1
希福,赫舍里氏。 世居都英額,再遷哈達。 太祖既滅哈達,希福從其兄碩色率所部來歸。 居有頃,以希福兼通滿、漢、蒙古文字,召直文館。 屢奉使蒙古諸部,賜號「巴克什」。 旗制定,隸滿洲正黃旗。
Xi Fu was of the Hesheri clan. His clan had long lived at Duying'e before moving once more to Hada. After the Taizu Emperor had conquered Hada, Xi Fu came over with his elder brother Shuo Se at the head of their followers. Before long, Xi Fu's command of Manchu, Chinese, and Mongol writing earned him a post on the staff of the Literary Bureau. He was dispatched repeatedly to the Mongol tribes and honored with the title "Bakshi." When the Eight Banners were formally organized, he was assigned to the Manchu Plain Yellow Banner.
2
天聰二年,太宗伐察哈爾,以希福使科爾沁徵兵,土謝圖額駙奧巴止之曰:「寇騎塞路,行將安之? 即有失,誰執其咎?」 希福曰:「君命安得辭? 死則死耳,事不可誤也。」 遂行。 再宿,達上所,復命曰:「科爾沁兵不赴徵,土謝圖額駙奧巴方率所部行掠,掠竟乃來耳。」 上怒,使希福再往,以壯士八人從。 行四晝夜,道遇敵,擊殺三十餘人,卒至科爾沁,以其兵來會。 明年,奧巴來朝,上命希福與館臣庫爾纏輩責讓之,奧巴服罪,上駝馬以謝。 敘功,授備禦。 從伐明,薄明都,敗明兵於城下。 攻大凌河,援兵自錦州至,與譚泰爭先奮擊,破之。 師還,又力戰敗追兵,進游擊。
In the second year of Tiancong, Hong Taiji marched against the Chahar and dispatched Xi Fu to the Khorchin to muster troops. Tushetu Efu Oba urged him to turn back: "Enemy cavalry have sealed the roads—where do you mean to go? If something goes wrong, who will answer for it?" Xi Fu replied: "How can one refuse an imperial order? Death is death—but the task must not fail." And he went. Two days later he reached the court and reported that the Khorchin would not muster, and that Tushetu Efu Oba was off raiding with his forces and would join only when the raiding was done. The emperor was furious and sent Xi Fu back, attended by eight brave men. Four days and nights later they met enemy forces on the road, killed more than thirty, and finally reached the Khorchin and brought their troops into the rendezvous. The following year Oba came to pay tribute. The emperor had Xi Fu and secretariat officials including Kuruchan rebuke him. Oba acknowledged his fault and sent camels and horses in apology. For his service he was promoted to Beyu. He joined the campaign against the Ming, drew near the Ming capital, and routed Ming forces beneath the city walls. When Dalinghe was besieged and relief came from Jinzhou, he vied with Tan Tai to lead the charge and crushed the relief force. On the march home he again fought fiercely and beat off pursuers, and was promoted to guerrilla colonel.
3
崇德元年,改文館為內三院,希福為內國史院承政。 尋授內弘文院大學士,進二等甲喇章京。 二年,請禁造言惑眾,違者罪之,著為令。 三年,偕大學士范文程建言定部院官制。 希福雖以文學事上,官內院,筦機務,然常出使察哈爾、喀爾喀、科爾沁諸部,編戶口,置牛錄,頒法律,亭平獄訟; 時或詣軍前宣示機宜,相度形勢,覈諸將戰閥,行賞,諭上德意於諸降人。 每還奏,未嘗不稱旨也。 順治元年,譯遼、金、元三史成,奏進,世祖恩賚有加。
In the first year of Chongde the Literary Bureau became the Three Inner Courts, and Xi Fu was made chancellor of the Inner History Court. He was soon made grand secretary of the Inner Council of Culture and promoted to second-rank jalan gūsa-i janggin. In the second year he urged a ban on seditious rumor, with penalties for violators, and the measure was promulgated as law. In the third year he joined Grand Secretary Fan Wencheng in recommending a formal organization for the ministries and courts. Though Xi Fu served the throne as a scholar-official in the inner courts and handled weighty affairs of state, he was often dispatched to the Chahar, Khalkha, Khorchin, and other tribes to register households, establish niru, promulgate laws, and adjudicate disputes fairly; at times he went to the front to explain strategy, survey the terrain, verify commanders' battle records, distribute rewards, and convey the emperor's benevolent intent to those who had submitted. Every report he brought back won the emperor's approval. In the first year of Shunzhi the translation of the Liao, Jin, and Yuan histories was finished; he presented it to the throne and the Shunzhi Emperor rewarded him generously.
4
希福故與譚泰有隙,屢誚其衰慵。 譚泰暱附攝政睿親王多爾袞,因與其弟譚布構希福妄傳王語,謂堂餐過侈,詆謾諸大臣,構釁亂政,罪當死; 王命罷官削世職,並籍其家。 八年二月,世祖親政,雪其枉,仍授內弘文院大學士,复世職。 九年,世祖以希福事太祖、太宗,銜命馳驅,殫心力。 曩定鼎燕京,希福方削籍,功未賞,乃一歲三進為三等精奇尼哈番,世襲。 是年十一月,卒,贈太保,諡文簡。 長子奇塔特,襲職。 乾隆初,定封三等子。
Xi Fu had long been at odds with Tan Tai and often ridiculed him as feeble and slack. Tan Tai was close to the Prince Regent Dorgon; he and his younger brother Tan Bu then framed Xi Fu for falsely attributing words to the prince, alleging extravagant court banquets, slandering senior ministers, and fomenting disorder in government—an offense punishable by death; the prince ordered him dismissed, stripped of his hereditary rank, and his property confiscated. In the second month of the eighth year the Shunzhi Emperor assumed personal rule, cleared his wrongful conviction, restored him as grand secretary of the Inner Council of Culture, and reinstated his hereditary rank. In the ninth year the emperor noted that Xi Fu had served the Taizu and Taizong emperors at a gallop on every commission, giving his utmost. When the capital had been fixed at Beijing his merits had gone unrewarded because he had been disgraced; now within a single year he was promoted three times to third-rank jingqini hafan, hereditary. He died in the eleventh month of that year and was posthumously made Grand Tutor with the posthumous name Wenjian. His eldest son Qitata inherited the title. Early in the Qianlong reign the family rank was fixed as third-rank zi.
5
帥顏保,希福次子。 康熙初,聖祖念希福事先朝久,躬預佐命,用大學士范文程、額色黑例,超授內國史院學士。 八年六月,遷吏部侍郎。 七月,授漕運總督。 九月,疏言:「淮安水陸孔道,乃十五里中為關者三,板閘有鈔關,淮安有倉稅,隸戶部; 清江有稅廠,隸工部。 胥役繁冗,商民耗資失時,請減三為一,合併稅額,省胥役,便商民。」 下部議,戶部言倉稅並鈔關便; 工部言稅廠徵船料諸稅,葺治漕船,並鈔關不便。 上心韙帥顏保言,下九卿科道再議,卒如所請。 九年正月,疏言:「淮、揚被水,高郵、宿遷、桃源、鹽城、贛榆災尤重。 舊逋漕米,例當補徵,民力不能勝。」 下部議,請改折,仍補徵。 上以諸縣頻歲被災,民重困,下部再議,免舊逋漕米三萬一千石有奇。 十二年正月,偕河道總督王光裕疏請漕運畢事,當復舊例,舉劾所屬文武官吏。 既得請,疏薦山東糧道遲日巽、河南糧道範週、無錫知縣吳興祚等,劾溧陽知縣王錫範等。 十三年,吳三桂兵犯江西,十月,命帥顏保帥所部移鎮南昌。 十二月,安親王岳樂師至,命罷還。 十七年,岳樂進軍湖南,復命鎮南昌。 九月,移吉安。 十八年三月,招降吳三桂部將五十餘、兵萬餘。 十九年八月,逮尚之信勘治,命帥顏保移鎮南雄、韶州。 十月,命罷還。 二十年五月,遷工部尚書。 十二月,移禮部尚書。 二十三年十二月,卒。 子赫奕,自侍衛累遷工部尚書。
Shuaibao was Xi Fu's second son. Early in the Kangxi reign the emperor, remembering Xi Fu's long service to the founding court, followed the precedent set for Fan Wencheng and Esheihei and exceptionally appointed Shuaibao bachelor of the Inner History Court. In the sixth month of the eighth year he was made vice minister of personnel. In the seventh month he was appointed director-general of grain transport. In the ninth month he memorialized: "The land and water route at Huai'an has three customs posts within fifteen li; Banzha has a transit duty office and Huai'an a granary tax, both under the Ministry of Revenue; Qingjiang has a tax station under the Ministry of Works. Clerks and runners are too numerous, and merchants lose money and time. I ask that the three be reduced to one, the tax quotas merged, clerks cut, and commerce eased. The memorial was referred for deliberation; the Ministry of Revenue favored merging the granary tax with the transit office; the Ministry of Works objected that the tax station levies ship-material and other duties to repair grain-transport vessels, and that merging it with the transit office would be impractical. The emperor favored Shuaibao's proposal and ordered the Nine Ministers and the censorate to reconsider; in the end his request was granted. In the first month of the ninth year he memorialized: "Huai and Yang have been flooded; Gaoyou, Suqian, Taoyuan, Yancheng, and Ganyu have suffered especially severe damage. Arrears in tribute grain must by rule be collected in full, but the people cannot bear the burden." The memorial was referred for deliberation; the ministries proposed commutation to silver but still insisted on collecting the arrears. The emperor, noting that these counties had suffered repeated disasters and the people were in dire straits, ordered further deliberation; more than thirty-one thousand shi of old tribute-grain arrears were remitted. In the first month of the twelfth year he joined River Director-General Wang Guangyu in asking that, once the grain transport season was complete, the old practice of commending and impeaching subordinate civil and military officials be restored. Once his request was granted, he recommended Shandong grain intendant Chi Rixun, Henan grain intendant Fan Zhou, Wuxi magistrate Wu Xingzuo, and others, and impeached Liyang magistrate Wang Xifan and others. In the thirteenth year Wu Sangui's forces invaded Jiangxi; in the tenth month Shuaibao was ordered to move his command to garrison Nanchang. In the twelfth month Prince An Yuele's army arrived and he was ordered to stand down and return. In the seventeenth year Yuele marched into Hunan and Shuaibao was again ordered to garrison Nanchang. In the ninth month he moved his headquarters to Ji'an. In the third month of the eighteenth year he induced more than fifty of Wu Sangui's generals and more than ten thousand troops to surrender. In the eighth month of the nineteenth year Shang Zhixin was arrested for investigation; Shuaibao was ordered to garrison Nanxiong and Shaozhou. In the tenth month he was ordered to stand down and return. In the fifth month of the twentieth year he was made minister of works. In the twelfth month he was transferred to minister of rites. He died in the twelfth month of the twenty-third year. His son Heyi rose from the imperial guard through successive promotions to minister of works.
