有窺伺藏地之心，請早為設法辦理。雖經前西藏糧員四望關通判周溱帶同戴琫劄喜達結往辦，祗取哲孟雄空結一紙，敷衍了事，並不妥籌善後，貽悮邊疆，其禍實自此始。嗣後哲夷知藏番並無遠慮，始一意與英人交接，又復貪利取租，聽英人修路直至撚納，迄今仍稱租界，又藏中自失籓籬之始末也。藏人不知優待屬籓，哲部偶受欺淩，不為申理，此時漸覺英人有偪己之心，忽又攘奪哲地以為己有，更揚言哲夷私結英人，屢議起兵攻伐，哲夷內不自安，則益句結英人以圖自保，此又藏、印交兵之所由來也。藏人自四月十三日戰敗之後，不思設法弭患，又復添調各路土兵，分由小道至派克里，沿途騷擾，良民大受荼毒。番官管餉，又多減刻，人有怨言，軍無鬥志。除向隸戴琫之兵三千，及工布兵數百人，差可用命，餘則悉系烏合。現劄帕隘以外者一萬餘人，分佈各口又數千人，一旦敗北譁潰，則數千里臺站伏莽增多，此內患之堪虞者也。近時開導之難，實因曩時初與外人交涉，商上辦事諸員邀三大寺僧眾，以護教為名，共立誓詞，云『藏地男女不原與洋人共生於天地，此後藏中男女老弱有違此誓，即有背黃教，人人得而誅之』。此本不肖之徒，為聚眾抗官之謀，三大寺僧眾亦藉此干預政事。今事機危迫，特旨到藏，第穆亦知凜畏。無如遽違初議，即禍在目前，雖掌辦商務之尊，恐亦不免自危，其噶布倫以次更不待言。窺其情形，似非背城一戰，難望轉機。此臣探其隱衷而言，非藏番等自有此語也。此時兵尚未撤，委員不便前往。且委員至彼辦理界務，應與英國何人會議，應請飭詢英使，由總署知照藏中，庶免隔閡。近年藏番異常刁悍，今自開兵釁，尚不自知悔悟，實難姑容。第藏衛距川過遠，餉絀兵單，無事不形掣肘。臣萬不敢不出之審慎，籌慮萬全，相機駕馭，冀紓朝廷西顧之憂。」

Before long Sheng Tai reached his post and took up his duties. In the ninth month he memorialized: "The Tibetans courted unrest and opened hostilities. All the country north and south of Lungdu Ridge had always been Sikkimese. Britain counted it within the protectorate, yet Sikkim and Bhutan were dependencies of Tibet: at year's end both chiefs presented New Year memorials to the resident minister, who by custom granted them rewards. From the Dalai Lama down, Tibetans owed fixed gifts; the regency returned silk, silver, and tea, and draft replies to both states had to be approved by the resident minister before letters could be sent. Disputes between Sikkim and Bhutan were referred to Lhasa, which sent Chinese and Tibetan officers to adjudicate—proof that both were Tibetan dependencies in practice. In Guangxu 2 both chiefs had petitioned in Tibetan script that Britain eyed Tibetan soil and begged Beijing to act in time. Zhou Qin of Siwang Pass and Dai Biong had been sent with the lama Chidaje to negotiate, but secured only a hollow pledge from Sikkim, closed the file, and planned no follow-up—an error on the frontier from which the later trouble sprang. Seeing Tibet's shortsightedness, the Sikkimese then dealt chiefly with Britain, leased land for roads as far as Nianna—still called a concession—and Tibet thereby lost its buffer. Tibet failed to protect its dependencies: when Sikkim was bullied Lhasa did nothing, then seized Sikkimese land and accused the Sikkimese of siding with Britain—driving them closer to India and into war with Tibet. After their defeat on the thirteenth of the fourth month Tibetans made no peace but poured levies along hill paths toward Phari, plundering civilians along the way. Supply officers skimped on rations; the men grumbled and would not fight. Only Dai Biong's three thousand men and a few hundred from Gongbu were reliable; the rest were a mob. More than ten thousand men lay beyond Zhapa Pass with thousands more at each gap; a rout would turn the thousand-li of courier lines into bandit country—an internal peril. Persuasion failed because, at first contact with foreigners, the regency and the three great monasteries had sworn that no Tibetan man or woman would live with aliens on earth, and that whoever broke the oath betrayed the Yellow Hat faith and might be killed. Wicked men had framed the oath to rally resistance to the throne; the great monasteries used it to meddle in affairs of state. The crisis was acute and an imperial decree had reached Lhasa; even Demu was frightened. To break the original oath at once was to court death; even the trade ministers would be at risk, let alone the kalöns below them. They seemed to think only a desperate stand could change their fate. This was my reading of their private mind, not words the Tibetans themselves had used. Troops had not yet withdrawn, so commissioners could not safely proceed. Boundary talks required knowing which British officer would meet them; I asked that the minister in Beijing be consulted and the Yamen inform Tibet, lest we work at cross purposes. Tibetans had grown unusually truculent; having started war and shown no repentance, indulgence was hard to justify. Yet Tibet was far from Sichuan, short of pay and men—everything was a constraint. I dared act only with utmost care, hoping to ease the court's anxieties for the western marches."

是月丁卯，又奏：「臣於五月二十六日抵藏，第穆與大小番官僧俗公同遞稟，譯其情詞，總以隆吐之南日納宗為藏界，藏人設卡系在境內，英人無端恃強動兵侵地為言。臣以經界為地方要政，從前豈無案牘。乃派員將新舊各案卷概行檢閱，始尋出乾隆五十九年前大臣尚書和琳、內閣學士和瑛任內奏設鄂博原案一卷，注明藏內界址，系在距派克里三站之雅拉、支木兩山，設有鄂博。又有春丕、日納宗兩處，上年雖系藏界，乾隆五十三年廓番用兵，哲孟雄被廓夷追過藏曲大河，哲部窮蹙，達賴喇嘛始將日納宗地賞給哲部筦理，原派委員西藏遊擊張志林原稟，即聲敘日納宗不應作為藏界，只在雅拉、支木兩山設立鄂博，稟詞甚為明晰。此圖惜已佚，又覓得舊圖一張，並注明納蕩一地乃哲孟雄邊境，藏圖南面極邊界線之上亦繪有雅拉山，是雅拉山確屬藏地南界。至藏人設卡之隆吐山，考之舊圖，實無此名，以英人所云日納宗在隆吐北數十里，而藏番新圖則日納宗又在隆吐之南，顯系藏人多繪此一段，飾稱藏界。臣既考察明確，即以原卷舊圖發交開導委員，轉給藏番閱看。番人雖有愧色，然終以日納宗本屬藏地，從前雖賞給哲夷，今哲夷已歸英屬，應即收回自筦。旋奉電傳寄諭，臣即面授第穆。臣深慮第穆使將屯兵先行撤入派克里，並劄飭哲、布兩部長親赴英軍，告以藏人畏偪，故兵難先撤，印兵亦宜克踐前言，彼此約期同日撤退，仍由臣致信英官，促其速撤。忽又得報，英人於六月二十八日添兵九百餘名，又益以大砲六門。第穆旋亦稟英人屢次攻撲我營。且廓爾喀前王子果爾雜撚曾出奔印度，今亦由印帶兵五百名前來助戰，聞已過大吉嶺，是以未敢撤兵。伏乞飭下總署詳告英使，轉電印督，約期撤兵，並飭印兵毋得再動。」

On the dingmao day of that month he memorialized again: "I reached Tibet on the twenty-sixth of the fifth month. Demu and Tibetan officials, clergy, and laity jointly petitioned that the border lay at Nathu La south of Lungdu, that their outposts were within Tibet, and that Britain had attacked without cause. Boundaries are vital to any province—surely there were old records. Staff searched the archives and found a Qianlong-era file by Helin and He Ying placing Tibet's inner border at the Yala and Zhimu ranges three stages from Phari, marked by obo cairns. Chumbi and Nathu La had lain on the Tibetan side, but in Qianlong 53, when Nepal invaded, Sikkim was driven beyond the Zangchu; the Dalai Lama then granted Nathu La to Sikkim. Commissioner Zhang Zhilin had reported clearly that Nathu La was not Tibet's border and that markers should stand only on Yala and Zhimu. That map is lost, but another old chart marks Nathang as Sikkimese frontier and draws Yala Peak on Tibet's southern line—proof that Yala was Tibet's southern limit. Lungdu Ridge, where Tibetans had built posts, does not appear on old maps. Britain placed Nathu La north of Lungdu; Tibet's new map drew it to the south—an invented stretch of "Tibetan" border. I gave the original dossier and old map to my commissioners for the Tibetans to read. They looked ashamed yet insisted Nathu La was Tibetan soil: though once granted to Sikkim, Sikkim was now under Britain and the tract should revert to Lhasa. A telegraphed decree arrived and I instructed Demu in person. I urged Demu to pull troops back to Phari and sent Sikkimese and Bhutanese chiefs to the British camp to explain that Tibet could not withdraw first while under pressure, but that Indian troops should keep their word and both sides retire on the same day; I would also write the British officer to hurry the withdrawal. Word then came that on the twenty-eighth of the sixth month Britain had sent nine hundred more men and six heavy guns. Demu reported that British forces were repeatedly assaulting our camps. The exiled Nepalese prince Gorzanian was also marching five hundred men from India to help Britain and was said to have passed Darjeeling—so we dared not withdraw. I begged the Yamen to tell the British minister, telegraph the viceroy to fix a withdrawal date, and forbid further Indian attacks."

疏入，奉上諭：「升泰所陳，頗中肯綮。劉瑞芬八月二十八日電稱：『印兵在熱勒巴拉山近處與藏兵攻戰，藏兵傷亡數百，印兵追入徵畢山岔。』九月十五日電稱：『英外部照覆，云來攻納蕩之英軍統領拉哈瑪，已遵印度政府之諭，不可佔據藏地，故追入徵畢後，立即退回。印督又報告其政府，謂駐藏大臣將以西曆十月三日由拉薩前赴邊界，已派政事官保爾前往會晤。』目前升泰想已接晤保爾。藏、哲界址當已查明，印督又有『甚望速了』之語。著即熟商妥辦。」

The throne replied: "Sheng Tai's analysis goes to the heart of the matter. Liu Ruifen telegraphed on the twenty-eighth of the eighth month that near Jelep La Indian and Tibetan troops had fought, with hundreds of Tibetan casualties, and that Indian forces had pursued into the Zhengbi defile. On the fifteenth of the ninth month he reported that the Foreign Office had replied that General Graham, who attacked Nathang, obeyed India's order not to hold Tibetan soil and withdrew as soon as he entered Zhengbi. The viceroy also reported that the resident minister would leave Lhasa for the frontier on 3 October and had sent Political Officer Paul to meet him. Sheng Tai has presumably met Paul by now. The Tibet-Sikkim line should be settled; the viceroy had also said he wished a quick end. Deliberate carefully and conclude the affair."

