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卷160 志一百三十五 邦交八 奥斯马加 秘鲁 巴西 葡萄牙 墨西哥 刚果

Volume 160 Treatises 135: Foreign Relations 8, Ottoman Empire, Peru, Brazil, Portugal, Mexico, Congo

Chapter 160 of 清史稿 · Draft History of Qing
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1
使使 使 使 使 使 使使 使 使
Osimaga—that is, Austria—had long traded at Guangdong. Cantonese knew the realm by its banner and called it the Country of the Double Eagle. It then sent the envoy Bizhi to China. Introduced by the British minister Alcock, he asked to conclude a treaty, presented his sovereign's instructions, and sought to negotiate in Beijing. The Zongli Yamen replied that treaty talks in Beijing ran counter to precedent for foreign states, and that the Minister for the Three Treaty Ports should first be notified so he could seek imperial instructions. The Austrian envoy forwarded a note to Chonghou, Minister for the Three Treaty Ports, for transmission to the court. The court approved the arrangement and ordered Dong Xun, a grand minister of the Zongli Yamen and Minister of War, to conduct the negotiations together with Chonghou. The Austrian envoy submitted the forty-nine-article treaty he had brought, compiled for the most part from other nations' agreements. Dong Xun and his colleagues revised every clause slated for deletion or addition. The Austrian envoy refused to accept Dong's insertion that merchants might not serve as consuls, but insisted on retaining the missionary article Dong had struck out. Round after round of talks ended without agreement. Eventually the Austrian envoy agreed to drop the missionary clause. On the question of merchants serving as consuls, he still wanted a separate note filed on the day of signing, and the Chinese side consented. They then finalized a treaty of forty-five articles, nine articles of commercial regulations, and a volume of tariff schedules. That same year the Austrian schooner Eleutheria entered port under the British flag, having smuggled in more than a hundred bales of foreign salt totaling over twenty thousand jin in weight. The Tianjin customs superintendent reported the matter to the Zongli Yamen. The Yamen ruled that importing salt on an Austrian ship plainly breached the treaty, ordered a seizure and investigation, and instructed the British consul to take up the case. In the ninth month of the tenth year the Austrian treaty came due for renewal. Minister George petitioned the Yamen, and the throne specially appointed En Xi, Jiangsu provincial administration commissioner, to exchange instruments at Shanghai. The exchange was delayed because articles 5 and 8 of the supplementary regulations in the Chinese text referred to 'Article 8' of the treaty, whereas the Austrian text erroneously read 'Article 1' throughout; under the tariff's import list for alang wood, the Chinese version capped length at thirty-five fathoms, but the Austrian text gave fifty-five; for feathered damasks, gauzes, silks, and small woolens, the Chinese text measured duty 'per zhang' while the Austrian read 'per bolt,' and these too required correction. The exchange was not completed until the sixth month of the eleventh year. In the eleventh year the Austrian minister wrote to the Yamen with word from home that, from the seventeenth day of the seventh month of the previous year, Austrian vessels were to be tonned by the same rules as British ships, and asked that the Inspector General notify every customs house accordingly. In the twelfth year, when Emperor Muzong took up personal rule, the Austrian minister joined the other foreign envoys in formal audience.
2
使使殿 使 使使使 使殿 使使 使 使殿 使 使 使 西
In the fourth month of the twentieth year Xu Jingcheng circularized the Austrian, Russian, German, and Dutch foreign offices with the Yamen's current rules and the agreed import tax on foreign machinery. In the tenth month, for the Empress Dowager's sixtieth birthday, the Austrian minister joined the other envoys in presenting congratulatory state letters, and the Emperor received them in the Wenhua Hall. In the twenty-first year, when the Austrian emperor's uncle died, Xu Jingcheng sought permission to offer condolences, and the court assented. In the tenth month of the twenty-second year Yang Ru, Left Censor-in-Chief of the Censorate, was appointed envoy to Russia, Austria, and the Netherlands. In the eleventh month the minister accredited to Germany and Austria reported that Vienna intended to send Walbrunn as resident minister in Beijing and asked for China's recognition, with a reciprocal Chinese minister at Vienna. In the fourth month of the twenty-third year Minister Qigan of Austria was received in audience at the Wenhua Hall. In the third month of spring in the twenty-sixth year Gui Chun of the Grand Secretariat was appointed envoy to Russia with concurrent accreditation to Austria. In the seventh month, amid the Boxer crisis, Austrian forces marched into Beijing with the German, American, French, British, Italian, Japanese, and Russian allies. In the fourth month of the twenty-eighth year Wu Dezang, a third-rank official, was appointed minister to Austria. In the twenty-ninth year Yang Sheng, a Shandong circuit intendant, took his place. In the tenth month of the thirtieth year Minister Qigan was received in audience at the Huangji Hall. In the eighth month of the thirty-first year Li Jingmai, a third-rank capital official, was named resident minister to Austria. In the third month of the thirty-second year Minister Guxinski was received in audience at the Qianqing Palace. In the seventh month of the thirty-third year Lei Bu, counselor in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was named co-minister resident in Austria. Peru is located in South America. A Peruvian ship, the Maria, had secretly seized more than two hundred Chinese laborers at Macao. When it reached Yokohama, Japan detained the vessel, investigated the case, and invited China to send officials. Trade Minister He Jing then sent Acting Subprefect Chen Fuxun with British and American consular officers. The workers were soon repatriated, and China thanked Japan for its intervention.