6
嵩壽,希福曾孫。 雍正元年進士,選庶吉士,授編修。 乾隆二年,冊封安南國王黎維禕,以侍讀充正使,賜一品服。 累擢內閣學士。 十四年,頒詔朝鮮,擢禮部侍郎。 十九年,襲一等子爵。 二十年,卒。
Songsou was Xi Fu's great-grandson. He passed the jinshi examination in the first year of Yongzheng, was selected as a Hanlin bachelor, and appointed revising compiler. In the second year of Qianlong, when the investiture of the king of Annam, Le Duy Vi, was performed, he served as chief envoy in the capacity of reader-in-waiting and was granted first-rank court dress. He rose through successive promotions to grand secretary of the Grand Secretariat. In the fourteenth year he proclaimed an edict in Korea and was promoted to vice minister of rites. In the nineteenth year he inherited the first-rank zi peerage. He died in the twentieth year.
7
范文程,字憲鬥,宋觀文殿大學士高平公純仁十七世孫也。 其先世,明初自江西謫瀋陽,遂為瀋陽人,居撫順所。 曾祖鏓,正德間進士,官至兵部尚書,明史有傳。
Fan Wencheng, style Xiandou, was the seventeenth-generation descendant of the Song Guanwen Hall grand secretary and Duke of Gaoping, Fan Chunren. His ancestors had been banished from Jiangxi to Shenyang in the early Ming and thus became Shenyang natives, living at Fushun garrison. His great-grandfather Juan was a jinshi in the Zhengde reign, rose to minister of war, and has a biography in the History of Ming.
8
文程少好讀書,穎敏沈毅,與其兄文寀並為瀋陽縣學生員。 天命三年,太祖既下撫順,文寀、文程共謁太祖。 太祖偉文程,與語,器之,知為鏓曾孫,顧謂諸貝勒曰:「此名臣後也,善遇之!」 上伐明,取遼陽,度三岔攻西平,下廣寧,文程皆在行間。
From youth Wencheng loved books; he was quick-witted, steady, and resolute, and he and his elder brother Wencai were both licentiates of the Shenyang county school. In the third year of Tianming, after the Taizu Emperor had taken Fushun, Wencai and Wencheng together presented themselves to him. The Taizu Emperor was struck by Wencheng's bearing; he spoke with him, took him in favor, learned that he was Juan's great-grandson, and turning to the princes said: "This is the descendant of a famous minister—treat him well!" When the emperor campaigned against the Ming, took Liaoyang, crossed at Sancha to attack Xiping, and captured Guangning, Wencheng was with the army throughout.
9
太宗即位,召直左右。 天聰三年,復從伐明,入薊門,克遵化。 文程別將偏師徇潘家口、馬蘭峪、三屯營、馬欄關、大安口,凡五城皆下。 既,明圍我師大安口,文程以火器進攻,圍解。 太宗自將略永平,留文程守遵化,敵掩至,文程率先力戰,敵敗走。 以功授世職游擊。 五年,師圍大凌河,降其城,而蒙古降卒有陰戕其將叛去者,上怒甚,文程從容進說,貸死者五百餘人。 時明別將壁西山之巔,獨負險堅守未下,文程單騎抵其壘,諭以利害,乃請降。 上悅,以降人盡賜文程。
When Hong Taiji acceded, Wencheng was summoned to attend at his side. In the third year of Tiancong he again joined the campaign against the Ming, entered Jimen, and captured Zunhua. Wencheng led a detached force against Panjiakou, Malanyu, Santunying, Malanguan, and Da'ankou—all five places fell. Soon afterward Ming forces besieged the army at Da'ankou; Wencheng attacked with firearms and broke the siege. Hong Taiji personally led a thrust toward Yongping and left Wencheng to hold Zunhua; when the enemy struck by surprise, Wencheng led the charge, fought fiercely, and drove them off. For his service he was granted the hereditary rank of guerrilla colonel. In the fifth year the army besieged Dalinghe and the city surrendered; but some Mongol surrendered troops had secretly killed their officers and rebelled. The emperor was furious; Wencheng calmly remonstrated and more than five hundred men condemned to death were spared. A Ming detached general still held the crest of West Mountain, relying on the terrain; Wencheng rode alone to his camp, explained the stakes, and the general then asked to surrender. The emperor was pleased and gave all the surrendered men to Wencheng.
10
六年,從上略明邊,文程與同直文館寧完我、馬國柱上疏論兵事,以為入宣、大,不若攻山海。 及師至歸化城,上策深入,召文程等與謀。 文程等疏言:「察我軍情狀,志皆在深入。 當直抵北京決和否,毀山海關水門而歸,以張軍威。 若計所從入,惟雁門為便,道既無阻,道旁居民富庶,可資以為糧。 上如慮師無名,當顯諭其民,言察哈爾汗遠遁,所部歸於我,道遠不可以徒行,來與爾國議和,假爾馬以濟我新附之眾。 和議成,償馬值; 不成,異日興師,荷天之寵,以版圖歸我,凡軍興而擾及者,當量免賦稅數年。 此所謂堂堂正正之師也。 否則,作書抵近邊諸將吏,使以議和請於其主,為期決進止。 彼朝臣內撓,邊將外諉,遷延逾所期,我師即乘釁而入。 我師進,利在深入; 否,利在速歸; 半途而返,無益也。」 疏入,上深嘉納之。
In the sixth year he joined the raid on the Ming frontier; Wencheng, together with his Literary Bureau colleagues Ning Wanwo and Ma Guozhu, memorialized on military affairs, arguing that penetrating Xuan and Da was inferior to striking Shanhai Pass. When the army reached Guihua, the emperor planned a deep thrust and summoned Wencheng and the others to counsel him. Wencheng and the others memorialized: "Judging the mood of our troops, every man wishes to press deep. We should strike straight for Beijing to settle peace or war, break the water gates of Shanhai Pass on the return, and thereby display our military might. Of the routes inward, only Yanmen is convenient—the road is clear and the inhabitants along the way are prosperous enough to supply our grain. If Your Majesty fears the campaign lacks a pretext, you should openly announce to their people that the Chahar khan has fled, his tribes have submitted to us, the road is too long to march on foot, we have come to negotiate peace with your state, and we ask to borrow your horses to convey our newly submitted followers. If peace is concluded, compensate the value of the horses; if not, when we raise the army again and, favored by Heaven, bring their territory under our rule, all whom military action has disturbed should have their taxes remitted for several years as appropriate. This is what is meant by a grand and righteous campaign. Otherwise, write to the frontier generals and officials, have them request peace negotiations from their sovereign, and set a deadline for a decision. Their courtiers will quarrel within, frontier generals will shift blame without, and delay will pass the deadline—then our army may seize the opening and strike. When our army advances, the advantage lies in pressing deep; if not, the advantage lies in a swift return; to turn back halfway gains nothing. When the memorial reached him, the emperor warmly approved it.
11
七年,孔有德等使通款,而明兵迫之急,上命文程從諸貝勒帥師赴援; 文程宣上德意,有德等遂以所部來歸。 自是破旅順,收平島,討朝鮮,撫定蒙古,文程皆與謀。
In the seventh year Kong Youde and others opened negotiations, but Ming forces pressed them hard; the emperor ordered Wencheng to accompany the princes in leading troops to their relief; Wencheng proclaimed the emperor's gracious intent, and Youde and his followers then submitted with their troops. Thereafter, whether in taking Lüshun, recovering Ping Island, campaigning against Korea, or pacifying the Mongols, Wencheng was consulted on every major decision.
