Volume 158 Treatises 133: Foreign Relations 6, Japan

日本久通中國。明季以寇邊禁互市，清興始復故。，平南王尚可喜致書於長崎奉行，請通商舶。閩、粵商人往者益眾，雜居長崎市。初有船百八十艘，後由七十艘迭減至二十餘艘。貨運中國歲限八千貫，置奉行三人譏察之，榷其稅。然日本方嚴通海之禁，其國人或潛來臺灣及各口貿易，事發輒罪之。三十二年，廣東廣西總督石琳奏，日本船避風至陽江縣。詔資以衣食，送浙江，具舟遣歸。

Japan had maintained relations and trade with China for a long time. During the late Ming, piratical raids on the frontier led to a ban on trade; only with the rise of the Qing was commerce resumed. Shang Kexi, the Prince of Pingnan, wrote to the Nagasaki magistrate to request clearance for trading ships. Fujian and Guangdong merchants grew increasingly numerous, settling throughout the Nagasaki trading quarter. At first there were 180 ships; over time the quota was cut repeatedly from 70 until only a little more than 20 remained. Annual cargo to China was capped at 8,000 kan; three magistrates were posted to supervise trade and collect customs duties. Japan nevertheless maintained strict maritime prohibitions; Japanese who slipped away to Taiwan or other ports to trade were punished whenever caught. In year 32 [of Kangxi], Governor-General Shi Lin of Guangdong and Guangxi reported that a Japanese vessel had sought shelter from a storm at Yangjiang. The court ordered that they be supplied with food and clothing, conveyed to Zhejiang, and sent home on provisioned vessels.

雍正六年，浙江總督李衛以日本招集內地人，教習弓矢技藝，製造戰船，慮為邊患，奏明：「密飭沿海文武營縣，及各口稅關員役，嚴行稽查，水師兵船不時哨巡，以為有備無患之計。」上覽奏，諭曰：「昔聖祖遣織造烏林達麥爾森陽為商人，往覘其國。比復命，盛言國小民巽，開洋之舉繼此而起。朕數諭閩、廣督撫留意考察。聞日本近與朝鮮交親，往來無間。夫安內攘外之策，以固本防患為先。其體朕前諭無怠。」並頒諭沿海諸省防海。兩廣總督孔毓珣疏請沿海練舟師、置火器、增砲臺，並自赴廈門、虎門諸口巡察。上不欲啟外人疑懼，但令飭備而已。李衛復奏稱：「日本貿易不能遽絕，請於洋商中擇殷富老成者，立八人為商總，責其分處稽察，互相繩舉，庶免日久弊生之慮。」報可。，戶部奏請頒江海關則例，定東洋商船出口貨稅律。，上諭：「日本商人每遇風暴，漂至沿海，情殊可憫。其令有司送乍浦，附商船歸國。」著為令。

In the sixth year of Yongzheng (1728), Governor-General Li Wei of Zhejiang reported that Japan was recruiting mainland Chinese to train in archery and shipbuilding, raising fears of a frontier threat. He proposed: "Order coastal officials and customs staff to conduct rigorous inspections, and keep naval patrols active at irregular intervals, so that preparedness forestalls danger." After reading the memorial, the Emperor said: "Long ago the Kangxi Emperor sent the weaving-office official Ulinta Mai'ersen, posing as a merchant, to reconnoiter Japan. On his return he reported at length that the country was small and the people docile; yet maritime expansion followed soon after. I have repeatedly told the Fujian and Guangdong governors to keep a close watch. I hear Japan has lately grown intimate with Korea, with constant traffic between them. In securing the realm within and guarding against outsiders, strengthening foundations and preventing trouble must come first. See that you carry out my earlier instructions without neglect." He also ordered the coastal provinces to strengthen maritime defenses. Governor-General Kong Yuxun of the Two Guangs asked to train coastal naval forces, deploy firearms, add batteries, and personally inspect Xiamen, Humen, and other ports. The Emperor did not wish to alarm foreign powers and ordered only that defenses be kept in readiness. Li Wei submitted again: "Trade with Japan cannot be stopped overnight. Select eight wealthy, experienced maritime merchants as trade supervisors, charge them with oversight in rotation, and let them keep one another in check, lest abuses grow over time." The proposal was approved. The Board of Revenue asked that maritime customs regulations be issued, setting export duties for East Asian trading ships. The Emperor said: "Japanese merchants driven ashore by storms deserve every compassion. Order local officials to send them to Zhapu to take passage home on merchant ships." This was made a standing regulation.

初，日本專主鎖港，通華商而禁西洋諸國。及明治維新，始與各國開港通商。後以各國咸在中華互市，同治元年，長崎奉行乃遣人至上海，請設領事，理其國商稅事。通商大臣薛煥不許。三年，日本商船介英領事巴夏禮以求通。七年，長崎奉行河津又致書江海關道應寶時，言其國人往來歐洲，時附西舶經行海上，或赴內地傳習學術，經營商業，皆有本國符，乞念鄰誼保護。許之。

Initially Japan pursued a closed-port policy, allowing Chinese trade while barring Western nations. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan opened its ports to trade with foreign powers. As other powers were trading in China, in 1862 the Nagasaki magistrate sent envoys to Shanghai to request a consul to handle Japanese merchants' customs affairs. Trade Minister Xue Huan refused. In 1864 a Japanese merchant ship sought trade access through the British consul Harry Parkes. In 1868 the Nagasaki magistrate Kawazu wrote again to Customs Intendant Ying Baoshi: Japanese traveling to Europe often sailed on Western ships, and those who came inland to study or trade carried official papers; he asked that they be protected in the spirit of good neighborliness. The request was granted.

九年，日本遣外務權大丞柳原前光齎外務卿書致總理各國事務署，略曰：「方今文化大開，交際日盛。我近與泰西十四國訂盟。鄰如貴國，宜先通情好、結和親；而內國多故，遷延至今，信誼未修，深以為憾。茲令前光等詣臺下，豫商通信，以為他日遣使修約之地，幸取裁焉。」前光至天津，三口通商大臣成林、直隸總督李鴻章達其書總署，議允通商而拒其立約。前光謁鴻章曰：「西人脅我立約，彼此相距十萬里，尚遣公使、領事遠來保其僑民。中、日脣齒相依，商賈往還，以無約故，反託外人代理，聽其約束，喪失國權，莫此為甚。今特使人遠輸誠意，而其來也，西人或交尼之；若不得請，是重吾恥也，前光雖死，不敢奉命。」鴻章復為請於朝，下廷議。兩江總督曾國籓等疏言：「日本二百年來，與我無嫌。今援西國之例，詣闕陳辭，其理甚順。自宜一視同仁，請與明定規約，分條詳列，不載比照泰西總例一語，致啟利益均霑之心。」上韙其議，允前光請，命總署答書，詔鴻章豫籌通商事。

In 1870 Japan sent Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Yanagiwara Sakimitsu with a letter from the foreign minister to the Zongli Yamen, stating in part: "Civilization is now wide open and international contact grows daily. We have lately concluded treaties with fourteen Western powers. With a neighbor such as your esteemed country, we ought first to restore goodwill and kinship; but domestic troubles have delayed us until now, and cordial relations remain unrenewed, to our deep regret. We now send Sakimitsu to discuss preliminary communications as groundwork for a future treaty mission; we beg your consideration." Sakimitsu reached Tianjin; Minister Cheng Lin and Governor-General Li Hongzhang of Zhili forwarded the letter to the Yamen, which agreed to trade but refused a treaty. Sakimitsu told Li Hongzhang: "Western powers forced us into treaties; though separated by vast distances, they still send ministers and consuls to protect their nationals. China and Japan are close neighbors with constant commerce; without a treaty between us, our affairs are handled by foreign intermediaries who constrain us—there is no greater loss of sovereignty. We have sent envoys from afar in good faith, yet Western powers may try to obstruct us; if we are refused, our humiliation will only deepen; I would rather die than return with such orders." Li Hongzhang petitioned the court again, and the matter was referred for deliberation. Governor-General Zeng Guofan of the Two Jiangs and others wrote: "For two centuries Japan has had no quarrel with us. They now come citing Western diplomatic precedent, which is entirely reasonable. They should be treated on equal terms; let us conclude a detailed treaty without any clause referring to general Western precedents, lest other powers demand equal treatment." The Emperor approved; Sakimitsu's request was granted, the Yamen was ordered to reply, and Li Hongzhang was instructed to prepare for trade negotiations.

十年，日本以大藏卿藤原宗臣為專使來聘，命授李鴻章欽差大臣，應寶時、陳欽副之，與議條款。日使初請照西約辦理。久之，始訂條約十八款，通商章程三十三款，互遣使臣，設領事，以上海等十五口與日本橫濱等八口通商，而禁其私入內地，微異西國。諸約既成，宗臣來獻儀物，期來年換約。十一年，日本罷宗臣官，遣柳原前光詣北洋大臣李鴻章交日本外務卿副島照會，謂來歲與歐西諸國改修條約，欲酌改所議事件，與歐西一律，豫擬條款請商。鴻章答以去秋甫經立約，尚未互換，此時遽行改議，殊非信守。特令津海關道陳欽等與商，均俟換約後照約商辦。

In 1871 Japan sent Finance Minister Fujiwara Tadanari as special envoy; Li Hongzhang was appointed Imperial Commissioner, with Ying Baoshi and Chen Qin as deputies, to negotiate treaty terms. The Japanese envoy initially asked that terms follow Western treaty models. After prolonged negotiations, an eighteen-article treaty and thirty-three trade regulations were concluded; ministers and consuls were exchanged; fifteen Chinese ports including Shanghai were paired with eight Japanese ports including Yokohama, with private travel inland forbidden—slightly stricter than Western treaties. When the treaties were signed, Tadanari presented ceremonial gifts, with ratification scheduled for the following year. In 1872 Japan removed Tadanari from office and sent Yanagiwara Sakimitsu to Beiyang Minister Li Hongzhang with a note from Foreign Minister Soejima: Japan would revise its Western treaties the next year and wished to amend the Sino-Japanese agreement accordingly, submitting draft articles for discussion. Li Hongzhang replied that the treaty had only been concluded the previous autumn and not yet ratified; to reopen negotiations now would violate good faith. He ordered Tianjin Customs Intendant Chen Qin to discuss matters with them, but all changes would wait until after ratification.