3
使 使西 使 滿 西
In the twelfth year Peru dispatched an envoy to China to negotiate a treaty. Soon afterward Peruvian Minister Gelcier called on Li Hongzhang at Tianjin. Li confronted him over abuses of Chinese workers and declined to enter talks. The envoy promptly wrote to Li, citing Peru's new labor regulations and insisting that no abuse had occurred. Li replied that although Peru's new labor code seemed fair on paper, petitions from Chinese subjects in the eighth and tenth years of Tongzhi had complained of 'harsh demands, beatings, shackles, hunger and cold; contracts signed but rules ignored; repatriation promised but never delivered when terms expired'—clear proof that worker protection had not been enforced. Your note also cited passenger-ship rules adopted on 14 August 1855, which barred transporting laborers in large gangs. Japan's detention of the Maria revealed more than two hundred thirty kidnapped Chinese aboard. Consuls of several nations jointly examined the crew and found the captain brutal, rations inadequate, and workers subjected to queue-cutting, flogging, and confinement. Customs at Guangdong further reported that one Peruvian ship had taken 313 workers from Macao; in the tenth year of Tongzhi, thirteen Peruvian ships removed 5,987; in the eleventh year, nineteen ships took 9,381. Each case involved mass shipments that Peru never investigated or stopped. Customs also reported that in the seventh month of this year seven Peruvian ships had come to Huangpu to recruit labor and were expelled for violating current regulations. These facts again show that Peru has ignored its own ban on mass shipments of Chinese labor. Last year's circular to all powers had declared that states without treaties might neither open recruitment offices nor carry Chinese workers abroad. Even treaty powers were forbidden to recruit at Macao. Every power had been duly notified. Peru has never had a treaty with China and therefore may not export Chinese labor under these rules. Yet you yourself said yesterday that more than a hundred thousand Chinese are already in Peru—an open breach of international practice. Chinese in Peru have moreover been cruelly abused and twice appealed through the American minister to Beijing. When British, American, and French ministers lately reported your wish to negotiate, the Zongli Yamen replied to all legations that Peru had long trafficked in kidnapped labor, that its workers had suffered beyond endurance, and that China would treat Peru differently from other powers: every recruited worker must be sent home and further recruitment forbidden before any treaty talks—otherwise negotiations were impossible. You will already have heard this; I need not elaborate."
4
使 使 使 滿 便 使 使
The envoy soon wrote that if Peru followed the Yamen's terms and repatriated every recruited worker, talks could proceed in good order. Li fixed a date for negotiations, but the envoy failed to appear and was rebuked. He requested another meeting; Li set a new date, and on the appointed day the envoy arrived with Elmore, the Peruvian interpreter. Subprefect Rong Hong had just returned from the United States, and Li directed him to take part in the talks. The envoy produced Li's letter and answered each point, denying any mistreatment; he added that because China barred recruitment by states without treaties, Peru had hurried an envoy to Beijing and would thereafter enforce mutual oversight under a treaty. Repatriation, he said, could be written into the treaty: merchants and residents who chose to stay need not return, but when other contracts expired the original employers must send workers home, case by case. Rong Hong noted that in the United States laborers were not bound by fixed-term contracts. Chinese workers in California and elsewhere were free to come and go, and American officials could neither compel nor detain them. Even when a contract existed, an unwilling worker could cancel it at any time. Peru should follow the same practice. The envoy agreed to discuss the point. Li continued to press the issue of kidnapped Chinese. The envoy took offense and threatened to leave for home. Meeting after meeting ended without agreement.
5
使使 便 滿 滿 滿
In the third month of the thirteenth year negotiations resumed. The envoy submitted his own draft, which Li rejected. Eventually they agreed on a special article on Chinese labor. It began: 'Many Chinese now live in Peru, and complaints of injustice have been raised. Both sides therefore agreed to open with commercial clauses and friendly intercourse, so that they might work in concert. China would send commissioners to Peru to investigate conditions thoroughly and notify workers of their rights; Peru would assist fully and receive the commissioners courteously. Where suffering workers were found, whether contracts had expired and regardless of numbers, commissioners would notify local authorities. If employers disputed the matter, local officials would hear the case. Workers who remained aggrieved might appeal to senior Peruvian officials for a fresh review. Chinese workers would enjoy the most favorable petition procedures granted to any foreign community in Peru. From the date Peru approved these rules, whenever contracts expired and required employers to pay return passage, workers who wished to go home would be repatriated at employer expense. Where contracts lacked repatriation clauses, expired workers who could not pay passage but wished to return would be sent home on Chinese ships at Peru's expense,' and so on.'
6
使便 西 使 使
Li then revised the nineteen commercial articles and the labor investigation clause and reported to the Yamen: 'The envoy and foreign opinion alike held that by accepting investigation and repatriation Peru had made a major concession; China should therefore grant standard treaty terms. The nineteen commercial articles largely followed Western treaty language. Yet Li revised every article—for example deleting the formula 'mutually compared and found satisfactory' that opened other treaties. Other treaties named only foreign ministers in Beijing; this text explicitly recognized China's minister. Where other treaties were silent on merchants serving as consuls, Li added 'merchants may not be appointed as agents.' The envoy refused to remove trade-goods language from travel permits, so Li added 'goods must be declared under manifest rules.' Where other treaties privileged English and French, Li stipulated that each side would use its own language, with English available for reference. Every remaining clause on trade, taxes, warships, merchant shipping, complaints, and litigation was revised to protect China's interests. Most critical was the endless abuse of labor recruitment. Macao had long been a hub of the trade; workers already suffered in Peru. Investigation alone would mean little if recruitment resumed—where would the harm end? Article 6 followed the American supplementary treaty—'no other method of recruitment is permitted'—and added that coercion or deception at Macao or any port was forbidden, with severe penalties for offenders and vessels. If China enforced the clause, Peru would not dare violate it, and other powers' recruitment practices could be challenged by precedent. On the earlier labor investigation article, officials were to be sent, and the envoy promised immediate compliance."
7
使 使 使 使
Rong Hong was promptly sent to Peru to investigate. Rong's report described workers sold to mines, cane fields, sugar mills, and guano islands, abused throughout their contracts, beaten or driven to suicide, or killed in furnace fires and boiling vats—a record of appalling suffering. When the treaty came due for renewal, Peru sent Minister Elmore to request an exchange of instruments. Governor Ding Richang was appointed to exchange the treaty. Ding said: 'China signed last year because Minister Gelcier's note promised new regulations to protect Chinese subjects and end every abuse. Yet the commissioners sent afterward found workers still abused, in plain violation of the treaty's promises of protection and fair treatment. Hardly was the treaty signed when Peru broke it in multiple ways. Ding insisted on a note requiring compliance after renewal and an end to the old abuses." The envoy, hearing this, left in a rage before Ding had finished. Ding reported the envoy's discourtesy to the Yamen and asked to delay the exchange.