12
崇德元年,改文館為內三院,以文程為內秘書院大學士,進世職二等甲喇章京。 初,旗制既定,設固山額真。 諸臣議首推文程,上曰:「范章京才誠勝此,然固山職一軍耳,朕方資為心膂。 其別議之。」 文程所典皆機密事,每入對,必漏下數十刻始出; 或未及食息,復召入。 上重文程,每議政,必曰:「范章京知否?」 脫有未當,曰:「何不與范章京議之?」 眾曰:「范亦云爾。」 上輒署可。 文程嘗以疾在告,庶務填委,命待范章京病已裁決。 撫諭各國書敕,皆文程視草。 初,上猶省覽,後乃不復詳審,曰:「汝當無謬也。」 文程迎父楠侍養,嘗入侍上食,有珍味,文程私念父所未嘗,逡巡不下箸。 上察其意,即命徹饌以賜楠,文程再拜謝。
In the first year of Chongde the Literary Institute became the Inner Three Courts; Wencheng was appointed grand secretary of the Inner Secretariat Court and advanced in hereditary rank to second-class jalan-i janggū. When the banner system was first fixed, banner commanders were established. The ministers wished to nominate Wencheng first; the emperor said: "Secretary Fan's talent truly surpasses this post, yet a banner command commands only one army; I am now relying on him as my right hand. Nominate someone else." Wencheng handled confidential affairs; each audience lasted many hours before he emerged; sometimes he was summoned back before he had eaten or rested. The emperor valued Wencheng highly; whenever policy was discussed, he would ask: "Has Secretary Fan been told? If something seemed amiss, he would say: "Why not consult Secretary Fan? The ministers would reply: "Fan agrees." The emperor would then approve it. When Wencheng once reported ill, routine business piled up and orders were held until Secretary Fan recovered to decide them. All letters and edicts comforting and instructing the various states were drafted under Wencheng's supervision. At first the emperor still reviewed them; later he ceased to examine them closely and said: "You will make no mistake." Wencheng brought his father Nan home to care for him; once, while attending the emperor at a meal, he saw a rare delicacy and, thinking his father had never tasted it, hesitated and did not eat. The emperor understood and immediately had the dish sent to Nan; Wencheng bowed twice in thanks.
13
世祖即位,命隸鑲黃旗。 睿親王多爾袞帥師伐明,文程上書言:「中原百姓蹇離喪亂,備極荼毒,思擇令主,以圖樂業。 曩者棄遵化,屠永平,兩次深入而復返。 彼必以我為無大志,惟金帛子女是圖,因懷疑貳。 今當申嚴紀律,秋毫勿犯,宣諭進取中原之意:官仍其職,民復其業,錄賢能,卹無告。 大河以北,可傳檄定也。」 及流賊李自成破明都,報至,文程方養疴蓋州湯泉,驛召決策,文程曰:「闖寇塗炭中原,戕厥君後,此必討之賊也。 雖擁眾百萬,橫行無憚,其敗道有三:逼殞其主,天怒矣; 刑辱搢紳,拷劫財貨,士忿矣; 掠人貲,淫人婦,火人廬舍,民恨矣。 備此三敗,行之以驕,可一戰破也。 我國上下同心,兵甲選練,聲罪以臨之,卹其士夫,拯其黎庶。 兵以義動,何功不成?」 又曰:「好生者天之德也,古未有嗜殺而得天下者。 國家止欲帝關東則已,若將統一區夏,非乂安百姓不可。」 翌日,馳赴軍中草檄,諭明吏民言:「義師為爾复君父仇,非殺爾百姓,今所誅者惟闖賊。 吏來歸,復其位; 民來歸,復其業。 師行以律,必不汝害。」 檄皆署文程官階、姓氏。
When the Shunzhi Emperor acceded, Wencheng was registered in the Bordered Yellow Banner. When Prince Regent Dorgon led the army against the Ming, Wencheng wrote: "The people of the Central Plains, scattered in war and ruin, have suffered every misery and long for a worthy ruler under whom they may live in peace. We once abandoned Zunhua, slaughtered at Yongping, and twice marched deep into their territory only to withdraw. They must believe we lack great ambition and care only for gold, silk, and captives, and so they doubt and waver. Now we must enforce strict discipline and harm nothing; proclaim our intent to take the Central Plains—officials shall keep their posts, the people their livelihoods, the worthy shall be employed, the helpless relieved. North of the Great River, the land may be won by proclamation alone. When Li Zicheng's rebels took the Ming capital and word arrived, Wencheng was convalescing at Gaizhou's Tangquan springs; an express summons brought him to counsel. He said: "The Dashing Bandit has ravaged the Central Plains and killed the imperial house—he is an enemy who must be destroyed. Though he commands a million men and rampages without restraint, three paths lead to his defeat: he forced the emperor to his death—Heaven is enraged; he tortured and humiliated the gentry and extorted their wealth—the scholar-officials are furious; he seized goods, violated women, and burned homes—the people hate him. With these three defeats prepared and arrogance in his conduct, he can be broken in one battle. Our state is united, our arms are honed; proclaim his crimes, march against him, comfort his gentry, and rescue his people. An army that fights in the name of justice—what can it not accomplish? He also said: "Cherishing life is Heaven's virtue; never in antiquity did one who delighted in slaughter gain the realm. If the state only wishes to rule east of the Pass, so be it; but to unify the realm, the people must be governed and secured." The next day he rode to the army and drafted a proclamation to Ming officials and people: "This righteous army comes to avenge your ruler and father, not to kill the people; only the Dashing Bandit will be punished. Officials who submit shall have their posts restored; the people who submit shall resume their livelihoods. The army marches under strict discipline and will not harm you." Every proclamation bore Wencheng's rank and name.
14
既克明都,百度草創,用文程議,為明莊烈愍皇帝發喪,安撫孑遺,舉用廢官,蒐求隱逸,甄考文獻,更定律令,廣開言路,招集諸曹胥吏,徵求冊籍。 明季賦額屢加,冊皆毀於寇,惟萬曆時故籍存,或欲下直省求新冊,文程曰:「即此為額,猶慮病民,其可更求乎?」 於是議遂定。 論功,並遇恩詔,進一等阿思哈尼哈番加拖沙喇哈番,賜號「巴克什」。 復進二等精奇尼哈番。
After Beijing fell and government was being built anew, they followed Wencheng's advice: funeral rites for the Chongzhen Emperor, relief for survivors, reinstatement of dismissed officials, search for recluses, review of records, revision of laws, opening of channels for remonstrance, recall of bureau clerks, and collection of registers. Late-Ming tax quotas had been raised repeatedly, and the registers were destroyed in the turmoil; only Wanli-era records survived. Some proposed ordering the provinces to compile new registers. Wencheng said: "Even these old quotas may burden the people—how can we seek more? The proposal was dropped." For his service he also received an amnesty promotion to ashan i hafan with toosyaha hafan and the title Bakshi. He was further advanced to second-class jingkini hafan.
15
順治二年,江南既定,文程上疏言:「治天下在得民心,士為秀民。 士心得,則民心得矣。 請再行鄉、會試,廣其登進。」 從之。 五年正月,定內三院為文臣班首,命文程及剛林、祁充格用珠頂、玉帶。 七年,睿親王多爾袞卒。 八年,大學士剛林、祁充格以附睿親王妄改太祖實錄,坐死。 文程與同官當連坐,上以文程不附睿親王,命但奪官論贖。 是歲即復官。 九年,遇恩詔,復進世職一等精奇尼哈番,授議政大臣,監修太宗實錄。
In Shunzhi year two, after the lower Yangzi was pacified, Wencheng memorialized: "To govern the realm one must win hearts; the gentry are the leading people. Win the gentry and you win the people. He asked that provincial and metropolitan examinations be restored and advancement broadened. The court agreed. In the first month of year five the Inner Three Courts were made chief among civil officials; Wencheng, Ganglin, and Qi Chongge were granted pearl finials and jade belts. In year seven Prince Regent Dorgon died. In year eight Grand Secretaries Ganglin and Qi Chongge were executed for following the Prince Regent in falsifying the Taizu Veritable Records. Wencheng should have been implicated, but because he had not sided with the Prince Regent, the emperor ordered only removal from office with a fine in lieu of punishment. That year his office was restored. In year nine, on an amnesty, he was advanced to first-class jingkini hafan, appointed deliberating minister, and charged to supervise the Taizong Veritable Records.
16
時直省錢糧多不如額,一歲至缺四百餘萬,賦虧餉絀。 文程疏言:「湖廣、江西、河南、山東、陝西五省亂久民稀,請興屯,設道二、同知四,令督撫選屬吏廉能敏幹者任之,以選吏當否為督撫功罪。 官吏俸廩,初年出興屯母財,次年以所穫償。 自後皆出所穫,官增而俸不費。 屯用牛,若穀種,若農器,聽興屯道發州縣倉庫以具。 屯始駐兵,地荒蕪多而水道便者,以次及其餘。 地無主,若有主而棄不耕,皆為官屯。 民原耕而財不足,官佐以牛若穀種,分所穫三之一,三年後為民業。 編保甲,使助守望,絕姦宄。 若無財,官畀以傭值。 民將逭飢,流亡當大集。 初年所穫糧草,聽屯吏儲留,出陳易新,為次年母財; 有餘,畀近屯駐軍,勿為額以取盈。 三年所穫浸多,僦舟車運以饋餉。 毋煩屯吏,毋役屯民,毋用屯牛。 屯所在州縣吏受興屯道指揮,屯吏稱其職,三歲進二秩,視邊俸; 不職,責撫按糾舉; 有所徇,則並坐:所謂信賞必罰也。」 上深韙其議。
Provincial grain and tax revenues often fell short; in one year the deficit exceeded four million taels, leaving pay in arrears. Wencheng memorialized: "In Huguang, Jiangxi, Henan, Shandong, and Shaanxi—provinces long ravaged and thinly settled—establish military colonies: two circuit intendants and four sub-prefects, with governors selecting honest, capable men, and judging governors by the quality of those appointments. Official salaries: in the first year paid from colony seed funds; in the second year repaid from the harvest. Thereafter all came from the harvest—more officials without burdening the treasury. Oxen, seed grain, and farm tools for the colonies should be issued from prefectural and county storehouses on the intendant's order. At first troops would garrison the colonies; prioritize waste land with good water access, then the remainder. Ownerless land, or land owners had abandoned, became official colonies. Peasants who wished to farm but lacked means would receive oxen or seed; one-third of the harvest went to the state; after three years the land became theirs. Organize baojia for mutual watch and to suppress banditry. Those without means should receive wages from the government. As famine threatened, refugees would gather in great numbers. First-year grain and fodder could be stored by colony officials, rotated stock for new, and used as seed capital the next year; surplus could supply nearby garrisons—without using quotas as an excuse to extract more. By the third year, as harvests grew, hire transport to deliver provisions for army pay. Colony officials, peasants, and oxen should not be conscripted for transport. Local officials in colony districts would answer to the intendant; diligent colony officers would advance two ranks after three years at frontier pay; the incompetent would be impeached by governors; favoritism would be punished together—true reward and true punishment." The emperor warmly approved the plan.