十二年四月，日本使臣副島種臣來京換約，遣其隨員柳原前光、繙譯官鄭永寧詣總署詢三事：一詢澳門是否中國管轄，抑由大西洋主張？一詢朝鮮諸凡政令，是否由朝鮮自主，中國向不過問？一詢臺灣生番戕害琉球人民，擬遣人赴生番處詰問等語。王大臣等當與辯正。尋命李鴻章為換約大臣，與之互換。副島種臣並致國書，慶賀大婚及親政大典。時各國因請覲，報可，副島種臣亦請面遞國書，許之。尋進賀儀方物，答以禮，並給璽書。副島種臣照會，使事畢回國。李鴻章以日本換約時，其上諭內僅蓋用太政官印，未用國璽，駮令換用。繙譯官鄭永寧謂：「本國向與西洋各邦換約，均鈐用太政官印。」鴻章謂：「見爾國副本，聲明鈐用國璽，又上海道抄送總領事井田讓等敕書，亦用國璽。」鄭永寧允回國換寄。時日本未設駐京公使，交涉事託俄使倭良嘎哩代辦。

In April 1873 Japanese envoy Soejima Taneomi came to Beijing to exchange ratifications and sent Yanagiwara Sakimitsu and interpreter Zheng Yongning to the Yamen with three questions: first, whether Macao was under Chinese jurisdiction or claimed by Portugal? Second, whether Korea governed itself in all matters without Chinese interference? Third, regarding Taiwan aborigines who had killed Ryukyuans and Japan's plan to send envoys to question them. The Yamen ministers were to rebut these points. Li Hongzhang was soon appointed to exchange ratifications with Soejima. Soejima also presented a state letter congratulating the Emperor's marriage and assumption of personal rule. Foreign envoys were then granted audiences for the ceremonies; Soejima also asked to present his letter in person, and permission was granted. He soon presented congratulatory gifts; the court returned gifts in kind and issued an imperial letter under seal. Soejima notified the court that his mission was complete and he would return home. Li Hongzhang objected that Japan's ratification document bore only the Grand Council seal, not the national seal, and demanded it be reissued. Interpreter Zheng Yongning said: "Our country has always used the Grand Council seal when exchanging treaties with Western powers." Li Hongzhang replied: "Your duplicate copy states the national seal is required, and copies of imperial orders to Consul-General Ida forwarded by Shanghai also bear the national seal. Zheng Yongning agreed to return home and send a corrected copy. Japan had not yet posted a minister in Beijing; diplomatic affairs were handled by the Russian minister Gagarin as intermediary.

十三年三月，日本兵船至廈門，聲稱赴臺灣查辦生番。李鴻章致書總署，謂：「各國興兵，必先有文函知會，因何起釁。臺灣生番一節，並未先行商辦，豈得遽爾稱兵？」既聞美人李讓禮帶領陸軍，又雇美國水師官領兵船，欲圖臺灣。李鴻章復致總署，謂：「此事如果屬實，不獨日本悖義失好，即美人幫助帶兵，雇商船裝載弁兵軍械，均屬違背萬國公法，且與美約相助調處之意不符。應請美使遵照公法，撤回李讓禮等，嚴禁商船應雇裝載弁兵。日本既無文函知會，僅將電信抄送上海道。云派員往臺灣查問，難保不乘我不備，闖然直入閩省，應先派兵輪水師，往臺灣各港口盤查瞭望，另調得力陸軍數千，即用輪船載往鳳山、琅軿附近一帶，擇要屯紮，為先發計。」乃日本兵船忽犯臺灣番社，以兵船三路進攻，路各五六百人。生番驚竄，牡丹、高士佛、加芝來、竹仔各社咸被焚。其時尚有兵輪船泊夏門。於是臺灣戒嚴，命船政大臣沈葆楨渡臺設防。葆楨密疏聯外交、儲利器、儲人才、通消息四事。閩浙總督李鶴年亦陳臺灣地利，並遣水路各營分往鳳山、澎湖等處屯紮。

In March 1874 Japanese warships reached Xiamen, claiming they were bound for Taiwan to deal with the aborigines. Li Hongzhang wrote to the Yamen: "When nations resort to force, they must first notify the other side in writing of the grounds for hostilities. The Taiwan aborigine affair had not been discussed beforehand—how can they suddenly resort to arms?" It was then learned that the American James R. Wasson was leading the land force and that American naval officers had been hired to command warships for an attack on Taiwan. Li Hongzhang wrote again: "If true, Japan has broken faith, and American assistance in leading troops and hiring merchant ships to carry arms violates international law and contradicts the U.S. treaty's pledge of mutual mediation. The American minister should be asked to recall Wasson and strictly forbid merchant ships from carrying troops or arms. Japan had sent no formal notification, only a telegram copy to the Shanghai intendant. They claimed to be sending investigators to Taiwan, but might strike Fujian while we were unprepared; gunboats should patrol Taiwan's ports, and several thousand troops should be rushed by steamer to Fengshan and Langqiao to seize key positions first." Japanese warships then suddenly attacked Taiwan aborigine villages in three columns of five or six hundred men each. The aborigines fled in panic; the villages of Mudan, Gaoshifo, Jiazhilai, Zhuzai, and others were burned. Gunboats were still anchored at Xiamen at the time. Taiwan was placed under martial law, and Naval Minister Shen Baozhen was ordered to cross the strait and organize defenses. Shen memorialized in secret on four priorities: diplomatic coordination, stockpiling arms, training personnel, and improving communications. Governor-General Li Henian of Fujian and Zhejiang also described Taiwan's strategic terrain and dispatched naval units to garrison Fengshan, Penghu, and other points.

是月日本攻生番網索、加芝來等社，移兵脅龜仔角社，社番誓不降。帝命福建布政使潘霨赴臺灣會商設防。五月，沈葆楨、潘霨率洋將日意格、斯恭塞格至臺灣，奏陳理諭、設防、開禁等事，皆報可。初八日，潘霨偕臺灣兵備道夏獻綸及洋將日意格、斯恭塞格等，乘輪船由安平出海抵琅軿。詣日營，晤中將西鄉從道，示以葆楨照會，略云：「生番土地隸中國者二百餘年，殺人者死，律有明條，雖生番豈能輕縱。然此中國分內應辦之事，不當轉煩他國勞師糜餉。乃聞貴中將忽然以船載兵，由不通商之琅軿登岸。臺民惶恐，謂不知開罪何端，使貴國置和約於不顧？及觀貴中將照會閩浙總督公文，方知為牡丹社生番戕害琉球難民而起。無論琉球雖弱，侭可自鳴不平。即貴國專意恤鄰，亦何妨照會總理衙門商辦。乃積累年之舊案，而不能候數日之回文，此中曲直是非，想亦難逃洞鑒。今牡丹社已殘毀矣，而又波及于無辜之高士佛等社。來文所稱殛其凶首者，謂何也？所稱往攻其心者，謂何也？幫辦潘布政使自上海面晤貴國柳原公使，已商允退兵，以為必非虛語。乃聞貴中將仍紮營牡丹社，且有將攻卑南社之謠。夫牡丹社戕琉球難民者也。卑南社救貴國難民者也。以德為怨，想貴中將必不其然。第貴中將知會閩浙總督公文，有佐藤利八至卑南番地亦被劫掠之語，誠恐謠傳未必無因。夫鳧水逃生者，有餘資可劫，天下有劫人之財，肯養其人數月不受值者耶？即謂地方官所報難民口供不足據，貴國謝函俱在，並未涉及劫掠一言。貴國所賞之陳安生，即卑南社生番頭目也。所賞之人即所誅之人，貴國未必有此政體。兩國和誼，載在盟府，永矢弗諼。本大臣敢不開誠佈公，以效愚者之一得，惟高明裁察見覆。」霨復造其營，從道辭以病。霨及獻綸遂遣人傳各社番目，至者凡十五社，譯傳大意，皆求保護。因諭令具狀，原遵約束，不敢劫殺。霨等宣示國家德意，加以犒賞。番目等咸求設官經理，永隸編氓。霨等因從道不出，將還。從道復來謁，堅以生番非中國版圖為詞。及示以臺灣府志所載生番歲輸番餉之數，與各社所具結狀，日將始婉謝。請遣人附我輪船，一至上海，致書柳原前光，一請廈門電報本國，暫止添兵。霨等遂返。

That month Japan attacked the villages of Wangsuo and Jiazhilai, then moved against Guizaijiao, whose people refused to surrender. The Emperor ordered Fujian Administration Commissioner Pan Wei to go to Taiwan to coordinate defenses. In May Shen Baozhen and Pan Wei, with foreign advisers Giquel and de la Croix, reached Taiwan and memorialized on negotiation, defense, and lifting trade restrictions—all approved. On the eighth Pan Wei, Taiwan Military Intendant Xia Xianlun, and foreign advisers Giquel and de la Croix sailed from Anping to Langqiao. They called on the Japanese camp and met Lieutenant General Saigō Jūdō, presenting Shen Baozhen's note: "Aborigine lands have been under Chinese jurisdiction for over two centuries; murder is punishable by death under clear law—even aborigines cannot go unpunished. Yet this is an internal matter for China; it should not require foreign troops and expense. Yet we hear Your Excellency suddenly landed troops at Langqiao, a port not open to foreign trade. The people of Taiwan are alarmed, not knowing what offense prompted your country to disregard the treaty. Only upon reading Your Excellency's note to the Fujian-Zhejiang governor did we learn this arose from Mudan aborigines killing Ryukyuan refugees. Even if Ryukyu is weak, it may lodge its own complaint. Even if Japan wished only to aid a neighbor, why not notify the Zongli Yamen for consultation? This was an old case of many years' standing, yet you could not wait a few days for a reply—the rights and wrongs can hardly escape your judgment. Mudan has already been destroyed, yet the violence has spread to innocent villages such as Gaoshifo. What is meant by your document's claim that the ringleaders were executed? What is meant by your claim that you attacked their stronghold? Assistant Commissioner Pan met Minister Yanagiwara in Shanghai and obtained agreement to withdraw troops—we took that promise seriously. Yet we hear Your Excellency remains encamped at Mudan, with rumors of an attack on Beinan. It was Mudan village that killed the Ryukyuan refugees. It was Beinan village that rescued your country's refugees. Surely Your Excellency would not repay kindness with enmity. Your note to the Fujian-Zhejiang governor mentions that Satō Rihachi was robbed in Beinan territory; we fear there may be some truth to the rumor. Refugees fleeing by sea would hardly have wealth worth robbing—who in the world robs travelers yet feeds them for months without payment? Even if local officials' refugee testimony is unreliable, your thank-you letters make no mention of robbery. The Chen Ansheng your country rewarded is precisely the Beinan aborigine headman. The man you rewarded is the man you condemned—surely no government works that way. The friendship of our two countries is enshrined in treaty and must never be forgotten. I speak frankly in the hope of a wise reply. Pan Wei visited the camp again; Saigō pleaded illness. Pan and Xia summoned aborigine headmen from fifteen villages, all seeking protection. They were instructed to submit written pledges to obey regulations and refrain from robbery and killing. Pan and his party proclaimed imperial benevolence and distributed rewards. The headmen all asked for official administration so they might be permanently registered as subjects. Pan and his party prepared to return because Saigō would not receive them. Saigō called again, insisting the aborigines were not Chinese territory. Shown the Taiwan gazetteer's records of aborigine tribute and the villages' pledges, he finally yielded politely. He asked to send men on the Chinese steamer—one to Shanghai to write Yanagiwara, one to have Xiamen telegraph Japan to halt reinforcements. Pan and his party then returned.

