Volume 159 Treatises 134: Foreign Relations 7, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Holland, Spain, Belgium, Italy

瑞典即瑞丁，在歐羅巴西北境，與那威同一區。始來華互市。春二月，與瑞典及那威國訂通商約。時法、美諸國通商，俱仿英和約條款。瑞本小國，亦求照英、法、美三國成案議通商條約。時瑞鋼鐵等項價甚賤，並求酌減稅則。兩廣總督兼五口通商善後事宜耆英以各項稅鈔甫經議定通行，未便因瑞鋼鐵率議輕減，不許；惟通商條約奏請許之。遂與瑞公使李利華訂約三十三條。，政府派出使大臣志剛等遊歷各國，至瑞遞國書。八月，瑞典開整理萬國刑罰監牢會，使臣愛達華達擺柏照會駐英使臣郭嵩燾，請中國派員入會。嵩燾以聞，許之。

Sweden, known in older transliteration as Ruiding, occupies the northwest corner of Europe and shares a region with Norway. Trade with China began in the Yongzheng era, when they first sent merchants to the coast. In the second month of spring in the twenty-seventh year of Daoguang, China concluded a commercial treaty with Sweden and Norway. By then France, the United States, and other powers trading with China had all modeled their agreements on the British treaty. Sweden, though a minor power, likewise sought a commercial treaty on the same terms already granted to Britain, France, and the United States. Swedish iron and steel were then selling very cheaply, and the Swedes also asked for a reduction in the tariff rates. Qiying, who served as governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi and as commissioner for treaty-port affairs, refused: the tariff schedules had only just been fixed, and he would not reopen them merely because Swedish iron and steel were inexpensive; but he did recommend approval of the commercial treaty itself. A treaty of thirty-three articles was accordingly concluded with the Swedish minister Liljevalch. In the sixth year of Tongzhi, the court sent Minister Zhigang and his party on a tour of foreign states; reaching Sweden, they presented a letter from the emperor. In the eighth month of the third year of Guangxu, Sweden opened an international congress on prison reform; its representative Edward Barb notified Guo Songtao, the Chinese minister in London, asking China to send delegates. Guo reported the request to Beijing, and the court approved.

十八年五月，瑞典國教士梅寶善、樂傳道二人往麻城縣宋埠傳教，被毆致斃，上海瑞典總領事柏固聞，赴鄂見張之洞，要求四事：一，辦犯；一，撫恤；一，參麻城縣知縣；一，宋埠設教堂。時犯已緝獲，張之洞允辦犯、撫恤，而參麻城縣則不許，謂麻城縣事前力阻，事後即獲正犯，未便參劾。至開教堂，宋埠民情正憤，改在漢口武穴覓一地建堂，柏固亦不允。久之，始議定絞犯二名，給兩教士各一萬五千元，失物諸項一萬五千元，期二十月後再往傳教。

In the fifth month of the eighteenth year of Guangxu, the Swedish missionaries Mei Baoshan and Yue Chuandao went to preach at Songbu in Macheng county and were beaten to death. Berg, the Swedish consul-general at Shanghai, traveled to Hubei to see Zhang Zhidong and demanded four things: first, that the offenders be punished; second, indemnities; third, that the magistrate of Macheng county be impeached; fourth, that a church be built at Songbu. The culprits had by then been arrested. Zhang Zhidong agreed to punishment and indemnities, but refused to impeach the Macheng magistrate, arguing that the magistrate had tried hard to stop the preaching beforehand and had quickly captured the principal offenders afterward, so that disciplinary action was unwarranted. On the question of a church, local feeling at Songbu was still bitter, so the Chinese proposed building one at Wuxue near Hankou instead, but Berg would not accept that either. Negotiations dragged on until it was settled that two men would be executed by strangulation, that each missionary would receive fifteen thousand dollars, that fifteen thousand dollars more would cover lost property, and that preaching would not resume for twenty months.

三十四年六月，與瑞修改通商條約。先是瑞使倭倫白來京，請覲見呈遞國書，並照稱奉本國君主諭，請修改通商條約，並錄其君主所給議約全權文憑送外務部。外務部以所訂瑞典那威條約系兩國聯合所立，近兩國已各獨立，前訂之約距今六十年，通商情形今昔不同，當重訂約，以資遵守，許之。於是瑞使擬具約稿三十九款，大致多采各國與中國所訂約款。外務部以所擬款目繁多，另擬約稿，並為十七款。研商久之始定議。外務部因上奏，言：「臣部另擬約稿，歸併為十七款。查向來與各國所訂條約，我多允許與各國利益，而各國鮮允許與我利益，按諸彼此優待之例，實非平允。惟巴西條約暨二十五年墨西哥條約，多持平之處。此次擬議約稿，注重此意，不使各項利益偏歸一面，更於各約中採用較為優勝之條，取益防損。如第三款領事官應照公例發給認許文憑，第十款訂明俟各國允棄其治外法權，瑞典亦必照辦，第十三款聲明給與他國利益，立有專條者，須一體遵守，方准同霑，俱系參照巴西、墨西哥二約。第十二款入教者犯法不得免究，捐稅不得免納，教士不得干預華官治理華民之權，俱系參照中美商約。又瑞使原擬約稿有數款照錄英、美、日各商約，今皆刪去。如商標、礦務之類，則以第十三款內載所有商業、工藝應享各利益均一體享受等語括之，如加稅、免釐之類，則以第十四款內載中國與各國商允通行照辦遵守等語括之，以免挂一漏萬。於第五款內又載進出口稅悉照中國與各國現在及將來所訂之各稅則辦理等語，亦可為將來加稅不得異議之根據。此外各款，如派駐使、設領事，及通商、行船一切事宜，始終不離彼此均照最優待國相待之意，以扼要領而示持平。雖瑞典遠在歐洲北境，現尚無前往貿易之華商，其所許我利益，未能遽霑實惠，然際此中外交通，風氣日開，不可不預為地步。數旬以來，與瑞使往返磋磨，間有字句刪改無關出入之處，亦輒允其請，而大旨已臻妥協。謹錄全約款文，恭呈御覽。如蒙俞允，應請簡派全權大臣一員，會同瑞使署名畫押，仍候批准互換。」疏入，報可。四月，在北京互換。丹墨即嗹馬，在歐羅巴洲西北。其來市粵東也，以雍正時，粵人稱為「黃旗國」。三月，丹馬遣其使臣拉斯勒福來華，抵天津，徑赴京師。署三口通商大臣董恂以丹使並未知照，無故來京，亟函知總署，飭城門阻之。而英使言：「丹國來人乃本館賓客，請勿阻。」總署遂置不問。英威妥瑪復代請立約，恭親王告以丹使擅越天津來京議約，萬難允其立約。威妥瑪乃言丹與英為姻婭之國，並援法使為布路斯、葡萄牙代請換約之例固請。王大臣等因語以丹使如欲中國允行，宜循中國定章，仍回天津照會三口通商大臣，方可立約。威妥瑪乃請嗣後外國使臣到津，應令天津領事告知中國常例，又為函致三口大臣代為之謝。大臣等以聞，朝旨交總署核議。旋派工部左侍郎恆祺會同三口通商大臣、兵部左侍郎崇厚辦理。

In the sixth month of the thirty-fourth year of Guangxu, China revised its commercial treaty with Sweden. Earlier the Swedish minister Wahlund had arrived in Beijing, sought an audience to present his credentials, and stated that he had been instructed by his sovereign to request revision of the commercial treaty; he also forwarded to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs a copy of his full powers. The ministry replied that the old Swedish-Norwegian treaty had been concluded when the two kingdoms were united, that they had since separated, and that after sixty years trade conditions had changed; a new treaty was needed, and the request was approved. The Swedish minister then submitted a draft of thirty-nine articles, drawing largely on treaties China had already signed with other powers. The ministry found the draft too long and submitted its own version of seventeen articles instead. After lengthy negotiations the terms were finally fixed. The ministry memorialized the throne, reporting: "We have prepared a separate draft treaty consolidated into seventeen articles. Past treaties have generally granted foreign powers extensive privileges while offering China little in return; judged by the standard of reciprocity, that imbalance was plainly unfair. Only the Brazilian treaty of the seventh year of Guangxu and the Mexican treaty of the twenty-fifth year approached a fair balance. The present draft follows that principle, so that advantages are not one-sided, and it adopts the stronger clauses found in earlier treaties wherever they serve China's interests. Article 3 requires consuls to receive exequaturs in the usual form; Article 10 binds Sweden to abandon extraterritorial jurisdiction once other powers do so; Article 13 limits most-favored-nation benefits to cases where China has granted them by specific treaty—all modeled on the Brazilian and Mexican precedents. Article 12, taken from the Sino-American treaty, provides that converts remain liable for crimes and taxes and that missionaries may not interfere with Chinese officials' jurisdiction over Chinese subjects. Several articles in the Swedish draft that merely copied British, American, and Japanese treaty language were also removed. Trademarks, mining, and similar matters are covered by Article 13's general clause on commercial and industrial privileges; additional taxes, likin exemptions, and the like are covered by Article 14's pledge to apply terms agreed with other powers—avoiding a piecemeal list that might leave gaps. Article 5 further provides that import and export duties follow China's existing and future tariff schedules with all powers, giving China a basis to raise tariffs later without Swedish objection. Other articles on resident ministers, consuls, trade, and navigation consistently uphold mutual most-favored-nation treatment, keeping the treaty concise while preserving balance. Sweden lies far away in northern Europe, and no Chinese merchants yet trade there, so the concessions secured cannot yield immediate practical gain; but as foreign contact expands, the court must plan ahead. For several weeks the ministry bargained with the Swedish minister; minor wording changes of no substance were readily granted, and the main terms are now settled. We respectfully submit the full text of the treaty for Your Majesty's review. If approved, a plenipotentiary should be appointed to sign with the Swedish minister, subject to ratification and exchange." The memorial was approved. In the fourth month of the first year of Xuantong the treaties were exchanged in Beijing. Denmark, known in older transliteration as Lianma, lies in northwestern Europe. They had traded in Guangdong since the Yongzheng era, when locals called them the "Yellow Banner Country." In the third month of the sixth year of Xianfeng, Denmark sent Minister Rasleff to China; he reached Tianjin and proceeded directly to Beijing. Dong Xun, acting commissioner for the treaty ports, protested that the Danish envoy had given no notice and had no business in the capital; he urgently informed the Zongli Yamen and ordered the gates closed against him. The British minister intervened: "The Dane is a guest of our legation; do not block him." The Zongli Yamen then took no further action. Wade again pressed for a treaty on Denmark's behalf; Prince Gong replied that because the Danish envoy had bypassed Tianjin to negotiate in Beijing, China could not possibly agree to conclude a treaty. Wade argued that Denmark was closely tied to Britain by dynastic marriage and cited the French minister's earlier intervention for Prussia and Portugal, insisting on the request. The princes and ministers replied that if Denmark wanted China's consent, its envoy must follow proper procedure, return to Tianjin, and deal with the treaty-port commissioner before any treaty could be made. Wade asked that in future consuls at Tianjin inform arriving envoys of Chinese practice, and wrote to the treaty-port commissioner to apologize on the Danes' behalf. The ministers reported the matter, and the court ordered the Zongli Yamen to deliberate. Hengqi of the Ministry of Works was soon appointed, together with the treaty-port commissioner and Chonghou of the Ministry of War, to conduct the negotiations.