8
使 使使 使 使使 使 使使 使 使 使 沿
In the fourth year, with Macao and Hong Kong both tightening bans, Peru went to Guangzhou and privately contracted with Russell & Co. to ship laborers for five years at 160,000 dollars a year in freight, operating a recruitment office. The Guangdong governor-general promptly investigated and banned the operation. A Peruvian envoy called on Li Hongzhang at Tianjin and was turned away. Minister Chen Lanbin was accredited to the United States with concurrent charge of Japan and Peru but never visited Peru. In the seventh year Zheng Zaoru, Tianjin customs intendant, became minister to the United States, Japan, and Peru. In the fifth month of the tenth year he reached Peru from the United States, presented credentials to the president, opened a legation in Lima, and appointed a counselor to manage affairs. A consul was posted at Callao for Chinese affairs. Recruitment remained banned, and officials were asked to raid illegal hiring offices near Guangzhou. Zheng returned in the twelfth year; Fu Yunlong, Zhang Yinhuan, Cui Guoyin, and Yang Ru later served as ministers. Ten acting consuls, chosen from respectable Peruvians, reported to the legation counselor while the minister remained non-resident. In the twenty-first year Peru's new president received congratulatory letters from all powers; Peru asked the American minister to forward China's through the Yamen. China issued formal credentials in the twenty-second year. In the sixth month of the twenty-third year Acting Minister Li Jingxu reached Callao but was barred from landing because of epidemic quarantine rules. Entry was permitted only after a long delay. Minister Yang Ru went to present credentials. Peru sent a guard officer to Callao, a train to Lima, and a vice-minister to the station. On presentation day a state carriage was provided again. Other envoys presented credentials in military uniform with swords. As Peru was a republic, the Chinese envoy wore ordinary dress, bowed, delivered congratulations, and received a formal reply.
9
In the twenty-fourth year Lima Chinese bought goods in Hong Kong, and the Peruvian consul there stamped the invoices. The stamp fee had been one percent of value; it was now raised and collected in pounds sterling, more than doubling the old rate. Merchants protested the breach of rules and asked the foreign ministry and Acting Minister Xie Xifu to restore the old fee. Xie therefore noted to the foreign ministry: "Invoice stamp fees are fixed at one percent worldwide. Capital may be gold or silver, but the one-percent rule applies everywhere. In Lima, Chilean flour duties use Chilean currency and British goods use gold, as Peru's tariff shows. The same local rule applies to Chilean and British goods, yet Hong Kong alone is singled out. If Hong Kong must use pounds because it is British, Cantonese capital should be converted to gold like other treaty states." The foreign ministry refused. It claimed Hong Kong silver was debased and pound conversion too costly. Xie reported that merchants would accept uniform pound fees. Peru then agreed to charge on capital value in pounds sterling.
10
西 使 使稿 西稿 西 仿 西 西 西西輿 西 使使 西 西
Brazil was a new republic in South America. Envoy Carrado first came to Tianjin to negotiate a treaty. The Yamen asked the northern and southern trade ministers to negotiate locally. Li Hongzhang was appointed plenipotentiary. On the first day of the sixth month Carrado reached Tianjin, asked Li to negotiate, and offered a draft treaty. Talks were scheduled and, after repeated revision, the treaty was settled. Li memorialized: "The Brazilian negotiations required many drafts. The Peruvian treaty became the base, recruitment clauses were removed, and sixteen articles were settled. Every clause affecting Chinese rights was argued and revised. Article 1's "may reside in the other country" gained "of their own free will," barring coerced recruitment. Article 3 required approved consular credentials and allowed withdrawal—standard Western practice. This had two advantages: China could refuse unsuitable nominees; and could refuse consuls at newly opened ports where locals were uneasy. Withdrawal of credentials kept grant and recall in Chinese hands. Article 4 addressed travel permits, which consuls had often issued for intendants merely to stamp. Now consuls must ask intendants to issue stamped permits, strengthening local authority. Article 5 on special clauses followed the new German treaty. The phrase "enjoy equally" favored foreigners; preventing abuse was essential. Future preferences would require reciprocal special agreements before Brazil could claim them. Article 6 was to follow German rules on false declarations. But the Brazilian draft followed Peru and lacked detailed commercial rules. A single clause on mis-reporting would leave gaps. Merchants and ships must instead follow China's general commercial regulations with all powers. Articles 9 through 12 concerned judicial cases. In the West local officials tried cases without consuls. Legal differences had given consuls authority in China. Now "the official of the defendant's nationality shall try and sentence under his own law." As defendants were mostly Chinese, joint trial had harmed them. Trial by the defendant's own officials should be fairer. Article 11 also promised Brazil would follow any future Sino-Western code of law—a pioneering clause. All clauses were adjusted with reference to other treaties. Opium, though not Brazilian, deeply harmed China. Brazil's envoy would notify his government to ban Brazilian opium sales, with exchange of notes." The treaty was signed and sealed on the first day of the eighth month. Next year Carrado suddenly asked Li to revise the treaty by telegram from home. The treaty was revised to seventeen articles and the old texts voided. Instruments were exchanged at Shanghai in the fourth month of the eighth year. In the eighth month Brazil gave Li a decoration, which he reciprocated.
11
西使 使稿 西 滿 西 使西 西
In Xuantong 1 (1909) Brazilian Minister Berreira sought a special arbitration treaty. He had cited the Hague Convention and submitted a draft at the foreign ministry. Vice-President Lian Fang negotiated four articles: disputes unresolved diplomatically could go to the Hague court, without harming sovereignty or third parties; arbitrators' powers would be set by both governments; the treaty ran five years with automatic renewal unless denounced six months early; exchange would be in Rio in Chinese, Portuguese, and French, with French controlling ambiguity; signing was followed by delay in exchange. In the tenth month of year 3 Dai Chenlin and Brazil's acting minister exchanged at Paris. Portugal lies at the far west of Europe. Under the Ming Zhengde emperor it reached Zhoushan, Ningbo, and Quanzhou. In Longqing it obtained Macao (Haojing), paying 500 taels annual rent—the start of European trade in Guangdong.