初，日本逐牡丹社番踞其地。旋有輪船二先後至，一逕往後山射藔港，一載兵二百、婦人十餘泊射藔港，攜食物什具農器，及花果草木各種，分植龜潭、後灣，為久居計。窺我兵力不厚，仍肆要求。沈葆楨請派水師提督彭楚漢率師來臺灣。日旋增兵駐風港。沈葆楨急飭營將王開俊由東港進駐枋藔，以戴德一營由鳳山駐東港為後應。日人水野遵入豬朥索、高士佛諸社，又自後灣開道達龜山巔，其風港之營將分駐平埔為援應。因遣其通事彭城中平至琅軿，謁委員周有基，訊中國四處布兵何意。有基以巡察應之。葆楨照會日將，勸令回兵。時李鴻章亦深慮臺地兵單。及沈葆楨請借撥洋槍隊，即奏以提督唐定奎統軍赴臺灣助防。葆楨亦奏稱：「澎湖為臺、廈命脈所關，守備單弱，非大枝勁旅，仍無以壯民氣而戢戎心。請催迅速前來，庶臺、澎氣脈藉以靈通，金、廈諸防亦資鞏固。」奉旨俞允。潘霨又偕前署鎮曾元福等赴鳳山舊城募土勇，並勵鄉團。因親履海口之打鼓山等處，踏勘要隘，建立兵柵，以待淮軍分駐。

Japan first drove out the Mudan aborigines and occupied their land. Two steamers soon arrived: one went to Sheliao Harbor in the rear mountains; the other, carrying two hundred troops and more than ten women, anchored there with supplies, farm tools, and plants for long-term settlement at Guitan and Houwan. Seeing China's forces were thin, they pressed their demands. Shen Baozhen requested that Naval Commander Peng Chuhan bring troops to Taiwan. Japan soon reinforced its garrison at Fenggang. Shen urgently ordered Wang Kaijun to advance from Donggang to Fangliao, with Dai Deyi's battalion at Donggang in support. Mizuno Jun entered villages including Zhulangsuo and Gaoshifo and opened a road from Houwan to Guishan Peak, with Fenggang detachments garrisoning the plains. They sent interpreter Pengcheng Zhongping to Langqiao to ask Commissioner Zhou Youji why Chinese troops were posted in four locations. Youji replied that it was for inspection patrols. Shen Baozhen notified the Japanese commander to withdraw his troops. Li Hongzhang also worried deeply that Taiwan's forces were inadequate. When Shen requested foreign rifle units, Li memorialized that Commander Tang Dingkui should lead troops to Taiwan. Shen also wrote: "Penghu is vital to Taiwan and Xiamen; its garrison is too weak without a substantial force to bolster morale and deter the enemy. Urge them to come quickly so Taiwan and Penghu may be secured and the defenses of Jinmen and Xiamen strengthened." The court approved. Pan Wei went to old Fengshan with Zeng Yuanfu to recruit local braves and encourage militia. He personally surveyed key positions at Dagushan near Haikou and built stockades for the Huai Army.

是月柳原前光入京先謁李鴻章，鴻章遣道員孫士達往答拜，屬以到京後勿言兵費及請覲兩事。日本又遣大久保利通入京。美領事畢德格復出任調停，說鴻章仍允照柳原原議三條，並加撫恤賠命。

That month Yanagiwara entered Beijing and called on Li Hongzhang, who sent Sun Shida to return the visit and told him not to raise military expenses or request audience in the capital. Japan also sent Ōkubo Toshimichi to Beijing. American consul Bidwell mediated again, persuading Hongzhang to accept Yanagiwara's original three points plus compensation for lives lost.

初，日人劉穆齋在花蓮港遭風，破船失銀，稱社番盜劫。沈葆楨命夏獻綸集訊其地居人及船戶，查無劫掠失銀之事。惟日人欲從生番租地，給有洋銀，番目來益不受而止，並繳出日本前給旗物。葆楨因奏言：「日本和約第三條，禁商民不准誘惑土人；第十四條，約沿海未經指定口岸，不准駛入；第二十七條，船隻如到不准通商口岸私作買賣，准地方官查拿。今臺後歧萊地方，中國所轄，並非通商口岸。此次前赴歧萊之成富清風等，攜遊歷執照，勾引土番，均違和約。現已確查歧萊各社並無竊盜銀物。其繳出旗、扇各件，當即發交蘇松太道，轉給駐滬日本領事收回，將遊歷執照追銷。其違約妄為之處，應由彼國自行查辦。並錄民、番供結，咨呈總署，牒其外務省，轉飭日本領事照章辦理，以弭釁端。」從之。命速修安平砲臺，及籌辦鐵甲船。續諭：「日本雖未啟兵端，然日久相持，終非了局。現淮軍續抵鳳山，羅大春業抵蘇澳、滬尾、雞籠等口，調兵扼紮。」葆楨於是設防益嚴，日人乃謀撤兵。而西鄉從道仍遷延不即退，欲牡丹社賠給兵費。

A Japanese named Liu Muqi was shipwrecked at Hualien Harbor and claimed aborigines had robbed him of silver. Shen ordered Xia Xianlun to investigate; no robbery was found. The Japanese had tried to lease aborigine land with silver; when Laiyi headmen came they refused and returned Japan's flags and gifts. Shen memorialized: "Article 3 of the treaty forbids seducing natives; Article 14: unauthorized coastal ports may not be entered; Article 27: vessels trading at unauthorized ports may be seized by local officials. The Qilai region in eastern Taiwan is Chinese territory, not a treaty port. Nariyuki Tomokaze and others who went to Qilai with travel permits seduced natives—all treaty violations. Investigation confirmed no theft occurred in Qilai villages. The surrendered flags and fans should be returned via the Shanghai Japanese consul and the travel permits revoked. Their treaty violations should be investigated by Japan itself. Testimony was forwarded to the Yamen and Japan's Foreign Ministry to handle under regulations and settle the dispute." Approved. The court ordered rapid repair of Anping batteries and procurement of ironclads. Further instruction: "Though Japan has not yet opened full hostilities, prolonged stalemate cannot continue. Huai forces were reaching Fengshan; Luo Dachun had reached Su'ao, Hunei, Jilong, and other ports." Shen tightened defenses, and Japan then planned withdrawal. Yet Saigō Jūdō delayed withdrawal, demanding Mudan pay military expenses.

柳原前光既至京，先遞照會有「臺灣生番為無主野蠻，本不必問之中國」之語。先請覲見。總署責以：「臺灣生番系中國地，不應稱為『無主野蠻』。迭次來京，並未與中國商明，何以捏稱中國允許日本自行辦理？」柳原前光答辯。久之，始議定三條，給撫恤銀十萬，再給修道建房費四十萬兩，定期撤兵付銀，互換條約。於是大久保往琅軿，命領事福島九成謁沈葆楨陳五事：一，請派人受代；一，請撤銷兩國大臣來往公文；一，請被害遺骸於收埋處建碑表墓，並許日人以後登岸掃祭；一，請以後臺灣交涉事件，由中國官交廈門領事。葆楨以撫局已成，允之。惟於登岸掃祭一節，覆以須有領事官鈐印執照，祭畢即歸。遂各遣員交代。事訖，西鄉從道率兵去。

Yanagiwara reached Beijing with a note calling Taiwan aborigines "masterless savages" whom China need not be consulted about. He first requested an audience. The Yamen rebuked him: "Taiwan aborigines are Chinese territory and must not be called 'masterless savages. You came to Beijing without consulting China—how can you claim China allowed Japan to act alone?" Yanagiwara replied in defense. After prolonged negotiation, three articles were agreed: 100,000 taels consolation silver, 400,000 taels for roads and buildings, scheduled withdrawal upon payment, and exchange of the agreement. Ōkubo went to Langqiao and had Consul Fukushima present five requests to Shen: first, send men to receive the handover; second, withdraw correspondence between the two countries' ministers; third, erect monuments at burial sites and permit Japanese grave visits; fourth, handle future Taiwan affairs through the Xiamen consul. Shen, since settlement was achieved, granted these. Only for grave visits he required consular permits and immediate return afterward. Each side then sent officers for the handover. When finished, Saigō Jūdō withdrew his troops.

是秋，日本派使臣帶兵船往朝鮮攻毀砲臺，以朝鮮砲擊日船，特遣森有禮為駐華公使，要求總署發給護照，派人前往，又欲代遞文信。總署堅拒。李鴻章謂宜由總署致書朝鮮政府，勸其以禮接待，或更遣使赴日本報聘，辨明開砲轟船原委，以釋疑怨，為息事寧人之計。總署即派辦理大臣往問朝鮮政府。朝鮮政府頗不原與日本通商往來，而日使森有禮往謁李鴻章，則以高麗非中國屬邦為詞。因提出條件三：一，高麗以後接待日本使臣；一，日本或有被風船隻，代為照料；一，商船測量海礁，不要計較。鴻章答以高麗系中國屬國。事既顯違條約，中國豈能不問，森使急求與高麗通好，鴻章請徐之。

That autumn Japan sent warships to destroy Korean batteries after Korea fired on Japanese ships; Mori Arinori came as minister to request passports and document forwarding. The Yamen firmly refused. Li Hongzhang advised writing to Korea to receive Japan courteously or send an envoy to explain the firing incident. The Yamen dispatched a minister to inquire of Korea. Korea was unwilling to trade with Japan, yet Minister Mori told Li Hongzhang Korea was not a Chinese dependency. He proposed three conditions: first, Korea receive Japanese envoys; second, care for Japanese ships driven ashore; third, merchant vessels surveying reefs not be challenged. Li Hongzhang replied that Korea is a Chinese dependency. The matter violated treaty obligations; China could not ignore it; Mori urgently sought Korean friendship and Li asked him to wait.