升泰先使江孜守備蕭佔先馳往開導，又以知縣秀廕繼之。藏兵之敗也，英兵追至仁進岡，將盡焚山上下民舍。會佔先至，見英將力爭，乃退屯對邦，而促升泰前往會議。數日，復進據姑布。升泰十一月至，與英員保爾相見於對邦，議經月未就。乃奏言：「英人戰勝而驕，必欲諸事議妥始允撤兵。現議哲孟雄事不下十次，保爾必欲將哲為英屬，註明條約，而畫咱利拉山為界，即歷次奏牘所謂熱勒巴拉山也。臣議以印督前言『藏眾退回原界，仍守二年以前情形，不在隆吐山駐兵，便可照舊辦理，絕不侵入藏界』等語折之，保爾則謂此語當在未開戰前，戰釁既開，自當另議。通商一事，英人開來條款，直欲到藏貿易。臣百端辨說，始允退至江孜。又答以萬不能行，則又意在派克哩。帕隘乃藏南門戶，其險要在山腰之格林卡，若至派克哩，則已在高原，為廓爾喀、哲孟雄、布魯克巴三部通衢。目前開導藏番，通商必在界外，始可期其遵從。是以臣堅未允許，保爾意甚怫然。臣惟有平心靜氣，婉與商榷，冀紓目前之急。」是年英定華工往澳大利亞例限。英君主維多利亞登位五十年，中國遣使致賀。

Sheng Tai first sent Xiao Zhanxian, garrison commander at Gyangzê, to reason with them, then the magistrate Xiuyin. After the Tibetan defeat British troops pursued to Renjing Ridge and were about to burn every house on the slope. Zhanxian arrived, argued with the British commander, and induced them to fall back to Doklam while pressing Sheng Tai to come to talks. Days later they advanced again and occupied Gubu. Sheng Tai came in the eleventh month and met Paul at Doklam; a month of talks failed. He reported that Britain, flush with victory, would not withdraw until every point was settled. Sikkim alone was debated ten times: Paul demanded treaty language making it British territory and a border on Jelep La—the Rela Bara of earlier memorials. I cited the viceroy's pledge that if Tibetans returned to their old line and left Lungdu unmanned, matters could proceed as before and India would not cross into Tibet; Paul said that applied only before war—after hostilities, terms must change. On trade, Britain's draft articles aimed at commerce inside Tibet. After long argument they agreed to limit trade to Gyangzê. When I refused that too, they turned to Phari. Phari was Tibet's southern gate; the choke point was Glingka on the slope. Phari Dre lay on the plateau where Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan met. To win Tibetan consent, trade had to lie beyond the border. I stood firm; Paul was openly angry. I could only negotiate calmly, hoping to relieve the immediate crisis." That year Britain set limits on Chinese labor emigration to Australia. Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee was marked by a Chinese mission of congratulation.

十五年，升泰復與英人接議通商、分界，久不決。十六年二月，朝旨派總稅務司赫德之弟赫政赴藏協商藏、印約事。升泰奏言：「撤兵藏番已原遵旨，所難者分界、通商兩大端耳。臣自到邊，哲部長之母率其親族頭目來營具稟，云：『英人昔年立約，曾經議明，無論如何不得逾日喜曲河一步。哲部租地與英，每年應收租費洋銀十二千圓，英人分毫未給。此次印、藏構兵，以致殃及，實不原再歸英屬。』臣維哲孟雄本屬小邦，僻在極邊。本年印、藏用兵，被英人掠取全土，復遷其部長，安置印度噶倫繃之地，而以重兵駐守扛多，即部長平時治所也。流離轉徙，情實可矜。是以此次會議，但許其保護，而必爭『照舊』兩字，使藏人不至咎臣辦理邊事失去屬籓，並可藉此羈縻布魯克巴。至布魯克巴，地大物博，民俗強悍，其地數倍哲孟雄，實為前藏遮罩，西人呼為布丹國。上年曾經入貢，其部長向無印信，亦無封號。臣此次到邊，其部長派兵千七百人來營效力。臣方飭藏兵遣撤，豈可留此多人，致貽口實？是以優給賞賚，勉以大義，飭令速回，許事後為之代懇天恩。該部人歡忻鼓舞而去。」

In year 15 Sheng Tai reopened talks on trade and boundaries, still without result. In the second month of year 16 the court sent James Hart, brother of Inspector General Robert Hart, to Tibet to help negotiate the Tibet-India settlement. Sheng Tai reported that Tibetans would obey orders on withdrawal, but boundary and trade remained the hard questions. At the frontier the Sikkimese chief's mother came with kinsmen and headmen to petition: "When Britain first treated with us, we agreed they must not cross the Rishi Chu by a single step. Sikkim leased land to Britain for twelve thousand dollars a year, yet not a cent had been paid. This war has ruined us; we will not again be British subjects." Sikkim is a small, remote state. This year's fighting let Britain seize the whole country, move the raja to Kalimpong, and garrison Gangtok, his former capital. Dispossessed and exiled, their plight deserved pity. At the talks I could grant only protection, but had to insist on the phrase "as before," lest Tibet accuse me of losing a dependency and to keep Bhutan in hand. Bhutan is larger, richer, and warlike—several times Sikkim's size and Tibet's shield to the south; Westerners call it Bhutan. It had sent tribute last year, though its chief held no seal or title. When I arrived its chief sent seventeen hundred men to serve in camp. I was disbanding Tibetan levies and could not keep so large a foreign force on the field. I rewarded them, urged duty, sent them home, and promised to seek imperial favor later. They left rejoicing."

赫政既抵藏，升泰與英官開議，保爾雖奉命印督為議約專員，然不得自主，事事仍請命印督。藏番不原與英接壤，必間哲孟雄於中，乃可定界。英既幽哲酋於噶倫繃，直欲收入印度幅員之內，藏人聞之益憤。升泰嚴飭番官僧俗毋率行干預哲事，而亟使赫政勸阻英官，勿遽更易哲酋，使藏人有所藉口。藏、哲舊界本在雅納、支木兩山間，其後商販往來另辟捷徑，於是有所謂咱利孔道者，即熱勒巴拉嶺之支麓也。升泰議即咱利山立石畫分藏、哲之界，其印、哲舊界在日喜河者，亦擬仍舊，而於條約註明。藏番不原通商，初指對邦附近地為商埠，後始議定後藏之亞東，於其地修建關卡，設漢官治之。藏番甫首肯，而英官又遷延不遽決。升泰亟奏請飭總署促英使迅速議約。總署王大臣旋擬四條，與英使華爾身籌商久之，始議定八款。總署乃上奏，謂：「第一款，藏、哲以咱利山一帶山顛為界；第二款，哲地歸英保護；第三款，兩邊各無犯越；其餘緩議。各條善後應辦事宜，侭可徐與商榷，彼此派員定議。請簡派升泰為全權大臣，與英員先行畫押。」奉旨俞允。是歲秋七月，出使大臣薛福成與英外部互換於倫敦，是為中英會議藏印條約。

Once James Hart arrived, Sheng Tai resumed talks with Paul, who was India's commissioner but could decide nothing without Calcutta. Tibetans refused a frontier with Britain and demanded Sikkim stand between. Britain had interned the Sikkimese raja at Kalimpong and aimed to annex his state, which inflamed Tibetan opinion. Sheng Tai forbade Tibetan clergy and officials to meddle in Sikkim and had Hart urge the British not to replace the raja and give Lhasa a pretext. The old Tibet-Sikkim line ran between Yala and Zhimu; traders later opened the Jelep route, a spur of Jelep La. Sheng Tai proposed marking the Tibet-Sikkim border on Jelep La, leaving the India-Sikkim line on the Rishi Chu as before, and writing both into treaty. Tibetans resisted trade, first naming Doklam, then accepting Yatung in southern Tibet with a customs post under Chinese officers. Tibetans had barely consented when British officers stalled again. Sheng Tai begged the Yamen to press the British minister for a speedy settlement. Minister Wang of the Yamen drafted four points and bargained with Minister Walsham until eight articles were fixed. The Yamen memorialized: "Article 1: Tibet and Sikkim shall take the crest of Jelep La as the boundary; Article 2: Sikkim shall remain under British protection; Article 3: neither side shall cross the border; the rest to be discussed later. Remaining details might be settled gradually by commissioners on both sides. It asked that Sheng Tai be named plenipotentiary to initial the agreement with the British commissioner. The throne assented. That autumn Minister Xue Fucheng exchanged ratifications in London with the Foreign Office, completing the Anglo-Chinese Convention on Tibet and Sikkim.

是年德宗大婚，英派使臣華爾身齎英主維多利亞國書致賀，並自鳴鐘一座，上刻祝辭云：「日月同明，報十二時，吉祥如意，天地合德，慶億萬年，富貴壽康。」旋命駐使薛福成赴英外部傳旨致謝，並遞國書。是年英開重慶商埠。

The same year marked Guangxu's imperial wedding. Britain sent Minister Walsham with Queen Victoria's letter of congratulation and a chiming clock inscribed: "Sun and moon share their light, marking every hour with good fortune; heaven and earth in harmony, celebrating endless years of wealth, honor, longevity, and peace." The court then had Minister Xue Fucheng call on the Foreign Office to convey thanks and present China's letter of credence. That year Britain secured the opening of Chongqing to foreign trade.