17
十年,復與同官疏:「請敕部院三品以上大臣,各舉所知,毋問滿、漢新舊,毋泥官秩高下,毋避親疏恩怨,舉惟其才,各具專疏,臚舉實跡,置御前以時召對。 察其論議,覈其行事,並視其舉主為何如人,則其人堪任與否,上早所深鑑,待缺簡用。 稱職,量效之大小,舉主同其賞; 不稱職,量罪之大小,舉主同其罰。」 上特允所請。
In year ten he joined his colleagues in memorializing: "Let ministers of the third rank and above in every ministry recommend those they know—Manchu or Han, new or old, high or low rank, kin or foe—on merit alone, each in a separate memorial with verified facts, for timely audience before the throne. Judge their speech and deeds, and note who recommended them; the emperor will know early whether they are fit and appoint them when posts open. If they succeed, reward them in proportion—and reward the recommender likewise; if they fail, punish in proportion—and punish the recommender likewise. The emperor granted the request.
18
上勤於政治,屢幸內院,進諸臣從容諮訪。 文程每以班首承旨,陳對稱上意。 嘗值端陽,諸臣散直差早,上曰:「乘藉天休,猥圖安樂,人情盡然。 特欲逸必先勞,俾國家大定,其樂方永。 不然,樂亦暫耳。」 復言:「人孰無過,能改之為美。 成湯盛德,改過不吝。 若明武宗嬉遊無度,諉罪於其臣,豈修己治人之道耶?」 文程因奏:「君明臣良,必交勉釋回,始克荷天休,濟國事。」 上曰:「善。 自今以往,朕有過即改。 卿等亦宜黽勉,毋忘啟沃可也!」 上嘗命遣官蒞各省卹刑,文程言:「前此遣滿、漢大臣巡方,慮擾民,故罷。 今四方水旱災傷,民勞未息,宜罷遣使。 現禁重囚,令各省巡撫詳勘,有可矜疑,奏聞裁定。」 上從之。 文程論政,務簡耍,持大體,多類是。
The emperor was diligent in government, often visiting the Inner Court to consult his ministers at leisure. Wencheng, as senior minister, received his instructions and answered to the emperor's satisfaction. Once at the Dragon Boat Festival the ministers left early; the emperor said: "Heaven grants rest and we seek ease—such is human nature. But leisure must follow labor; only when the realm is secure will joy endure. Otherwise pleasure is fleeting." He continued: "Who is without fault? The beauty lies in reform. King Tang's greatness was his willingness to correct his faults. When the Ming Wuzong played without restraint and blamed his ministers—was that how a ruler cultivates himself and governs others?" Wencheng replied: "When ruler and minister are both worthy, they must encourage each other—only then can they enjoy Heaven's favor and serve the state." The emperor said: "Well said. From now on, whenever I err I shall correct it. You too must strive—do not fail to counsel me!" The emperor once ordered officials sent to the provinces to review punishments; Wencheng said: "Earlier tours by Manchu and Han grand ministers disturbed the people and were stopped. Now floods, droughts, and disasters afflict every region and the people are not yet at rest—envoys should not be sent. Heavy criminals are already restricted; let each governor examine cases and memorialize where mercy or doubt applies. The emperor agreed. In policy Wencheng favored what was essential and brief, held to the larger pattern, and mostly counseled in this vein.
19
十一年八月,上加恩輔政諸臣,特加文程少保兼太子太保,文程疏謝,因自陳衰病,乞休。 九月,上降溫諭,進太傅兼太子太師,致仕。 上以文程祖宗朝舊臣,有大功於國家,禮遇甚厚:文程疾,嘗親調藥餌以賜; 遣畫工就第圖其像,藏之內府; 賚御用服物,多不勝紀; 又以文程形貌頎偉,命特製衣冠,求其稱體。 聖祖即位,特命祭告太宗山陵,伏地哀慟不能起。 康熙五年八月庚戌,卒,年七十。 上親為文,遣禮部侍郎黃機諭祭,賜葬懷柔紅螺山,立碑紀績,諡文肅,御書祠額曰「元輔高風」。 文程子承廕、承謨、承勳、承斌、承烈、承祚,承謨自有傳。
In the eighth month of year eleven the emperor honored his assisting ministers and advanced Wencheng to Junior Guardian and Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent; Wencheng thanked him and, citing age and illness, asked to retire. In the ninth month the emperor issued a gracious edict, advanced him to Grand Tutor and Grand Preceptor of the Heir Apparent, and granted retirement. As a founding minister of great service, he was treated with exceptional honor: when ill, the emperor personally prepared medicine for him; sent painters to his home to paint his portrait for the inner treasury; and bestowed imperial robes and gifts beyond number; Because Wencheng was tall and imposing, the emperor also had robes and caps custom-made to fit him well. When the Kangxi emperor acceded, he specially sent Wencheng to announce the news at Hong Taiji's tomb; Wencheng threw himself to the ground in grief and could not get up. He died on the gengxu day of the eighth month of Kangxi 5, aged seventy. The emperor wrote the elegy himself and sent Vice Minister of Rites Huang Ji to conduct the sacrifice; he was buried at Hongluo Mountain in Huairou, with a stele recording his deeds, posthumous title Wensu, and an imperial inscription for the shrine reading "Founding Minister, Lofty Integrity." Wencheng's sons were Chengyin, Chengmou, Chengxun, Chengbin, Cheng Lie, and Chengzuo; Chengmou has a separate biography.
20
承勳字蘇公,文程第三子也。 以任子歷官御史、郎中。 康熙十九年,譚弘叛,聖祖命承勳與郎中額爾赫圖如彝陵,趣將軍噶爾漢戰,並督湖廣轉粟運軍。 二十年,師進攻雲南,命趣軍督餉如故。 二十二年,還京,監崇文門稅。 二十三年,上命九卿舉廉吏,承勳與焉,遷內閣學士。 二十四年,授廣西巡撫,疏免容縣、鬱林州追徵陷賊後逋賦; 定諸屬徵米,本折兼納。 二十五年,擢雲貴總督,疏定雲南援剿兩協駐軍地,裁貴州衛十五、所十,改并州縣,並增設縣七。 二十七年,湖廣兵亂,雲南時歲鑄錢,錢壅積,軍餉十之三皆予錢,軍勿便。 會移左協赴尋甸,遂鼓譟為變,省城兵亦將起應,承勳誅其渠二十一人,亂乃弭。 遂疏罷雲南鑄錢,以銀供餉。 二十八年,番阿所殺土目魯姐走匿東川土婦安氏所,𢗝出掠為民害。 事聞,上命郎中溫葆會承勳等如東川檄安氏獻阿所,斬之。
Chengxun, style Sugong, was Wencheng's third son. Through hereditary privilege he rose to censor and bureau director. In Kangxi 19 Tan Hong rebelled; the emperor sent Chengxun and Director E'erhetu to Yiling to urge General Garhan into battle and supervise grain transport for the army in Huguang. In year 20, as the army pushed into Yunnan, he was ordered to expedite the forces and oversee supplies as before. In year 22 he returned to the capital and supervised the Chongwen Gate customs. In year 23 the emperor ordered the Nine Ministers to recommend incorrupt officials; Chengxun was chosen and appointed Grand Secretariat academician. In year 24 he was made governor of Guangxi and memorialized to waive tax arrears still being collected in Rong county and Yulin after rebel occupation; and fixed grain levies in the subordinate districts to combined payment in kind and commuted silver. In year 25 he was promoted governor-general of Yunnan and Guizhou, fixed encampments for the two relief brigades in Yunnan, abolished fifteen guards and ten posts in Guizhou and merged them into prefectures and counties, and created seven new counties. In year 27 there was mutiny in Huguang; Yunnan was minting coin annually, cash piled up unused, and a third of army pay was issued in coin, which the troops disliked. When the Left Brigade was ordered to Xundian the men mutinied; garrison troops in the provincial capital were about to join; Chengxun executed twenty-one ringleaders and the trouble subsided. He memorialized to stop Yunnan's mint and pay troops in silver. In year 28 Fan A'suo killed native officer Lu Jie, who fled to the Dongchuan woman of the An clan; Fan A'suo led raids that preyed on the people. On report the emperor sent Director Wen Bao with Chengxun and others to Dongchuan to demand that the An clan hand over A'suo, who was beheaded.
21
雲南自吳三桂亂後,訖二十七年,逋屯賦當補徵,承勳疏請分年附徵,上命悉蠲之。 二十九年,疏定雲南秋糧,本折兼納,貴州提督馬三奇請軍餉折銀,承勳疏言:「折賤困兵,折貴病民,宜以時損益。 秋成,各府察巿值,本折兼納。」 三十一年,疏設永北鎮,罷洱海營,增置大理府城守將吏。 三十二年,入覲。
Garrison land-tax arrears in Yunnan dating from Wu Sangui's rebellion through year 27 were due for collection; Chengxun asked to recover them in installments; the emperor ordered a full remission. In year 29 he fixed Yunnan's autumn grain to combined kind and commuted payment; when Guizhou commissioner Ma Sanqi proposed silver commutation for army pay, Chengxun wrote: "Low rates hurt the troops, high rates hurt the people; the rate should be adjusted as conditions change. At harvest each prefecture should check market prices and collect in kind and silver together." In year 31 he established Yongbei garrison, abolished Erhai camp, and added posts to guard Dali city. In year 32 he came to the capital for audience.