二年八月，始命直隸候補道許鈐身出使日本，擬設理事、副理事各員。日使森有禮詣李鴻章，謂中國商民向由日本地方官管理。中國若派領事官前往，恐日本不肯承認。鴻章答以同治十年修好條規第八條云，兩國指定各口，彼此均可設理事官。茲照約選派理事，日本何能不認？日本自訂約後，在上海、廈門、天津設立領事，中國無不照約招待。彼此一例，何能稍有區別？森使乃不復言。

In the eighth month of year 2, Xu Qian was appointed envoy to Japan with plans for resident commissioners. Minister Mori told Li Hongzhang that Chinese merchants had always been managed by Japanese local officials. If China sent consuls, he feared Japan would not recognize them. Li replied that Article 8 of the 1871 treaty allows resident commissioners at designated ports. Commissioners are being appointed under treaty—how can Japan refuse? Japan has established consuls at Shanghai, Xiamen, and Tianjin, all received according to treaty. The same rule applies to both sides—how can there be distinction? Mori said no more.

是年，日本屯兵琉球。福建巡撫丁日昌以琉球距臺北雞籠，水程不過千里，請統籌全局以防窺伺，報可。三年三月，日本因內亂，來借士乃得槍子百萬，政府以十萬應之。五月，琉球國王密遣陪臣齎咨赴閩，訴日本阻貢物。閩浙總督何璟等以聞，並出使日本大臣何如璋。如璋乃往日本外務寺島宗則商議，並照會其外務卿，延不答覆。五年正月，日人驅遣琉球官員之在日本者，令回琉球，並派內務大丞松田往琉球，廢琉球為郡縣，並令改用紀元。如璋函報總署，復親往見其內務卿伊藤博文及外務卿，皆不得要領。時有美前總統格蘭忒者，遊歷來華，又將有日本之行。鴻章因以琉球事相託，格蘭忒慨然以調處自任。及至日本，以琉球各島本分三部，商擬將中部歸球立君復國，中、東兩國各設領事保護，其南部近臺灣，為中國屬地，割隸中國，北部近薩摩島，為日本屬地，割隸日本，冀可息事。而日本總稱琉球為己屬國，改球為縣，系其內政。格蘭忒請另派大員會商。李鴻章因達總署，請照會日本外務省，請其另派大員來華會商。而日本則欲中國另派大員前往東京，或如光緒二年在煙臺會議。李鴻章執不許。

That year Japan stationed troops in Ryukyu. Governor Ding Richang of Fujian, noting Ryukyu lay only a thousand li from Jilong, requested comprehensive planning; approved. In the third month of year 3, Japan requested one million Snider rounds during internal disorder; the government supplied one hundred thousand. In the fifth month the Ryukyu king secretly sent a petition to Fujian complaining Japan blocked tribute. Governor-General He Jing reported this and named Minister He Ruzhang to Japan. He Ruzhang discussed with Shima Munenori and notified the Foreign Minister; replies were long delayed. In the first month of year 5, Japan expelled Ryukyuan officials in Japan, sent Matsuda to abolish the Ryukyu kingdom, and imposed the new era. He Ruzhang reported to the Yamen and met Itō and the Foreign Minister without clear answers. Former U.S. President Grant was visiting China and about to go to Japan. Li Hongzhang entrusted the Ryukyu affair to Grant, who readily undertook mediation. In Japan, Grant proposed dividing Ryukyu's three parts: restore the middle kingdom with Chinese and Japanese consuls; cede the south near Taiwan to China; cede the north near Satsuma to Japan. Japan claimed Ryukyu as its dependency, reorganized it as a prefecture, and treated it as a domestic matter. Grant asked that another senior official be sent to negotiate. Li Hongzhang reported to the Yamen and asked Japan's Foreign Ministry to send a senior official to China. Japan wanted China to send a high official to Tokyo, or meet as at the 1876 Yantai conference. Li Hongzhang refused.

會俄因廢約事，與中國肇釁。詹事府左庶子張之洞奏：「俄人恃日本為後路，宜速聯絡日本。所議商務，可允者早允，但得彼國兩不相助，俄事自沮。」政府得奏，因徇日使宍戶璣之請，以南部宮古、八重山二島歸中國，而加入內地通商照各國利益均霑之條。宍戶璣又以本國現與西洋各國商議增加關稅、管轄商民兩事，美國已允，請一併加入條約。總署以日本既與各國商議，俟日本與各國訂定後，再彼此酌議，暫不並加入約。已定議矣，而右庶子陳寶琛以俄事垂定，球案不宜遽結，日約不可輕許上言。兩江總督劉坤一、出使日本大臣黎庶昌、內閣學士黃體芳各有建議，皆不果行。八年十二月，李鴻章復與總署議球案，欲就前議中國封貢議結，仍不決。

Russia was then in conflict with China over treaty abrogation. Zhang Zhidong memorialized: "Russia relies on Japan as a rear base; China should quickly ally with Japan. Grant what can be granted in trade talks, provided the two countries do not assist each other, and Russian ambitions will fail." The government acceded to Minister Shiodome's request, ceding Miyako and Yaeyama to China while adding a most-favored-nation inland trade clause. Shiodome also asked to add clauses on increased customs and merchant jurisdiction, which the United States had accepted. The Yamen said Japan should finish negotiations with other powers first before China would discuss adding such clauses. Though settled, Chen Baochen argued the Ryukyu case should wait until Russian affairs were resolved. Liu Kunyi, Li Shuchang, and Huang Tifang each proposed alternatives, but none were adopted. In the twelfth month of year 8, Li Hongzhang again discussed concluding Ryukyu on the investiture plan; still no decision.

十年九月，日本公使榎本武揚請於登州、牛莊二口運豆餅。政府以非條約所有。李鴻章謂：「同治元年總署徇英使之請，暫弛豆禁，而已開竟難禁止。同治八年，滬上洋商雇用輪船徑從牛莊裝豆運往長崎，當經總署飭總稅司查禁議罰，不果。以後豆石漸多流入東洋，旋值中、日訂約，其時豆禁開已十年。日使援例為請，但允以通商別口買運，至登、牛兩處，仍堅持不許。榎使所請，僅豆餅一項。中日通商章程載明年限屆滿，兩國方可會商酌改。今尚未訂改期，若婉辭以緩，至重修商辦，似無不可。如仍嘵瀆，應予通融，聲明原約其餘各款照舊信守，庶於羈縻之中，仍寓限制之義。」

In the ninth month of year 10, Minister Enomoto requested to ship bean cake through Dengzhou and Niuzhuang. The government held this was not in the treaty. Li Hongzhang noted the bean prohibition had been relaxed in 1862 at Britain's request and proved hard to restore. In 1869 Shanghai merchants shipped beans from Niuzhuang to Nagasaki despite customs efforts to stop it. Bean exports to Japan increased; when the Sino-Japanese treaty was signed, the prohibition had been open ten years. Japan cited precedent; only transit through other treaty ports was allowed, not Dengzhou or Niuzhuang. Enomoto requested only bean cake. The commercial regulations allow revision only when the term expires. Revision is not yet due; polite deferral seems acceptable. If they persist, limited concession may be granted while other treaty articles remain unchanged."

會朝鮮亂，日本進兵，以保護使館為名，又以中國兵槍傷日本兵為口實，十一年正月，派參議伊藤博文為全權大臣，來華議事，並遞國書，進謁李鴻章。初日本敕書內有「議辦前日案件，妥商善後方法」之語，李鴻章以為隱括朝案宗旨。伊藤開議要求三事：一，撤回華軍；二，議處統將；三，償恤難民。鴻章以撤兵一節尚可商議，議處統將、償恤難民，力爭不許。函致總署，謂議處、償卹兩層，縱不能悉如所請，須求酌允其一。但我軍入宮保護，名正言順，交戰亦非得已，斷無再加懲處之理。伊藤強請三事皆允，鴻章只允撤兵，並要同撤，伊藤亦允。吳大澂擬四條，送交伊藤：一，一同撤兵；二，練兵各營，須有中國教習武弁若干人，定立年限，年滿再行撤回；三，以後朝鮮與日本商民爭端，日本派員查辦，不得帶兵，中國亦然；四，朝鮮如有內亂，朝王若請中國派兵，自與日本無涉，事定亦即撤兵，不再留防。伊藤不以為然，自出所擬條款：一，議定將來中、日兩國永不派兵駐朝；二，前約款仍與中、日兩國戰時之權無干，若他國與朝鮮或有戰爭，或朝鮮有叛亂，亦不在前條之例；三，將來在朝鮮如有中、日兩國交涉，或一國與朝鮮交涉，兩國各派員商辦；四，朝鮮教練兵士，宜由朝鮮選他國武弁一員或數員教練；五，兩國駐朝兵，於畫押蓋印後四個月限盡撤。鴻章以伊藤所擬五條，意在將來彼此永不派兵駐朝，辨駮不允。旋奉旨：「撤兵可允，永不派兵不可允；至教練兵士一節，亦須言定兩國均不派員為要。」鴻章奉旨後，與伊藤會議，因議將前五條改為三條：一，議定兩國撤兵日期；二，中、日均勿派員在朝教練；三，朝鮮若有變亂重大事件，兩國或一國要派兵，應先互行文知照。遂定議，而於議處、償恤仍不許。惟因當時日兵實被我軍擊敗傷亡，鴻章因牒日本致惋惜，並自行文戒飭官兵，以明出自己意，與國家不相干涉。三月初四日，立約畫押，是為中日天津會議專條。

Meanwhile Korea rebelled; Japan sent troops to protect its legation and cited Chinese troops wounding Japanese soldiers; in the first month of year 11 Itō Hirobumi came as plenipotentiary with a state letter to Li Hongzhang. Japan's rescript spoke of settling "earlier cases"; Li Hongzhang took this to cover Korea. Itō demanded three things: first, withdrawal of Chinese troops; second, punishment of commanding generals; third, compensation for victims. Li agreed withdrawal might be discussed but refused punishment of generals and compensation. He wrote the Yamen that at least one of punishment or compensation should be granted. Chinese troops entered the palace legitimately; further punishment was unjustified. Itō demanded all three; Li only agreed to mutual withdrawal, which Itō accepted. Wu Dacheng proposed four articles: first, mutual troop withdrawal; second, Korean training camps must have Chinese instructors for fixed terms; third, disputes between Korea and Japanese merchants may be investigated without troops by either side; fourth, if Korea requests Chinese troops for internal disorder, Japan is not involved; troops withdraw when order is restored. Itō disagreed and proposed: first, China and Japan will never station troops in Korea; second, prior treaty rights in wartime remain; exceptions for third-party wars or Korean rebellion; third, Sino-Japanese or bilateral dealings with Korea require officers from each side; fourth, Korean troops should be trained by foreign instructors chosen by Korea; fifth, both countries' troops withdraw within four months of signing. Li objected that Itō's five articles meant permanent non-stationing of troops. An edict came: withdrawal may be granted; permanent non-stationing may not; neither country may send training officers. Li met Itō and reduced the five articles to three: withdrawal dates; neither side sends training officers to Korea; major disturbances require prior written notice before sending troops. Agreement was reached without punishment or compensation. Because Japanese troops had been defeated, Li sent regret to Japan and admonished his own troops to show this was personal, not state policy. On the fourth day of the third month the treaty was signed—the Tianjin Conference articles.