五月，約成，大致以英約為本。初，恆祺等議約擬仿照大西洋成案，威妥瑪謂丹系英國姻婭，應從英文義。辯論久之，各有增減，定和約五十五款，通商條約九款，稅則一冊。明年五月，丹遣水師副提督璧勒來滬，派提督銜李恆嵩及江蘇布政使劉郇膏與換約。屆時李恆嵩等向璧勒索觀應換條約，而原定印約未攜，只另書英字條約。璧勒謂此約系照英文原定條約繕寫工整，以示尊崇中國之意，並無別故；又以本國軍務方殷，不能久待。遂將條約核對，與英文相符，允互換。屬將原定用印和約補訂照繕和約之內，補鈐丹副提督印信，並簽押，遂互換收執。九年十月，丹遣使來華呈遞國書，報中國簡派使臣蒲安臣、志剛、孫家穀使丹之聘也。十年，復呈遞國書。

In the fifth month the treaty was concluded, largely on the model of the British agreement. At first Hengqi's party proposed following the American precedent; Wade insisted that because Denmark was Britain's ally by marriage, the English text should prevail. After prolonged debate, with additions and deletions on both sides, they settled on a treaty of fifty-five articles, a commercial convention of nine articles, and a tariff schedule. The following May Denmark sent Vice Admiral Bie to Shanghai; Li Hengsong and Liu Xingao of Jiangsu were appointed to exchange ratifications with him. When the day came, Li and Liu asked to see the treaty to be exchanged, but Bie had brought only an English copy, not the sealed Chinese text originally agreed upon. Bie explained that the English copy had been neatly prepared from the original text as a mark of respect for China and that there was no other motive; he added that urgent military business at home prevented a long delay. After checking the text against the English version, the Chinese side agreed to exchange. They arranged for the sealed original to be bound into the copy, for Bie's seal and signatures to be added, and then completed the exchange. In the tenth month of the ninth year of Tongzhi, Denmark sent an envoy to present credentials, acknowledging China's dispatch of Burlingame, Zhigang, and Sun Jiagu to Copenhagen. In the tenth year another letter of credence was presented.

光緒七年十月，督辦中國電報事宜盛宣懷與丹總辦大北電報公司恆寧生會訂收遞電報合同。先是同治十年，丹國大北公司海線，由香港、廈門迤邐至上海，一通新嘉坡、檳榔嶼以達歐洲，名為南線，一通符拉迪沃斯托克，由俄國亞洲旱線以達歐洲，名為北線，此皆水線也。至同治十二年，又擅在上海至吳淞設有旱線。至是中國甫設電局，因先與訂合同十四條：一，中國電報寄往外國之線路；二，電局與大北互定通電之價；三、四，由中國寄外國、外國寄中國內地之報，其報價應先行收清，後再劃還，並在上海立冊，每月互對；六，電價概由自定，惟寄外國報須按照萬國電報定章，又傳報可自編新碼；七，電局與大北往來用英文，惟合同以華文為主；八，大北原竭力幫助中國設電，惟中國自主之事不得干預；十，大北海線、中國旱線如有斷絕停滯，互相通知；十一，中國電政歸北洋大臣主持，有向大北購料者，應稟明北洋核奪；十二，大北應繳回中國電報之費，每三月一結。時法、英、美、德四國以大北公司僅有單股海線，又沿途祗通廈門口岸，其餘如汕頭、福州、溫州、寧波各口皆距較遠，請添設海線，就便通至各口。拒之，仍專與大北公司合辦。方議立合同，大北公司恆寧生欲載明中國不再租陸線與他人，且須永租大北，議遂中止。

In the tenth month of the seventh year of Guangxu, Sheng Xuanhuai, who oversaw China's telegraph service, concluded a forwarding contract with Henningsen of the Danish Great Northern Telegraph Company. As early as the tenth year of Tongzhi the company's cables had run from Hong Kong and Xiamen to Shanghai; the southern route continued through Singapore and Penang to Europe, while the northern route ran to Vladivostok and then over Russian land lines to Europe—all submarine cables. By the twelfth year of Tongzhi they had also laid a land line from Shanghai to Wusong without authorization. China had only just opened its own telegraph service and therefore signed a fourteen-article contract with the company, beginning with the routes for outbound foreign traffic; second, mutual rates between the Chinese offices and Great Northern; third and fourth, fees for domestic and foreign messages were to be collected upfront and settled later, with monthly accounts kept in Shanghai; sixth, China set its own domestic rates, but foreign traffic followed international rules, and new codes could be devised for transmission; seventh, routine business between the offices and Great Northern was conducted in English, but the contract itself was in Chinese; eighth, Great Northern had pledged to help China build its network but might not interfere in matters under Chinese sovereignty; tenth, either side was to notify the other of any break in Great Northern's cables or China's land lines; eleventh, China's telegraph service fell under the Beiyang minister, and purchases from Great Northern required his approval; twelfth, Great Northern's payments to China were to be settled quarterly. France, Britain, the United States, and Germany then asked for additional cables, arguing that Great Northern's single line touched only Xiamen while Shantou, Fuzhou, Wenzhou, and Ningbo lay too far off the route. China refused and continued to work exclusively with Great Northern. While a contract was under discussion, Henningsen demanded a clause barring China from leasing land lines to anyone else and requiring a permanent lease to Great Northern; talks broke down.

九年，李鴻章致總署及盛宣懷，擬中、英、丹三公司合約，英、丹海線均至吳淞為止，將丹自淞至滬旱線購回，由我代遞。議久之始收回。初，大北公司原稟六條內，有「不准他國及他處公司於中國地界另立海線，又中國欲造海線、旱線與大北有礙者，不便設立」二條，為大北公司獨得之利益。因之中國亦取得總署、南北洋及出使大臣往來電報，「凡從大北電線寄發者，不取報費」，為中國獨得之利益。當時鴻章已批准咨行。英、美、法、德各使聞之，合詞照會總署。威妥瑪復援允英人設海線之案，必欲大東公司添設，政府不能阻。因之大北公司恆寧生請將中國官報照常給費。旋復來電，謂「自十月初三日為始，所有中國頭等官報由大北電線寄發者，須照章付足電資，方為發報」等語。

In the ninth year of Guangxu, Li Hongzhang proposed a tripartite arrangement: British and Danish cables would end at Wusong, China would buy back the Danish land line from Wusong to Shanghai, and Chinese offices would handle forwarding. After long negotiations the line was finally repurchased. Among Great Northern's original six proposals were exclusive rights forbidding rival submarine cables in China and blocking Chinese lines that might compete with the company. In exchange China secured free official telegrams for the Zongli Yamen, the Beiyang and Nanyang authorities, and envoys abroad over Great Northern lines. Li Hongzhang had already approved and circulated the arrangement. The British, American, French, and German ministers then lodged a joint protest with the Zongli Yamen. Wade cited the earlier permission granted for British cables and insisted that the Eastern Extension Company must be allowed to lay additional lines; the government could not refuse. Great Northern's Henningsen then demanded that official Chinese telegrams again be charged at full rates. He soon telegraphed that from the third day of the tenth month all first-class official Chinese messages over Great Northern lines would be transmitted only if full fees were paid.

十六年，薛福成議與大北及大東公司訂立合同。初，大北與大東慮我與俄接陸線奪其水線之利，故原訂明滬、福、廈有水線處，貼中國十分之一，其餘各口出洋報費，悉歸華局續議，並允報效海線官電之費。嗣因各國並俄使牽制，以致久擱。至是，由福成另議，祗讓官電費，不要貼價，歲銀十萬圓。和蘭，明史作「荷蘭」，歐羅巴濱海之國。清，因廣東巡撫請於朝，原備外籓、修職貢。十三年，齎表請朝貢，部議五年一貢，詔改八年一貢，以示柔遠。十八年，鄭成功攻臺灣，逐和蘭而取其地，詔徙沿海居民，嚴海禁。夏六月，和人始由廣東入貢：刀劍八，皆可屈伸；馬四，鳳膺鶴脛，能迅走。二十二年，和蘭以助剿鄭氏功，首請開海禁通市，許之。冬十月，裁減和蘭稅額。初，和蘭通商粵省，納稅甚輕，後另抽加一稅。至是，諭曰：「朕聞外洋紅毛夾板船到廣，泊於黃埔，起所帶砲位元，然後交易，俟交易事竣，再行給還。至輸稅之法，每船按樑頭徵銀二千兩左右，再照則抽貨物之稅，此向例也。近來砲位聽其安置船中，而於額稅之外，將伊所帶置貨現銀另抽加一之稅，名曰繳送，殊與舊例不符。朕思從前洋船到廣，既有起砲之例，仍當遵守。至加添繳送銀兩，尤非嘉惠遠人之意。」命照舊例裁減，並諭各洋人知之。

In the sixteenth year of Guangxu, Xue Fucheng negotiated new contracts with Great Northern and Eastern Extension. Originally the two companies, fearing competition from a Sino-Russian land line, had offered China one-tenth of revenue at Shanghai, Fuzhou, and Xiamen, left other ports open to further negotiation, and agreed to subsidize official cable traffic. Foreign powers and the Russian minister then blocked the plan, and it was long shelved. Xue then renegotiated, accepting only a subsidy for official telegrams rather than a revenue share—one hundred thousand taels a year. Holland, called Helan in the History of Ming, is a European maritime state. Under the Qing, at the Guangdong governor's request, they were treated as an outer dependency and sent tribute missions. In the thirteenth year they petitioned to resume tribute; the ministry proposed a five-year cycle, but the throne ordered an eight-year interval to show moderation toward distant states. In the eighteenth year Zheng Chenggong seized Taiwan from the Dutch; the court then relocated coastal populations and tightened the maritime ban. In the sixth month of summer of the second year of Kangxi the Dutch resumed tribute through Guangdong, presenting eight flexible swords; and four horses with high chests and slender legs built for speed. In the twenty-second year of Kangxi, Holland, citing its service against the Zheng regime, became the first power to secure reopening of maritime trade; the request was granted. In the tenth month of winter in the first year of Qianlong, Holland's tax quota was reduced. When Holland first traded in Guangdong, its duties were very light; later an extra levy was imposed. The emperor then decreed: "We understand that when foreign ships reach Guangzhou and anchor at Whampoa, their guns are landed before trade begins and returned when trade is finished. Taxation has long followed the rule of about two thousand taels per ship by tonnage, with additional duties on cargo according to schedule. Recently guns have been left aboard, while an extra ten-percent levy on cash brought for trade—called the "presentation payment"—has been added beyond the regular duties, contrary to established practice. The old rule requiring guns to be landed should still be enforced. The added presentation payment is especially inconsistent with treating distant traders generously." Duties were ordered reduced to the former levels, and foreign merchants were notified.