12
使 使 使 西使使 西 使
In a Qing summer fourth month Portugal sent Minister Medeiros with tribute. Governor Yang Wenqian escorted him to Beijing for audience and banquet. Extra gifts of ginseng, silk, porcelain, and art were granted; Censor Chang Baozhu escorted him back to Macao. At Macao's Catholic church Medeiros led merchants in a birthday service for the Emperor. Later Portugal sent Pacheco and Primor with tribute: "My father served Kangxi and Yongzheng with utmost loyalty. Since his death I have continued his reverent service. Westerners in China enjoy the Emperor's grace; I send Pacheco to wish His Majesty health and offer congratulations. May Heaven bless our small kingdom through the Emperor. I beg continued favor for Western residents in China. My envoy is prudent; affairs at home are arranged so his arrival will please the throne. I humbly beg acceptance of all I present."
13
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In the twelfth year, with new opium taxes, Shao Youlian and Hart were sent to Hong Kong to consult. Opium from India passed through Hong Kong; British and Portuguese cooperation was essential. Anti-smuggling methods were discussed with the Macao governor. As Portugal had no treaty, direct talks might invite excessive demands. Hart negotiated by wire; Macao agreed to a customs post. A four-article draft followed: exchange of commercial treaties in Beijing; second, China recognizes Portuguese administration of Macao; First, Portugal agreed that Macao would not be transferred to any other country without China's consent; Second, whatever arrangements applied to the opium tax in Hong Kong would be extended to Macao by analogy. Campbell, an official of the Revenue Service, was sent to Portugal to sign the agreement, and Portugal was permitted to dispatch a minister to China to negotiate the detailed treaty.
14
使 西 使 使 使
Zhang Zhidong, Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi, submitted a memorial in which he said: "Macao falls under the jurisdiction of Xiangshan County. More than two hundred li from the provincial capital and reachable by land, it is in truth Guangdong's gateway on the coast—not like Qiongzhou, marooned across the sea, nor like Hong Kong, standing alone in the open water. The Portuguese were now pressing demands on this account. To yield to their wishes and settle for a treaty on their terms would invite serious trouble. Measures to repair the damage and set things right might be summed up in five points. First: negotiate a thorough detailed treaty. Although Campbell had signed the preliminary agreement, additions and deletions to the full treaty must still await the arrival of the Portuguese minister in China, to be reviewed jointly with the Zongli Yamen and submitted for imperial approval. The provision allowing Portugal to remain permanently in Macao stemmed from their cooperation in opium tax collection and an exceptional waiver of rent—it was nothing like ceding territory outright to Portugal. Moreover, the treaty already included wording that Macao "shall not be transferred to other countries"—showing it remained Chinese soil. The concession to Portugal should be framed as permission to reside there with rent exempted, not as Portuguese sovereign territory. The non-transfer clause should explicitly state that Macao is Chinese territory which Portugal may not cede to any third power. In this way we would bear the appearance of cession while suffering no actual loss of authority—entirely consistent with the spirit of the original agreement. Second: fix the boundaries clearly. There are boundaries on land and at sea. What is the land boundary? Mountains lie to the northeast and the sea to the southwest—that defines Macao. The original locations of the Barra Gate, Portas do Cerco, and Xingkai Gate can all be verified in local gazetteers. The forts, roads, and barracks Portugal had built were all unlawful encroachment beyond what was permitted. When the treaty was drawn up, the wall should be insisted on as the boundary, with not an inch conceded beyond it. What of the water boundary? International law holds that a territory's coastal jurisdiction extends as far as a cannon shot can carry. Where two nations' lands adjoin with a stream between them, the mid-channel is taken as the border. That rule applies to each nation's own territory and lands acquired by force. Macao was Chinese territory throughout; Portugal had merely been allowed to live there permanently and could govern only the ground they occupied. Clear provisions should be written stipulating that Portuguese vessels may pass freely on all waterways, but Portugal must not invoke international law to claim jurisdiction over adjacent waters as well. Third: the border should be determined through joint field survey. Granting Portugal the right to remain in Macao rent-free left all water jurisdiction in China's hands—there was no maritime border to negotiate. On land, the line should stop at the original barrier wall. In the early Tongzhi period the Portuguese had torn down the barrier wall, hoping to erase all trace of it. The wall could be torn down, but its former location could never be wiped away. Once a treaty was finalized, officials should be dispatched from Guangdong to join the Portuguese envoy on a site inspection, verify the old boundaries, and mark the border jointly—preventing any surreptitious expansion. Fourth: cross-check the foreign-language text. According to Hart's report, the four articles of the draft treaty differed drastically in tone and substance from versions published in Macao's foreign-language press. The first article, on sending a minister to China to negotiate trade treaties, had been supplemented in the foreign text with the phrase "most-favored-nation treatment." The second article, granting Portugal permanent residence in Macao with full administrative authority, carried an added foreign-language phrase: "in all respects identical to Portugal's possessions elsewhere." In all three places where the draft mentioned Macao, the foreign text read "Macao and its dependencies." The term "dependencies" was dangerously vague—sweeping in not only the area from beyond the wall to Wangxia village but potentially every nearby island and adjoining settlement. The phrase comparing Macao to Portugal's other colonial possessions was equally outrageous. Foreign press accounts might not be fully reliable, but such reports did not arise from nothing. This contradicted the Zongli Yamen's submitted report and fell far short of the imperial purpose in allowing permanent residence. The Zongli Yamen should be instructed to undertake a thorough comparison of the Chinese and foreign-language drafts before proceeding, to forestall territorial encroachment. Fifth: withhold ratification for the time being. Even after terms are agreed, ratification rests with the throne—as is customary among all nations. The Chefoo Convention with the United States, concluded in 1876, left three articles unratified until the previous year—an established precedent. Portugal should be told plainly that ratification and exchange would come only after measurable results—significantly increased tax revenue and prompt extradition of kidnappers and fugitives—so they could not perpetuate their deceptions indefinitely." The memorial was received and approved.
15
使
The Portuguese minister Rosa soon arrived in China and presented a brief and maps to the Zongli Yamen. The Zongli Yamen ministers examined the maps and found the boundaries of Portuguese occupation ill-defined, sparking considerable dispute. They also wrote to Li Hongzhang, Minister for the Northern Seas, asking him to send officials to Macao for an on-the-ground investigation. Zhang Zhidong submitted another memorial urging that boundaries be settled first and treaty talks postponed. He argued in substance that the Macao region, on land and sea alike, comprised four categories of territory: originally leased land, long-held encroachments, recent seizures, and areas claimed but not yet taken. Within the barrier wall of the original lease they might continue to reside as before, but encroached territory should be explicitly confined and unoccupied land firmly demarcated." He further observed: "Opium entering China flows entirely through Hong Kong and is distributed from there to the various treaty ports—no vessel ever ships it directly to Macao. The critical point of enforcement lies with Hong Kong, not Macao." Unable to settle boundaries promptly, the Zongli Yamen maintained its position of negotiating the treaty first and demarcating afterward—a resolution that took considerable time.