十二年五月，日本公使鹽田議修約，李鴻章以為宜緩，因致總署，謂：「日廷現與歐、美各國改約，應俟彼商定後，我再與議，庶可將西國所訂各款參酌辦理。又球案亦當並商妥結，免致彼此久存芥蒂。請總署酌奪。」旋因長崎兵捕互鬥案出，暫置未議，而琉球遂屬於日，不復議及矣。

In the fifth month of year 12 Minister Shioda sought treaty revision; Li advised delay until Japan finished with Western powers. The Ryukyu case should be settled together to avoid lingering grievances. Please let the Yamen decide." The Nagasaki police incident suspended talks, and Ryukyu passed to Japan without further discussion.

十三年正月，鹽田因崎案已結，請催修約，總署仍令李鴻章核覆。鴻章謂：「原約分修好條規、通商章程為二。條規首段聲明彼此信守，歷久弗渝。通商章程第三十二款則聲明現定章程十年重修。是章程可會商酌改，條規並無可改之說。至通商章程，大致本與西約無甚懸殊。惟第十四、五款，不准日人運洋貨入內地、赴內地買土貨，為最要關鍵。當時伊藤與柳原前光為此兩款力爭，鴻章堅持不改。今日稿第一款內，一曰遵守彼國通商章程，再曰遵守清國與各與國所締通商章程，固寓一體均霑之意，實欲將十四、五款刪除，關係甚大，請緩議。」時日本伊藤博文新秉政，仍欲中國派全權商議，卒不果。

In the first month of year 13 Shioda, the Nagasaki case settled, urged treaty revision; the Yamen ordered Li to reply. Li said the treaty divided amity regulations and commercial regulations. The regulations' opening declares mutual observance unchanged through the years. Article 32 of the commercial regulations allows revision after ten years. Commercial regulations may be revised; amity regulations may not. The commercial regulations differ little from Western treaties. Articles 14 and 15 forbidding inland trade are the most crucial. Itō and Yanagiwara had fought hard for these; Li refused to change them. The draft's first article would delete articles 14 and 15 through equal-treatment language; please defer. Itō, newly in power, still wanted a Chinese plenipotentiary; it did not happen.

二十年三月，朝鮮東學黨亂作，乞援於中國，中國派兵前往，日本旋亦以兵往。李鴻章電駐日公使汪鳳藻，與日本政府抗議，日仍陸續出兵。及事平，駐韓道員袁世凱牒日本駐韓公使大鳥圭介，援約同時撤兵。日本外務省提出三項：一，中、日兩國兵協同平定韓國內亂；二，亂定後，兩國各設委員于京城，監督財政及吏治；三，募集公債，以為朝鮮改革經費。總署電令汪鳳藻答覆，略謂朝鮮內政，應由朝鮮自由改革，不應干預。日本政府覆鳳藻，謂朝鮮缺獨立資格，日本為鄰邦交誼，不能不代謀救濟。既又提出二條件，謂無論中國政府贊成提案與否，日本軍隊決不撤回。中國主撤兵再議，日本則要求議定再撤兵，持久不下。

In the third month of year 20 the Donghak rebellion broke out; China sent troops; Japan soon followed. Li telegraphed Minister Wang Fengzao to protest; Japan continued sending troops. When settled, Yuan Shikai cited the treaty for simultaneous withdrawal. Japan proposed three items: joint pacification of Korea; commissioners in Seoul to supervise finance and administration; public bonds for Korean reform. The Yamen replied Korea's internal affairs were Korea's own concern. Japan replied Korea lacked independence and Japan must aid its neighbor. They added that Japanese troops would not withdraw regardless of China's approval. China wanted withdrawal first; Japan wanted agreement first; deadlock continued.

七月，日本遂宣戰，誤擊沈高升英船。時日本寓華商民，屬美領事保護，中國寓日商民，亦託美保護，美使調停無效。及戰事起，提督葉志超、衛汝貴守平壤牙山，先潰，左寶貴陣亡，海軍繼敗。於是日軍渡鴨綠江，九連城、鳳凰城、金州、海城、大連、旅順、蓋平、營口、登州次第失守，又破威海衛，襲劉公島，降提督丁汝昌，海軍艦盡熸。

In the seventh month Japan declared war and mistakenly attacked the British ship Kowshing. Japanese in China and Chinese in Japan were under American protection; mediation failed. When fighting began, Ye Zhichao and Wei Rugu fled from Pyongyang; Zuo Baogui died; the navy was defeated. Japanese troops crossed the Yalu; city after city fell; Weihaiwei fell, Ding Ruchang surrendered, and the fleet was destroyed.

初，日人志在朝鮮，至是並欲中國割地賠費，指索臺灣，又提出四條件：一，派大員往東洋議約；二，賠兵費五萬萬；三，割旅順及鳳凰城以東地；四，韓為自主之邦。二十一年正月，命張廕桓、邵友濂赴日本議和，拒不納，乃再以李鴻章為全權。鴻章至日本，日本派伊藤博文、陸奧宗光為全權大臣，與鴻章會議于馬關，月餘不決。鴻章旋為日本刺客所傷，又命其子李經芳為全權幫辦，卒訂約十一款：認朝鮮獨立，割遼南及臺灣，賠款二萬萬，且許以內地通商、內河行輪、製造土貨等事，暫行停戰。

Japan's aim expanded from Korea to demanding territory and indemnity, including Taiwan, and four conditions: send a negotiator to Japan; indemnity of 500 million taels; cede Lüshun and territory east of Fenghuangcheng; Korea as an autonomous state. In the first month of year 21 Zhang Yinheng and Shao Youlian were sent but refused; Li Hongzhang was appointed plenipotentiary. Li met Itō and Mutsu at Shimonoseki for over a month without resolution. Li was wounded by an assassin; his son Li Jingfang helped conclude eleven articles: Korean independence, cession of southern Liaodong and Taiwan, 200 million indemnity, inland trade and other concessions, with ceasefire.

張之洞、劉坤一等聞之，亟電力爭。俄國亦約法、德勸日讓還遼南。日索交臺灣益亟，朝旨命臺灣巡撫唐景崧交臺，臺民洶洶欲變，並引公法力爭。政府不得已，又因王文韶、劉坤一電阻，乃諭之曰：「新定和約，讓地兩處，賠款二萬萬，日人堅執非此不能罷兵。連日廷臣來奏，皆以和約為必不可准。目前事機至迫，和戰兩事，利害攸關，即應主斷。」命直陳。又命李鴻章覆電伊藤展期。鴻章以原議批准電知，若改約另議，適速其決裂，請暫行批換。乃派道員伍廷芳、聯元等往煙臺換約。初限期四月十四日。及伍廷芳等至煙臺，日使伊東美久治請速換約，限十四日申刻。廷芳駮以停戰至十四夜子刻為止，乃聽稍緩。亥刻換訖，伊東美久治即行。會臺灣民變，將劫唐景崧、劉永福守臺，別求各國查照公法，從公剖斷。於是日派水師提督樺山資紀赴臺，限日交割。政府乃派李經芳為交付臺灣大臣。經芳之澎湖，與樺山指交於舟次。自是臺灣屬日矣。

Zhang Zhidong and Liu Kunyi urgently telegraphed in protest. Russia with France and Germany urged Japan to return southern Liaodong. Japan pressed for Taiwan; Tang Jingsong was ordered to hand it over; Taiwanese nearly rebelled and invoked international law. The government, pressed by Wang Wenshao and Liu Kunyi's telegrams, said the treaty ceded two territories and 200 million and Japan would not stop otherwise. Court ministers said the treaty could not be approved. The situation is urgent; peace and war both have consequences; decide. They were ordered to state plainly." Li was ordered to ask Itō for an extension. Li said changing the treaty would hasten rupture and requested temporary ratification exchange. Wu Tingfang and Lian Yuan were sent to Yantai to exchange ratifications. The deadline was the fourteenth day of the fourth month. At Yantai, Minister Itō Yoshimasa requested exchange by the afternoon of the fourteenth. Wu rebutted that the ceasefire lasted until midnight of the fourteenth; a slight delay was granted. Ratifications were exchanged at the hai hour; Itō Yoshimasa then departed. Taiwan rebelled, threatening Tang Jingsong and Liu Yongfu, and sought foreign powers to adjudicate under international law. Japan sent Naval Commander Kabayama to Taiwan with a deadline for handover. Li Jingfang was appointed commissioner to deliver Taiwan. At Penghu, Li Jingfang and Kabayama completed the handover aboard ship. Taiwan then passed to Japan.

尋議還遼，日派林董為全權，與李鴻章議商，辯論久不決。嗣定議分為六款：一，還遼南地；二，償兵費三千萬；三，交款三個月以內撤兵；四，寬貸日本軍隊占踞之間所有關涉日本之中國臣民；五，漢文、日本文遇有解譯不同之處，以英文為憑；六，兩國批准自署名蓋印之日起，遂在北京互換。復訂專條，於定議五日內互相達知，以期迅速。是為中日遼南條約。

Negotiations to return Liaodong followed; Hayashi debated with Li Hongzhang for a long time. Agreement was fixed in six articles: first, return southern Liaodong; second, indemnity of thirty million taels; third, withdrawal within three months of payment; fourth, pardon matters involving Chinese subjects during occupation; fifth, English governs textual discrepancies; sixth, exchange in Beijing after approval. A special article required mutual notification within five days. This was the Liaodong treaty.