同治二年秋八月，與和蘭立約。和蘭與中國通商最早，至是見西洋諸國踵至，亦來天津援請立約。三口通商大臣崇厚以聞，朝議許之，即命崇厚在津與其使臣訂和約十六款。初和蘭使送來約稿，皆照英、法各國及參用續立之布、西、丹國等條約、章程，分別各款請議。三口通商大臣崇厚答以現在各口通商，均有定章，不必多列條款。和使亦允刪減，惟前往京師、南京通商，並內地傳教、減稅，暨在京互換條約各節，以和文為正義。爭論久之，始允刪去。而于稅則一層，許另立一款，議明各國稅則屆重修之年，和國亦許重修。並與照會，言將來重修稅則時，亦應按照價值秉公增減。遂定議：一，通使；二，海舶通商；三，遊歷；四，傳教；六、八至十二，關稅；六、七，交涉案件；十三，交際議文；十四，行移文書各用本國文字；十五，利益均霑；十六，批准一年內換約。此與和蘭立約之始。三年五月，和公使礬大何文以換約期將屆，遣員伯飛鯉詣天津三口通商大臣，請在廣東省城換約。崇厚以所請符原議，奏請簡員往。朝廷命廣東巡撫郭嵩燾為換約大臣。屆期，和使僅以鈔錄副本上。嵩燾駮令取原本再定換約期。逾年始換。

In the eighth month of autumn in the second year of Tongzhi, China concluded a treaty with Holland. Holland had been China's earliest Western trading partner; seeing other powers follow, it too came to Tianjin and asked for a treaty on the same terms. Chonghou reported the request; the court approved and ordered him to negotiate a sixteen-article treaty with the Dutch envoy at Tianjin. The Dutch envoy's first draft copied British, French, and later Prussian, Spanish, and Danish treaties article by article. Chonghou replied that existing port regulations made a long list of articles unnecessary. The Dutch envoy agreed to cuts but insisted that trade in Beijing and Nanjing, inland preaching, tax reductions, and exchange of ratifications in the capital be governed by the Dutch text. After prolonged debate those clauses were dropped. On tariffs, a separate article allowed Holland to revise its schedule whenever other powers revised theirs. A note also pledged that future revisions would adjust duties fairly according to value. The treaty was settled as follows: first, diplomatic representation; second, maritime trade; third, travel; fourth, missionary activity; articles six and eight through twelve, customs duties; articles six and seven, consular jurisdiction; thirteen, diplomatic correspondence; fourteen, official communications in each country's own language; fifteen, most-favored-nation treatment; sixteen, ratification and exchange within one year. This was how China's treaty with Holland began. In the fifth month of the third year of Tongzhi, Dutch Minister Fama Hoven, with the exchange deadline near, sent Berfly to the Tianjin commissioner to request ratification in Guangzhou. Chonghou reported that the request matched the original agreement and asked that an envoy be appointed. The court appointed Guo Songtao, governor of Guangdong, to exchange ratifications. When the day came, the Dutch envoy produced only a handwritten copy. Guo rejected it and insisted on the original before fixing a new exchange date. Exchange did not take place until more than a year later.

十年四月，出使各國大臣志剛、孫家穀詣和蘭呈遞國書。十二年四月，和蘭公使費果蓀來華呈遞國書，總署允與各國使臣同覲見，禮節亦如之。光緒七年，和使牒中國，稱本國將於夏在都城亞摩斯德爾登等處設立衒奇公會，請中國與各國同入會，許之。是年，以候補道三品卿銜李鳳苞充德義和奧四國出使大臣，此為和蘭遣使之始。八年二月，和使費果蓀復將衒奇會章程，及增擬華商赴會章程，並開中國物產及工藝奇巧製造等件，請其會集運往。總署飭各海關照辦。十一年，出使大臣許景澄如和蘭遞國書。十三年，許景澄出使期滿，以內閣學士洪鈞代之。

In the fourth month of the tenth year of Tongzhi, envoys Zhigang and Sun Jiagu presented credentials in Holland. In the fourth month of the twelfth year Dutch Minister Fransen presented credentials; the Zongli Yamen allowed him the same audience ceremony as other envoys. In the seventh year of Guangxu the Dutch minister invited China to join a summer exhibition in Amsterdam and elsewhere; the court agreed. That year Li Fengbao was appointed minister to Germany, Italy, Holland, and Austria—the first time China posted an envoy covering Holland. In the second month of the eighth year Fransen sent exhibition rules, proposed rules for Chinese merchants, and a list of Chinese products and crafts to be assembled and shipped. The Zongli Yamen ordered the customs to comply. In the eleventh year of Guangxu, Minister Xu Jingcheng presented credentials in Holland. In the thirteenth year Xu's term ended and Hong Jun of the Grand Secretariat succeeded him.

是年，兩廣總督張之洞特派副將王榮和、知府余瓗先往和蘭所屬南洋各島調查，和蘭不允。前出使大臣許景澄與和外部辯論，以遊歷為名，和始允行。既返，張之洞上疏請設領事，略謂：「日里有華工萬餘眾，噶羅巴華民七萬餘眾，其附近之波哥內埠、文丁內埠、以及三寶壟、與疏羅、及麥里芬、及泗里末、及惹加，皆和屬地，華人二十餘萬眾，宜設總副領事以資保護。」旋議從緩。

That year Zhang Zhidong sent Brigadier Wang Ronghe and Prefect Yu Xian to inspect the Dutch East Indies, but Holland refused. Former Minister Xu argued with the Dutch foreign office; Holland finally allowed the trip under the label of travel. On their return Zhang Zhidong memorialized for consular posts, noting: "Deli has more than ten thousand Chinese workers; Java more than seventy thousand; and nearby Bogor, Buitenzorg, Semarang, Surabaya, Medan, and Riau—all Dutch territory—hold more than two hundred thousand Chinese altogether. General and vice consuls should be appointed to protect them." The proposal was soon set aside for later consideration.

二十年，出使大臣許景澄請禁機器進口，牒和蘭外部，略謂：「外洋各項機器，除中國自購並託洋商代購外，其洋商自行販運機器，查系無兒華民生計性命之物，酌照稅則不載之貨估價值百抽五，准其進口。若洋商販運機器有礙華民生計性命者，皆不准進口。」二十一年，命許景澄遞萬壽致謝國書。二十四年，以候補四品京堂呂海寰充出使德國大臣，兼充和、奧兩國公使。二十五年，各國在和都海牙設保和公會，和使牒中國請入會，許之。旋派前駐俄使臣楊儒赴會。又推廣紅十字會、水戰條約，請用禦寶，由駐俄使臣胡惟德轉送和政府。

In the twentieth year Xu asked Holland to restrict machinery imports, writing: "Besides machines China buys itself or through foreign agents, merchants may import machinery that does not threaten Chinese livelihoods, paying five percent ad valorem under the schedule for unlisted goods. Machinery harmful to Chinese livelihoods may not be imported at all." In the twenty-first year Xu was ordered to deliver a birthday letter of thanks. In the twenty-fourth year Lu Haihuan was appointed minister to Germany and concurrently to Holland and Austria. In the twenty-fifth year powers formed a peace association at The Hague; Holland invited China to join, and the court agreed. Former Minister to Russia Yang Ru was soon sent to attend. China also acceded to expanded Red Cross and naval-warfare conventions under the imperial seal, forwarded to The Hague through Minister Hu Weide in Russia.

二十七年，呂海寰以和屬南洋各島虐待華民，乃上言：「和屬南洋各島開埠最早，華民往彼謀生者亦最多。噶羅巴一島尤為薈萃之區，寄居華民不下六十萬人。初尚優待，後因迫令入籍，率多殘虐，其故以中國未經設立領事保衛之也。各島有所謂瑪腰、甲必丹、雷珍蘭者，管理華人，以生長其島者充之，擅作威福。華人初到，概入供堂問供註冊；赴各鄉營生，須經批准，方許前往。嗣下不准華民居鄉之例，限二十四點鐘立將生意產業賤售而去，逾限罰銀逐出，產業消歸無有。此其一。又華人到和屬地，向須憑照方准登岸。嗣又變立新例，無論有無憑照，登岸後帶至官衙，繩圈一處，俟查老客有原日出口憑照放行，新客則馳入繩圈之內，候帶入瑪腰公館照像，俟有人擔保始放，否則輒上鐐杻刑具，遇有輪船，驅逐出境。此其二。又華人來往本島貿易，必領路票，使費外仍繳印花銀若干，到一處又須掛號，再繳銀若干。如一日到三五處，則兩處繳費亦須三五次。掛漏查出重罰。此其三。又華人詞訟，審費照西人最多之例，科罰則照土番最重之例。縱令理直，追回銀數，已不敷狀師之費，以至沉冤莫訴。此其四。再如華人家資產業，身故後權歸和官。雖妻子兒女執遺囑照章領取，亦必多方挑剔，反復延宕；若無遺囑，則產業概沒入官。此其五。華人在日里承種菸葉者，往往系由奸販誘惑拐騙出洋，身價五六十元、八九十元、三四十元不等。立據三年為期，入園後不准自由出入，雖父兄子弟不能晤面。加以剋扣工資，盤剝重利，華人吞聲忍氣，呼籥無門。且各國人民皆得購地自業種菸，華人獨否。此其六。以上苛虐各節，慘不忍聞。正擬設法向和廷理論，忽英文報紙載有班喀地方，華人在錫礦各廠作工，突遇水患，饑寒潮濕，病死相仍。又經廠主勒購廠物，物劣價昂，支借工資，則一兩納息五錢，以致積憤肇事，為廠主槍擊，死傷無算。和官拿獲逃散華民，窮詰再三，始知為廠主苛刻所致。按華工素循規矩，若非相待太苛，必不至於啟釁等語。竊思華民作工各島，受此任意淩虐，與古巴之夏灣拿同一殘忍。領事之設，斷難再緩。迭與和外部大臣朴福爾再三爭論，並譯錄商稟及報紙所載苛待情形，詳為申述。復備文照會，請其允設領事，保我僑民生計。彼外部以事屬籓部為詞，支梧未決。臣復照會彼外部，以新嘉坡、小呂宋等處，中國早設有領事。即以荷屬之噶羅巴而論，歐、美各國無不設有領事，何獨於中國而靳之？反覆辯論，稍有轉機。查和屬島嶼林立，應設領事之處有七：即如噶羅巴、三寶瓏、泗里歪、望加錫、勿里洞、日里、文島等處，均關緊要。今一時萬難遍設，惟噶羅巴一島，設立總領事一員，萬不可緩。」奏入，交外務部議。二十八年，外部議准在噶羅巴等處設立領事，未實行。