16
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The Zongli Yamen then reported: "The Yamen had twice before taken up this question—once to negotiate a commercial treaty, once to buy back the territory—and both efforts had failed to reach conclusion. On account of the campaign against opium smuggling, they were now allowed to reopen their earlier proposals. Because Macao's boundaries had long been unclear, they negotiated repeatedly with Minister Rosa and stipulated in the treaty that Macao's borders would be fixed only after survey, and that no change in the existing situation would be permitted until demarcation was complete. A separate article prohibiting transfer to any third power was added as a permanent pledge. The Portuguese minister agreed to cable his government immediately and settle on these terms. While preparations were underway, Li Hongzhang wrote again reporting the Guangdong authorities' four-tier scheme distinguishing original lease, long occupation, new occupation, and unoccupied areas. The date of the so-called long occupation was uncertain. New encroachments dated to the Xianfeng and Tongzhi reigns or later. Commissioner Cheng Zuohéng returned to Tianjin and reported after discussion that the area within the barrier wall was the original lease, everything within Portas do Cerco had been long occupied, and Taipa and Coloane were recent seizures. All of these were territory already held. The strip north of Portas do Cerco reaching to Qianshan, the shores of Wanzi and Yinkeng across the channel west of Macao, and the islands far to the southeast—all were areas Portugal sought but had not yet taken. These would be handled case by case when boundary commissioners were sent out." Approval followed shortly afterward.
17
使 使
Later, on the extradition clause, the Portuguese minister sought wording modeled on the British treaty: Chinese criminals who fled to Macao would be handed over once their guilt was established. The Zongli Yamen refused. After prolonged negotiation they agreed to revised language: when Chinese subjects who had committed crimes fled to Macao, officials would continue to handle matters as before—investigating, apprehending, and surrendering them. On opium inspection as well, the supplementary agreement added: "All opium exported from Macao to Chinese ports must carry a permit issued by the foreign superintendent of opium affairs, who shall promptly forward copies of export permits to the Revenue Inspector at Gongbei Customhouse." The terms were then finalized. The treaty comprised fifty-four articles plus three supplementary articles on smuggling suppression, and both were signed forthwith. That year the Portuguese circulated proclamations at Wangxia, which were rejected. In the third month of the following year Li Hongzhang was directed to exchange ratifications with the Portuguese minister at Tianjin. Exchange certificates in Chinese and Portuguese were also drawn up, signed, and sealed to conclude the matter.
18
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That same month the Portuguese erected a street lamp outside Portas do Cerco and rebuilt the Qianshan garrison checkpoint. Zhang Zhidong ordered both removed. The Macao governor soon replied in a note: "The stretch from beyond Portas do Cerco to Beishan Ridge had always been a neutral zone. Construction in that area requires agreement between both governments; neither side may act unilaterally. We have already notified your office accordingly." Zhang Zhidong wrote immediately to the Zongli Yamen: "The treaty's stipulation that the status quo should be maintained until boundaries were fixed clearly applied only to Portuguese-held territory within Portas do Cerco. In 1862, when the Portuguese minister came to Beijing to negotiate, he acknowledged that Chinese officials held the area beyond Portas do Cerco and that Portugal had never encroached there—there was no such thing as a "neutral zone." This latest communication was outrageous. Please issue a firm rebuttal." In the fifth month the Portuguese raised a dispute over jurisdiction of Duoweishan. Zhang Zhidong wrote the Zongli Yamen: "Duoweishan lies on Xiahengqin Island at Shizimen. It belongs to Xiangshan County and has never had Portuguese residents. That the Portuguese had supported lepers there was merely an ordinary act of charity—hardly proof of jurisdiction. Foreigners operated charity hospitals in every province—did that make each one foreign territory? Please issue a stern rejection."
19
使 使 西西 使
In the twenty-seventh year, when tariff schedules were revised with all the treaty powers, every nation sent representatives to sign—Portugal did not. Portugal was notified separately, but its minister still did not appear. Eventually Counselor Almada was sent, but he still declined to agree to tariff revision. Portugal then requested that commercial ports be opened on the islands facing Macao—again refused. In the first month of the twenty-eighth year, Minister Brandão stated: "Our merchants have long sought to develop commerce in Macao and dredge its waterways. The treaty already recognized nearby dependencies as territory under Portugal's permanent administration. Their boundaries and extent should now be surveyed and fixed. Duimianshan lies west of Macao; Xiahengqin and Dahengqin lie to the southwest. These islands are natural dependencies of Macao and were recognized as such in the treaty. We ask that their boundaries be settled through joint consultation." The Foreign Ministry replied: "China's coastal islands have always fallen under prefectural and county jurisdiction. There is no principle whereby one island belongs to another. Demarcation can proceed only within Macao's presently administered area as the treaty provides—not to recognize additional dependencies beyond that boundary." In early February the Portuguese minister sent another note. The general tariff agreement of the previous year had set import and export duties at five percent ad valorem under Article Six. Portugal had not participated in those talks and now stated that goods transported by Portuguese nationals should remain subject to the rates fixed in the bilateral treaty. The ministers rejected this in strong terms, but Portugal kept pressing its request.