十七年春正月，換約限滿，前駐藏大臣升泰遣員黃紹勳、張昉及總務司赫政與英印督蘭士丹所派之保爾在大吉嶺會議，各擬辦法。保爾欲在仁進岡入藏一百五十餘里之法利城（即派克里）設關通商，並俟十年後再定入口貨稅。升泰執定十二年條款「藏、印邊界通商，由中國體察情形」之語，辯駮久不決。十八年夏六月，復與保爾商議辦法九款，續款二條，定於交界之咱利山下亞東境內為英商貿易所。商上等復懷疑慮，堅請於二款內註明「不得擅入關內」字樣，又請禁印茶運藏，一再與英使華爾身辯論，仍不決。至十九年五月，總理衙門奏：「現據赫德稱：『印度已將辦法九款更改商訂，最緊要之第二款內，註明英商在亞東貿易，自交界至亞東而止；第四款內註明進出口稅，俟五年期滿酌定稅則；至印茶一項，現議開辦時不即運藏，俟五年限滿，方可入藏銷售，應納之稅不得過華茶入英納稅之數；此外各款，均照升泰所擬辦理。』臣等查中英通商稅則，茶葉每百斤徵銀二兩五錢，而洋商運華茶至英，每百斤徵銀十兩。現在先與議定，如印茶入藏，應照華茶入英每百斤稅銀十兩，磋議經年，始克就範。竊思藏約未結三端，自十七年開議至今，已屆三年之久，始得印、藏兩情翕然允協，即可就此收束，以綏邊圉。」是為續議中英會議藏印條款。是年十月，在大吉嶺互換。

In the first month of Guangxu 17, as the deadline for exchanging supplementary terms arrived, Sheng Tai sent Huang Shaoxun, Zhang Fang, and James Hart to Darjeeling to meet Paul, Lansdowne's commissioner. Each side put forward its proposals. Paul wanted trade opened at Phari Town, more than 150 li inside Tibet beyond Renqing Pass ( that is, Phari). A customs post would be established there, with import duties fixed only after ten years. Sheng Tai clung to the twelve-year-old wording that border trade was for China to arrange as circumstances allowed, and months of argument produced no agreement. In the sixth month of Guangxu 18 they agreed with Paul on nine trade regulations and two supplements, placing the British mart in Yadong below Jelep La. Tibetan merchant elites again objected, insisting Article Two state that traders "must not enter the interior without permission" and demanding a ban on Indian tea imports. They argued repeatedly with Minister Walsham, but the matter remained unsettled. In the fifth month of Guangxu 19 the Yamen reported: "Hart advises that India has revised the nine regulations. The crucial change to Article Two limits British trade at Yadong to the stretch from the frontier to the town itself; Article Four postpones fixing import and export duties for five years; Indian tea may not enter Tibet at once but only after five years, and its tax may not exceed that levied on Chinese tea in Britain; all other clauses follow Sheng Tai's proposals." We find that under the Sino-British tariff Chinese tea pays 2.5 taels per hundred jin at home, whereas Chinese tea in Britain pays 10 taels per hundred jin. Indian tea entering Tibet was set at the same 10 taels per hundred jin as Chinese tea in Britain—terms that took a year of negotiation to secure. The three remaining issues on Tibet had been debated since Guangxu 17—three years in all—until India and Tibet finally agreed. The Yamen urged closing the matter to secure the border. These were the Supplementary Regulations to the Anglo-Chinese Convention on Tibet and Sikkim. Ratifications were exchanged at Darjeeling that October.

既又與英議滇、緬界務。初，曾紀澤與英議約，英許中國稍展邊界，擬予以潞江以東南掌、拈人之地。既，紀澤又向英外部要求八募之地，不允。英外部侍郎克蕾謂英廷已飭駐緬之英官勘驗一地，允中國立埠設關收稅，有另指舊八募之說，在八募東二三十里。紀澤因與外部互書節略存卷，暫停不議。旋受代回華。

Britain and China next turned to the Yunnan–Burma boundary. Earlier, in talks with Zeng Jiyang, Britain had agreed in principle to extend China's frontier east of the Salween in the Zomia and Jingpo hill country. Zeng Jiyang later demanded Bhamo itself, and London refused. Under-Secretary Clare replied that London had ordered its Burma officer to survey a site where China might open a customs station, with talk of an alternative spot east of old Bhamo. Zeng Jiyang exchanged memoranda with the Foreign Office and shelved the issue. He was soon replaced and returned home.

至是，出使大臣薛福成見英人與暹羅勘界，並有創築鐵路通接滇邊之訊，恐分界、通商事宜不早籌議，臨時必受虧損。於是上書請與英人提議。及福成往促踐前議，英以公法為解，謂：「西洋公法，議在立約之後，不可不遵；議在立約以前，不能共守。」蓋不認讓中國展邊界及以大金沙江為公共江、八募近處勘地、中國立埠設關三端。

Envoy Xue Fucheng then saw Britain demarcating territory with Siam and heard of a planned railway to the Yunnan border. He warned that delay on boundaries and trade would cost China dearly. He memorialized urging immediate talks with Britain. When Xue pressed Britain to honor prior understandings, London cited international law: "Under Western public law, agreements made after a treaty is signed must be kept; agreements made before a treaty is signed cannot bind either party." Britain thus repudiated earlier concessions on extending the frontier, sharing the Jinsha River, surveying near Bhamo, and allowing a Chinese customs station.

薛福成以英既翻前議，因思野人山地綿亙數千里，不在緬甸轄境之內，復照外務部，請以大金沙江為界，江東之境歸滇。而印度總督不允，出師盞達邊外之昔馬攻擊野人，以示不原分地之意。又欲藉端停商全約。福成仍促速議。久之，英始允將久淪於緬之漢龍、天馬兩關還中國。又久之，始允讓所據之鐵壁關。惟虎踞關，英人以深入彼境七八十里，與八募相近，不允讓。至於設關，拒尤力。福成以英既不允我地，則英所得於我之權利亦應作廢。相持甚久，始就滇境東南商定于孟定橄欖壩西南邊外讓一地曰科干，又自猛卯土司邊外包括漢龍關在內，作一直線，東抵潞江麻栗壩之對岸止，劃歸中國，約計八百英方里。又車里、孟連土司所屬鎮邊廳，系為兩屬，亦允全讓，並野人山毗連之昔馬亦允讓。至此界務告一結束。而商務，大金沙江行船、八募立埠設關，英仍不允。福成久與爭論，始於行船一事，於約中另立一條，不許他國援例，而設關仍不肯通融。惟約中於英人所得權利，如緬鹽不准運入滇境，英關暫不徵收貨稅，領事僅設一員、限一定駐所，商貨僅由二路，不准開埠，英亦無詞。遂於二十年正月二十四日在倫敦定約，共二十條：一、二、三、四，劃定各段界線；五，中國不再索問永昌、騰越邊界外隙地，英國於北丹泥及科幹照所劃邊界讓與中國，孟連、江洪之地亦歸中國，惟未定議前不得讓與他國；八，各貨物分別應稅不應稅；十、十一，分別各貨物准販運不准販運；十三，中國派領事駐仰光，英國派領事駐蠻允；十五，定交逃犯例；十七，定中、英民在兩國界內相待最優例；又專條內各條款，僅用於兩國所指屬地，不能用於別處。是為中英續議滇緬界務商務條款。

With Britain having gone back on its word, Xue Fucheng argued that the wild hill tracts beyond Burma stretched for thousands of li and asked the Foreign Ministry to take the Jinsha River as the border, assigning everything east of it to Yunnan. The Viceroy of India refused and sent troops from Hsima beyond Tengyue to raid hill tribes, signaling that he would not yield territory. He also tried to use the unrest as grounds to suspend the whole commercial treaty. Xue Fucheng nevertheless pressed for a quick settlement. After prolonged delay Britain agreed to restore Hanlong and Tianma, passes long under Burmese control. Much later it also yielded Tiebi Pass. Huju Pass alone was withheld on the ground that it lay seventy or eighty li inside Burmese territory near Bhamo. Britain was especially adamant against a customs station. Xue argued that if Britain would not yield territory, the concessions China had granted Britain should be void as well. After months of deadlock Britain conceded Kokang southwest of Mengding and Ganlanba, and drew a straight line from beyond Mengmao—including Hanlong Pass—east to the Salween opposite Maliba, ceding roughly eight hundred square miles to China. Zhenbian, long under dual Cheli and Menglian jurisdiction, was ceded outright, as was Hsima in the adjoining hill country. The boundary dispute was thus closed. On trade, however, Britain still refused navigation on the Jinsha and a customs station at Bhamo. Xue wrangled for months until Britain added a separate navigation clause excluding other powers, but would not budge on customs. Britain accepted Chinese limits on Burmese salt, deferred British customs duties, capped consular posts, restricted trade routes, and barred new treaty ports without protest. On the twenty-fourth day of the first month of Guangxu 20 a twenty-article treaty was signed in London. Articles 1–4 defined the boundary in sections; Article 5 relinquished China's claims to vacant lands beyond Yongchang and Tengyue while Britain ceded North Theinni, Kokang, Menglian, and Chiang Hung, neither to be alienated before ratification; Article 8 listed taxable and exempt goods; Articles 10 and 11 specified permitted and prohibited goods; Article 13 placed a Chinese consul at Rangoon and a British consul at Manwun; Article 15 covered extradition; Article 17 granted reciprocal most-favored-nation treatment; and a special clause limited the treaty to the designated territories of each side. This was the Anglo-Chinese Convention Relating to Burma and Yunnan.

是年又與英議接滇、緬邊界陸路電線條約。尋又議藏、印條款。二十一年夏，中、日和議既成，法索雲南普洱徼外猛烏、烏得兩地。英使歐格訥以兩地屬緬江洪，指為違約，欲中國將八募北野人山地，由薩伯坪起，東南到盞達，西南順南碗河折向瑞麗江，循江至猛卯，向南至工隆、八關、科干皆在內，讓歸英。不許。英忽請允西江通商，再議野人山地，許之。復要求在肇慶、梧州、桂林、潯州、南寧五府設立領事，佛山、高要、封川、南新墟等處停泊輪船，由廣州澳門出入。中國以野人山地減索無幾，而通商口岸太多，且桂林在北江之北，潯州、南寧在藤江、龔江上游，並非西江，豈能強索？阻止之。英外部又以北丹尼、科干兩地原屬緬，為前薛福成定界時誤畫入華，求索回；又請于騰越、順甯、思茅三處設領事；及緬甸現有及將來續開之鐵路接入中國；又請援照俄、法條約利益，於新疆設領事。再三駮論，始允將新疆設埠及援照俄、法利益一節刪去；滇、緬接路一節，改為俟中國鐵路展至緬界時彼此相接；滇界領事一節，改為將已設之蠻允領事，改駐或順寧或騰越一處，其思茅領事，系援利益均霑之例，非英獨創；其野人山界線，改為南坎一處作為永租，餘俟兩國派員勘定。惟西江通商一節，允至梧州而止，梧州之東，祗開三水縣城、江根墟兩地，商船由磨刀門進口，其由香港至廣州省城，本系舊約所許，仍限江門、甘竹、肇慶、德慶四處，遂定議立中緬條約附款。時二十三年正月也。是年英主維多利亞在位六十年，命張廕桓前往致賀。