In the twenty-seventh year Lu Haihuan reported on abuses against Chinese in the Dutch East Indies: "Those islands were opened to trade earliest, and more Chinese go there to earn a living than anywhere else. Java alone holds no fewer than six hundred thousand Chinese residents. They were once treated well, but forced naturalization brought widespread abuse—largely because China had no consuls to protect them. Local officers called majoor, kapitan, and rechtsbald—natives of the islands—administer the Chinese and abuse their authority. New arrivals must register with Chinese community halls; and need approval before they may work in the countryside. Later a rule barred Chinese from rural residence, giving them twenty-four hours to sell their businesses at a loss or face fines and expulsion with property forfeited. That was the first abuse. Chinese entering Dutch territory have long needed permits to land. A new rule then required all arrivals, with or without papers, to be penned at the government office. Old residents with export permits were released after inspection; newcomers were photographed at the majoor's office and freed only if someone vouched for them, otherwise shackled and deported on the next steamer. That was the second abuse. Chinese trading on the island must carry travel passes, pay stamp fees beyond service charges, and register and pay again at each stop. Visiting three or five places in a day means paying three or five times over. Failure to register brings heavy fines. That was the third abuse. In lawsuits Chinese pay court fees at the highest Western rate but penalties at the heaviest native rate. Even when they win, recovery rarely covers legal fees, leaving grave wrongs unredressed. That was the fourth abuse. When a Chinese person died, family property fell under Dutch authority. Even when wives and children presented wills to claim estates by rule, officials found endless grounds for objection and delay; without a will, property was entirely confiscated. That was the fifth abuse. Chinese contracted to grow tobacco at Deli were often tricked abroad by labor brokers for sums ranging from thirty to ninety dollars. Under three-year contracts they could not leave the plantations freely, and even relatives could not visit one another. Wages were withheld and usurious interest charged, leaving workers no way to seek redress. Other nationals could buy land and grow tobacco for themselves; Chinese alone could not. That was the sixth abuse. Each of these abuses is heartbreaking to recount. Just as Lu was preparing to protest to The Hague, an English newspaper reported that Chinese tin miners at Bangka had suffered floods, hunger, cold, damp, and successive deaths. Owners forced workers to buy shoddy goods at high prices and charged fifty percent interest on wage advances; resentment erupted, owners opened fire, and casualties were countless. Dutch officials interrogated fleeing workers repeatedly before learning that the owners' harsh treatment had caused the riot. The report concluded that Chinese workers are generally law-abiding and would not have rioted but for excessive harshness. Lu reflected that the arbitrary abuse of Chinese workers in the islands matched the cruelty once seen at Havana in Cuba. Consular protection could no longer be postponed. He argued repeatedly with Foreign Minister Van der Putte, submitting translated merchants' petitions and newspaper accounts of abuses in detail. He also formally requested permission to appoint consuls to protect Chinese overseas. The Dutch foreign ministry pleaded colonial jurisdiction and stalled. Lu replied that China already maintained consuls at Singapore, the Philippines, and elsewhere. In Dutch Java alone every European and American power had consuls—why deny China alone? After repeated argument there was slight progress. Seven Dutch possessions urgently needed consuls: Java, Semarang, Surabaya, Makassar, Billiton, Deli, and Rhio. Posting consuls everywhere at once was impossible, but a consul-general at Java could not wait." The memorial was referred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the twenty-eighth year the ministry approved consular posts at Java and elsewhere, but they were never established.

三十年，各國議免紅十字會施醫船稅鈔，請中國派員赴和蘭會議，許之。是年，熱河都統松壽奏稱：「蒙古喀喇沁王貢桑諾爾布擬與和商白克耳合辦本旗右翼地方巴達爾胡川金礦，作為華洋合辦，股本各居其半，一切遵章辦理。」外務部以「喀喇沁王原將右翼全旗指給逸信公司開辦五金各礦業，經飭令畫清界限，不得包占全旗。若今又遽允和蘭商人，難保不滋轇轕，應請暫緩。」報可。三十一年，和使照稱本國南洋屬地蘇門答臘以北名撒般者，遇有外國兵船進口，施放敬砲，請外務部知照南北洋大臣。三月，外務部奏：「萬國保和會和解公斷條約業經批准。各國欲在和蘭都城設立萬國公所，作為公斷衙門，請中國派員入會作為議員。」許之，尋以伍廷芳充選。保和會即弭兵會也。是月和使照稱本國屬地茫咖、薩巴東二處，遇有外國兵船進口，不再施放敬砲，仍請外部知照南北洋大臣。八月，萬國弭兵會舉和人男爵米何離斯為判斷公堂總辦。十月，簡知府陸徵祥充出使荷國大臣，並兼辦保和公會事宜。三十二年，派駐美使署顧問洋員福士達充和蘭保和會公斷議員。

In the thirtieth year powers invited China to a conference in Holland on exempting Red Cross hospital ships from duties; the court agreed. That year Commander Songshou at Rehe reported that Prince Gunsennorov of Khalkha wished to develop gold mines on the Badarhu River jointly with Dutch merchant Becker on equal shares under regulations." The ministry replied that the prince had already granted mining rights on the right wing to the Yixin Company with orders to demarcate boundaries and not let any venture monopolize the whole banner. Approving the Dutch venture now might cause conflict and should be postponed. The request was approved. In the thirty-first year of Guangxu (1905), the Dutch minister notified Beijing that at Sabang, north of Sumatra, foreign warships entering port would be saluted with cannon, and asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to pass word to the northern and southern coastal governors. In the third month, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reported that China had ratified the Hague Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes. The powers wished to establish a permanent international bureau at The Hague to serve as a court of arbitration and asked China to send a delegate. Beijing agreed, and Wu Tingfang was soon chosen for the assignment. The Peace Conference was the Hague conference on limiting armaments. That same month the Dutch minister wrote again: at Mangka and Sabang foreign warships would no longer be saluted on entry, and he asked the ministry once more to notify the coastal governors. In the eighth month the Hague conference elected the Dutch baron Michiels to head the Permanent Court of Arbitration. In the tenth month Lu Zhengxiang, a prefect, was appointed minister to the Netherlands and charged with Hague Peace Conference business as well. In the thirty-second year of Guangxu (1906), Foster, foreign advisor at the Chinese legation in Washington, was named China's arbitration delegate at the Hague conference.

日斯巴尼亞，一名西班牙，即大呂宋也。明嘉靖初，據南洋之蠻里喇，是為小呂宋，檣帆遂達粵東。及清，見英、法、俄、美立五口通商之約，遂與葡萄牙同請立約，不許。五月，西班牙使臣瑪斯復來請，並呈所奉全權憑據。三口通商大臣崇厚令瑪斯在天津候旨。朝廷復命候補京堂薛煥蒞津，會同崇厚與瑪斯議約。瑪斯援丹馬、西洋各國進京議約之案。薛煥等以丹馬等國雖在京議約，仍赴天津填寫定約日期，不得謂之在京立約。瑪使始允在津商辦。久之，出所擬條款，有為各國條約所無者，而於駐京一節，立意尤堅。久之始議定，共定條約五十二款，專條一款。六年四月，崇厚與瑪斯始公立文憑互換。十年，穆宗親政，各國請覲見呈遞國書，日使與焉。自是歲沿為例。

Hispania, also known as Spain, was the colonial power over the greater Philippines. In the early Jiajing era the Spanish seized Manila in the South Seas—the lesser Philippines—and their ships soon reached the Guangdong coast. Under the Qing, after Britain, France, Russia, and the United States won treaties opening five ports, Spain joined Portugal in asking for similar agreements and was refused. In the fifth month the Spanish envoy Mas renewed his request and submitted his credentials as plenipotentiary. Chonghou, commissioner for the three treaty ports, told Mas to wait in Tianjin for orders from Beijing. The court then sent the expectant metropolitan official Xue Huan to Tianjin to negotiate with Mas alongside Chonghou. Mas invoked the precedents of Denmark and other Western powers that had negotiated in Beijing. Xue Huan replied that even Denmark and others, though they had talked in Beijing, still went to Tianjin to fix the date of ratification—so that was not treaty-making in the capital. Mas finally agreed to negotiate at Tianjin. After prolonged talks he produced draft articles containing provisions found in no other treaty, and he was especially adamant on the question of a legation in Beijing. Negotiations dragged on, but at last a treaty of fifty-two articles plus one special article was settled. In the fourth month of the sixth year of Tongzhi (1867), Chonghou and Mas formally exchanged ratifications. In the tenth year of Tongzhi (1871), when Emperor Tongzhi took the reins of government, foreign ministers sought audiences to present credentials, and the Spanish envoy was included. Thereafter it became an annual practice.