20
使 便 便 使 使 使 西 使 使 使
Earlier the Portuguese minister had said orally that he would set boundary questions aside for the moment and seek only to expand trade, submitting proposed terms divided broadly into two categories. Revision of the tariff schedule, collection of opium duties, and establishment of a branch customhouse at Macao would benefit China. Unrestricted construction near Macao and a railway from Macao to the provincial capital of Guangdong would benefit Portugal. The ministers rejected the clause on unrestricted construction near Macao, fearing covert territorial encroachment, and ordered its removal. The proposal for a branch customhouse was referred to Hart, Inspector General of Customs, for review. The railway clause was referred by telegram to the former Governor-General of the Two Guang, Taomo, and to Sheng Xuanhuai, Commissioner for Railway Affairs, each to report his opinion. Hart soon reported back that a customhouse at Macao would aid revenue collection, but the regulations would have to be properly drafted. Taomo replied that building a railway from Macao to the provincial capital presented no difficulty under local conditions. Sheng Xuanhuai replied that the railway would benefit tax administration but must be governed by a contract between the parent company and the Portuguese side, not included in the treaty text. Once these replies were in, the ministers resumed negotiations with the Portuguese minister and agreed that permission to build the railway would be set forth in a separate note, not in the treaty itself. The Portuguese minister assented, and the terms were settled. They then memorialized the throne: "The Portuguese minister came to Beijing this time intending to expand Macao's boundaries. After more than a dozen rounds of talks, agreement was finally reached to suspend the boundary survey. The articles now agreed are as follows. Article One declares that the old treaty shall continue to be observed. Article Two declares that Portugal accepts the augmented tariff schedule adopted at last year's general treaty conference, with the stipulation that duties paid by Portuguese nationals shall not be higher or lower than those paid by any other nationality, so as to preserve scope for future rate increases. Articles Three and Four provide for a branch customhouse at Macao to supervise opium entering and leaving Macao and to collect applicable duties. The office must be located within Macao's jurisdiction. If collection were handled effectively, revenue would likely benefit. Articles Five and Six set forth arrangements for the customhouse, with detailed regulations to be determined by both sides. Article Seven concerns the treaty text. Articles Eight and Nine cover ratification and exchange—the standard provisions found in treaties. A minister should be appointed to sign with the Portuguese minister on a fixed date. The treaty should then be presented for the imperial seal before exchange. As for the planned Sino-Portuguese company to build a railway from Macao to the provincial capital of Guangdong—a distance of just over two hundred li— the Canton-Hankow and Kowloon-Canton lines already in progress are to run to the provincial capital; adding another line would further expand trade. Since agreement with the Portuguese minister calls for a separate exchange of notes, the notes will be exchanged as soon as orders come down, and Sheng Xuanhuai, Commissioner for Railway Affairs, will be instructed to work out the contract with the Portuguese side in full detail." Approval was granted. Prince Qing, Yikuang, then affixed his signature.
21
使使 使 便 使 使 使 使使 便 使 使 使
In the second month of the thirtieth year, Minister Brandão, the Portuguese envoy in Beijing, sent a note stating that by his government's order a revision of the tariff schedule would be signed at Shanghai, and that passages in the newly added and revised articles of September and in the branch-customhouse regulations agreed in December that differed in wording but not in meaning would be harmonized. The revised tariff schedule, the new and amended articles, and the branch-customhouse regulations would be consolidated in a single text for the sake of uniformity. The Portuguese minister went to Shanghai and met with Lü Haihuan, Minister for Treaty Negotiation, and his colleagues. Lü Haihuan and his colleagues asked in person which passages in the note were said to differ only in wording and how they were to be harmonized, requesting a full explanation so that joint work could proceed. The Portuguese minister replied that the newly added and revised articles of the twenty-eighth year of Guangxu and the branch-customhouse regulations had not been ratified by his country's parliament and therefore could not be exchanged. For this reason the commercial treaty was to be revised by submitting separate draft articles that would incorporate the earlier provisions, including passages that differed only in wording. Lü Haihuan and his colleagues held that the minister's oral statement contradicted the note sent to the Foreign Ministry and rejected it. They also sent a note pressing the Portuguese minister for a clear written reply. The Portuguese minister soon replied in a note: "By our government's instructions, already stated to the Foreign Ministry: First, our government approves what parliament has resolved and authorizes our minister in China to conclude a new commercial treaty on the same terms as the commercial treaties recently concluded between China and other powers. Second, we now seek to conclude a new treaty incorporating the articles of September of the twenty-eighth year of Guangxu and the special articles agreed in December of that year, with such changes as may be needed so that neither China's nor Portugal's sovereignty is seen as impaired. Third, as to Portugal's assistance to China in suppressing opium smuggling, by our government's instructions the methods of anti-smuggling enforcement may be reorganized so as to eliminate smuggling altogether. Fourth, because the new treaty now to be concluded should incorporate the purposes of the articles of September of the twenty-eighth year of Guangxu and of the special articles agreed in December, whether by revision or extension, all are to be included. For this reason it is our country's view that ratification of the prior treaty is unnecessary." Lü Haihuan and his colleagues telegraphed the Foreign Ministry, which replied: "The Portuguese minister did not inform the Ministry that the prior treaty was void. The original negotiations were based on reciprocal benefit: the branch customhouse for China and the railway for Portugal. If the treaty of the twenty-eighth year of Guangxu is not ratified and the branch customhouse is set aside under the pretext of incorporation, China will likewise treat the exchanged note on the railway as void." Lü Haihuan and his colleagues relayed this telegram to the Portuguese minister at once and refused to continue negotiations. The Portuguese minister came repeatedly to plead, stating: "Establishing a branch customhouse at Macao would truly impair our national sovereignty, and therefore parliament could not approve it. To declare the prior treaty void outright would also be incompatible with our constitutional system, and therefore we speak of incorporation without ratification." Lü Haihuan and his colleagues then proceeded to negotiate a new treaty.