22
三十三年,遷都察院左都御史。 六月,江南江西總督傅拉塔卒,上難其人,以授承勳。 並諭:「承勳堅定平易,當勝此任。」 承勳上官,琉移鳳陽關監督駐正陽關。 江西民納糧,出貲俾吏輸省城,謂之腳價,尋以違例追入官,承勳疏請罷追,部議不可,上特允其請。 江南地卑濕,倉穀易朽蠹,承勳疏請「江蘇、安徽諸州縣,歲春夏間,以倉穀十二三平糶,出陳易新」。 又以江南賦重,疏請「州縣經徵分數,視續完多寡為輕重。 康熙十八年後逋賦分年附徵,俾寬吏議,紓民力」。 皆如議行。 三十五年,淮、揚、徐諸府災,疏請發省倉米十萬石,續借京口留漕鳳倉存麥,治賑,民賴以全。 三十八年,授兵部尚書。 三十九年,命監修高家堰堤工。 四十三年,工成,加太子太保。 五十三年,卒。
In year 33 he was made Left Censor-in-Chief. In the sixth month Fulata, governor-general of Jiangnan and Jiangxi, died; finding no suitable successor, the emperor appointed Chengxun. He added: "Chengxun is steady and straightforward; he should serve well." Chengxun took office and memorialized to move the Fengyang Pass superintendent to Zhengyang Pass. Jiangxi taxpayers had paid "porters' fees" for clerks to carry grain to the provincial capital; when these were ordered confiscated as illegal, Chengxun asked to halt collection; the ministry refused, but the emperor granted his request. Jiangnan's low, damp terrain spoiled stored grain easily; Chengxun asked that each spring and summer Jiangsu and Anhui sell one tenth to two tenths of granary stores at fair price to rotate stock. Because Jiangnan's tax burden was heavy, he also asked that collection quotas vary with how much each district had cleared its arrears. Arrears after Kangxi 18 should be recovered in installments, easing pressure on officials and taxpayers. All were approved. In year 35 flood struck the Huai, Yang, and Xu districts; he released one hundred thousand piculs from provincial granaries and drew on wheat held at Jingkou and Feng for relief, saving many lives. In year 38 he was appointed Minister of War. In year 39 he was ordered to oversee repairs on the Gaojiayan dikes. In year 43 the work was finished and he was made Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent. He died in year 53.
23
承勳初授廣西巡撫,入辭,上誡之曰:「汝父兄皆為國宣力,汝當潔己愛民,毋信幕僚,沽名妄作。」 及自云貴總督入覲,上方謁孝陵,承勳迎謁米峪口,上曰:「汝父兄先朝舊臣,汝兄复盡節。 朕見汝因思汝兄,心為軫戚。 不見汝八九年,汝鬚髮遂皓白如此。 郊外苦寒,以朕所禦貂冠、貂褂、狐白裘賜汝。 汝且勿更衣,慮中風寒。 明日可服以謝。」 聖祖推文程、承謨舊恩,因厚遇承勳如是。
When Chengxun was first appointed governor of Guangxi and came to take leave, the emperor warned him: "Your father and brothers served the state; keep yourself honest, care for the people, do not trust secretarial staff, and do not court reputation by reckless acts." When he returned from Yunnan-Guizhou for audience, the emperor was visiting the Xiaoling tomb; Chengxun met him at Miyukou. The emperor said: "Your father and brothers were ministers of the founding court; your brother Fu died in loyal service. Seeing you reminds me of your brother, and my heart aches. I have not seen you for eight or nine years, yet your hair has turned so white. It is bitter cold in the suburbs; take the sable cap, sable jacket, and white-fox fur I wear myself. Do not change clothes yet, lest you catch cold. Tomorrow you may wear them to give thanks." Remembering old debts to Wencheng and Chengmou, the Kangxi emperor treated Chengxun with such warmth.
24
時繹,承勳子。 雍正初,自佐領三遷為馬蘭鎮總兵。 四年,命署兩江總督。 是年,遷正藍旗漢軍都統。 五年,移鑲白旗漢軍都統,並署總督如故。 十二月,時繹疏:「請自始,江蘇、安徽各州縣應徵丁銀,均入地畝內徵收。」 地丁並徵始此。 六年,授戶部尚書,仍署總督。 時繹在官,嘗疏請就通州運河入海處,作涵洞以時蓄洩。 規揚州水利,濬海口,疏車路、白塗、海溝諸水,泰州運鹽河為之堤。 鹽城、如皋諸水入海處,為之閘若涵洞。 釐兩淮鹽政,增漕標廟灣、鹽城二營兵吏。 皆下部議行。 上以蘇、松諸處多盜,時繹戢盜才絀,命以江蘇七府五州盜案屬浙江總督李衛。 衛名捕江寧民張云如以符呪惑眾謀不軌,而時繹嘗與往還,衛因論劾。 八年,命尚書李永昇會鞫得實,誅云如,解時繹任。 召還京,命董理太平峪吉地。 旋復命協理河東河務,河東總督田文鏡復以誤工論劾,諭曰:「朕以范時繹為勳臣後,加以擢用。 硃鴻緒嘗奏時繹廉,至日用不能給,朕深為動念,優與養廉。 後知時繹例所當得,未嘗不取。 朕猶令增糈,蓋欲遂成其廉,使殫心力於封疆也。 顧時繹袒私交,容姦宄,朕复密諭李衛善為保全。 且范氏為大僚者,惟時繹及其從弟時捷,勳臣後裔,漸至零落,朕心不忍,所以委曲成全之者至矣。 復命協理河務,豈意伏汛危急,時繹安坐於旁,置國事弁髦,視民命草芥。 負恩瘝職,他人尚不可,況時繹乎?」 逮治,部議坐云如獄論斬,上复特宥之。 授鑲藍旗漢軍副都統。 十年,授工部尚書,兼鑲黃旗漢軍都統。 十二年,罷尚書。 十三年,復以侍衛保柱劾行賄,下部議罪,尋遇赦。 乾隆六年,卒。
Shiyi was Chengxun's son. Early in Yongzheng he rose in three steps from zuoling to Malan garrison commander. In year 4 he was made acting governor-general of Liangjiang. That year he became dutong of the Chinese Bordered Blue Banner. In year 5 he was transferred to Chinese Bordered White Banner dutong while remaining acting governor-general. In the twelfth month Shiyi memorialized that henceforth poll tax in Jiangsu and Anhui should be merged into the land tax. Combined land-and-poll collection began with this measure. In year 6 he was made Minister of Revenue while remaining acting governor-general. In office he once proposed culverts at the Tongzhou canal mouth to regulate storage and release. He planned Yangzhou waterworks, dredged the estuary, cleared the Chelu, Baitu, and Haigou channels, and diked Taizhou's salt canal. At Yancheng, Rugao, and other outlets to the sea he built sluices and culverts. He reformed the Lianghuai salt administration and added troops and clerks to the Miaowan and Yancheng transport garrisons. All were referred to the ministries and approved. Because banditry was rife in Suzhou and Songjiang and Shiyi proved weak at suppression, the emperor assigned cases in Jiangsu's seven prefectures and five subprefectures to Zhejiang governor-general Li Wei. Li Wei arrested the Jiangning man Zhang Yunru on charges of sedition through charms and sorcery; because Shiyi had associated with Zhang, Li Wei impeached him. In year 8 the emperor ordered Minister Li Yongsheng to investigate; Zhang was executed and Shiyi was removed. He was recalled to the capital and put in charge of the Taiping Valley imperial tomb site. Soon he was again assigned to Hedong river works; when Hedong governor-general Tian Wenjing impeached him for faulty construction, the emperor wrote: "I promoted Fan Shiyi as the descendant of a meritorious minister. Zhu Hongxu once said Shiyi was honest but could not make ends meet; I was moved and gave him extra integrity stipends. Later I learned he never failed to take what regulations allowed. I still increased his grain allowance, hoping to make him truly honest and devote himself to his post. Yet he favored private associates and sheltered criminals; I secretly told Li Wei to protect him when he could. Of the Fan great officials only Shiyi and his cousin Shijie remained; as meritorious descendants they had fallen on hard times, and I spared no effort to preserve them. When he was again assigned to river works, at the height of flood season he sat idle, treating state affairs lightly and people's lives cheaply. Betraying imperial favor and neglecting duty is intolerable in anyone—how much more in Shiyi? He was arrested; the ministry recommended execution under the Zhang Yunru precedent, but the emperor pardoned him. He was appointed vice dutong of the Chinese Bordered Blue Banner. In year 10 he was made Minister of Works and Chinese Bordered Yellow Banner dutong. In year 12 he was dismissed as minister. In year 13 the guardsman Baozhu impeached him for bribery; sentencing was referred to the ministry, but he was soon amnestied. He died in Qianlong 6.
25
承斌,文程第四子,襲一等精奇尼哈番。 卒。
Chengbin, Wencheng's fourth son, inherited first-class jingkini hafan. He died.
26
時捷,承斌子。 自參領再遷為陝西、寧夏總兵。 康熙五十七年,署陝甘提督。 雍正元年,授陝西巡撫。 三年,遷鑲白旗漢軍都統。 五年,年羹堯得罪,世宗以羹堯嘗舉時捷,及羹堯敗,事連時捷,罷都統,授侍衛。 八年,授散秩大臣,護陵寢。 是時,時捷從兄時繹以協理河東河務誤工罷黜,世宗以文程諸孫無為大僚者,命時捷署古北口提督,直隸總兵官聽節制,詔勉以改過。 旋移陝西固原提督。 乾隆元年,例改一等子。 二年,以病召還,授散秩大臣。 三年,卒。
Shijie was Chengbin's son. He rose from canling to regional commander of Shaanxi and Ningxia. In Kangxi 57 he acted as Shaanxi-Gansu provincial military commissioner. In Yongzheng 1 he was made governor of Shaanxi. In year 3 he became Chinese Bordered White Banner dutong. In year 5 Nian Gengyao fell; because Gengyao had once recommended Shijie, Yongzheng implicated Shijie, removed him as dutong, and made him a guardsman. In year 8 he was made minister without portfolio and assigned to guard the imperial tombs. When his cousin Shiyi was dismissed for faulty Hedong river works, Yongzheng, finding no Fan descendant in high office, made Shijie acting Gubeikou commissioner with Zhili commanders under him and urged him to reform. Soon he was transferred to Guyuan commissioner in Shaanxi. In Qianlong 1 his rank was changed by regulation to first-class viscount. In year 2 illness brought his recall and appointment as minister without portfolio. He died in year 3.