先是中日新約第六款所列各條，如蘇州、杭州、重慶、沙市等處添設口岸，聽其任便往來；第二條，日本輪船得駛入各口搭客運貨；第三條，日本臣民得在中國內地購買經工貨件若自生之物；第四條，日本臣民得在中國製造各項工藝，又得將各項機器裝運進口，止交進口稅，日本在中國製造一切貨物，即照日本運入中國貨物一體辦理等節：朝廷因損失利權，欲挽救之。又值通商行船章程將開議，乃命中外臣工籌議。廖壽豐、譚繼洵、鹿傳霖均有論奏，而張之洞言尤切直，並擬辦法十九條，電總署代奏：「一，寧波口岸並無租界名目，洋商所居地在江北岸，即名曰洋人寄居之地，其巡捕一切，由浙海關道出費雇募洋人充當。今日本新開蘇、杭、沙市三處口岸，系在內地，與海口不同，應照寧波章程，不設租界名目，但指定地段縱橫四至，名為通商場。其地方人民管轄之權，仍歸中國，其巡捕、緝匪、修路一切，俱由地方官出資募人辦理，不准日人自設巡捕，以免侵我轄地之權。二，製造貨物，自系單指通商口岸而言，華文有含混內地之意，須更正。『任便』兩字太寬，宜議定限制。三，出示曉諭產貨地方，須先完坐賈釐捐，方准售賣。無論洋商、華商，一律辦理。日本人在內地購買土貨，只可暫行租棧存放，不准自行開行，及自向散戶收買，以免奪我產貨地方坐賈釐稅，且杜華商影射洋票漏釐。四，內地收買土貨，准其租棧暫存，不准購買房地、懸掛招牌。所買土貨，務須運載出口，不得在內地轉售。洋貨運入內地，須大宗販賣，不准零售。租棧應給地方公舉費用，須照華民房屋一律攤派。五，日本人在內地製造土貨，出廠後即完正稅一道，運出通商地界，無論行銷內地及運出外洋，均須再完半稅一道。六，通商章程善後條約第二款所載各項器用食物進口，通商各口皆准免稅，原為洋商在各口岸自用。若作貨物轉售，應照值百抽五納稅，不得藉口家用雜物蒙混免稅。七，日本輪船不准販運食鹽。八，米穀、銅錢不准販運出洋。九，軍火禁販，非有官買執照，不准進口。十，日本輪船不准拖帶民船，免致影射漏釐。十一，日本行內河輪船，尺寸大小、時刻早晚，須有限制，以免傷礙民船。十二，日本輪船只准到指定口岸裝卸人貨，不准沿途起卸搭載。十三，內河輪船應收船鈔，須較長江加多，以備修理河道之費。十四，日本人入內地辦貨賣貨，不准薙髮改為華裝，違者查出即作華人照奸細治罪。十五，雇用華民工作，須按日給值，聽其自原，不得立約限期，抑勒作工，鞭撻虐待。十六，裝運機器，製造各物，須無傷民命，方能照準，不得以『任便』兩字藉口。十七，船隻非日本商人購置，行戶藉日本商資本不得懸掛日本旗，若有冒名包庇，查出即行充公。十八，製造各廠，如有藏匿犯法華人，一面由地方官知照領事，一面即派人到廠緝拏，廠主不得袒庇。如廠主確知為好人，須照洋例存銀作保，到審訊日交出候審。十九，廠內如有華工滋鬧，毀傷機器廠屋，地方官只能辦犯，不能賠償。若僅罷工細故，應由廠主自行調停，官不與聞。」於是派張廕桓為全權大臣，與日本使臣林董議商約。林董交約稿四十款，之洞致總署請駮辯，即由全權另擬約本與林董議，屢延不決。是年開蘇州商埠，日人欲即行船，總署以租界未定，稅關未設，行船不便。日本又欲于租界設巡捕、立工程等局，總署援寧波章程，復不允。

Article 6 of the new treaty added ports at Suzhou, Hangzhou, Chongqing, and Shashi with free passage; article 2 allowed Japanese steamers into various ports; article 3 allowed Japanese to purchase processed or self-produced goods inland; article 4 allowed inland manufacture and machine import—the court wished to remedy this loss of rights. Commercial regulations were about to be negotiated; officials were ordered to deliberate. Zhang Zhidong telegraphed nineteen proposed measures to the Yamen, beginning with Ningbo's non-concession model. New interior ports should follow Ningbo's model as trading zones without concessions. Chinese jurisdiction and policing must remain; Japanese may not establish their own patrols. Second, manufacturing applies only to treaty ports; ambiguous inland language must be corrected. 'At will' is too broad and must be limited. Third, broker taxes must be paid before goods may be sold. Foreign and Chinese merchants alike. Japanese inland purchases may use temporary warehouses only, not firms or direct buying from households. Fourth, no land purchase or signs for inland trade warehouses. Purchased goods must be exported, not resold inland. Foreign goods inland require bulk sale, not retail. Warehouse rent should pay local fees like Chinese properties. Fifth, manufactured goods pay full tax leaving the factory and half tax beyond the treaty zone. Sixth, tax-free imports are for foreign merchants' own use only. Resale requires five percent tax; household-goods evasion is forbidden. Seventh, no Japanese salt transport. Eighth, no rice or copper cash export. Ninth, arms require official licenses. Tenth, no towing Chinese ships to evade taxes. Eleventh, inland steamers need size and schedule limits. Twelfth, loading only at designated ports. Thirteenth, inland tolls should exceed Yangtze rates for repairs. Fourteenth, no Chinese dress for Japanese traders; violators treated as spies. Fifteenth, daily wages for Chinese workers; no bonded labor or abuse. Sixteenth, machines must not endanger lives. Seventeenth, only Japanese-owned ships may fly Japanese flags. Eighteenth, factories harboring criminals may be entered; owners may not shield. Innocent suspects require bond per foreign practice. Nineteenth, officials punish offenders in labor riots but do not compensate. Minor strikes are for owners to settle." Zhang Yinheng was appointed to negotiate with Minister Hayashi. Hayashi submitted forty articles; Zhang Zhidong urged rebuttal; negotiations dragged on. Suzhou opened; Japan wanted immediate shipping; the Yamen deferred until the concession and customs were ready. Japan wanted concession police and engineering bureaus; the Yamen refused citing Ningbo.

二十二年正月，商約開議，張廕桓將日使原稿駮刪九款，駮改七款。惟第三十四款，日本官商財產，遇有辦理案件，均照相待最優之國一律；第三十五款，日本商民所有事件，均照中國臣民、中國船、中國貨並相待最優之國臣民、船貨一律相待；第三十六款，他國國家官員、船貨、人民得有利益，日本一律同獲其美：此三款日本舊約皆不得與各國均霑，不能過拒，乃照英約第二十四款，改作一條，刪此三款。遂定議。初，馬關約准開四口，本有均照向開海口及內地鎮市章程辦理之言。中國欲以寧波辦法為程，日本欲取法上海章程專管租界之條，乃不得不允矣。

In year 22 Zhang Yinheng deleted nine and revised seven articles. Articles 34-36 on most-favored-nation treatment: Japanese cases treated like the most favored nation; Following the British treaty model, these three articles were merged into one. Agreement was reached. The Shimonoseki treaty referenced existing port and market regulations. China wanted Ningbo rules; Japan wanted Shanghai concession rules; China conceded.

是年開四口租界。初開沙市租界，因地窪下，要中國築堤，中國以與各國通例不符，卻之。又索漢口城外德國租界起沿江之地長三百丈作租界，中國以所索地在中國興辦鐵路應用限內，不許，惟許在德界千丈以外，偪近鐵路，讓給租界三百丈。因聲明兩條入條款：「一，偪近鐵路江岸，日本一年須自築堤岸，以資保障；二，所給界內軌道穿過之處，已為鐵路購用，若干方數內，應仍歸鐵路總公司管業，兩不相礙」等語。二十四年三月，日使至總署，請沙市租界未定以前，日商運貨暫免釐金，許之。

Four port concessions opened that year. Japan wanted China to build Shashi dikes; China refused. Japan sought Hankou riverfront land; China granted only land beyond the German concession near the railway. Clauses required Japan to build dikes within one year; railway land within the concession remains under the railway company. Temporary tax exemption was granted before Shashi's concession was fixed.

是月僑寓沙市湘人，因與招商局起釁，延燒日本領事館，駐沙日領事永瀧訴於日本公使矢野，要求五事；已，復提四條：一，索賠一萬八千兩；二，以八萬六千餘兩作沿江堤費，兩國各半；三，專界內道路免價豁租；四，界內租地價酌行核減。張之洞即電總署，謂：「一條索賠一萬八千兩一節，擬允給一萬兩。第二條以八萬六千餘兩作沿江堤費兩國各半一節，彼此兩益，事屬可行，當照允。第三條專界內道路免價豁租一節，其租可免，地價未便不給。第四條界內租地價酌行核減一節，可行，當照允。」案旋結。五月，准中國商民居住日本專界，援德界例也。六月，駐沙日領事請地價減一半，道路溝渠地價認十分之一，許之。七月，命派學生遊學日本。十月，日使矢野又請中國南北洋、湖北三處各派武備學生前往肄業。

Hunan residents burned the Japanese consulate in a dispute with the China Merchants Company; Consul Nagasaki demanded five items; later four more including eighteen thousand taels indemnity; eighty-six thousand taels for dikes, shared; free concession roads; reduced land rent. Zhang Zhidong proposed ten thousand taels instead of eighteen; shared dike costs acceptable; free roads but land price must be paid; reduced rent acceptable." The case was settled. Chinese merchants were permitted in the Japanese concession following the German precedent. Half land price and one-tenth for roads were granted. Students were ordered sent to study in Japan. Minister Yano requested military students from three regions study in Japan.

二十六年春，拳匪起，連戕日本使館書記生杉山彬、德使克林德，各國皆出兵。日本福島正安統兵赴津。六月，與各國聯軍攻天津城。七月二十日，入京師。時政府已特召李鴻章，未至而京師陷，兩宮出狩。日本外部電告李鴻章等維持中國善後。福島正安請速奕劻返京，奕劻遂有全權大臣之命，與李鴻章同議和。適盛京將軍增祺與俄擅定暫約，日本外部謂公約未定，不應立私約，俄約應歸公議，與英、德同。然勸俄訖不應。時禍首已懲辦，公約亦定，朝廷因日本使館書記生杉山彬被害，特簡戶部侍郎那桐為專使，赴日本道歉，所得償款四百五十兆，日本應得三千七百九十三萬一千兩，惟以俄不退東三省、俄約不歸公議為言。

In year 26 the Boxers killed Sugiyama and von Ketteler; all powers sent troops. Fukushima Masayasu led Japanese troops to Tianjin. In the sixth month allied forces attacked Tianjin. On the twentieth of the seventh month they entered Beijing. Li Hongzhang was summoned but had not arrived when Beijing fell and the court fled. Japan telegraphed Li Hongzhang to maintain postwar arrangements. Fukushima asked Prince Qing return; Prince Qing and Li Hongzhang received plenipotentiary powers. Japan objected to Zeng Qi's private Russian treaty as improper before public treaties were settled. Persuasion of Russia failed. Natong was sent to apologize; indemnity totaled 450 million; Japan received 37,931,000 taels.