22
使 使 調 使 西 貿 使 便 使 使 使 輿 使
At first the Portuguese minister submitted a draft commercial treaty of twenty articles. Lü Haihuan and his colleagues singled out unacceptable provisions and negotiated back and forth. The Portuguese minister also asked that Chinese residents of Macao be allowed to import six million shi of rice each year free of duty for their subsistence. Lü Haihuan and his colleagues replied that Macao's Chinese population did not exceed one hundred thousand—how could they require six million shi a year? They refused. The Foreign Ministry then reported, on the basis of an investigation by the Governor-General of Guangdong, that only three hundred thousand shi per year could be allowed. Purchases were further limited to Guangdong Province alone. The Portuguese minister would not agree. Only after prolonged discussion were all the articles settled. Lü Haihuan then memorialized the throne: "In all, twenty treaty articles were revised and agreed. Article One declares that the old treaty shall continue to be observed. Article Two declares that Portugal accepts the augmented tariff schedule fixed at the peace conference. Article Three declares that all opium entering Macao must be stored in bonded warehouses. No opium beyond the annual quota for Macao's consumption may be removed. Shipments declared for destinations in China must also be guarded against clandestine diversion. All necessary regulations are to be negotiated by both countries. Portugal is also to enact laws promptly so that violations of these provisions may be punished accordingly. Article Four provides that both sides shall appoint officials to agree on positions and methods for preventing smuggling on Macao's land and waters. Article Five extends steam navigation on the West River and at ports under Guangzhou Prefecture as in the British treaty, subject to all regulations now in force. Noncompliance will still bar approval. Portugal is also to enact laws providing for appropriate penalties. Article Six provides that Portuguese wine without a Portuguese license may not be taxed under the tariff schedule annexed to this treaty. Article Seven concerns residence and trade at treaty ports. Article Eight requires special laws on Chinese acquiring Portuguese nationality, to prevent them from retaining inland privileges or using Portuguese status to evade contractual obligations in China. Article Nine provides for increased duties in lieu of likin. Article Ten concerns return of customs warehouse receipts. Article Eleven fixes the national currency. Article Twelve prohibits morphine and opium. Article Thirteen promotes mining. Article Fourteen provides for joint-stock enterprise. Article Fifteen protects trademarks and patents. Article Sixteen provides for revision of laws. Article Seventeen addresses protection of the people and religious affairs. Article Eighteen fixes the term of the treaty. Article Nineteen provides that the English text shall be authoritative. Article Twenty provides for exchange at Beijing. Of the articles above, the one I emphasize most is the suppression of opium smuggling. The Portuguese minister wished the treaty text to remain general so as not to provoke further objections in parliament. After repeated consultation, detailed procedures were set forth in separate special articles. Five special articles were agreed under Article Three, the main point being that opium shipped to Macao must be stored in bonded warehouses. Shipments from the warehouses declared for China would be jointly inspected; removal would be permitted only after customs duties and likin were fully paid. Landing without entering the bonded warehouse would be handled under Portuguese law. Clandestine shipment directly to China from the original vessel would be suppressed by the Gongbei Customhouse. Any further provisions to be added would be negotiated between Macao officials and the tax commissioner. Fifteen special articles under Article Five provide for receiving hulks to be established at Macao so that the Gongbei Customhouse may inspect goods moving to and from Macao. All restrictive procedures were to follow the inland steam-navigation regulations of the British treaty. After repeated consultation between Yuan Shikai and Zhang Zhidong, and joint deliberation to a satisfactory conclusion, approval was telegraphed from the Foreign Ministry before final agreement with the Portuguese side. Land-route tax collection was stipulated for the main railway station and written into the railway contract. As to the fixed quota for opium consumed in Macao under Article Three, fearing future disputes between the Macao governor and the tax commissioner, a note was exchanged stating that representatives of both sides in Beijing might examine the matter and fix the figure jointly. On the article concerning protection of the people and religion, the Portuguese minister, by his government's instructions, submitted a separate note stating that Portugal would follow suit only where other countries with Catholic churches in China had already been granted such permission. Such were the circumstances of the negotiated treaty articles, regulations, and exchanged notes. Portugal had not participated in the general tariff agreement and did not accept the revised schedule, yet sought a branch railway from Macao linked to the Canton-Hankow line. The Foreign Ministry had therefore originally proposed a customhouse at Macao as reciprocal benefit. Because Portugal's parliament could not approve the prior agreement, that treaty was effectively void though not formally abrogated. The present detailed provisions granting Chinese customs authority to suppress opium smuggling on Macao's land and waters were therefore adopted as a substitute. The Portuguese minister, wishing the new treaty to incorporate the old and offering sincere cooperation, helped settle the articles and regulations so that, though there was no customhouse in name, the substance of anti-smuggling enforcement was secured. Sheng Xuanhuai and the Portuguese minister, together with merchant directors of both countries, also properly negotiated the Canton-Macao railway contract, including a provision on tax collection at stations, which has been submitted for Foreign Ministry approval. A telegram then arrived stating that Guangdong gentry and merchants would not permit Portuguese import of Guangdong rice and that public sentiment could not be ignored; orders came to reopen discussion. The Portuguese minister was eager to return home and could wait no longer. It was proposed to defer the rice question and sign the commercial treaty and regulations first." Approval was granted.