是年日屬地古巴因招華工，請訂專約。時日使為伊巴理，政府派總理各國事務大臣沈桂芬、毛昶熙、董恂、夏家鎬、成林為全權大臣，與議約。先是，總署奏派陳蘭彬出使美國及日斯巴尼亞、祕魯三國，辦理交涉事件。日與祕魯均有應議華人出洋承工事宜。祕魯已經李鴻章議有條款。日則自陳蘭彬查復後，復由總署議定保護華工條款，與各國使臣定期晤論。日使丁美霞及各國使臣亦議具條款，復將此條款參酌合而為一。正在會議，適滇省有戕斃英國繙譯官馬加理事，英使威妥瑪來言，事遂中止。自滇案議結，伊巴理時已來京晤議，訖未就緒。至是始議出章程凡十六款：一，維持同治三年天津條約，不得收留中國逃人；二，既除去前約承工出洋未能盡善之情，所有賠償一層作罷論；三，華人出洋須出情原，不得勉強及施詭譎之計；四，聽華民前往，不得禁阻；五，出洋報名領蓋印執照；六，派遣領事；七，予華人隨便往來准單，須與各國人一律；八，訴訟事件；九，查驗華民多寡之數；十，載華民出洋應守之船規；十一、十二，資送華工回國事件；十三，限制華人前往居住事件；十四，執照准單一切事宜，新到之華人與期滿之華人享同等利益；十五，此次條約未載之利益，中國若與他國，則日國應一體均霑；十六，換約事件及期限。是為重訂華工條款，畫押蓋印，明年換約，復公立文憑。六年，小呂宋華民請設領事，不果。

That same year Spain, recruiting Chinese labor for Cuba, asked for a separate agreement on the subject. The Spanish minister was then de España; Beijing named Shen Guifen, Mao Changxi, Dong Xun, Xia Jiagao, and Cheng Lin of the Zongli Yamen as plenipotentiaries to treat with him. Earlier the Yamen had appointed Chen Lanbin minister to the United States, Spain, and Peru to handle related business. Both Spain and Peru had outstanding questions about Chinese contract labor overseas. Peru had already reached terms with Li Hongzhang. Spain, after Chen Lanbin's investigation, saw the Yamen draft protective regulations and meet regularly with the foreign ministers to discuss them. The Spanish chargé Otin y Mésias and other ministers drafted their own articles, which were then reconciled into a single text. Talks were under way when the Margary murder in Yunnan intervened; British minister Wade raised the case, and negotiations halted. After the Yunnan settlement de España had resumed talks in Beijing, but no final agreement was reached. At last sixteen articles were agreed: first, uphold the 1864 Tianjin Treaty and do not harbor Chinese fugitives; second, because the old contract-labor provisions had been superseded, all claims for compensation were dropped; third, Chinese emigrants must go voluntarily and must not be forced or lured by fraud; fourth, Chinese who wished to go might not be prevented; fifth, emigrants must register and obtain stamped licenses; sixth, consuls were to be posted; seventh, travel permits for Chinese must be issued on the same terms as for other nationals; eighth, litigation; ninth, inspection of Chinese population numbers; tenth, shipping rules for emigrant vessels; eleventh and twelfth, repatriation of Chinese workers; thirteenth, restrictions on where Chinese might settle; fourteenth, licenses and permits were to treat new arrivals and workers whose contracts had expired equally; fifteenth, any advantage China granted another power not named in this treaty must be extended equally to Spain; sixteenth, exchange of ratifications and its timetable. Thus the Chinese labor regulations were revised, signed and sealed, exchanged the next year, and formally ratified in public. In the sixth year of Guangxu (1880), Chinese in the Philippines asked for a consul, but the request failed.

十三年四月，張廕桓由美赴日都馬得利呈遞國書，屆期君後臨朝，張廕桓恭捧國書敬遞，君後親接後，即付外部謨烈，起立與廕桓為英語，繙繹代答。禮成，君後回宮，廕桓立送，君後回顧，三曲膝為禮。時中國議在小呂宋設領事，日外部已允發准照，而商務總辦米阿斯以條約未載為言。張廕桓商之律師科士達，謂若必挾條約為言，約內第四十七款「中國商民至小呂宋貿易，應與最優之國一律相待」，此明文也。而日官所收身稅、路稅，自丁卯換約起，至甲申，共十八年，小呂宋刊發新例止，共徵華人銀七百七萬八千一百六十一元二角四仙。專徵華人每人歲納九元六仙，甲申後乃兼徵西人，每人一元五角，華人則四元五角。計至丁亥共四年，又長徵銀五十二萬八百三十六元。又路照一項，西人每徵四角五，華人每徵則一元二五，又須預納一年身路稅，無理之甚。即與西人比較，將四角五除去，實長徵華人八角。自丁卯至丁亥，廿一年，共銀七十二萬九千一百七十元四角，預納之身路稅猶在外也。又每華人歲徵醫院費二角五仙，甚微，自丁卯換約至本年，廿一年，共徵銀二十二萬七千八百六十五元七角五仙。此項與甲申以前之身路稅，均系獨徵華商，甚違一律優待之約。此中人數，就去年正月至九月數目，共計華人四萬三千四百零三人，逐年清計，尚不止此數也。苛待華人如此，應索償已往，禁遏將來，方合辦法。旋得外部文，言日後將議新例，為各領事而設，而于小呂宋設官一事仍不能決。尋見日後，並見兩公主及君姊，問答如禮。廕桓旋去日赴美，議久無效。

In the fourth month of the thirteenth year of Guangxu (1887), Zhang Yinhuan traveled from Washington to Madrid to present credentials. On the appointed day the queen regent held court; Zhang reverently offered the letter, which she received in person and passed to Foreign Minister Molle. She then rose, spoke with Zhang in English, and the interpreter answered for her. When the ceremony ended the queen regent withdrew; Zhang stood to see her off, and she looked back and curtsied three times in reply. China was then pressing to open a consulate in the Philippines; the foreign ministry had agreed to issue authorization, but Commerce Director Mijas objected that the treaty said nothing about it. Zhang consulted his lawyer Foster, who pointed out that if Spain insisted on the letter of the treaty, Article 47 explicitly required that Chinese merchants in the Philippines receive most-favored-nation treatment. Yet from the 1867 exchange of ratifications through 1884—eighteen years, ending when new regulations were issued in the Philippines—Spanish authorities had collected 7,781,161.24 Mexican dollars in head and road taxes from Chinese alone. Chinese had paid nine dollars sixty cents each annually; after 1884 Westerners were taxed too, at one dollar fifty cents apiece, while Chinese paid four dollars fifty. Over the four years through 1887 this over-collection came to another 520,836 dollars. Road passes cost Westerners forty-five cents but Chinese one dollar twenty-five, with a full year's head and road taxes due in advance—an outrageous imposition. Even setting aside the forty-five-cent Western rate, Chinese were overcharged eighty cents on each pass. From 1867 through 1887—twenty-one years—the overcharge on road passes alone came to 729,170.40 dollars, apart from prepaid head and road taxes. Each Chinese worker also paid twenty-five cents a year in hospital fees—a small sum in itself, but over the twenty-one years since 1867 it totaled 227,865.75 dollars. These levies, like the head and road taxes before 1884, fell only on Chinese merchants and plainly violated the promise of equal treatment. By the count from January through September of the previous year alone there were 43,403 Chinese affected; a full year-by-year tally would show more. Treatment this harsh demanded repayment for past exactions and guarantees against future abuse. Madrid replied that new regulations for consuls would be discussed later, but still would not decide on opening an office in the Philippines. He was soon received again by the queen regent and also met the two princesses and her elder sister, with courtesies exchanged as protocol required. Zhang then left Spain for the United States, and the talks dragged on without result.

十五年，張廕桓受代，以崔國因出使美日祕大臣，駐美，別遣楊慕璿為駐日參贊。十六年四月，崔國因自美赴日遞國書。屆期，日接引大臣以宮車來迎。是日大君主未御殿，後著公服南面坐，國因奉國書，入門行三鞠躬禮，各問君主起居，退。十九年，崔國因受代，以四品京堂楊儒為出使美日祕大臣。

In the fifteenth year of Guangxu (1889), Zhang Yinhuan was succeeded by Cui Guoyin as minister to the United States, Spain, and Peru, based in Washington, with Yang Muxuan posted to Madrid as counselor. In the fourth month of the sixteenth year of Guangxu (1890), Cui Guoyin traveled from Washington to Madrid to present credentials. On the appointed day a Spanish receiving minister came in a state carriage to meet him. That day the king did not hold full court; afterward, in ceremonial dress, he sat facing south. Cui presented his credentials, entered, bowed three times, exchanged inquiries after the king's health, and withdrew. In the nineteenth year of Guangxu (1893), Cui Guoyin was succeeded by the fourth-rank metropolitan official Yang Ru as minister to the United States, Spain, and Peru.

二十六年七月，聯軍入京。八月二日，日使葛絡干函留京辦事大臣，稱各國統兵各員及公使人等，定於四日辰刻入大內瞻仰，許之。二十七年，各國要求使臣會同覲見必在太和殿，一國使臣單行入覲必在乾清宮，及遞國書用御輿入中門，皇帝親陪宴等。以日使葛絡干領銜，政府准駁有差。明年，日君主阿肅豐第十三行加冕禮，駐京日使賈思理照會總署，欲中國遣專使往賀。出使美日祕大臣伍廷芳亦以為請。政府乃以張德彝為賀日加冕專使。比利時舊名彌爾尼壬。清初，其國商船曾來粵東。道光季年，法人復為請通市，而貨舟不至。及五口通商，比遣使臣包禮士赴上海，呈請照各國立約通商。時薛煥撫江蘇，答以應與無約諸邦同一通市，無須另立條約。包禮士謂須入都定議，阻之，允暫留上海。先是，比遣使臣怡性要求蘇撫何桂清三條：一，比官商眷屬、船隻、貨物，與中國相待最優國同視；二，定約後以十二年為度；三，和約議定，須請用寶。至是復以為請。薛煥亦開三條：一，各口均設領事；二，禁商民赴內地遊歷、通商；三，使臣不得赴京。比使堅不允更易。辯論久之，始議定。初，比使稱本國主為「大皇帝」，煥援英稱君主例稱「君主」，遂定約四條。時六月也。