That year Britain and China also agreed on a land telegraph linking the Yunnan–Burma frontier. Talks on Tibet and India were reopened shortly afterward. In the summer of Guangxu 21, after peace with Japan, France demanded Mengwu and Wude beyond Pu'er. Minister O'Conor claimed the districts were Burmese Chiang Hung, charged China with breach of treaty, and demanded the hill tract north of Bhamo from Sabaping to Zhedao, down the Namwan and Ruili rivers to Mengmao, and south through Gonglong, Baguan, and Kokang. Beijing refused. Britain then offered West River trade in exchange for reopening the hill-country issue, and China agreed. London also sought consulates at Zhaoqing, Wuzhou, Guilin, Xunzhou, and Nanning and steamers at Foshan, Gaoyao, Fengchuan, and Nanxinxu, entering via Guangzhou and Macao. Beijing replied that the hill cession was minor but the port demands excessive; Guilin lies north of the Bei River and Xunzhou and Nanning on upstream tributaries, not the West River, and could not be forced open. China resisted. The Foreign Office claimed North Theinni and Kokang had been wrongly assigned to China in Xue Fucheng's boundary settlement and demanded their return; it sought consulates at Tengyue, Shunning, and Simao; and connection of Burmese railways, present and future, to China; and, citing Russian and French treaty privileges, consulates in Xinjiang. After repeated argument Beijing deleted the Xinjiang ports and the most-favored-nation clause; the railway article was limited to connection once Chinese lines reached the border; the Yunnan consulate issue was settled by relocating Manwun to Shunning or Tengyue, with Simao governed by equal-benefits precedent; and the hill boundary was revised to a permanent lease of Nankan only, with the rest to be surveyed jointly. West River trade alone was conceded as far as Wuzhou, with only Sanshui and Jianggenxu beyond, entered via Modaomen; the Hong Kong–Guangzhou route remained limited to Jiangmen, Ganzhu, Zhaoqing, and Deqing. A supplementary Sino-Burmese treaty was signed. That was in the first month of Guangxu 23. That year, Victoria's Diamond Jubilee, Zhang Yinhuan was sent to offer congratulations.

二十四年四月，議展香港界址至九龍城，租期九十九年。五月，英租威海衛。初，威海為日本軍佔領，英人致書日相伊藤博文，原代繳償款，要求早撤兵。會我償款繳清，北洋大臣派員收回，英使竇納樂遂請租借。政府派慶親王奕劻、尚書廖壽恆與立約，文云：「以劉公島並在威海灣之群島及威海全灣沿岸以內十英里之地租與英國，威海衛城牆以內仍由中國自行管理。又所租於英國之水面，中國兵船無論在局內局外仍可享用。」並另備照會，謂「中國重整海軍，船舶可泊港內，請英人代為訓練」。

In the fourth month of Guangxu 24 Hong Kong's bounds were extended to Kowloon City for ninety-nine years. In the fifth month Britain leased Weihaiwei. Weihai was initially held by Japan. Britain wrote to Prime Minister Ito offering to pay China's indemnity if Japanese troops withdrew promptly. Once China finished paying indemnities, Beiyang officials took possession; Minister MacDonald then sought a lease. Prince Qing (Yikuang) and Minister Liao Shouheng signed a treaty leasing Liugong Island, the islands of Weihai Bay, and ten miles of shoreline to Britain while Weihaiwei city itself remained under Chinese administration. Chinese warships might still use the leased waters inside and outside the bay. A separate note added that as China rebuilt its navy its ships might anchor in the harbor and requested British training assistance.

是月，英領事因沙市教案，照請開辦湖南通商口岸。張之洞以岳州系奉准開埠，尚須體察詳商辦理，致總署請商緩。總署擬推展兩年，英使不允。總署以湖南系我自開口岸，與他口不同，不許，亦不許牽入沙案。久不決。二十五年五月，駐漢英領事牒鄂督張之洞云：「本國巴管帶欲乘威拉小兵輪往洞庭湖上下游，先至岳州，再往湘陰、長沙，後往沅江、龍陽、常德、安鄉等處。」張之洞以條約並無兵輪准往內地之說，阻之。十二月，英參贊璧閣銜欲由湖南長沙取道常德、永順入川，過酉陽州抵重慶。張之洞復阻之。尋允改由宜昌入川。

That month, citing the Shashi outrage, the British consul demanded treaty ports in Hunan. Zhang Zhidong replied that Yuezhou's opening still required study and asked the Yamen to negotiate a postponement. The Yamen offered a two-year delay; the British minister refused. The Yamen insisted Hunan was a self-opened port unlike treaty ports and refused to tie it to Shashi. The dispute dragged on. In the fifth month of Guangxu 25 Hankou's British consul notified Zhang Zhidong that a Commander Ba wished to send a small gunboat up the Dongting region—to Yuezhou, Xiangyin, Changsha, and then the Yuan, Longyang, Changde, and Anxiang. Zhang blocked the move, noting that no treaty allowed gunboats inland. In the twelfth month Counselor Bland planned to go from Changsha through Changde and Yongshun into Sichuan via Youyang to Chongqing. Zhang Zhidong again refused. He was later allowed to enter Sichuan via Yichang instead.

二十六年，拳匪起。五月，漢口英領事法磊斯見張之洞，面述沙侯電云：「如長江一帶佈置彈壓，英原以水師相助。」張之洞答以當與江督劉坤一力任保護，不須外助，力阻之。時英以保全東南商務為辭，已派水師提督西摩入長江。七月二十日，聯軍入京，英軍從廣渠門入，各據地段。八月，英與德結保護中國商務土地條款，又欲代中國理財、練兵，卻之。西摩欲派小輪入襄河探水道，張之洞阻之。既復議浙衢教案。時湘案未結，英又欲派兵輪往，屢阻之。是年英君主逝，國書致唁，皇太后復專電弔唁之。

In Guangxu 26 the Boxer movement erupted. In the fifth month Hankou consul Fraser told Zhang Zhidong that Lord Salisbury had wired: "If the Yangtze region needs policing, Britain will help with warships." Zhang replied that he and Liu Kunyi would keep order themselves and firmly refused foreign help. Britain had already sent Admiral Seymour up the Yangtze to "protect" southeastern trade. On the twentieth day of the seventh month allied forces entered Beijing; British troops came through Guangqu Gate and each power took its sector. In the eighth month Britain and Germany agreed on protecting Chinese commerce and territory, then offered to manage Chinese finances and training; Beijing refused. Seymour wanted gunboats on the Han River to survey channels; Zhang Zhidong again refused. Talks resumed over the missionary disturbance at Quzhou in Zhejiang. The Hunan incident was still open when Britain again sought to send warships; Beijing repeatedly refused. That year Queen Victoria died. China sent a letter of condolence, and the Empress Dowager cabled her own message of sympathy.

二十七年，既與各國議定和約大綱十二條，四月，英人請直隸、山西停考。張之洞以所請與大綱條約第十條不符，辨駮久之，七月，始定議。八月，英商立德欲在川河行駛輪船，沿江購地七處，請地方官註冊。英領事照會到鄂，以條約非通商口岸，無准洋商置買地基產業之條，拒之。

In 1901, once the twelve-point Boxer settlement had been agreed with the powers, Britain asked in the fourth month that examinations be suspended in Zhili and Shanxi. Zhang Zhidong argued at length that the request violated Article 10 of the settlement; agreement was reached only in the seventh month. In the eighth month Archibald Little sought to run steamers on Sichuan waterways, bought land at seven riverside sites, and asked local officials to register the purchases. The British consul's note reached Hubei, but officials refused: these were not treaty ports, and no treaty clause allowed foreigners to buy land or buildings.

十一月，英使馬凱赴江、鄂，與劉坤一、張之洞商議免釐，答以去年在京與赫德籌議洋貨稅釐並徵，必須稅至值百抽二五方能免釐。馬凱允加進口稅而不欲多加。於是朝命尚書呂海寰為辦理商約大臣，侍郎盛宣懷副之，並命劉坤一、張之洞皆與議。研商數月，海寰等乃會奏：「臣等奉命會辦商約，英使馬凱開送約稿二十四款，聚議六十餘次。加稅免釐一款，業經奏明，允如所請。此外各款，均經臣等隨時會奏。惟第十款內港行輪，續經妥定章程，第十一款通商口岸權利，共議列三條，馬凱自請刪除。統核所索二十四款，駮拒未允者七：曰洋鹽進口，曰內地僑居貿易，曰郵政電報，曰設海上律例，曰整頓上海會審衙門，曰口岸免釐界限，曰貨物同在一河免復進口稅。議定後而又刪除者一：曰通商口岸利權歸入加稅免釐款內並議。藉為抵制者五：曰新開口岸，曰減出口稅，曰三聯單，曰子口單，曰常關歸新關筦理。商允改妥者十一：曰存票，曰國幣，曰廣東民船輪船稅則一律，曰華洋合股，曰整頓珠江、川江，曰推廣關棧，曰保護牌號，曰加稅免釐，曰礦務章程，曰內港行輪，曰米穀禁令。此就馬凱原議款目分別刪改歸併者也。臣之洞等復向馬凱索議，彼允入約者三款：曰治外法權，曰籌議教案，曰禁止嗎啡。皆我補救國計民生要圖，幸就範圍，實有裨益。馬凱於定議後補請入約者二款：曰修改稅則年限，曰約文以英文為憑。查系照舊約辦理，為約中應有之義。共計十六款。臣等按馬凱所請加稅之款，意在不得抵原撥釐金五百萬以外之洋債賠款及挪作別用，恐各省再將貨物收捐，業已先後奏明。本定八月初二日畫押，馬凱又接英廷來電，必欲增敘詳明，以慰加稅洋商之意。駐英使臣張德彝亦稱英外部謂擬加之稅務須降旨歸督撫提用，否則不能畫押，似英廷用意總慮稅加而釐不能撤。臣等詳細審度，彼雖請全數撥還各省，而內敘各省向解北京及應還洋債仍如數照撥。我復照會，聲明應撥各項即留存海關，聽候戶部與各省商定抵解。將來戶部如何商定派撥劃抵，由我自主，彼亦無從過問。且現議償款易金還銀，正以我財力竭蹶為言，則加稅聲明祗抵裁釐，不涉賠款，可見毫無盈餘，藉可杜列國之口實。畫押已延多日，即於八月初四日亥刻，會同英使馬凱在上海畫押蓋印。」疏入，報聞。