二十八年三月，日本領事小田切奉其政府命詣張之洞：一，告阻止俄約情形；二，勸中國收買洋藥；三，勸江、鄂會奏改東三省官制章程；四，欲與中國商人合開銀行；五，欲與招商局合辦推廣江海輪船。既又談商約三條：一曰美使不原加稅，日本意與美同；二曰長沙、常德開口岸；三曰米穀出洋。張之洞分別答辨，並將所言致書商約大臣呂海寰等核議。未幾，日本商稅使日置益、小田切又送新約十款，大抵皆抽稅、免釐、行輪、開埠、居住、合股等特殊利益。時方議英約，中國只欲于英約已允者照辦，未允者不允。屢議不行。九月，改派伍廷芳充商約大臣，並派袁世凱會議。日本於加稅免釐，仍不允如英約加至十二五，僅允值百抽十，並欲將由日本運進中國之煤炭、棉紗及一切棉貨概不加稅，尤與英約相背。中國不允。惟第三款川江設施拖攬，第四款內港行輪及修補章程，第七款中、日商民合股經營，第八款保護商牌，第九款改定國幣，均為英約所有，允之。又于商牌款內議增保護版權一事，內港行輪款後議增照會聲明，往來東三省輪船亦系照內港章程辦理，不能駮拒。此外第五款索開各處口岸，第六款口岸城鎮任便居住，第九款第二節釐飭度量權衡，第十款請運米穀出口，均駮拒不允。日使內田康哉赴部晤商，又提出北京開埠、加稅免釐、米穀出口三條，欲在京與張之洞議，餘仍歸滬定。時之洞在京，外務部答以不能兩處分議，遂暫停。

In year 28 Consul Odagiri reported on blocking the Russian treaty to Zhang Zhidong; urged opium purchase; urged reform of Manchuria's official system; proposed a joint bank; proposed joint steam navigation. Commercial points: Japan agreed with America on taxes; open Changsha and Changde; export rice. Zhang Zhidong replied and referred matters to Lü Haihuan. Japanese commissioners sent ten new articles seeking tax, likin, shipping, port, residence, and joint-stock privileges. China would grant only what the British treaty allowed. Repeated discussion failed. Wu Tingfang was reassigned as commercial minister with Yuan Shikai. Japan refused British-level tax increases, demanded ten percent, and wanted Japanese coal and cotton untaxed. China refused. Articles on Yangtze towing, inland steamers, joint ventures, trademarks, and currency—already in the British treaty—were granted. Copyright protection was added; Manchuria steamers were included under inland regulations. Opening more ports, free residence, weights and measures, and rice export were refused. Uchida proposed Beijing opening, tax changes, and rice export for discussion in Beijing. The Foreign Ministry refused split negotiations; talks paused.

十月，漢口因議給比利時界增日本租界。初，日本索租界三百方丈，止允給一百方丈，留二百方丈備中國公司之用。當時日使言明，日界外地如別有餘地讓給他國，日本仍須照原議添索二百方丈。茲議給比界中僅餘地約三百丈，擬添給日本租界一百五十丈，仍畫留約一百五十丈立作華業公司地界，以備中國官商自用。日本猶爭不許。日本議設兩湖輪船公司，欲華洋合股，不果。是月，撤駐滬日兵。

Hankou added Japanese concession land when granting Belgium more land. Japan sought three hundred zhang; only one hundred was granted. Japan reserved the right to claim two hundred more zhang if surplus land went to others. One hundred fifty zhang more was proposed for Japan, one hundred fifty reserved for Chinese use. Japan still objected. A joint Hunan-Hubei steam company failed. Japanese troops withdrew from Shanghai.

尋復議約。日使內田康哉與張之洞在京會議，研商數月，始漸就緒。即致總署，謂我所索允者三事：一，照各國一律加稅；一，查禁違礙書報；一，中國人民在日本者，極力優待。駮辯刪去者三事：一，請運米穀出口；一，口岸城鎮任便居住；一，常德府等九處口岸。以要索為抵制者一事：各國護路護館兵隊全撤後，北京方能開埠。因有益於中國商民，可除積弊，而許其入約者，度量權衡一款；照滬議原文增改字句者，改定國幣一款，內港行輪一款，川江設施拖攬一款；因英已有而許其入約定議者，長沙通商一款。餘皆仍照滬議原文。又致外務部及呂海寰等，謂日約東三省開埠，言明悉照美約文法，惟安東縣改大東溝，緣大東溝系日本原議所索。嗣增索安東縣，再三商駮，內田始允仍將安東縣刪去。遂定議，於二十九年八月十八日在滬畫押，是為日本商約。是年與日使議索還前借漢口大阪馬頭，仍未還。又盛宣懷與日本立漢冶礦石借款合同，數三百萬元，息六釐，預定三十年還清，不還現銀，以礦價扣還。

Treaty talks resumed. Uchida and Zhang Zhidong negotiated in Beijing for months. Three requests were granted: equal tax increases; prohibition of objectionable publications; favorable treatment of Chinese in Japan. Three were refused: rice export; free residence in port towns; nine ports including Changde. Beijing opening was conditioned on withdrawal of all foreign guards. Weights and measures were granted as beneficial reforms; currency, inland steamers, and Yangtze towing followed Shanghai text; Changsha trade followed the British precedent. The rest followed Shanghai text. Manchuria ports followed American wording except Andong became Dadonggou. Japan later demanded Andong again; Uchida finally agreed to delete it. The Japanese commercial treaty was signed in Shanghai in the eighth month of year 29. Negotiations to recover the Hankou Osaka wharf failed. Sheng Xuanhuai borrowed three million yuan from Japan for Hanyang iron ore, repayable in ore over thirty years.

三十年，日商三井在漢廠購生鐵一萬六千頓，值日俄戰起，中國慮于局外中立有礙，擬阻止。會日本領事永瀧來函，謂訂運生鐵，不在戰時禁貨之列，日使亦來函聲明，作為商工製造之用，不得以禁貨論，遂許運。三十一年，日戰勝俄，兩國議和，政府令外務部照會日、俄，謂關涉中國之事，若中國不與聞者，中國將來斷不承認。是年十一月二十六日，外務部慶親王奕劻與日本大使小村壽太郎、公使內田康哉訂新約。正約三款：一，凡俄國允讓之利益，中政府悉承諾之；二，凡中、俄所訂借地造路等項，日本悉照約履行；三，此約簽字即便施行。附約十二款：一，中國將東三省自行開闢商埠；二、三，撤兵事宜；四，日本允將所占公私產業，在撤兵前後交還；六、七、八，安奉、南滿鐵道建築事宜；九，另訂奉天日本租界辦法；十，鴨綠江右岸設中日木植公司；十一、十二，中、日彼此以最優國相待遇。

In year 30 Mitsui purchased sixteen thousand tons of pig iron; China feared neutrality issues. Japan argued the iron was not contraband; transport was permitted. After Japan defeated Russia, China notified both powers it would not recognize matters affecting China without consultation. Prince Qing signed a new treaty with Komura and Uchida. Article 1: China undertakes all benefits Russia yielded; Article 2: Japan performs Sino-Russian leases and railways per treaty; Article 3: effective upon signature. Supplementary articles: China opens Manchuria ports; troop withdrawal; return of property; Anfeng and South Manchuria railways; Fengtian Japanese concession regulations; Yalu timber company; most-favored-nation treatment.

三十二年，日人設立南滿洲鐵道株式會社，並於關東州置都督府，另設領事五人，總領事駐奉天。安奉鐵道外有間島領土權，撫順炭坑、新法鐵道、營口支線、新奉、吉長兩鐵道借款諸事，經東三省總督趙爾巽、徐世昌及外務部尚書袁世凱先後與日使爭議，久不決。

Japan established the South Manchuria Railway Company and Guandong administration with consuls at Fengtian. Fushun coal, Xinfa, Yingkou branch, and Ji-Chang railways were disputed for years.

三十三年三月，外務部大臣那桐與日本駐京公使林權助訂中日新奉吉長鐵路協約七條：一、二，中國以日金一百六十六萬元收買日本所已造之新奉鐵路，其續造遼河以東一段及自造吉長鐵路需款，均向南滿洲公司籌借半款。三，除還清期限外，均照山海關內外鐵路借款合同辦理。其主要事務，又開列六條：甲，借款還清期限，遼河以東十六年，吉長二十五年，限前不得還清；乙，借款以鐵路產業及進款作保，未還清以前，不得以此作他項借款之抵保物，中國自行籌款建築他路，與南滿洲公司無涉；丙，借款本息，由中國政府作保，到期爽約，應由政府代還，或將產業交公司暫管；丁，在借款期內，總工程師應用日本人，並添派鐵路日帳房一員；戊，如遇軍務、賑務，政府在各路運送兵食，均不給價；己，各路進款，應存日本國銀行。四，與南滿洲鐵路公司訂立關於遼河以東之借款合同，及吉長鐵路借款合同。五，中國奉新、吉長鐵路，均應與南滿洲鐵路聯絡，派員會訂章程。六，借款實收價值，照中國最近與他國借款酌定。此約結後，日人又要求吉長鐵路延長至延吉廳南境，以與韓國會寧鐵道相聯，且照吉長鐵道例，於南滿鐵道會社借資本之半數築之。政府不允，遂成懸案。

Natong and Hayashi signed seven articles: China buys Xin-Feng and borrows half from the South Manchuria Company for extensions. Terms followed the Shanhaiguan railway loan except repayment. Repayment: sixteen years east of Liao, twenty-five for Ji-Chang; Railway assets as security; other Chinese railways unrelated; Government guarantee with management on default; Japanese chief engineer and accountant required; Free military transport in emergencies; Revenue deposited in Japanese banks. Loan contracts with the company followed. Fifth, railways must link with South Manchuria Railway. Sixth, loan value per recent foreign loans. Japan demanded Ji-Chang extension to Korea; China refused; pending. Pending.