In the seventh month of the twenty-sixth year of Guangxu (1900), the allied armies entered Beijing. On the second of the eighth month Spanish minister de Cologan notified the ministers left in Beijing that allied commanders and envoys would enter the Forbidden City on the morning of the fourth; Beijing assented. In the twenty-seventh year of Guangxu (1901) the powers demanded joint audiences in the Hall of Supreme Harmony, individual audiences in the Palace of Heavenly Purity, delivery of credentials by imperial carriage through the middle gate, and banquets hosted by the emperor in person, among other points. Led by de Cologan, the Spanish minister, the court accepted some demands and rejected others. The next year, for the coronation of Alfonso XIII, the Spanish minister in Beijing, Gárate, asked through the Yamen that China send a special envoy to congratulate him. Wu Tingfang, minister to the United States, Spain, and Peru, added his own request. The court then named Zhang Deyi special envoy to the Spanish coronation. Belgium was formerly known in Chinese transliteration as Mierniren. In the early Qing, Belgian merchant ships had visited the Guangdong coast. Near the end of the Daoguang reign the French again asked on Belgium's behalf for trading rights, but no Belgian ships came. After the five treaty ports opened, Belgium sent Burrows to Shanghai to ask for a commercial treaty on the same terms as the other powers. Xue Huan, then governor of Jiangsu, replied that Belgium could trade like other non-treaty states and need not negotiate a separate agreement. Burrows insisted on going to Beijing to settle matters; he was stopped and allowed to remain temporarily in Shanghai. Earlier the Belgian envoy Yixing had asked Jiangsu governor He Guiqing for three things: first, Belgian officials, merchants, families, ships, and goods were to receive most-favored-nation treatment; second, the treaty term was to be twelve years; third, the treaty must bear the imperial seal once agreed. Burrows now raised the same three points again. Xue Huan countered with three demands of his own: first, consuls at every port; second, Belgian merchants were forbidden to travel or trade in the interior; third, envoys were not to go to Beijing. The Belgian envoy refused to budge on any of them. After prolonged argument, terms were finally settled. At first the Belgian envoy styled his king "Great Emperor"; Xue cited the British precedent of "Sovereign," and a four-article treaty was concluded. This was in the sixth month.

四年七月，比遣使臣金德來華，牒三口通商大臣、兵部左侍郎崇厚，謂前包禮士與薛煥所訂約，未將兩國通商章程並各等事宜詳敘，請再議，不允。迭牒要求，於是派董恂、崇厚為全權大臣，辦理比通商事務。金德旋擬約五十款，大致皆采各國條約。董恂並去三款，共存四十七款。旋畫押鈐印。五年九月，在滬與蘇撫郭柏廕換約，並致君主第二禮波勒德國書。郭柏廕以西洋通商各國從無恭進國書之事，金德稱系新君嗣立，應當入告，乃許呈進。九年六月，比復進國書，請使臣駐京，許之。

In the seventh month of the fourth year of Tongzhi (1865), Belgian envoy Ketelaer came to China and wrote to Chonghou, commissioner for the three treaty ports, saying the earlier Burrows-Xue agreement had not spelled out commercial regulations in full and asking to reopen talks; Beijing refused. After repeated demands, Dong Xun and Chonghou were appointed plenipotentiaries to handle Belgian trade affairs. Ketelaer soon drafted fifty articles, drawing largely on other powers' treaties. Dong Xun struck three articles, leaving forty-seven in all. The treaty was then signed and sealed. In the ninth month of the fifth year of Tongzhi (1866), the treaty was exchanged at Shanghai with Jiangsu governor Guo Boye, and a state letter from King Leopold II was also presented. Guo Boye objected that no Western trading power had ever formally presented a state letter; Ketelaer replied that a new king had succeeded and the event ought to be announced, and only then was presentation allowed. In the sixth month of the ninth year of Tongzhi (1870), Belgium again delivered credentials and asked to station a minister in Beijing; Beijing agreed.

十一年冬，使臣許景澄如比都伯魯色遞國書，君主及其妃並邀宴宮內，參贊隨員均預焉。又是年剛果國立為自主之邦，奉比國君主為君，比侍從大臣伯施葛辣照會中國，比主復致國書，自稱「大比利時國主留波德第二謹上書大清國仁聖威武大皇帝陛下：竊查剛果地方設有商會，開闢疆土，曾與各國訂約，立為自主之邦，又推不佞為該處之主。現經議院核准，自應統馭此邦，理合報明大皇帝陛下。惟此新國，乃專歸不佞兼轄，並非比國統屬。辟地之始，允宜宣教布化，治政養民，聯與國之誼以敦和睦，興通商之利以固邦基，盡心圖維，升平同慶，仰副各國期望之意。尚祈大皇帝眷顧優隆，俾免隕越」云云。十三年正月，比使以本國匯印各國稅則，請中國入會，許景澄以聞。政府旋致比外部，謂：「中國現行稅則即各國議定通行稅則，各國條約均經載明，此外別無通商稅則，與西洋諸國各約各訂者情形不同，未便入會。」五月，比遣謝惠施為駐京公使，呈遞國書，並覲見。

In the winter of the eleventh year of Guangxu, Xu Jingcheng presented credentials in Brussels; the king and queen entertained him at court, and his entire staff were included. That same year the Congo was established as an autonomous state under the Belgian king; Baron Van Eetvelde, a Belgian minister of state, notified China, and Leopold II sent a state letter reading: "Leopold II, King of the Belgians, respectfully addresses the Benevolent, Sagacious, Martial, and August Emperor of the Great Qing: I have learned that in the Congo a commercial association has opened territory, concluded treaties with other powers, and established an autonomous state, electing me as its sovereign. Now that parliament has approved the arrangement, I should naturally govern the state and am duty-bound to inform Your Majesty. This new country falls under my personal rule alone and is not a dependency of Belgium. At the outset of opening the country, I mean to spread civilization, govern well, and nurture the people; to strengthen ties with friendly states, promote harmony, and develop trade to secure the foundations of the realm—all in fulfillment of what the powers expect. I humbly ask that Your Majesty look upon this endeavor with favor, that I may not fail in my charge," and so on. In the first month of the thirteenth year of Guangxu, the Belgian minister asked China to join an international tariff association, submitting consolidated schedules; Xu Jingcheng reported the request. The government soon wrote the Belgian foreign ministry: "China's current tariff is the common schedule agreed among the treaty powers and recorded in every treaty; there is no separate commercial tariff, unlike the Western powers' individually negotiated schedules, so membership is not feasible." In the fifth month Belgium sent T'Serstevens as minister to Beijing; he presented credentials and was received in audience.

二十五年，比使請增漢口租界，謂沿江日本租界旁地，除設鐵路站外，中間尚餘一萬尺，本國請用一千尺，不允。已而駐漢比國總領事復見張之洞，援同治四年中比條約第十二款，仍請在漢口日本界下給比租界百丈。張之洞告以各國專界皆須有專約。同治四年之約，祗言比人在通商各口宜居住、宜建造之處，可聽其租地建造，並無圈畫租界歸比國管轄之語。因與約三條：比人在漢口如欲租地居住，上有英、俄、法、德、日本各界，下有自日本界至鐵路中國之地，均宜居住，可聽各與業主議租。在他國租界，則遵守各界巡捕納捐各章程。在租界外中國之地，則遵守中國巡捕納捐章程，不准自修道路、自設巡捕，亦不准抗違拏犯。一也。比商欲買何處，可向業主商議，彼此情原，公平議價，照條約不得強壓迫受租值。二也。有比商一家，即議地一段，不能預圈空地一片歸比管轄，以致暗中作成租界。三也。

In the twenty-fifth year of Guangxu (1899), the Belgian minister asked to expand the Hankou concession, claiming ten thousand chi remained beside the Japanese lease after the railway station was set aside and requesting one thousand chi; Beijing refused. The Belgian consul-general at Hankou then appealed to Zhang Zhidong, citing Article 12 of the 1865 Sino-Belgian treaty, and again asked for a hundred-zhang Belgian concession below the Japanese quarter. Zhang Zhidong replied that every foreign concession required its own treaty. The 1865 treaty only allowed Belgians to rent land and build where suitable at treaty ports; it said nothing about carving out a Belgian-administered concession. Zhang therefore set three terms: Belgians at Hankou who wished to rent land might do so above the British, Russian, French, German, and Japanese concessions, or below from the Japanese quarter to Chinese land by the railway—each parcel to be leased directly from its owner. Within another power's concession they would obey that quarter's police and tax rules. On Chinese land outside concessions they would follow Chinese police and tax rules, and might not build their own roads, maintain their own police, or resist arrest. That was the first point. Belgian merchants might buy wherever owners were willing to sell at a fair price; the treaty forbade coerced rentals. That was the second. Each Belgian firm could negotiate only its own plot; they could not pre-demarcate vacant land for Belgian jurisdiction and thereby create a concession by stealth. That was the third.

二十八年四月，比使詣外務部，謂漢口租界早經購妥地畝，即將圈築圍牆。外務部命張之洞查復。之洞致外務部，謂：「比人在漢口鐵路總站附近夾鐵路兩旁，購地一大片，請劃為租界。當告以鐵路為中國之路，總站處不能為他國所占，萬難照辦。囑其沿江一段，後至距鐵路三十丈，左至距鐵路總站六十丈止，作為租界，其餘路線以後沿路之三十丈、六十丈各地段，必須全數讓還中國。此系格外通融辦法。比使來鄂時，亦已當面切實辯論。迨飭關道備文照會比領事，比領事照復，將給與租界照收，而未提及其餘應還中國地段。務望囑其早日照鄂定界址定界，將餘地歸還。若再延宕，即已准之界亦不能作為租界。請堅持駮之。」久不決。是年八月，比商赴信陽辦貨，運至漢口，並未請領聯單，又抗不完釐。張之洞飭關道暨稅司詰之。

In the fourth month of the twenty-eighth year of Guangxu (1902), the Belgian minister told the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that Hankou concession land had already been bought and walls would soon go up. The foreign ministry ordered Zhang Zhidong to investigate and reply. Zhang reported: "Belgians had bought a large tract on both sides of the railway near the Hankou terminus and asked that it be designated a concession. They were told the railway belonged to China and the terminus could not be occupied by a foreign power; the request was flatly refused. As an exceptional compromise, one riverside strip—thirty zhang back from the line and sixty zhang from the station—might serve as the concession; every other purchased segment along the line had to be returned in full. This was an extraordinary concession on China's part. When the Belgian minister visited Hubei, Zhang had argued the point face to face. When the customs superintendent notified the Belgian consul in writing, the consul acknowledged the granted concession but said nothing about returning the rest. Zhang urged Beijing to insist that the consul demarcate promptly along the Hubei line and return the surplus land. Further delay would void even the concession already approved. He asked Beijing to hold firm and reject the Belgian position." The dispute dragged on unresolved. That August, Belgian merchants bought goods at Xinyang and shipped them to Hankou without transit permits and refused to pay likin in full. Zhang Zhidong ordered the customs superintendent and tax office to investigate.