In the eleventh month Minister Mackay went to Jiangsu and Hubei to negotiate likin abolition with Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong. They replied that Hart had already agreed in Beijing to combine import duty and likin on foreign goods, and that likin could be abolished only once the tariff reached 2.5 per cent ad valorem. Mackay accepted a higher import tariff but resisted a large increase. The court then named Lü Haihuan commissioner for the commercial treaty, with Sheng Xuanhuai as deputy, and ordered Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong to join the talks. After months of negotiation Lü Haihuan and his colleagues jointly reported: "We were ordered to negotiate the commercial treaty. Minister Mackay submitted a draft of twenty-four articles, and we met more than sixty times. The tariff increase and likin abolition clause has already been approved as requested. We reported each of the other articles to the throne as negotiations proceeded. Article 10 on inland steam navigation was later settled by separate regulations. On Article 11, treaty-port privileges, we drafted three clauses, which Mackay himself asked to drop. Of the twenty-four articles requested, seven were rejected outright: foreign salt imports; inland residence and trade; postal and telegraph rights; maritime law courts; reform of the Shanghai Mixed Court; boundaries for likin exemption at ports; and exemption from re-import duty for goods carried on the same river. One clause was agreed and then struck: treaty-port privileges, which were to be folded into the tariff-and-likin article. Five were held back as bargaining chips: new treaty ports; lower export duties; triplicate certificates; transit passes; and placing native customs under maritime-customs control. Eleven were negotiated into acceptable form: deposit receipts; national currency; uniform taxes on Guangdong junks and steamers; Sino-foreign joint ventures; regulation of the Pearl and Sichuan rivers; bonded warehouses; trademark protection; tariff increase and likin abolition; mining regulations; inland steam navigation; and the grain-export ban. This is how Mackay's original articles were classified, revised, and consolidated. Zhang Zhidong and others pressed Mackay further, and he agreed to three additional clauses: extraterritorial jurisdiction; consultation on missionary cases; and a ban on morphine. Each addressed urgent needs of state finance and public welfare; securing them within the treaty is a real gain. After the main terms were settled Mackay added two requests: revision of the tariff revision period, and English as the authentic treaty text. Both follow established treaty practice and are standard treaty provisions. Sixteen articles in all. Mackay's tariff clause was meant to ensure the increase could not cover foreign indemnity beyond the original five million taels of likin, nor be diverted elsewhere, and to prevent provinces from levying new transit charges on goods. We have already reported this to the throne. Signing was set for the second day of the eighth month, but Mackay then received a telegram from London insisting on fuller wording to reassure foreign merchants backing the tariff increase. Minister Zhang Deyi in London reported that the Foreign Office required an edict assigning the new revenue to provincial governors, otherwise Britain would not sign—suggesting London feared higher tariffs without real likin abolition. On close review, although Britain asked that the full sum go to the provinces, the text still required remittances to Beijing and foreign-debt payments in full. We replied by note that allocated sums would remain at customs pending settlement between the Board of Revenue and the provinces. How the Board of Revenue would later allocate and offset those funds would remain entirely under our control, without foreign interference. Moreover, talks were already turning indemnity payments from gold to silver on grounds of China's financial exhaustion. Stating that the tariff increase would only offset likin abolition and not touch indemnity shows there would be no surplus—blocking other powers from making further claims. After many days' delay, the treaty was signed and sealed with Minister Mackay in Shanghai on the fourth day of the eighth month, late in the evening. The memorial was received and noted.

同時又續改內港行輪章程十款。自滬蘇、滬杭、蘇杭三線外，江蘇則有海門線（自上海東北至海門）、蘇鎮線（自蘇州至鎮江）、鎮寧線（自鎮江至江寧）、鎮清線（自鎮江至清江）；浙江則有餘姚線（自寧波至餘姚）、舟山線（自寧波至舟山）、海門線（自寧波至台州之海門）；安徽則有廬州線（自蕪湖至廬州）；江西則有南昌線（自九江至南昌）；湖北則有武穴線（自漢口至武穴）、襄河線（自漢口至仙桃鎮）、岳州線（自漢口至湖南岳州）；湖南則有湘潭線（自岳州至湘潭）、常德線（自岳州至常德）；而福建亦有水口、梅花兩線（皆發自福州）。又議湖南辰州府斃英教士案。是月，英交還關內外鐵路。是年，英皇愛惠將加冕，特命貝子載振為專使往賀。先期遞國書，向例須候各國專使齊集同見，英皇特定單班先見。屆期行鞠躬禮，英主答禮，各述頌詞、答詞。

At the same time the inland steam-navigation regulations were revised in ten articles. Beyond the Shanghai–Suzhou, Shanghai–Hangzhou, and Suzhou–Hangzhou routes, Jiangsu gained the Haimen line ( from Shanghai northeast to Haimen) , the Suzhou–Zhenjiang line ( from Suzhou to Zhenjiang) , the Zhenjiang–Nanjing line ( from Zhenjiang to Nanjing) , the Zhenjiang–Qingjiang line ( from Zhenjiang to Qingjiang) Zhejiang had the Yuyao line ( from Ningbo to Yuyao) , the Zhoushan line ( from Ningbo to Zhoushan) , the Haimen line ( from Ningbo to Haimen in Taizhou) Anhui had the Luzhou line ( from Wuhu to Luzhou) Jiangxi had the Nanchang line ( from Jiujiang to Nanchang) Hubei had the Wuxue line ( from Hankou to Wuxue) , the Han River line ( from Hankou to Xiantao) , the Yuezhou line ( from Hankou to Yuezhou in Hunan) Hunan had the Xiangtan line ( from Yuezhou to Xiangtan) , the Changde line ( from Yuezhou to Changde) Fujian also had the Shuikou and Meihua lines ( both starting from Fuzhou). They also settled the case of the British missionary killed at Chenzhou in Hunan. That month Britain returned the railways in North China. That year King Edward VII was to be crowned, and Prince Zaizhen was appointed special envoy to attend. He presented his letter of credence in advance. By precedent envoys waited for a joint audience with all delegations assembled, but Edward arranged a separate audience first for the Chinese mission. At the ceremony they exchanged bows; the King returned the courtesy, and each side delivered its congratulatory address and reply.

二十九年春二月，與英訂滬甯鐵路借款合同。初，英於欲攬自滬至寧鐵路，令英商怡和承辦。已議草約，旋以拳匪亂延緩。久之，始定議以年息五釐，借英金三百二十五萬鎊。張之洞乃上奏，言：「借英金三百二十五萬鎊，虛數九扣，年息五釐，五十年為期，准其分次印售金鎊小票。如中國國家有款撥給，或中國紳富集資原購，借款總數便應照減，撥還淞滬鐵路工價後，即將已成車路暨備造滬甯全路作為借款抵押，所獲餘利，銀公司得五分之一，即照售票應分之數，另給餘利憑票，十二年半後，每百鎊加給二鎊半，隨時可將小票贖還，二十五年後，便照一百鎊原價取贖，毋庸加給。至餘利憑票年期屆滿，分給餘利即時作廢，毋庸取贖。造路期內，就本付息，路成以後，贖票撥本，悉在鐵路進款支給。全路訂定五年全竣。設無事故，逾此期限，銀公司五年內應得餘利全行扣罰。上海設立總管理處一所，本省督撫與督辦大臣會派總辦兩員，會同英員專理工程，另由南洋大臣加派一員，職銜相當，隨時查閱賬目，稟報督撫稽核。洋工司祗管工程，不能干預地方公事。凡所建築，悉應順洽華人意見，尊敬中國官員。借款期內，不收專稅。如日後中國推設各項稅捐，如印花稅之類，別項商稅一律徵收，則滬甯鐵路亦應照準。全路雙軌。地畝總公司自備，仍由銀公司墊款，另須購地於標界之外，預備日後推展商務所必需，一併加售小票，綜計不得逾英金二十五萬鎊，年息六釐，在中國應得餘利項下支給，不能仍由鐵路進款支付。此項加售購地小票，並無年限，隨時可以取贖。造路購用中外材料，按照西例，每百給五，此外別無絲毫加用。漢陽鐵廠自造料件，訂明侭先購用。凡遇調兵、運械、賑饑各事，照核定車價減半給發，侭先載運。侵礙中國主權，概不得經由此路。正約簽定，草約作廢。十二個月不興工，即將正約註銷。中國祗認英國銀公司，不准轉與他國及他國之人民。」報可。十月，又與英訂滬寧路電交接辦法合同。

In the second month of 1903 China signed the Shanghai–Nanjing Railway loan agreement with Britain. Britain had first sought to take the Shanghai–Nanjing line and assigned it to Jardine Matheson. A draft agreement had been negotiated, then set aside by the Boxer uprising. Years later terms were fixed: a loan of £3.25 million at five per cent annual interest. Zhang Zhidong then reported: "The loan is £3.25 million sterling, issued at ninety per cent of face value, at five per cent interest for fifty years, with permission to issue bonds in installments. If the state advanced funds or Chinese investors bought bonds back, the loan total would be reduced accordingly. After repaying the Wusong–Shanghai section, the completed line and the full Shanghai–Nanjing railway would serve as collateral. Of net profits the bank would receive one-fifth, matching its bond share, with separate profit coupons; after twelve and a half years an extra £2.5 per £100 would be paid. Bonds could be redeemed at any time; after twenty-five years at face value without premium. When profit coupons expired, surplus-profit payments would cease and the coupons would not be redeemed. During construction interest would be paid on principal; after completion bond redemption and principal would come from railway revenue. The full line was to be completed within five years. If completion slipped without cause, the bank would forfeit all surplus profit for five years. A headquarters would be set up in Shanghai. The provincial governor and the supervising minister would each appoint a general manager to oversee construction with British engineers, and the Nanyang minister would appoint an official of equal rank to audit accounts and report to the governors. Foreign engineers would manage construction only and could not interfere in local administration. All construction was to respect Chinese views and Chinese officials. No special railway tax would be levied during the loan period. If China later introduced general taxes such as stamp duties, the Shanghai–Nanjing line would be taxed on the same basis. The line would be double-tracked throughout. Land would be supplied by a land company, with advances from the bank. Extra land beyond the survey line could be bought for future development, funded by additional bonds of up to £250,000 at six per cent, paid from China's share of surplus profit rather than railway revenue. These land-purchase bonds had no fixed term and could be redeemed at any time. Materials bought for construction would carry a five per cent commission under Western practice, with no other markup. Materials from the Hanyang Iron Works were to be bought first when available. Troop movements, arms transport, and famine relief would travel at half fare with priority loading. Nothing infringing Chinese sovereignty might use the line. The formal agreement was signed and the draft superseded. If construction did not begin within twelve months, the formal agreement would be voided. China recognized only the British banking company and forbade transfer of the concession to any other state or its nationals. The terms were reported and approved. In the tenth month, China and Britain also signed a contract governing the handover of the Shanghai–Nanjing railway telegraph line.