27
建中,時捷孫,襲一等男。 自副參領再遷副都統、侍郎。 嘉慶四年,授戶部尚書,署正黃旗漢軍都統。 尋改都察院左都御史,出為杭州將軍。 五年,卒,諡恪慎。
Jianzhong, Shijie's grandson, inherited first-class baron. He rose from deputy canling to vice dutong and vice minister. In Jiaqing 4 he was made Minister of Revenue and acting Chinese Plain Yellow Banner dutong. Soon he became Left Censor-in-Chief and was posted as Hangzhou garrison general. He died in year 5, with posthumous title Ke-shen.
28
時綬,文程諸孫。 雍正間,自筆帖式累遷至戶部郎中。 乾隆初,复累遷至湖北布政使。 十六年,署湖南巡撫,疏言:「湘陰、益陽諸縣,察有私墾千餘頃,皆瀕洞庭,歲旱方穫,請緩昇科。 洞庭諸私垸窒水道,勸禁增築。」 報可。 十八年,移江西巡撫,病免。 二十一年,起授戶部侍郎,署都統,請赴西路屯田。 二十四年,副都統定長劾時綬役兵漁利,遣使就讞,時綬未嘗役兵,特其僕從藉事求利,命奪官,交定長責自效。 二十六年,授頭等侍衛,遷鑲藍旗漢軍副都統、吏部侍郎、哈爾沙爾辦事。 三十一年,遷左都御史,仍留哈爾沙爾辦事。 三十二年,授湖北巡撫。 入對,上以時綬弱不能任封疆,三十三年,复授都統、左都御史。 三十五年,遷工部尚書。 明年,罷。 四十七年,卒。
Shishou was a grandson of Wencheng. Under Yongzheng he rose from Grand Council clerk to director in the Ministry of Revenue. Early in Qianlong he rose again to Hubei administration commissioner. In year 16, as acting governor of Hunan, he reported that Xiangyin, Yiyang, and other counties had over a thousand qing of private reclamation along Dongting, all just harvested after drought, and asked to defer taxing the new fields. Private embankments around Dongting were choking the waterways; he urged a ban on further construction. The memorial was approved. In year 18 he became governor of Jiangxi but was soon relieved due to illness. In year 21 he was recalled as Vice Minister of Revenue and acting dutong and asked to serve on the western colonial frontier. In year 24 Vice Dutong Ding Chang accused Shishou of profiteering through soldiers; an investigator was sent. Shishou had not used soldiers himself—only his servants had exploited their position. He was stripped of rank and placed under Ding Chang's supervision to redeem himself. In year 26 he became a First-class Bodyguard and rose to Chinese Bordered Blue Banner vice dutong, Vice Minister of Personnel, and Halsar commissioner. In year 31 he became Left Censor-in-Chief but kept his Halsar post. In year 32 he was made governor of Hubei. At audience the emperor judged Shishou too frail for a frontier post; in year 33 he was restored as dutong and Left Censor-in-Chief. In year 35 he became Minister of Works. The following year he was dismissed. He died in year 47.
29
時紀,亦文程諸孫。 乾隆初,以任子授工部員外郎。 四遷,署廣東按察使。 二十五年,俸滿入覲,諭范氏無大僚,授鑲紅旗漢軍副都統。 二十六年,授工部侍郎。 二十七年,疏請就京南諸州縣開田植稻,下直隸總督方觀承察土宜酌行。 屢移倉場、戶部、禮部諸侍郎。 四十二年,以年衰改副都統。 尋卒。
Shiji was another of Wencheng's grandsons. Early in Qianlong he entered the Ministry of Works as a hereditary appointee. After four promotions he served as acting Guangdong surveillance commissioner. In year 25, at the end of his salary term and court audience, he was told the Fan clan had no senior ministers and was made Chinese Bordered Red Banner vice dutong. In year 26 he became Vice Minister of Works. In year 27 he asked to open farmland south of the capital for rice; Zhili Governor Fang Guancheng was ordered to inspect local conditions and proceed accordingly. He moved repeatedly among vice-ministerial posts at the Granary, Revenue, and Rites. In year 42, on account of age, he was reassigned as vice dutong. He died soon after.
30
宜恆,時綬子。 乾隆中,自鑾儀衛、整儀衛,五遷,為福建福寧鎮總兵。 四十七年,授正藍旗漢軍副都統。 五十七年,授工部侍郎。 嘉慶元年,遷戶部尚書。 二年,卒。
Yiheng was Shishou's son. Under Qianlong he rose through five posts from the procession guards to regional commander of Fujian's Funing Garrison. In year 47 he became Chinese Plain Blue Banner vice dutong. In year 57 he became Vice Minister of Works. In Jiaqing 1 he became Minister of Revenue. He died in year 2.
31
文程曾孫行又有宜清,乾隆間官盛京工部侍郎; 四世諸孫建豐,嘉慶時官吏部侍郎:皆以漢軍任滿缺,一時稱異數云。
Wencheng's great-grandson Yiqing, of the Xing branch, served as Mukden Vice Minister of Works under Qianlong; and fourth-generation descendant Jianfeng was Vice Minister of Personnel under Jiaqing—all of them holding Manchu posts as Chinese Bannermen, which for a time was hailed as an extraordinary exception.
32
寧完我,字公甫,遼陽人。 天命間來歸,給事貝勒薩哈廉家,隸漢軍正紅旗。 天聰三年,太宗聞完我通文史,召令直文館。 完我入對,薦所知者與之同升,鮑承先其一也。 尋授參將。 四年,師克永平,命與達海宣諭安撫。 又從攻大凌河及招撫察哈爾,皆有功,授世職備禦。 五年七月,初置六部,命儒臣賜號「榜式」得仍舊稱,餘稱「筆帖式」。
Ning Wanwo, style Gongfu, was from Liaoyang. He submitted in the Tianming era, served in Prince Sahalian's household, and was enrolled in the Chinese Plain Red Banner. In Tiancong 3 Hong Taiji learned that Wanwo was learned in letters and history and summoned him to the Literary Bureau. At audience Wanwo recommended several acquaintances for promotion with him; Bao Chengxian was among them. He was soon made a brigadier general. In year 4, after Yongping fell, he and Dahai were ordered to proclaim the victory and pacify the region. He also took part in the siege of Dalinghe and the pacification of the Chahar, earning merit each time, and was granted a hereditary company commander's rank. In the seventh month of year 5, when the Six Ministries were first set up, scholar-officials honored as "Bangshi" could keep their old titles; the rest were called "bitchi shi."
33
完我遇事敢言,嘗議定官制,辨服色。 十二月,上疏言:「自古設官定職,非帝王好為鋪張。 慮國事無綱紀也,置六部; 慮六部有偏私也,置六科; 慮君心宜啟沃也,置館臣; 慮下情或壅蔽也,置通政。 數事相因,缺一不可。 上不立言官,不過謂我國人人得以進言,何必言官。 臣請明辨之,我國六部既立,曾見有一人抗顏論劾者否? 似此寂寂,豈國中真無事耶? 舉國然諾浮沉,以狡滑為圓活,以容隱為公道,以優柔退縮為雅重,上皇皇圖治,亦何樂有此景像也? 況今日秉政者,豈盡循理方正? 屬僚既不敢非長官,局外又誰敢議權貴? 臣知國中事,上亦時得聞知,然不過猶古之告密,孰若置言官,興利除害,皆公言之之為愈耶? 言官既設,君身尚許指摘,他人更何忌諱? 苟不至貪污欺誑,任其盡言,勿為禁制,此古帝王明目達聰之妙術也。 若謂南朝言官敗壞,此自其君鑑別不明,非其初定制之不善也。 我國'筆帖式',漢言'書房',朝廷安所用書房? 官生雜處,名器弗定。 不置通政,則下情上壅,勵精圖治之謂何也? 至若服制,尤陶鎔滿、漢第一急事。 上遇漢官,溫慰懇至,而國人反陵轢之。 漢官不通滿語,每以此被辱,有至傷心墮淚者,將何以招徠遠人,使成一體? 故臣謂分別服色,所繫至大,原上勿再忽之也。 臣等非才,惟耿介忠悃,至死不變。 昨年副將高鴻中出領甲喇額真,臣具疏請留; 今游擊范文程又補刑曹,諒臣亦不得久居文館。 若臣等二三人皆去,豈復得慷慨為上盡言乎?」 疏入,上頗韙之,命俟次第舉行。
Wanwo spoke his mind on every issue; he once helped define the bureaucracy and distinguish official dress. In the twelfth month he memorialized: "Since antiquity, kings have not created offices out of love of display. They feared affairs of state would lack order, and so set up the Six Ministries; they feared the ministries would grow partial, and so set up the Six Offices of Scrutiny; they feared the ruler's mind would lack wise counsel, and so set up academicians; they feared the people's voice might be stifled, and so set up the Office of Transmission. Each depends on the others; not one can be spared. Your Majesty has not established remonstrating officials, saying only that in our state everyone may speak up—so why need censors? I beg Your Majesty to see the difference: the Six Ministries are in place—has anyone ever stood up to impeach or debate? In such silence, can the realm truly have no wrongs to report? The whole court nods along: craftiness passes for tact, concealment for fairness, timid retreat for refinement—what joy can Your Majesty take in such a scene while striving to govern well? And are those in power today all upright and principled? Subordinates dare not criticize their chiefs, and who outside the inner circle dares question the powerful? I know what happens in the state, and Your Majesty sometimes hears of it too—but that is only the old game of secret denunciation. How is it not better to appoint censors, purge abuses and advance the good, and let everything be said in the open? Once censors exist, even the sovereign may be criticized—what further restraint need others feel? So long as they are not corrupt or deceitful, let them speak freely without restraint—this is how ancient kings kept their eyes bright and their ears keen. If one blames the censors of the Ming for ruin, the fault lay in the ruler's poor judgment—not in the institution itself. In our state the 'bitchi shi'—in Chinese, 'study rooms'—what use has the court for study rooms? Officials and clerks are thrown together; titles and ranks are unsettled. Without the Office of Transmission, the voice below is choked off above—what becomes of earnest government? As for dress regulations, nothing is more urgent for forging unity between Manchu and Chinese. Your Majesty greets Chinese officials with warm and earnest kindness, yet our own people bully them in turn. Chinese officials do not know Manchu and are often humiliated for it; some have wept in grief—how then are distant men to be won and made one with us? That is why I say distinguishing dress by rank matters profoundly; I pray Your Majesty not to neglect it again. We lack talent; only our stubborn loyalty, unchanged to the death. Last year Brigadier General Gao Hongzhong left to command an ala; I memorialized asking that he stay; now Guerrilla Colonel Fan Wencheng has been posted to the Board of Punishments—I fear I too cannot long remain at the Literary Bureau. If two or three of us are all removed, who will speak boldly and exhaust himself for Your Majesty?" The memorial was largely approved, and the emperor ordered its measures carried out step by step.