二十九年八月，與比公司訂汴洛鐵路借款合同暨行車合同，附鐵路管理材料廠章程、土木合同、購地章程。先是光緒二十五年，鐵路大臣盛宣懷奏請將開封、河南兩府枝路統歸總公司籌款接造，奉旨報可。旋因拳匪事起，停議。至是，比公司代理人盧法爾重申前議，於是盛宣懷乃與盧法爾商議借款。因上奏言：「盧漢幹路在滎澤左近渡河，東至開封，約一百七十里，西至河南府，約二百五十里，現由盧法爾估計，應借工款一百萬鎊，約合法金二千五百萬佛郎克，議明利息期限悉照盧漢章程，俟合同簽定後九個月內開辦。所有議訂合同各條，飭由總公司法文參贊候選道柯鴻年等與盧法爾數月研商，並經臣盛宣懷與河南巡撫陳夔龍逐條斟審，刪汰商榷，並經外部增改，定細目二十九條，又行車合同十條。」奉旨：交外務部覈議具奏。外務部奏言：「臣等查盧漢分枝開封、河南兩府，既經奏蒙俞允，自應准其展造。本年六月，盛宣懷函造合同到部。臣詳加復核，其還本、付息、用人、購器一切辦法，均與盧漢合同相符，而意義較為周密。惟合同第二十三款內載『倘日後中國國家准由河南府接長至西安府，督辦大臣可以應允先侭比公司按照本合同章程妥商議辦』等語。查二十五年十月盛宣懷原奏，雖經申明自洛以通秦隴，應歸總公司籌款接造，而此段枝路地勢綿長，將來如議用華款自辦，亦不可不預留地步。當令添敘『倘中國國家自行籌款，或招集華商股本，接展此路，比國公司不能爭執』。又令于行車合同第九款內添敘『中國郵政局由此鐵路寄送各郵件，應特備專車；沿途各站，皆須備給房屋，以設郵局，均照中國各鐵路通行章程辦理。沿途並不得由承辦之國另設郵局』等語，以保權利。」硃批：依議。宣懷遂與盧法爾定議，借金款二千五百萬佛郎克，合英金一百萬鎊，年息五釐；歸還之期，由賣票之第十年起，分二十年均還。

In the eighth month of the twenty-ninth year of Guangxu (1903), Sheng Xuanhuai's company signed loan and operating contracts for the Bianluo Railway with the Belgian syndicate, along with management, engineering, and land-purchase schedules. In Guangxu 25 (1899), Railway Minister Sheng Xuanhuai had asked that branch lines to Kaifeng and Henan be funded and built under the main company; the throne approved. The Boxer uprising then halted the project. Now the Belgian company's agent Louvrier revived the plan, and Sheng Xuanhuai opened loan talks with him. Sheng memorialized that the Lu-Han trunk crossed the Yellow River near Xingyang; the eastern branch to Kaifeng ran about 170 li and the western to Henan about 250 li. Louvrier estimated a loan of £1,000,000—roughly 25,000,000 French francs—on Lu-Han terms, with work to begin within nine months of signing. Ke Hongnian and other company advisers spent months with Louvrier drafting the terms; Sheng and Henan governor Chen Kuilong reviewed every clause, the foreign ministry amended them further, and the package settled at twenty-nine loan articles plus ten operating articles." The throne referred the contracts to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for review. The foreign ministry reported: "The Kaifeng and Henan branches of Lu-Han, already approved by memorial, should proceed. Sheng sent the contracts in the sixth month. On review, repayment, interest, staffing, and procurement matched the Lu-Han agreement, with tighter wording. Only Article 23 gave the Belgian company first negotiation rights if China later authorized an extension from Henan to Xi'an. Sheng's original memorial of Guangxu 25 had assigned the Luoyang–Qinlong section to the parent company, but the terrain was long and China might someday fund an extension itself; room had to be preserved. They ordered language added: if China financed or floated Chinese capital for the extension, the Belgian company could not object. Article 9 of the operating contract was also amended to require a dedicated mail train for the Chinese post. Every station had to provide premises for post offices under standard Chinese railway practice. The contractor could not open its own post offices along the line—safeguards for Chinese postal rights." The emperor endorsed the recommendation. Sheng and Louvrier closed the deal: 25,000,000 francs (£1,000,000) at five percent. Repayment would begin in the tenth year after flotation and run in equal installments over twenty years.

三十年二月，張之洞聞比國欲在湘造湘陰過常德至辰州一路，特電致湘撫趙爾巽，以紳商稟請承辦拒之。

In the second month of Guangxu 30 (1904), hearing Belgium wanted a Hunan line from Xiangyin via Changde to Chenzhou, Zhang Zhidong wired Hunan governor Zhao Erxun to refuse on the grounds that local gentry and merchants had petitioned to build it themselves.

三十四年，始議收回漢口比國租界。張之洞上奏，言：「比國乘鐵路購地之際，在漢口私購民地三萬六千餘方，以預備鐵路比國工人賃住為辭。自向總署索訂比國路界，經臣力拒，自光緒二十四年起議，相持至二十八年。比使復迭向外務部催咨。臣思比國原購地段，緊倚京漢鐵路南端江邊馬頭之劉家廟火車站，包過鐵路，實扼南北鐵路咽喉，於中國管理鐵路主權，及京漢、粵漢兩路交接之馬頭，大有妨礙，堅不允許。僅就濱江一邊劃地一萬六千餘方，擬作比界，東北兩面，皆與鐵路相離數十丈。比使復求加寬，駮以查明窒礙，咨復外務部酌復。自是又相持數年。比駐漢領事將所買地契送交關道稅印，要脅甚力。臣思此地跨越鐵路，橫當要衝，雖一再駮令減讓，究於附近鐵路地權地利有損，不如議價收回，留作擴充華商貿易，以永保權利。惟自鐵路告成後，地價數十倍於前。經臣磋議經年，始將全數基地議定價銀八十一萬八千餘兩，暫行息借華洋商款墊付。」奏入，報可。義大利即義大利亞，後漢書所稱大秦國也，在歐羅巴洲南境。夏六月，義國王遣使奉表，貢金剛石、飾金劍、金珀書箱、珊瑚樹、琥珀珠、伽南香、哆囉絨、象牙、犀角、乳香、蘇合香、丁香、金銀花露、花幔、花氈、大玻瓈鏡等物。使臣留京九年，始遣歸國。召見於太和殿，賜宴。聖祖以其遠泛重洋，傾誠慕義，錫賚之典，視他國有加。

In Guangxu 34 (1908), talks began to buy back the Hankou Belgian concession. Zhang Zhidong reported that Belgium, while buying land for the railway, had quietly purchased more than 36,000 square units of private land at Hankou, claiming it was for Belgian railway workers. When they asked the Yamen to fix a Belgian railway zone, he had resisted from Guangxu 24; the standoff lasted until Guangxu 28. The Belgian minister kept pressing the foreign ministry. The original Belgian holdings adjoined the Liujiamiao station and wharf at the Beijing-Hankou line's southern terminus and straddled the tracks—throttling the rail junction and the Guangzhou-Hankou connection—so he refused. He offered only a riverside tract of some 16,000 square units, set back several tens of zhang from the railway on the northeast. When the Belgian minister asked for more land, Zhang rejected it after finding the site obstructive and referred the matter to Beijing. The impasse lasted several more years. The Hankou Belgian consul submitted deeds for tax stamping and pressed hard. Even after repeated reductions the site still harmed China's rail interests at a vital crossing; Zhang concluded it was better to buy the land back for Chinese commercial expansion. Once the railway opened, land values had multiplied many times over. After a year of negotiation the full tract was settled at 818,000-plus taels, temporarily financed by interest-bearing loans from Chinese and foreign merchants." The throne approved. Italy, called Yidaliya in Chinese, is the "Great Qin" of the Later Han history—southern Europe. That summer the Italian king sent an envoy with a memorial and tribute: diamonds, gilded swords, amber bookcases, coral, amber beads, aloeswood, broadcloth, ivory, rhinoceros horn, frankincense, storax, cloves, floral essences, brocades, felt, and large glass mirrors, among other gifts. The envoy stayed in Beijing nine years before returning home. He was received in the Hall of Supreme Harmony and given a state banquet. Kangxi, moved that he had crossed the oceans in sincere admiration, rewarded him more generously than envoys from other states.

六年九月，義使駱通恩抵滬請換約，朝命江蘇布政使丁日昌與互換。法領事狄隆赴日昌行館，聲稱此次義國換約，派伊為繙譯官，請日昌先往駱通恩處致候。日昌告以義國公使奉其國差遣出使中華，應先見中國使臣，致其君命，方為盡禮。狄隆又言前在天津照會，聲明於九月在滬換約。今已十月。日昌告以上年比利時國訂於九月換約，先於五月通知。今義國訂於九月換約，遲至九月中旬始行通知。由三口通商大臣咨呈總署王大臣，奏請派使用寶，委員齎送來蘇。現於十月換約，已極迅速。其遲延不在中國也。屆期，駱通恩偕法總領事白來尼、副領事狄隆等齊集日昌行館，公服帶劍，恭請聖安。日昌偕蘇松太道應寶時等按章禮待。駱通恩索觀憑據，日昌恭捧諭旨，給與開讀，並將條約公同展對。駱通恩出視條約一匣，綴有義國君主用印之銀盒蠟餅，裝飾整齊，惟系用洋字另書，並無上年在京所定原本。日昌不允互換。駱通恩免冠懇求，自認錯誤，謂值新舊使臣交換之際，誤以為有其國君主用印之條約即可為憑，致將原約漏未攜帶。此次蒙恩准予換約，各國皆知。今屆期不換，實覺無顏對人等語。白來尼等亦為之代求，原代為繙譯，並謂現帶用洋字條約，儻與漢文原約文義不符，惟法國領事是問，懇為通融辦理。日昌與應寶時商明，先飭洋務委員督同熟諳意大裏亞國文義之監生沈鼎鐘，並白來尼等，將駱通恩所齎洋字條約與奉頒條約詳校無訛，仍不允與換。駱通恩一再情懇，日昌乃與變通，告以貴使祗齎有君主用印之洋字條約一分，則中國使臣亦祗能先將我皇上用寶之漢文條約一分與之互換，所附洋文條約，暫為拆下，留在上海道署，限駱使於四個月內取上年原定條約來換此約，並聲明彼時祗能由蘇松太道就近與換，不再遣使。駱使允照辦，惟四個月限期改為六個月。十年三月，義遣使臣費三多來華，並遞國書，兼考求浙江養蠶事。