三十年四月，英新任水師提督率大小兵船十艘抵滬，欲進長江。張之洞聞之，電阻，英提督僅以四艘入江，至江寧而止。是年與英訂保工條約。時英于南斐洲新屬欲招華工開礦，政府援咸豐十年約，與訂專章。至是，約成，遣領事於華工駐在地善視之。三十一年四月，與英續訂滇緬電線約款。英派委印度電務司貝林登為議約專員，電政大臣袁世凱委道員硃寶奎與議。貝林登又請添造江通至思茅副線一條，不許。遂定議簽押。

In the fourth month of the thirtieth year (1904), Britain's newly appointed naval commander-in-chief arrived at Shanghai with ten warships of various sizes, intending to sail up the Yangtze. Zhang Zhidong learned of this and telegraphed to block the move. The British admiral sent only four vessels upriver, and they went no farther than Jiangning. That year China and Britain concluded a treaty on the protection of Chinese labourers abroad. Britain then wished to recruit Chinese workers for mining in its new South African possessions. The Qing government, invoking the Convention of 1860, negotiated a special agreement. When the treaty was concluded, consuls were posted to the districts where Chinese workers lived to ensure their proper treatment. In the fourth month of the thirty-first year (1905), China and Britain renewed the articles governing the Yunnan–Burma telegraph line. Britain appointed Billington of the Indian Telegraph Department as its treaty commissioner. Yuan Shikai, the telegraph minister, commissioned the intendant Zhu BaoKui to negotiate on China's behalf. Billington also asked to add a branch line from Jiangtong to Simao, but the request was denied. The parties then settled the terms and signed the agreement.

又與英訂道清鐵路借款行車合同。初，英使向總署索英商承造鐵路五條，不許。英復援礦務合同許有修築鐵路由礦山運送礦產至河口以達長江，欲修澤襄鐵路。嗣以襄陽至漢口水道不能通暢，請改道澤鐵路，欲在河南懷慶府與盧漢銜接；渡河後，折入安徽正陽關以達江蘇江浦縣之浦口，改名懷浦鐵路。總署以懷浦遠跨豫、皖，名為緯路，實已斜亙南北，隱然增一幹路，以為有妨盧漢，仍不許。英使乃請修由澤州至道口鐵路，許之。鐵路大臣盛宣懷等與議借款，為目二十一，行車款十，英金七十萬鎊，五釐行息，九扣交付，折實六十三萬鎊。又同時訂擬設山西鎔化廠及合辦礦務合同，並請修廣州九龍鐵路。英使復請借款合同須由外務部將上諭照會立案，方允畫押，許之。

China and Britain also concluded a loan and operating contract for the Daoqing Railway. Initially the British minister asked the Zongli Yamen to let British firms build five railways, but the request was refused. Britain then cited the mining agreement, which allowed a railway from the mines to a river port on the Yangtze, and pressed to build the Ze–Xiang line. When the Xiangyang–Hankou waterway proved impracticable, they sought a Zezhou line instead, proposing to join the Beijing–Hankou railway at Huaiqing in Henan; then, after crossing the Yellow River, turning through Zhengyang Pass in Anhui to Pukou in Jiangsu and renaming the project the Huai–Pu Railway. The Yamen held that although the line was styled a branch, the Huai–Pu route would cut diagonally across Henan and Anhui and in effect create another north–south trunk, interfering with the Beijing–Hankou railway, and again refused. The British minister then asked to build the line from Zezhou to Daokou, and this was approved. Railway Minister Sheng Xuanhuai and others negotiated the loan in twenty-one articles, including ten on operation: £700,000 at five per cent interest, paid at ninety per cent of face value, yielding £630,000 net. At the same time draft agreements were made for a Shanxi smelting works and joint mining ventures, and Britain again sought permission to build the Guangzhou–Kowloon Railway. The British minister further insisted that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs register the loan contract by imperial rescript and diplomatic note before he would sign; China agreed.

三十二年四月，與英訂藏印條約。初，中國於光緒十六、十九兩年與英訂藏印條約，然藏、哲界牌既未建立，英人入藏細則又久未定。二十九年，印督遣兵入藏。次年春，度大吉嶺，據江孜；其夏，遂入拉薩。及達賴私與英訂約，駐藏大臣有泰始入告，而英、藏約已成。政府命有泰與英議廢約，無效。復命外務部左侍郎唐紹儀為議約全權大臣，赴印度，與英外部專使費利夏會議。費利夏欲我認印藏新約，方允改訂，紹儀不可，英遂欲停議。紹儀不得已，與商訂約稿六條。外務部王大臣以約內第一款有「英國國家允認中國為西藏之上國」一語最有關係，電紹儀使改「上國」為「主國」，費利夏持不可。約久未定。九月，召紹儀回京，而以參贊張廕棠為大臣，接辦約事。外務部商諸英使薩道義，刪約稿第一條，英政府允諾，而其他條款則不容再改。然費利夏仍堅持初議，數促廕棠畫諾，即第一條亦不能增減一字，廕棠力拒之。會英廷新易政府，繼任者乃飭薩道義在京續商。久之始議訂正約五條。

In the fourth month of the thirty-second year (1906), China and Britain concluded the renewed Tibet–India convention. China had earlier concluded Tibet–India agreements with Britain in 1890 and 1893, but boundary markers between Tibet and Bhutan had never been set up, and the rules governing British access to Tibet had long remained unsettled. In the twenty-ninth year (1903) the governor-general of India sent troops into Tibet. The following spring they crossed from Darjeeling and seized Gyantse; and that summer they entered Lhasa. By the time the Dalai Lama had privately signed a treaty with Britain and Resident Commissioner You Tai reported the fact to Beijing, the Anglo-Tibetan agreement was already a fait accompli. The court ordered You Tai to negotiate the annulment of the treaty with Britain, but the effort failed. The court then appointed Tang Shaoyi, vice minister of foreign affairs, plenipotentiary commissioner, and sent him to India to negotiate with the British special envoy S. M. Fraser. Fraser demanded Chinese recognition of the new Anglo-Tibetan treaty before he would agree to revisions. Tang refused, and the British side threatened to break off talks. Tang, left with little choice, negotiated a six-article draft with him. Senior ministers at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarded the phrase in Article One—"the British Government recognizes China as the superior state of Tibet"—as crucial and telegraphed Tang to change "superior state" to "sovereign state." Fraser refused. The treaty remained unsettled for a long time. In the ninth month Tang was recalled to Beijing and Counsellor Zhang Yintang was appointed commissioner to continue the negotiations. The ministry negotiated with the British minister Satow to delete the first article of the draft; London agreed, but would allow no further changes to the remaining articles. Fraser, however, still held to his original terms and repeatedly pressed Zhang to sign, refusing even a single word's change to Article One. Zhang firmly resisted. When a new British cabinet took office, the incoming government ordered Satow to resume negotiations in Beijing. Only after prolonged talks was the formal five-article convention finally agreed.

未幾，片馬交涉又起。片馬處滇、緬交界之間，屬於騰越。英並緬甸，至是兩國會勘境界。至片馬附近，各執為本國土地，久不決。時英又欲遣工程師勘騰越至大理中間道路，請中國保護。滇督丁振鐸照會英領事，以滇現奏設公司自行修造，與前會勘時情形不同，請勿派往。英使硃爾典旋照會外務部，云：「據二月初七日照會，英得有承造新街至騰越鐵路之權，而承辦此段較短之鐵路，英政府不能視為足抵光緒二十四年三月准法政府或法政府所指之法商修造勞開至雲南府鐵路之利益。」外務部覆，引中緬附約，謂：「第十二條載明中國答允將來審量在雲南修建鐵路與貿易有無裨益，如果修建，即允與緬甸鐵路相接。是該處中國境內鐵路應由中國自行審量。迨九月十九、十月十六等日，本部先後復薩前大臣照會，均一再守此旨，並聲明法國鐵路由雲南邊界修至雲南，本為條約所准，與滇緬約意不同。緣兩國交涉各有約章可據，固不能相提並論也。逮二十八年二月初三日准薩前大臣照稱本國署理騰越烈領事不日將往雲南府，與滇督面商鐵路邊界各事宜，滇緬鐵路相接為振興商務之舉，凡在滇省，允給法商之利益，應一體允給英商。本部當以原照所稱面商鐵路邊界各事宜，又稱滇緬鐵路相接，曰邊界，曰相接，均系按照原約立論，故於是月初七日以據咨滇督也。嗣于本年正月准滇督文，稱准英務領事照會，接烈領事來電，奉緬政府電，擬由新街達騰越修造一鐵路，以便商人運貨，先派公司勘明可否能修，再議商辦。當復以派員會勘，各修各路、各出各費等語，是滇與英領事所迭次議商者，亦均扼定約章鐵路相接之一語，毫無刺謬。本年五月，滇督奏請修理騰越小鐵路，籌款自辦，奉旨允准，原期中國雲南境內次第修建，以符與緬路相接之權。乃貴大臣來照，以為英政府得有承造新街至騰越鐵路之權，並引二十八年二月初七日之文為據，而以允給法商之利益相比例，實與中緬附約暨本部迭次照會之意不符。」蓋不認英有造騰越鐵路之權也。

Before long the Pianma boundary dispute flared up again. Pianma lay on the Yunnan–Burma frontier within Tengyue district. After Britain annexed Burma, the two countries undertook a joint boundary survey. Near Pianma each side claimed the territory as its own, and the dispute dragged on unresolved. Britain then wished to send engineers to survey the route between Tengyue and Dali and asked China to provide protection. Yunnan Governor Ding Zhenduo notified the British consul that the province had memorialized to build the line through its own company and that conditions differed from those of the earlier survey, and he asked that no engineers be sent. The British minister Jordan then notified the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: "Your note of the seventh day of the second month states that Britain has the right to build the railway from Hsinching to Tengyue. The British Government cannot regard this shorter line as equivalent to the concession granted in March 1898 to France or to French firms designated by France to build the Laokai–Yunnan railway." The ministry replied, citing the supplementary Sino-Burmese treaty: "Article Twelve provides that China will consider in future whether railways in Yunnan would benefit trade and, if built, will allow connection with the Burmese railway. Railways within Chinese territory there are therefore for China itself to decide. On the nineteenth day of the ninth month, the sixteenth day of the tenth month, and on other dates, this ministry replied repeatedly to former Minister Satow's notes, holding firm to this position and stating that the French line from the Yunnan frontier to Kunming was authorized under a separate treaty and was not comparable to the Yunnan–Burma agreement. Each negotiation rests on its own treaty and the two cannot be equated. On the third day of the second month of the twenty-eighth year (1902) this ministry acknowledged former Minister Satow's note stating that Acting Consul Litton of Tengyue would soon visit Kunming to discuss railway and boundary matters with the governor. Connecting the Yunnan and Burmese railways would promote trade, and any benefit granted in Yunnan to French merchants should be granted equally to British merchants. This ministry understood the original note's references to discussing railways and boundaries and to connecting the Yunnan and Burmese lines—whether "boundary" or "connection"—as grounded in the original treaty, and on the seventh day of that month so informed the Yunnan governor. Later, in the first month of this year, the ministry received the Yunnan governor's report citing a note from the British consul and a telegram from Consul Litton: the Burmese government proposed building a railway from Hsinching to Tengyue for commercial transport, first sending a company to survey feasibility and then negotiating terms. The reply stipulated joint survey, separate construction of each section, and separate funding. The exchanges between Yunnan and the British consul therefore adhered strictly to the treaty's language on railway connection, without contradiction. In the fifth month of this year the Yunnan governor memorialized to build the short Tengyue line with provincial funds. The throne approved, expecting that China would construct its Yunnan sections in stages in accordance with the right to connect with the Burmese railway. Your Excellency's note now claims that the British Government has the right to build the Hsinching–Tengyue railway, citing the document of the third day of the second month of the twenty-eighth year and equating it with benefits granted to French merchants. This does not accord with the supplementary Sino-Burmese treaty or with the repeated notes of this ministry." In effect, China denied Britain any right to build the Tengyue railway.