34
六年正月,完我疏言:「昨年十一月初九日,自大凌河旋師,上豫議今年進取,至誠惻怛,推心置腹,藹然家人父子。 臣敢不殫精畢思,用效駑鈍。 臣聞千里而戰,雖勝亦敗。 近年將士貪欺之習,大異於先帝時,更張而轉移之。 上固切切在念,而曾未顯斡旋之術。 人心不鍊,必不得指臂相使之用。 分軍駐防,萬難調停,雖諸葛復生,無能為也。 又況蜂蠆有毒,肘腋患生,疑貳之祖大壽,率寧、錦瘡痍之眾,坐伺於數百里間,杞人之見,不得不慮及也。」 三月,上決策自將伐察哈爾,而完我以為大凌河降卒思遁,宜先圖山海,還取錦州,因上疏諫。 四月,師西出,度興安嶺,次都勒河,偵言林丹汗西走。 完我與同值文館范文程、馬國柱合疏申前議,略言:「師已度興安嶺,察哈爾望風遠遁,上威名顯襮。 臣度上且罷西征,轉而南入。 上憐士卒勞苦,不能長驅直入,徒攜子女、囊金帛而歸。 苟若是,大事去矣! 昔者遼左之誤,諉諸先帝; 永平之失,諉諸二貝勒。 今更將誰諉? 信蓋天下,然後能服天下。 臣等為上籌之,以為當令從軍蒙古,每人擇頭人三二輩,挾從者十餘人,從上南入,餘悉遣還部。 然後嚴我法度,昭告有眾,師行所經,戒殺戒掠,務種德樹仁,宏我後來之路。 今此出師,諸軍士賣牛買馬,典衣置裝,離家益遠,見財而不取,軍心怠矣,取則又蹈覆轍。 上豈不曰'我厲禁取財,其孰敢違'? 上耳目所及,或不敢犯; 耳目所不及,孰能保者? 無問蒙古部長,及諸貝勒,稍稍擾民,怨歸於上,此上所當深思者也。 與其以長驅疲憊之兵入宣、大,孰若留精銳有餘之力取山海。 臣等明知失上旨,但既見及此,不容箝口也。」 是時上已決用兵於宣、大,五月,上駐歸化城,召完我等計事。 完我等疏論機宜,語詳文程傳。 翌日,上諭蒙古諸部及諸貝勒申軍律,蓋採完我等前疏所陳也。
In the first month of year 6 Wanwo memorialized: "On the ninth of the eleventh month last year, as the army returned from Dalinghe, Your Majesty spoke in advance of this year's campaign with utmost sincerity and compassion, heart open and trust complete, kindly as father and son under one roof. How could I not exhaust my mind to offer what little strength I have? I have heard it said: to fight a thousand li from home is defeat even in victory. In recent years officers and soldiers have grown greedy and deceitful as never in the Former Emperor's day; the habit must be broken and turned about. Your Majesty keeps this close at heart, yet has never shown a clear way to turn the tide. Unless hearts are tempered, you cannot command men as you would your own arms and legs. Splitting the army for garrison duty is impossible to harmonize; even if Zhuge Liang were reborn, he could do nothing. Moreover wasps and scorpions have their sting; trouble may breed at your elbow: the disloyal Zu Dashou leads Ning and Jin's wounded masses, watching from hundreds of li away—a man's idle dread, yet it cannot be ignored." In the third month the emperor decided to lead the campaign against the Chahar himself; Wanwo believed the Dalinghe surrendered troops were ripe to bolt, urged securing Shanhai Pass first and then retaking Jinzhou, and memorialized against the plan. In the fourth month the army marched west, crossed the Greater Khingan, and halted at the Dule River; scouts reported Ligdan Khan had fled westward. Wanwo, with his Literary Bureau colleagues Fan Wencheng and Ma Guozhu, jointly renewed their earlier counsel: "The army has crossed the Greater Khingan; the Chahar flee before our name; Your Majesty's fame blazes abroad. I judge that Your Majesty will soon halt the western campaign and turn south. Your Majesty will pity the soldiers' hardship and be unable to drive deep; you will carry off only women, children, and bags of gold and silk. If it comes to that, the great enterprise is lost! Once the failure on the Liao frontier was blamed on the Former Emperor; the loss of Yongping on the Second Prince. On whom will blame fall now? Trust must cover the realm—only then can the realm be won. We have laid plans for Your Majesty: let each Mongol in the army choose two or three headmen with a dozen followers to march south with you, and send the rest back to their tribes. Then enforce our laws strictly, proclaim them to all, and wherever the army marches forbid killing and looting; plant virtue and nurture benevolence and widen the road ahead. On this campaign soldiers sold oxen for horses and pawned their clothes to equip themselves, leaving home ever farther behind; if they see wealth and do not seize it, their hearts slacken—and if they seize it, they tread the old rut again. Will not Your Majesty say, 'I have strictly forbidden looting—who would dare disobey'? What reaches your eyes and ears perhaps none dare violate; what lies beyond them—who can guarantee? Mongol chiefs and princes alike will harass the people in small ways, and resentment will fall on Your Majesty—that is what you must ponder deeply. Better to keep your elite strength in reserve and take Shanhai than to drive exhausted troops deep into Xuan and Da. We know we go against your intent, but having seen this much we cannot hold our tongues." By then the emperor had already decided on war at Xuan and Da; in the fifth month he halted at Guihua and summoned Wanwo and the others to counsel him. Wanwo and the others memorialized on strategy; the full text appears in Wencheng's biography. The next day the emperor instructed the Mongol tribes and princes to enforce military discipline, largely adopting Wanwo's earlier counsel.
35
七年正月,完我疏言:「近日朝鮮交益疏,南朝和未定,沈城不可以常都,兵事不可以久緩,機會不可以再失。 漢高祖屢敗,何為而帝? 項羽橫行天下,何為而亡? 袁紹擁河北之眾,何為而敗? 昭烈屢遘困難,何為而終霸? 無他,能用謀不能用謀,能乘機不能乘機而已。 夫天下大器也,可以智取,不可以力爭。 臣請以棋喻,能者戰守攻取,素熟於胸中,百局而百不負。 至於取天下,是何等事,而可以草草僥倖耶? 自古君臣相需,先帝時,達拉哈轄五大臣,知有上不知有人,知有國不知有家,故先帝以數十人起,克成大業。 上今環觀國中,如五大臣者有幾人耶? 每侍上治事,不聞諫諍,但有唯阿; 惟務苟且,不肯任勞怨。 於國何利? 於上何益? 釣餌激勸,振刷轉移,臣望上於旦暮間也。 古人有言:'騏驥之局促,不如駑馬之安步; 孟賁之狐疑,不如庸夫之必至; 雖有堯、舜之智,吟而不言,不如喑啞之指揮。 '此言貴能行之。 臣謹昧死上言,惟上裁擇。」
In the first month of year 7 Wanwo memorialized: "Lately ties with Korea grow strained, peace with the Ming is unsettled, Mukden cannot long remain the capital, war cannot wait, and opportunity will not come twice. Emperor Gaozu of Han was beaten again and again—why did he become emperor? Xiang Yu swept the realm—why did he fall? Yuan Shao held all Hebei—why was he broken? Liu Bei met setback after setback—why did he still rise to hegemony? The difference is only this: using strategy or not, seizing opportunity or not. The realm is a great vessel—won by wit, not by brute force. I would compare it to go: a master keeps attack and defense in his breast and wins a hundred games in a hundred. Winning the realm is no trifle—how can one trust to careless luck? Ruler and minister have always needed each other. Under the Former Emperor, the Five Great Ministers knew only the throne, not private ties; only the state, not private families—so he rose with a handful of men and won the realm. Your Majesty looks about the court—how many men equal the Five Great Ministers? When they attend you in council, one hears no remonstrance—only flattery; they seek only easy expedients and shun labor and blame. What good does that do the state? What good does it do you? Set hooks to lure them, shake the court to stir them—I beg Your Majesty to act between dawn and dusk. The ancients said: 'A Qiji's cramped stride cannot match a draft horse's steady walk; Meng Ben's hesitation cannot match a common man's sure arrival; Even Yao and Shun's wisdom, chanted but never spoken, cannot match a mute's gestures. That is praise for doing, not merely knowing. I risk my life to speak; may Your Majesty judge and choose."