In the ninth month of the sixth year of Tongzhi (1867), Italian envoy Passeri reached Shanghai to exchange treaties; the court assigned Jiangsu financial commissioner Ding Richang. French consul Delon visited Ding Richang's quarters, saying he had been appointed interpreter and asking Richang to call on Passeri first. Richang replied that an envoy sent by Italy should first call on the Chinese commissioner and deliver his sovereign's commission—that was proper protocol. Delon added that a Tianjin note had fixed exchange for September in Shanghai. It was already October. Richang noted that Belgium had scheduled September exchange the year before and notified China in May. Italy had fixed September but did not notify China until mid-September. The three-port commissioner had memorialized the Yamen for the imperial seal and couriers to bring it to Suzhou. Exchanging in October was already remarkably fast. The delay was not China's fault. On the appointed day Passeri, French consul-general Blanchet, vice-consul Delon, and others came to Richang's residence in full dress with swords and asked to pay respects to the Emperor. Richang and Suzhou intendant Ying Baoshi received them by the book. Passeri asked to see the credentials; Richang read aloud the imperial decree and opened the treaty for joint inspection. Passeri produced a casket of treaty copies sealed with the Italian king's wax seal in silver boxes—handsomely prepared, but in Western script only, without the original agreed in Beijing the year before. Richang refused to exchange. Passeri doffed his hat and pleaded, admitting that during the handover between outgoing and incoming ministers he had assumed a sealed copy would suffice and had left the original in Beijing. The exchange had been publicly approved; every legation knew. To miss the date, he said, would be unbearably shameful before the other ministers. Blanchet and the others interceded as interpreters, pledging that if the Western text diverged from the Chinese original the French consul would answer for it, and asking for flexibility. Richang and Ying Baoshi had foreign-affairs staff, the Italian-trained licentiate Shen Dingzhong, and Blanchet compare Passeri's Western text against the Chinese original line by line; even after it checked out, Richang still refused exchange. After repeated pleading Richang offered a compromise: since Passeri had only a sealed Western copy, China would exchange only its sealed Chinese copy; the Western text would stay at the Shanghai intendant's office while Passeri brought the Beijing original within four months—future exchange to be handled locally by the Suzhou intendant, not by a special envoy. Passeri agreed, with the deadline extended from four months to six. In the third month of the tenth year of Tongzhi (1871), Italy sent Minister Feder with credentials and a mission to study sericulture in Zhejiang.

二十八年，義請派專使駐京，許之。政府亦以許鎯為出使義國專使。十一月，呈遞國書，義主躬親接授。向例公使見義主無座，至是賜坐。逾月，又見義後及義太后。義主設宴宮中，請各國公使，義主義後均入座。席散，義後詳詢中華文字書籍。二十九年三月，義國開農學會，請中國入會，鎯派員往。四月，許鎯譯送義國財政考於外務部，謂義國幅員廣袤不及中國十分之一，而歲入之款較中國多至五倍，歲出之款較中國亦多四倍有餘。十月，又譯送義國關卡稅則於外務部，謂徵稅章程二十條，應稅之物分十七類，共三百六十八種，又包皮稅及去包皮章程十六條，註冊費章程十一條，其中綜核至悉，分析至精，較之中國通商稅則，疏密懸殊，冀中國取則。是月許鎯請商部派員赴義考察商務，謂「義國在華商務無多，間有他國商人運華貨來義者，除蠶繭、茶葉二宗外，他物絕尟。至華商從未到義國及其屬地貿易，應即派員考察」云云。二十九年，日、俄開戰。十二月，義與英、美、德、法公同照會俄、日，云：「除滿洲外，不得在北洋水陸境內開戰。」三十年，許鎯又譯義國榷煙志及銀行章程。三十一年，許鎯譯送義國國債冊律章程彙編及官售煙價表。

In the twenty-eighth year of Guangxu (1902), Italy asked to post a resident minister in Beijing, and the court agreed. The government likewise appointed Xu Meng minister to Italy. In the eleventh month Xu Meng presented his credentials, and the king received them in person. Envoys had customarily stood before the king; this time he was offered a seat. A month later he was received by the queen and the queen mother. The king gave a palace banquet for the foreign envoys, with both sovereign and queen seated at table. After the meal the queen questioned him at length about Chinese script and literature. In the third month of the twenty-ninth year (1903), Italy opened an agricultural congress and invited China to join; Xu Meng sent delegates. In April Xu Meng sent the Ministry of Foreign Affairs a translation of an Italian fiscal survey, noting that Italy's territory was less than a tenth of China's yet its annual revenue ran five times higher and its expenditure more than four times higher. In October he forwarded a translation of Italy's customs tariff: twenty articles of tax rules covering seventeen categories and 368 dutiable items, plus sixteen articles on wrapper duties and eleven on registration fees—far more detailed than China's commercial schedule, which he hoped Beijing might use as a model. That same month Xu Meng asked the Ministry of Commerce to send an inspection mission to Italy, reporting that Italian trade in China was slight and that, aside from silk cocoons and tea, Chinese goods reaching Italy through foreign merchants were negligible. Chinese merchants, he added, had never traded in Italy or its dependencies, and an inspection tour should be sent without delay. In the twenty-ninth year (1904) Japan and Russia went to war. In December Italy joined Britain, the United States, Germany, and France in a joint note to Russia and Japan declaring that, apart from Manchuria, neither power might conduct hostilities in the waters and territories of northern China. In the thirtieth year (1904) Xu Meng translated Italy's tobacco monopoly regulations and banking statutes. In the thirty-first year (1905) he forwarded translations of Italy's national-debt registration code and official tobacco price tables.

三十二年夏，駐滬義領事面遞約稿十一條于商約大臣呂海寰、盛宣懷，海寰等即將歷次與外務部電商之加稅、傳教、嗎啡鴉片、國幣、治外法權等五款照交，因致外務部及鄂督張之洞、直督袁世凱，謂：「查義約前四條系新款：一，欲絲貨出口興旺，索開紹興、無錫兩處口岸；一，原襄助中國詳細考求養蠶學堂，及設立局所，代為經理；一，於未加稅以前，改訂蘇杭鐵路運貨釐金，推廣義商辦繭稅單期限。後七條為英、美各約所有，均略變其詞：一，內地行輪；一，治外法權；一，華洋合股；一，礦務；一，國幣；一，優待利益；一，條約期限及以義文為正義等。」外部得電，即逐款指駮。海寰等因告義領，義領一再爭辨。遂議口岸援日約長沙例照辦，蠶學用兼聘教員字樣。大致已就，已忽翻異，欲廢議約。海寰等恐於加稅有礙，欲照所擬允准，令稅司為轉圜焉。

In the summer of the thirty-second year (1906) the Italian consul at Shanghai delivered an eleven-article treaty draft in person to Lu Haihuan and Sheng Xuanhuai, the commissioners for commercial treaties. They forwarded copies of five issues already under telegram negotiation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—tariff increases, missionary rights, morphine and opium, national currency, and extraterritorial jurisdiction—and reported to the ministry, Zhang Zhidong in Hubei, and Yuan Shikai in Zhili: "The first four Italian articles are new: first, to boost silk exports, Italy seeks treaty ports at Shaoxing and Wuxi; second, to assist China in studying sericulture schools, establishing offices, and managing them on China's behalf; third, before new tariffs took effect, to revise likin on freight carried by the Suzhou-Hangzhou railway and extend the validity of cocoon-tax certificates for Italian merchants. The remaining seven articles echoed British and American treaties with minor wording changes: inland navigation; extraterritorial jurisdiction; Sino-foreign joint-stock companies; mining; national currency; most-favored-nation benefits; and treaty duration and the authority of the Italian text. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs answered by rebutting each article in turn. Lu Haihuan and his colleagues relayed Beijing's objections to the consul, who argued back repeatedly. They settled on applying the Changsha precedent from the Japanese treaty to the port question and adopting the phrase "concurrently hired instructors" for the sericulture-school clause. A settlement was nearly in hand when Italy abruptly changed course and sought to drop the talks altogether. Lu Haihuan and Sheng Xuanhuai feared that collapse would jeopardize the broader tariff-increase negotiations and urged approval on the terms already drafted, asking the customs authorities to intervene.

是年，義國密拉諾賽會，牒請中國派員入會，並送到章程各冊及會場總圖。許鎯得牒，當將總章全譯，分章九門，祗譯子目，因致外務部，謂：「此會原起，系為慶賀義大利、瑞士兩國交界地方所鑿新潑龍山洞鐵道告成而設。歐洲山洞鐵道，向以法、義交界之蒙斯尼山洞工程為最钜，計長一萬二千二百三十三邁當。現開之新潑龍山洞，計長一萬八千七百四十三邁當，實為歐洲山洞第一深長鐵道。從前輪船商貨運往北歐者，必由法國馬賽起岸陸運。今此路告成，以後可改由義境之折努阿起程陸運。此為義國新得商利之大端，故會中章程以陸運、海運、河運三項居首。中國各省現議開鐵道，如派員前來考察，似于講求路政有裨。」政府得電，許之。義又設農業會，意在聯絡地球諸國崇本勸農，請中國入會。計此次入會者四十國，會員共一百十人，前後會議者十，分議者五。許鎯僅於開會及簽押日一到而已。

That year Italy invited China to the Milan exhibition, sending regulations and a site plan with the request. Xu Meng received the invitation, translated the general regulations in full—nine sections, subheadings only—and reported to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: "The fair commemorates completion of the Simplon tunnel railway on the Italo-Swiss frontier. Europe's longest tunnel railway had been the Mont Cenis line on the Franco-Italian border, at 12,233 metres. The new Simplon tunnel, at 18,743 metres, was now the longest railway tunnel in Europe. Goods bound for northern Europe had formerly been landed at Marseille and carried overland through France. With the new line open, freight could instead enter Italy at Chiasso and proceed overland from there. That commercial gain explained why the exhibition program led with land, sea, and river transport. With provinces across China planning railways, a visit might usefully inform China's own railway policy. Beijing approved the mission. Italy also convened an agricultural congress to promote farming among the nations and again invited China to participate. Forty countries took part, with 110 delegates, ten plenary sessions, and five sectional meetings. Xu Meng appeared only for the opening ceremony and the signing day.

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