三十三年正月，與英訂九廣鐵路借款正合同。初，英既得九龍，即請承修由廣州至九龍鐵路。總署令督辦鐵路大臣盛宣懷與英商怡和洋行議辦，已簽草合同五條，旋因事未行。至是，又以為請。外務部電知粵督岑春煊，以此項草約雖云仿照滬寧辦法，而滬甯路長費钜，九廣路短費少，情形不同，應查酌第二款，熟權利弊，派員與中英公司研商，以符原議。四月，與英公司代理人羅士、濮蘭德議，岑春煊欲照津榆鐵路辦法。濮蘭德以成議在先，不允，由粵到京，與唐紹儀等接議。久之約成，議借英金一百五十萬鎊，照虛九四折納，年息五釐，以本路作抵押，三十年為期滿，十二年半後按照列表分期還本。二十五年以前，如欲於表額外多還股本，每英金一百鎊加還兩鎊半。中英公司代售此項股票。其股票填明價值若干鎊，由中國駐英大臣與英公司商定，所有建路及一切工需，均由粵督督辦。其重要職司，應用中國人，允當開工時，即于廣州設立總局一所，總理造路行車各事，由總督派中國總辦一人管理，佐以英國總工程司及總管帳各一人，均由總督核准。英公司辦事出力，給予酬金三萬五千鎊，兩期交付，其一切用錢暨酬勞費均在內。並聲明此路確系中國產業。倘自本合同簽定之日起，八個月並未興工，即作廢紙。所載權利，均不得讓給他國，中國亦不得另建一路以奪本路利益。旋簽押。

In the first month of the thirty-third year (1907), China and Britain signed the formal loan contract for the Guangzhou–Kowloon Railway. Once Britain had obtained Kowloon, it had immediately sought permission to build the railway from Guangzhou to Kowloon. The Yamen ordered Railway Superintendent Sheng Xuanhuai to negotiate with Jardine Matheson. A five-article draft was signed, but the project was soon shelved. Britain now renewed the request. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs telegraphed Guangdong Governor Cen Chunxuan that although the draft was said to follow the Shanghai–Nanjing model, the Guangzhou–Kowloon line was shorter and cheaper and the circumstances differed. He should review Article Two, weigh the pros and cons carefully, and send officers to negotiate with the Sino-British company in keeping with the original understanding. In the fourth month negotiations were held with the company's agents Ross and Bland. Cen Chunxuan wished to follow the Tianjin–Yulin railway model. Bland refused, citing a prior agreement, and came from Guangdong to Beijing to continue talks with Tang Shaoyi and others. After prolonged negotiation the agreement was reached: a loan of £1,500,000 at ninety-four per cent of face value and five per cent annual interest, secured on the railway, with a thirty-year term and principal repayments in installments after twelve and a half years according to schedule. Before the twenty-fifth year, any principal repaid above the scheduled amount would carry a premium of £2 10s. per £100. The Sino-British company would place the loan bonds. The bonds would state their value in pounds sterling as agreed between China's minister in London and the company. All construction and engineering would be supervised by the Guangdong governor. Important posts were to be held by Chinese. When construction began, a headquarters would be established in Guangzhou to oversee building and operation. The governor would appoint a Chinese general superintendent, assisted by a British chief engineer and chief accountant, all subject to gubernatorial approval. The British company would receive £35,000 in remuneration for its services, paid in two installments, covering all expenses and fees. The contract also declared the railway to be Chinese property. If construction had not begun within eight months of signing, the contract would be void. None of the rights granted might be transferred to another state, nor might China build a competing line that would diminish this railway's profits. The contract was then signed.

六月，政府命湖南巡撫岑春蓂查辦雲南與英畫界失地案。先是雲貴總督丁振鐸委候補知府石鴻韶與英領事烈敦會勘騰越北段尖高山以北界，從尖高山起向北勘，越高黎共雪山直抵麗江府所管地。烈敦執定以大啞口為界，石鴻韶執定以小江邊為界。貴州提學使陳榮昌奏參石鴻韶定界有失地事，政府命岑春蓂查辦。春蓂派候補道沈祖燕往勘，旋覆稟云：「卷查烈領事此次所勘之界，系從尖高山起，東至阻札山，過狼牙山、磨石河頭、搬瓦丫口、姊妹山、大啞口、茨竹丫口、片馬丫口直上高黎共雪山北往西藏。所云大啞口，即為恩買卡河與潞江中間之分水嶺。其照會石道有云，由明光河頭直上高黎共雪山頂，由山頂北往西藏，凡水入金沙江者，概歸緬甸管理等語。若不幸照此定界，則是由滇而蜀而藏，邊界之地所被其割去者，當以數千里計。外務部所謂『直是分割華境，是斷不能允從，可無庸置議』者也。若石道所擬以小江邊為界，系從尖高山起，由磨石河頭直上歪頭山，過之非河，經張家坡，登高良共山，又抵九角塘河，順小江邊，復另行橫出，上至小江源，又至板廠山為止。查其所勘之界，於騰越、保山、雲龍、龍陵各屬土司素所管轄之地，數百年來向化中國者，一旦棄去不少。又言北段界務，自以外務部所言之界線，由尖高山起至石我、獨木二河之間，循恩買卡河至小江西恩買卡河之東之分水嶺為界。按此嶺當是他戛甲大山，最為持平。且英使本有以小江即恩買卡河以東之分水嶺作為定界，又云天然界線系自東流入恩買卡河即小江諸江之分水嶺等語，與此正合。則此次勘界，即於恩買卡河循流而行，至小江止，已足滿意。且所勘滇、緬北段，本祗為騰越與野人山之界，則必執定騰越諸土司之屬地及野人山之分界處以畫界，自是一定不易之理。而與小江即恩買卡河以東之分水嶺，又自東流入恩買卡河，即小江諸江之分水嶺，並與譯出薛星使福成二十年簽押英文圖內之恩買卡分水嶺，其部位亦均相符合。石道並不先自詳審界限，而惟處處曲徇，以致失誤，此真為人意料所不及者也。查此次勘界，英使既言以小江即恩買卡河以東之分水嶺為界，又言自東流入恩買卡河即小江諸河之分水嶺，既明曰以東，又明曰自東流入，何以任烈領事之混為西流，竟勘至狼牙山迤北至大啞口而止？此其誤者一。又外務部覆稱明有『各守邊界』之文，此為甘稗地、茨竹、派賴燒殺之役而起，各守之地，自即在此。何以不實守此小江邊界之說，至小江順流而下，而反另向東行，指鹿為馬，再直上別尋一小江源至板廠山為界？此其誤者二。又英使所言天然界線，乃自東流入恩買卡河即小江諸水之分水嶺，而烈領事所勘，乃指恩買卡河與龍江之分水嶺，謂嶺之東所有溪河均入明光龍江，嶺之西所有溪河均入恩買卡、金沙江，以此嶺之東西為中、緬之分界。石道不能明據小江東流，力為駮斥，而乃以山形水勢則然一語，含混答覆，而竟任烈領事之隨意所指，東西自便。此其誤者三。且即如英使照會恩買卡河與潞江之分水嶺之說，此嶺即為大啞口，亦祗西勘至片馬丫口為止，何以任烈領事直上高黎共雪山，竟偕測繪王生，勘至麗江府屬蘭州邊界始回也？此其誤者四。又小江外如噬戛等寨，系騰越屬之茨竹、大塘土司所轄，籠榜系保山屬之登埂土司所轄，確鑿可據。乃烈領事照會言『貴道來示，謂已摒諸化外』，而石道覆稱又言『業經聲明久在化外』。石道責在勘界，並不援據力爭，而反先自認『久在化外』，實所不解。此其誤者五。又茅貢等寨原系滇灘屬土司所轄，本中國舊有之地，不過英兵曾經至此，並強收門戶稅而已，並非英人實已占為屬地，而中國有允認之明文也。乃石道照會謂『早經貴國辦過案件，不復管理』，竟絕不置辨。此其誤者六。至於大啞口外，如甘稗地等各處，烈領事欲仿三角地成案，作為永租。既欲議租，則已明認為中國之地，正可趁此力駮，使之無辭可遁。計大啞口外共有一十八寨，其地甚廣，豈可輕棄？且既認租，則茨竹、派賴燒殺一百十四命之案，明是入我中國之界，正可提議，使之不能諉卸，何以絕不辨論？此其誤者七。又狼速之地，甚為遼闊，一名狼宋。《大理府志》：『莪昌散處於狼宋、曹澗、趕馬撒之間，道光十八年准兵部議，以趕馬撒、曹澗等寨歸雲龍州管轄』，則狼速乃大理府屬境。若如石道所勘，另尋一小江源至板廠山為界，則不特噬戛等一十八寨摒諸化外，且並將狼速地一帶地方亦概棄之不問矣。此其誤者八。然此八者，甚害尚祗在滇省也。更有大誤足以為將來之後患者：一則小江外之狼速地一旦棄去，再北而為怒夷，其地踞龍、潞兩江之上流，東接維西、中甸，直通麗江，北與四川之巴塘、裏塘諸土司相接，西北即可以通至西藏；一則高黎共雪山之地任其節外生枝，自往履勘，將來若果曲從，則即可從此高黎共雪山之頂，沿潞江、金沙江之上流由北直進，不特球夷、怒夷之地去其大半，即維西屬之鋪拉籠、西藏屬之擦瓦龍一帶皆將被其所侵佔，所失之土地豈尚可以數計？」岑春蓂得覆，即據以入奏。上諭革石鴻韶等職，仍不允。