23
使 使 使 西 使 使使 使 西 西 使 貿 稿 仿 仿 使 西 使
In the first month of the thirty-fourth year, the Japanese vessel Tatsumaru was secretly shipping arms and ammunition into China. She lay at anchor two nautical miles east of Coloane Island near Macao and was seized by a Chinese gunboat. Japan argued that the waters were Portuguese territory, and Portugal agreed that the Tatsumaru had anchored in Portuguese territorial sea. The Sino-Portuguese boundary question was therefore reopened. Portugal sent Rear Admiral Macado and China sent Gao Erqian, Yunnan's commissioner for foreign affairs, as plenipotentiaries for boundary talks in Hong Kong. The Portuguese minister initially claimed the Macao Peninsula, Gongbei, the Hengqin islands, Taipa, Coloane, and adjacent waters as Portuguese territory. Gao Erqian refused. A reduced claim—Taipa, Coloane, part of the peninsula and Hengqin islands, and nearby waters—met the same response. Gao would recognize only Taipa and Coloane as Portuguese; nothing else. Four months passed without agreement. When Portugal proposed submitting the dispute to the Hague Peace Conference, Gao Erqian declined once more. Talks in Hong Kong were suspended and the venue shifted to Beijing. Deliberations had barely begun when revolution erupted in Portugal. The talks were abandoned, and the boundary remained unsettled. Mexico lies in North America. During the jia-shen and yi-you years of Guangxu, Mexico sought a labor-recruitment treaty and asked Minister Yang Ru in Washington to send officials to survey conditions, draft articles, and wire the Zongli Yamen for instructions. Years passed without a settlement. In the twenty-third year Wu Tingfang, China's minister in Washington, and Mexico's minister there, Lu Meilu, took up the stalled negotiations. Lu Meilu died before talks progressed; his successor Aspiros carried the negotiations forward. At length the treaty was settled in twenty articles. Early in the talks with Lu Meilu, Wu Tingfang had already agreed to drop a clause on permanent Mexican-dollar circulation and to handle extradition as the Zongli Yamen directed in its letter. The remaining points were now settled. Wu Tingfang memorialized the throne, reporting: "By Western custom, a newly arrived consul must present credentials approved by the host government before he may take up his duties. Every power, large or small, observes this rule. None of China's treaties except Brazil's included such a clause. A consul must hold credentials of approval before assuming office; "If a consul misconducts himself or violates local treaty provisions, his credentials may be revoked." Future treaty revisions with other powers might well take this as a precedent. Article 5, forbidding the abduction of Chinese laborers abroad, was modeled on the Spanish treaty. It was Zheng Zaoru, Wu Tingfang's predecessor, who had first urged a Mexican treaty. He had argued that "emigration itself need not be banned, but kidnapping had to be prevented—and it was better to protect workers before they sailed than to establish offices only after they had been abused." Requiring voluntary consent and forbidding deceptive recruitment would, Wu Tingfang argued, choke off the traffickers without further prohibition. Article 6 granted Chinese the same benefits as other treaty nationals in trade and, prospectively, in land reclamation and planting on the same terms as other foreigners. The original draft said, "Products of either country not listed in the tariff schedules shall temporarily be exempt from duty." The Zongli Yamen wired instructions, and the clause was revised to "import and export duties on both sides shall be assessed on most-favored-nation terms." The change followed the Franco-Mexican commercial treaty. Article 10, exempting overseas Chinese from forced military service and compulsory contributions in wartime, followed the Anglo-Mexican treaty. Article 15 touched mixed jurisdiction. In Europe and America, foreigners sued in a host country were tried by local courts. China's treaties, by contrast, reserved such cases to consular jurisdiction. Mexico invoked most-favored-nation treatment, and China provisionally acquiesced. The treaty stated, "Should China later conclude mixed jurisdictional arrangements with other powers for foreigners resident in China, Mexican nationals would be bound by the same rules." Article 16 provided, "When a ship enters port, any person aboard who goes ashore and within twenty-four hours causes trouble may be tried, fined, or imprisoned by local officials." For the first time Chinese magistrates gained the right to question foreigners. Handled well, the clause might be extended when other treaties came up for revision. Article 17 guaranteed Chinese litigants in Mexico the same rights as Mexicans or nationals of the most-favored nation. That May, several hundred Chinese at Tanbigu had been beaten and cheated of wages by labor contractors; Wu Tingfang had already protested through the Mexican legation, and Mexico had promised a thorough inquiry. Without a treaty in force, however, Beijing could offer them little protection. The new clause gave sojourners a standing right to seek redress in court whenever they suffered wrong. Each article had been weighed with care, and the Chinese, English, and Spanish texts checked line by line—they matched throughout. Mexico comprised twenty-nine departments. The south could produce three crops a year and was exceptionally rich land. Indolence in cultivation had left much of that fertility untapped. New land-opening regulations promised permanent title to anyone who cleared wasteland. China's interior was crowded and often short of grain; emigration was hard to arrange at home. Mexico offered an outlet that could relieve pressure at home while opening new sources of profit abroad. That was why every minister had treated a Mexican treaty as a priority. Once terms were agreed, custom required the negotiators to sign and seal the draft at once. Wu Tingfang prepared the final text, set November 12 for the ceremony, and with his staff rechecked two copies each in Chinese, Spanish, and English before exchanging signatures and seals with Mexico's plenipotentiary Aspiros. He then submitted the treaty to the Zongli Yamen for imperial ratification." The throne approved.
24
便 便 使 使使使 使 使 使 使
In the twenty-eighth year, acting on a petition from Guangdong merchants, Wu Tingfang wrote the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: "Since China and Mexico concluded their treaty last year, more Chinese have been sailing from Hong Kong to Mexico every day. Yet travelers from Hong Kong had to call at San Francisco before reaching Mexico—a needless detour, and one made worse by America's ban on Chinese laborers. He proposed that steamship lines be asked to run direct sailings from Hong Kong to Mexican ports so emigrants could travel freely. With the treaty now in force, such sailings ought to proceed without hindrance." The Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified the British minister, asking him to relay the request to the Hong Kong governor and the British steamship lines. In the twenty-ninth year Liang Cheng, minister to the United States, Japan, Peru, and Cuba, asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—following the Cuban precedent—to appoint a consul-general doubling as legation attaché at Salina Cruz, able to reach Mexico City quickly when business with the foreign ministry arose, while the minister in Washington continued to cover Japan, Peru, and Cuba. The ministry memorialized for approval, which was granted. Mexico appointed consuls at Guangzhou and elsewhere that year. Consuls followed at Shanghai, Fuzhou, and Xiamen. Later that year Mexico barred Chinese entry on public-health grounds. Liang Cheng protested, and the restriction was soon withdrawn. Mexico and China then agreed on six articles governing immigration from China and other Eastern countries. In the thirtieth year Liang Cheng traveled to Mexico City to present his credentials and opened a legation branch office. Mexico sent Minister Li Hua to Beijing with credentials, sought an audience, and requested orders of merit for the president and cabinet—all of which were granted. In the thirty-first year Mexico's incumbent president was re-elected for six years; Wuhaimu, the Mexican minister in Beijing, presented the new credentials. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs shortly drafted a reply in the same form. Mexico also invited China to an international geographical congress that year; the invitation was accepted. The Congo Free State lay along the Congo River in Africa. In the sixth month its minister Yushier arrived in China to negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce; the request was accepted. As early as the eleventh month, Congo's foreign minister Yitewo had written Beijing: "On assuming this office I meant to open relations with China and to handle any matters of negotiation in good faith. I trust Your Excellencies will meet me in the same spirit and strengthen the bonds between our countries." A brief treaty of two articles followed. First, every provision in China's other treaties governing personal status, property, and judicial rights would apply equally to the Independent State of the Congo. Second, Chinese might settle freely in the Congo, buy and operate movable and immovable property, and transfer ownership as they pleased. In shipping, trade, and crafts they would receive most-favored-nation treatment. Both plenipotentiaries signed in their own hands, affixed their seals, and exchanged the instruments as pledges of good faith.
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