三十四年，日使忽提出安奉鐵道案，要求解決。先是滿洲善後協約之附約，允安奉鐵道仍歸日本經營，改為工商業鐵道，規定自此路竣工日起，以十五年為限。至是復提議。郵傳部乃派委員與日本委員會勘改良之新路線。日政府又要求勘定路線即行收買地基。東三省總督錫良祗許按舊線改築，要求日本撤退鐵道守備兵與員警等事，日本不允，令鐵道會社自由起工，海陸皆作警備。乃命錫良會同奉天巡撫程德全與日本奉天總領事締結安奉鐵道協約，此宣統元年七月事也。協約要目如左：一，中國確認前次兩國委員勘定之路線，陳相屯至奉天一段，由兩國再協議決定；二，軌道與京奉鐵道同樣；三，此約調印之當日，即協定購買土地及一切細目；四，此約調印之翌日，即行急進工事；五，沿鐵道之中國地方官，關於施行工事，應妥為照料。

In year 34 Japan demanded resolution of the Anfeng railway. The supplementary treaty allowed Japan fifteen years' operation of Anfeng. It was raised again. Chinese and Japanese commissioners surveyed the route. Japan demanded immediate land purchase. Xiliang permitted only the old route and demanded guard withdrawal; Japan refused. The Anfeng agreement was concluded in the seventh month of Xuantong year 1. China confirmed the surveyed route; Chenxiangtun-Fengtian to be decided; tracks same as Jing-Feng; land purchase on signing day; construction begins next day; Chinese officials assist construction.

未幾，間島之爭議又起。先是，康熙年間，政府與朝鮮劃定國境，於鴨綠江、圖們江水源之長白山上樹立界碑，規定西以鴨綠江、東以圖們江為兩國國境。因圖們江中有江通灘，地面不及二千畝，因地居江間，四面環水，故以「間島」呼之。此島向屬吉林，惟皇室以長白山一帶為發祥之地，不許人民移居，因之吉林東部所在人煙稀少，間島愈形荒僻。同治間，朝鮮鐘城歲饑，其民多渡圖們江移居間島，按年納地租於我國光霽峪經歷署。光緒初年，朝鮮人忽請免納地租，政府以主權攸關，令朝鮮人退出間島，不果，乃置延吉廳以治之，間島仍准朝鮮人民居住，按納地租。

Soon the Jiandao dispute arose. In Kangxi times the Yalu and Tumen were fixed as the Sino-Korean border from Changbai Mountain. A Tumen sandbar under two thousand mu surrounded by water was called Jiandao. It belonged to Jilin; settlement was forbidden on Changbai, leaving Jiandao desolate. Koreans crossed to Jiandao in Tongzhi times paying rent to Guangjiyu. Koreans sought rent exemption; Yanji was established; Koreans remained paying rent.

日俄戰後，日本伊藤統監命齋藤中佐率兵據之。政府與日使交涉，日使謂光霽峪以東為東間島，和龍峪一帶為西間島，系兩國未定之界。且謂長白山上界碑載土門江為界，朝鮮人稱海蘭河為「土門河」，圖們江系豆滿江，非「土門江」，中、韓國境實為海蘭河。中國以「土門」、「豆滿」、「圖們」均系一音之轉，圖們江北岸界碑矻立，鑿鑿可據。且光緒十三年，朝鮮王致北洋大臣書，聲明鴨綠江、豆滿江為兩國境界，是豆滿江即土門江無疑，執不許。至是，日使伊集院彥吉與外務部尚書梁敦彥重提舊案，締間島條約：一，中、日兩國協約以圖們江為中、韓兩國國境，其江源地方以界碑為起點，依石乙水為界；二，中國准外國人居住龍井村、局子街、頭道溝、百草溝等處貿易，日本於此等地方得設置領事館；三，中國准韓國人民在圖們江北之墾地居住；四，圖們江墾地之韓人，服從中國法權，歸中國地方官管轄及裁判，中國官吏于此等韓人與中國人一律待遇，所有納稅及其他一切行政上處分，亦同于中國人；五，韓人訴訟事件，由中國官吏按中國法律秉公辦理，日本領事或委員可任便到堂聽審，惟人命重案，則須先行知日領事到堂，如中國有不按法律判斷之處，日領事可請覆審；六，圖們江雜居區域內韓人之財產，中國地方官視同中國人民財產，一律保護，該江沿岸，彼此人民得任便往來，惟無護照公文，不得持械過境；七，中國將吉長鐵道延長至延吉南邊界，與朝鮮會寧鐵道聯絡，一切辦理與吉長鐵道同；八，本協約調印後，日本統監府派出所及文武人員于兩月內完全撤退。是約既成，政府以吳祿貞為延吉邊務大臣。

After the Russo-Japanese War Itō sent troops to occupy Jiandao. Japan claimed East and West Jiandao as unsettled border. Japan claimed Hailan River was the border, not Tumen. China held they were the same river with boundary stones on the north bank. The Korean king had recognized Douman as the border in Guangxu 13; China refused Japan's claim. The Jiandao treaty fixed the Tumen as the border from boundary stones along Shiyi River; foreign trade at Longjingcun with Japanese consulates; Koreans may farm north of the Tumen; Koreans submit to Chinese law with equal treatment; Korean lawsuits under Chinese law with Japanese attendance; Korean property protected; crossing without arms requires no passport; Ji-Chang extended to Yanji to link Korea's railway; Japanese garrison withdraws within two months. Wu Luzhen was appointed Yanji frontier commissioner.

嗣議五案協約，即新法鐵道，營口支線，撫順、煙臺炭礦，安奉鐵道沿線及南滿鐵道幹路沿線之礦務是也。新法鐵道者，新民屯至法庫門之鐵道，政府欲借英款築造此路，以分南滿鐵道之勢力，日本謂系南滿鐵道競爭線，極力抗議。營口支線者，光緒二十五年東清鐵道會社規定築造旅順、哈爾濱間之鐵道，得設營口支線，以運送材料，俟鐵道落成後拆去。日俄戰爭後，南滿鐵道歸日本，政府要求日本拆此支線，日本不允。撫順炭礦，距奉天城東六十里，日公使以此地炭礦為東清鐵道附屬品，利權應歸日本。政府以炭山在東清鐵道三十里外，不認為附屬財產，日使不允；並煙臺炭礦均成懸案。因安奉鐵道交涉，定約如下：一，中國如築新法鐵道時，當先與日本商議；二，中國允日本營口支路，俟南滿鐵道期限滿，同時交還，並允將該支線延長至營口新市街；三，中國承認日本有開採撫順、煙臺兩處炭礦之權，日本承認該兩處開採之煤斤納稅與中國，惟稅率應按照中國他處最輕煤稅之例，另行協定，其礦界及一切章程，亦另委員定之；四，安奉鐵道沿線及南滿洲鐵道幹路沿線之礦務，除撫順、煙臺外，應按照光緒三十三年東三省督撫與奉天日本總領事議定之大綱，歸中、日合辦；五，京奉鐵道沿長至奉天城根一節，日本無異議。自此南滿洲大勢遂一變矣。

Five agreements followed on railways and mines. Xinfa railway: China sought British loans; Japan protested as competition. Yingkou branch: originally for construction materials, to be removed after completion. After the war the government demanded Japan dismantle the Yingkou branch; Japan refused. Japan claimed Fushun coal as an East Qing Railway accessory. China held Fushun was over thirty li from the railway and not accessory property; Japan refused; Yantai coal also remained pending. Anfeng negotiations agreed: China must consult Japan before building Xinfa railway; second, Yingkou branch returns when South Manchuria Railway term expires and may extend to new Yingkou; third, Japan mines Fushun and Yantai paying China's lightest coal tax; fourth, other mines along those lines are Sino-Japanese joint ventures per the Guangxu 33 outline; fifth, Japan has no objection to Jing-Feng extension to Fengtian. Southern Manchuria's situation changed entirely.

吉長、新奉兩路借款細目，旋亦議定。其後錦齊鐵道、渤海漁權與領海、鴨綠江架橋、南滿鐵道附屬電線、收買日本遼東方面軍用電線及旅順芝罘間海底電線諸交涉，次第起焉。錦齊鐵道者，即自錦州經洮南至齊齊哈爾之鐵道也。日本原允中國自修，惟要求昌圖洮南間之鐵道歸日本築造。及滿洲諸協約成，英、美爭錦齊鐵道借款，迭與中國交涉，事皆中阻。渤海漁業與領海交涉，自，中國課關東漁業團漁稅，迭經日本領事要求住關東之日本人有滿洲沿岸漁業權，日本漁團因避稅，全出距海岸三海里外海面。東督錫良通告日本領事，謂三海里外之海面系中國領海，應准中國漁業規則課稅。日本領事以三海里外為公海，反抗之。鴨綠江駕橋，聯絡滿、韓，議定依安奉鐵道契約，十五年後賣還中國。南滿鐵道附屬電線，原中國所設，日本佔有之，後取供公用，中國抗爭無效。又日俄戰爭時，日本在南滿洲所設軍用電線，戰局終，應歸中國收買，日本初起反抗，後始歸中國收買。旅順芝罘之海底電線，系俄國佈設，戰時皆斷絕。至此，日本要求依該海底電線直通芝罘之日本電線局，為中國所拒。卒以距芝罘海岸七里半以內之一部歸中國，餘盡屬諸日本。其後復有日俄協約之議，於是東三省大勢又一變矣。

Ji-Chang and Xin-Feng loan details were settled. Later disputes arose over Jinzhan railway, Bohai fisheries, the Yalu bridge, telegraph lines, and submarine cables. Jinzhan railway runs from Jinzhou through Taonan to Qiqihar. Japan permitted China to build it but demanded the Changtu-Taonan section. British and American Jinzhan loan competition obstructed negotiations. China taxed Guandong fisheries; Japan claimed coastal rights and fished beyond three miles to avoid tax. Xiliang held waters beyond three miles were Chinese territorial sea. Japan held beyond three miles was high seas. The Yalu bridge would revert to China after fifteen years per the Anfeng agreement. Japan occupied Chinese telegraph lines; protest failed. Japan initially resisted selling military telegraph lines then permitted purchase. The Lüshun-Yantai cable laid by Russia was severed in the war. Japan demanded connection to Yantai; China refused. China received the section within seven and a half li of Yantai; the rest went to Japan. Later Russo-Japanese agreements changed the three eastern provinces again.

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