In the sixth month the government ordered Hunan Governor Cen Chunming to investigate the loss of territory in the Sino-British boundary demarcation in Yunnan. Earlier Yunnan–Guizhou Governor-General Ding Zhenduo had commissioned Expectant Prefect Shi Hongshao and British Consul Litton to survey the boundary north of Jian'gao Mountain on Tengyue's northern sector, running north from that peak across the Gaoligong range to the jurisdiction of Lijiang Prefecture. Litton insisted on Dayakou as the boundary line; Shi Hongshao insisted on the Little River. Guizhou Education Commissioner Chen Rongchang memorialized accusing Shi Hongshao of ceding territory in the demarcation. The government ordered Cen Chunming to investigate. Cen dispatched Expectant Circuit Intendant Shen Zuyan to review the survey. Shen soon reported: "Consul Litton's proposed line runs from Jian'gao Mountain east to Zuzha Mountain, passing Langya Mountain, the Moshi River head, Banwa Pass, Sister Mountains, Dayakou, Cizhu Pass, and Pianma Pass, then north along the Gaoligong range toward Tibet. Dayakou is the watershed between the Enmai River and the Salween (Lujiang). In his note to Prefect Shi he proposed running from the Mingguang River head to the summit of the Gaoligong range, then north toward Tibet, assigning to Burma all watersheds draining into the Jinsha River. If this line were accepted, the territory ceded from Yunnan through Sichuan into Tibet would amount to thousands of li. This was precisely what the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had called "outright partition of Chinese territory—absolutely unacceptable and not open to discussion." Prefect Shi's proposed line along the Little River would run from Jian'gao Mountain up from the Moshi River head to Waitou Mountain, cross the Fei River, pass Zhangjiapo, ascend Gaoliangong Mountain, reach Jiujiaotang River, follow the Little River, then branch off crosswise to the river's source and end at Banchang Mountain. Even this line would abandon much territory under the native officials of Tengyue, Baoshan, Yunlong, and Longling—lands that had acknowledged Chinese suzerainty for centuries. He argued that for the northern sector the proper line was that proposed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: from Jian'gao Mountain to the stretch between the Shiwo and Dumu rivers, then along the Enmai River to the watershed east of the Enmai where it meets the Little River. This ridge should be the Tagajia range—the most equitable boundary. The British minister had originally proposed the watershed east of the Little River (the Enmai) as the boundary and had spoken of a natural line along the divide of streams flowing east into the Enmai—language that matched this proposal exactly. For this survey, following the Enmai River to its junction with the Little River would be fully satisfactory. Moreover, the northern Yunnan–Burma sector under survey concerned only the boundary between Tengyue and the Wild Headmen Hills. The line must therefore be drawn at the limit of Tengyue's native jurisdictions and the Wild Headmen Hills—a principle that could not be altered. The watershed east of the Little River (the Enmai) and the divide of streams flowing east into the Enmai also correspond in position with the Enmai watershed shown on the English map signed by Minister Xue Fucheng in 1894. Prefect Shi had failed to examine the boundary carefully and had yielded at every turn, causing these errors—an outcome no one could have foreseen. The British minister had specified the watershed east of the Little River (the Enmai) and the divide of streams flowing east into the Enmai—clearly stating "east" and "flowing in from the east." Why then did Consul Litton confuse east- and west-flowing streams and survey north as far as Langya Mountain and Dayakou? This was his first error. The ministry's reply had also cited the phrase "each side guarding its own boundary," arising from the attacks at Ganbai, Cizhu, and Pailai. The territory each side was to guard lay precisely here. Why did Shi fail to hold to the Little River boundary, but instead, after following the Little River downstream, turn eastward in a contrary direction—calling a stag a horse—and seek another headwater of the Little River up to Banchang Mountain? This was his second error. The natural boundary the British minister described was the divide of streams flowing east into the Enmai (the Little River). Consul Litton instead surveyed the watershed between the Enmai and the Salween (Long River), assigning streams east of the ridge to the Mingguang–Salween system and streams west to the Enmai and Jinsha, and taking the east–west divide of that ridge as the Sino-Burmese boundary. Prefect Shi failed to rebut Litton's line by citing the eastward flow of the Little River and instead answered vaguely that "such is the lay of the mountains and waters," allowing the consul to fix the boundary wherever he chose, east or west at his convenience. This was his third error. Even on Britain's own watershed claim between the Nmaikha and the Nu, the line is Dayakou and should end at Pianmayakou to the west—so why did Consul Litton climb Gaoligong with Surveyor Wang and run the line all the way to Lanzhou in Lijiang before turning back? That was the fourth mistake. Beyond the Little River, villages like Shiga fell under Tengyue's Cizhu and Datang chiefs, and Longbang under Baoshan's Denggeng chief—well documented in the records. Yet Litton's note quoted Shi as saying the villages were "beyond the pale," and Shi's own reply repeated that they had "long been outside Chinese administration." Shi was charged with demarcation yet failed to argue from evidence and instead volunteered that the land had "long been beyond the pale"—inexplicable conduct. That was the fifth mistake. Villages like Maogong had always belonged to Diantan's native chief on old Chinese soil; British troops had only passed through and levied gate taxes—there was no occupation and no Chinese acknowledgment in writing. Shi merely noted that Britain had "already handled the matter" and abandoned administration, offering no rebuttal. That was the sixth mistake. Beyond Dayakou, at Ganbaindi and similar places, Litton wanted a perpetual lease on the model of the Kowloon Walled City triangle. Seeking a lease was itself an admission of Chinese sovereignty—a point that should have been pressed until Britain had no reply. Eighteen villages lay beyond Dayakou over a wide tract—how could such territory be surrendered lightly? Once lease was admitted, the massacre of 114 people by Cizhu and Pailai clearly happened inside China—a charge Britain could not evade; why did Shi never raise it? That was the seventh mistake. The Langsu region, also called Langsong, was vast. The Dali Prefecture Gazetteer places Echang between Langsong, Caojian, and Ganmasa and records Daoguang 18 approval putting those villages under Yunlong—proof Langsu belonged to Dali. Shi's line from a different Little River headwater to Banchang Mountain would cast out the eighteen villages and abandon the entire Langsu region. That was the eighth mistake. Serious as these eight errors were, the damage was still confined to Yunnan. Worse errors would breed lasting trouble: abandoning Langsu opened the Nu country to the north, commanding the upper Salween and Mekong, linking Weixi and Zhongdian to Lijiang, touching Batang and Litang in Sichuan, and opening routes northwest into Tibet; second, letting Litton survey Gaoligong at will—if Beijing yielded, Britain could march north from the ridge along the Salween and Yangtze headwaters, stripping most Nu and Qiu lands and seizing Pulalong and Tsawarong; how could the territorial loss even be counted?" Cen Chunming received Shen's report and memorialized the throne. The court ordered Shi Hongshao dismissed, but the proposal was not approved.

時因津鎮鐵路借款，直隸、山東、江蘇三省商民欲廢約，英不允，允改章。德與英同。英又因鄂境修造粵漢、川漢兩路需款，欲借款於中國，卻之。是年，山西商務局與英福公司議定贖回開礦制鐵轉運合同。初，晉省礦由晉商與福公司商人羅沙第訂立合同。旋於光緒二十四年復由商務局紳商與福公司改訂借款章程二十條。三十一年，又經盛宣懷續立合同四條。案久未結。至是商務局員紳並全省代表各員在京開議，訂定贖回自辦合同十二條，贖款行平化寶銀二百七十五萬兩，由山西商務局擔任，按期交清。

Merchants in Zhili, Shandong, and Jiangsu sought to cancel the Tianjin–Pukou railway loan; Britain refused abrogation but agreed to revised terms. Germany took the same position as Britain. Britain also offered China a loan for the Guangzhou–Hankou and Sichuan–Hankou railways in Hubei; Beijing declined. That year Shanxi's Bureau of Commerce and the British Pekin Syndicate agreed terms to buy back the mining and iron contract. Shanxi mines had first been contracted between local merchants and Rossi of the Pekin Syndicate. In Guangxu 24 the bureau and company rewrote a twenty-article loan charter. In year 31 Sheng Xuanhuai added a four-article agreement. The dispute had dragged on for years. Representatives met in Beijing and signed twelve articles to redeem the concession for 2.75 million taels sycee, payable on schedule by the Shanxi Bureau of Commerce.

三十四年二月，與英訂滬杭甬鐵路借款合同。先是滬杭甬鐵路已立有草合同四條：一，訂草約章程，與滬寧鐵路章程一樣；二，將來訂正約，仍與嗣後商定核准之滬寧正約一樣；三，從速測勘；四，如有地方窒礙之處，即行更正，俟訂正約，即會同入奏。至是浙江紳士籌辦全省鐵路，欲廢前約，收回自辦。英使不允，因命侍郎汪大燮等與英公司改商借款辦法，久未決。於是政府再命侍郎梁敦彥接議，分辦路、借款為兩事，路由中國自造，除華商原有股本侭數備用外，約仍需英金一百五十萬鎊，即向英公司籌借，按九三折扣交納，年五釐息，以三十年為期；並聲明如所收此路進項不足，由關內外鐵路餘利撥付；凡提用款項，均由郵傳部或其所派之人經理；此鐵路建造工程，以及管理一切之權，全歸中國國家；英公司代購外洋材料機器，以三萬五千鎊作為酬勞，一切用銀均在內；選用英總工程司一人，仍須聽命於總辦等語。遂定議。九月，與英訂藏印通商章程。是年，借英滙豐及法匯理銀行款，收回京漢鐵路。

In the second month of year 34 China signed the Shanghai–Hangzhou–Ningbo railway loan with Britain. A prior draft had four points: regulations mirroring the Shanghai–Nanjing line; second, the formal treaty to match whatever Shanghai–Nanjing terms were later approved; third, prompt surveying; fourth, correct local obstacles and memorialize jointly once the formal treaty was ready. Zhejiang gentry then sought to cancel the earlier agreement and run the line themselves. The British minister refused; Wang Daxie and others renegotiated with the company for months without result. Liang Dunyan was sent to split construction and finance: China would build the railway, supplementing Chinese capital with a £1.5 million loan from the British firm at 93 percent of par, five percent interest, thirty years; shortfalls would be covered from surplus profits on other national railways; the Ministry of Posts and Communications would control all disbursements; construction and management remained entirely Chinese; the British company would procure foreign materials for £35,000 commission, silver costs included; one British chief engineer might be hired but would answer to the Chinese director. Terms were finally settled. In the ninth month Britain and China signed Tibet–India trade regulations. That year loans from HSBC and the Banque de l'Indochine bought back the Beijing–Hankou railway.

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