36
完我他所獻替,如論譯書,謂:「自金史外,當兼譯孝經、學、庸、論、孟、通鑑諸籍。」 論試士,謂:「我國貪惰之俗,牢不可破,不當祗以筆舌取人,試前宜刷陋習,試後宜察素行。 且六部中,滿、漢官吏及大凌河將備,當悉令入試,既可覘此等人才調,且令此等人皆自科目出,庶同貴此途不相冰炭也。」 論六部治事,謂:「六部本循明製,漢承政皆墨守大明會典,宜參酌彼此,殫心竭思,就今日規模,別立會典。 務去因循之習,漸就中國之制度,庶異日既得中原,不至於自擾。 昔漢繼秦而王,蕭何任造律,叔孫通任制禮。 彼猶是人也,前無所因,尚能造律制禮; 今既有成法,乃不能通其變,則又何也? 六部漢承政宜人置一通事,上亦宜以譯者侍左右,俾時召對,毋使以不通滿語自諉。」 完我疏屢上,上每採其議。 完我又嘗疏薦李率泰、陳錦,皆至大用。 惟論用兵,力主自寧、錦直攻山海,不原出宣、大; 孔有德、耿仲明降時,完我疏言當收其兵入烏真超哈,繼又言有德、仲明暴戾無才,其兵多礦徒,食盡且為盜:皆未當上旨。
Among Wanwo's other proposals, on translation he argued: "Besides the Jin History, translate the Classic of Filial Piety, Great Learning, Doctrine of the Mean, Analects, Mencius, the Comprehensive Mirror, and the like." On the civil examinations he wrote: "Greed and sloth run too deep here to break by pen alone—purge bad habits before the exam and inspect conduct afterward. Every Manchu and Han officer in the Six Ministries and every Dalinghe garrison commander should sit the exams too—so you can gauge their talent and so all rise by the same road, not as sworn enemies." On the Six Ministries he urged: "They still follow Ming forms; Han staff cling to the Great Ming Statutes—weigh both traditions, think hard, and draft a new code for our own day. Shake off inertia, move toward Chinese institutions, and when we hold the Central Plains we will not founder in our own confusion. When Han succeeded Qin, Xiao He made the laws and Shusun Tong the rites. They were only men, with no precedent—yet they made laws and rites; now that we have models before us, why can we not adapt them? Place an interpreter with each Han administrator in the Six Ministries, and keep translators at your side so you can summon them—let no one plead ignorance of Manchu." Wanwo memorialized again and again, and the sovereign adopted his counsel each time. He also recommended Li Shuaitai and Chen Jin, both of whom rose to high office. On military affairs alone he insisted on striking Shanhai Pass from Ningyuan and Jinzhou, not on a drive through Xuan and Da; When Kong Youde and Geng Zhongming surrendered, Wanwo urged absorbing their troops into the Ujen Cooha; later he called them brutal and talentless, their men mostly miners who would turn bandit when provisions failed—none of which pleased the throne.
37
九年二月,范文程上言薦舉太濫,舉主雖不連坐,亦當議罰。 完我亦疏請功罪皆當並議,略言:「上令官民皆得薦舉,本欲得才以任事,乃無知者假此幸進,兩部已四五十人,其濫可見。 當行連坐法,所舉得人,舉主同其賞; 所舉失人,舉主同其罪; 如有末路改節,許舉主自陳,貸其罪。 如採此法,臣度不三日,請罷舉者十當八九; 其有留者,不問皆真才矣。」 上並嘉納。
In the second month of year 9 Fan Wencheng argued that patronage had grown too loose; even without joint punishment, recommenders should face review and penalty. Wanwo asked that merit and fault be judged together, writing in brief: "You opened recommendation to officials and commoners to gain talent—but the ignorant seize the chance; the two ministries already hold forty or fifty such men, which shows how loose it has become. Enforce joint liability: if a nominee succeeds, the recommender shares the reward; if the nominee fails, the recommender shares the blame; if a man turns traitor at the end, let the recommender confess and be spared. Adopt this, and within three days nine in ten will withdraw their nominations; those who remain will be true talent indeed. The emperor approved both memorials.
38
完我久預機務,遇事敢言,累進世職二等甲喇章京,襲六次,賜莊田、奴僕,上駸駸倚任,顧喜酒縱博。 初從上伐明,命助守永平,以博為禮部參政李伯龍及游擊佟整所劾,上為誡諭,宥之。 十年二月,复坐與大凌河降將甲喇章京劉士英博,為士英奴所訐,削世職,盡奪所賜,仍令給事薩哈廉家。 是年改元崇德,以文館為內三院,希福、文程、承先皆為大學士,完我以罪廢,不得與。
Wanwo long handled state secrets and spoke his mind; he was twice promoted in hereditary jalan rank, inherited six times, and received estates and slaves. The throne relied on him ever more, yet he loved wine and dice. On the first Ming campaign he was ordered to help hold Yongping; Li Bolong, Vice Minister of Rites, and Guerrilla Tong Zheng impeached him for gambling; the emperor admonished him and pardoned him. In the second month of year 10 he gambled again with Liu Shiying, a surrendered Dalinghe jalan; Shiying's slave denounced him, his hereditary rank was stripped, his gifts seized, and he was sent back to Sahalian's household. That year the era name became Chongde; the Literary Bureau became the Inner Three Courts. Xifu, Wencheng, and Chengxian became Grand Secretaries—Wanwo, disgraced, was left out.
39
及世祖定鼎京師,起完我為學士。 順治二年五月,授內弘文院大學士,充明史總裁。 是年及三年、六年,並充會試總裁。 又命監修太宗實錄,譯三國志、洪武寶訓諸書,复授二等阿達哈哈番。 八年閏二月,大學士剛林、祁充格得罪,完我以知睿親王改太祖實錄未啟奏,當奪職,鄭親王濟爾哈朗等覆讞,以為無罪,得免。 三月,調內國史院大學士,命班位祿秩從滿洲大學士例。 尋授議政大臣。
When the Shizu Emperor fixed the capital at Beijing, Wanwo was restored as an academician. In the fifth month of Shunzhi 2 he became Grand Secretary of the Inner Hongwen Court and chief compiler of the History of Ming. That year and again in years 3 and 6 he served as chief metropolitan examiner. He supervised the Veritable Records of Taizong, translated the Records of the Three Kingdoms, the Hongwu Precious Instructions, and other works, and was again granted a second-grade adaha gūwa. In the intercalary second month of year 8 Grand Secretaries Ganglin and Qi Chongge fell; Wanwo should have been dismissed for knowing the Prince of Rui had altered Taizu's Veritable Records without reporting it—Prince of Zheng Jirhalang and others reviewed the case and acquitted him. In the third month he moved to Grand Secretary of the Inner Historiography Court, with rank, precedence, and salary equal to the Manchu grand secretaries. Soon he was named a Deliberating Minister.
40
十一年三月,疏劾大學士陳名夏結黨懷姦,臚舉名夏塗抹票擬稿簿,刪改諭旨,庇護同黨,縱子掖臣為害鄉里,凡七事; 復言:「從古奸臣賊子,黨不成則計不行。 何則? 無真才,無實事,無顯功,故必結黨為之虛譽。 欲黨之成,附己者雖惡必護,異己者雖善必仇,行之久而入黨者多。 若非審察鄉評輿論,按其行事,則黨固莫可破矣。 臣竊自念,壯年孟浪疏庸,辜負先帝,一廢十年。 皇上定鼎,始得隨入禁地,謹守臣職,又復十年,忍性緘口。 然愚直性生,遇事勃發,埋輪補牘,雖不敢行; 若夫附黨營私以圖富貴,臣寧死不為也。 皇上不以臣衰老,列諸滿大臣; 聖壽召入深宮,親賜御酒。 臣非土木,敢不盡心力圖報。 名夏姦亂日甚,黨局日成。 人鑑張煊而莫敢言,臣不憚舍殘軀以報聖主。」 名夏坐是譴死。 八月,加太子太保。 十三年,加少傅兼太子太傅。
In the third month of year 11 he impeached Grand Secretary Chen Mingxia for faction and treachery, citing seven counts: tampering with draft memorials, altering edicts, shielding allies, letting his son's clients terrorize their home district, and more; He added: "Since antiquity, traitors and villains cannot act until their faction is formed. Why? Lacking talent, deeds, and merit, they must form cliques to manufacture reputation. To build a faction they shield their own, however vile, and hate outsiders, however worthy—given time, the clique swells. Unless you weigh local reputation and judge by deeds, the clique cannot be broken. I reflect: in my prime I was rash and shallow and failed the Former Emperor—I was cast aside for ten years. When Your Majesty fixed the capital I entered the inner court, kept my post in silence another ten years, biting back my nature. Yet I am blunt by nature and flare when wrong is done—I dare not play the martyr who blocks the wheel or patches the palace gate; but to join a faction for private gain I would rather die. Your Majesty did not dismiss me for age but ranked me among the Manchu grand ministers; on your birthday you summoned me to the inner palace and poured imperial wine yourself. I am not wood or stone—how could I not give you my utmost? Mingxia's treachery worsened daily; his faction hardened daily. All saw Zhang Xuan's fate and held their tongues; I do not fear this broken body if it serves my lord." Mingxia was condemned on these grounds and executed. In the eighth month he was made Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. In year 13 he was made Junior Tutor and concurrently Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent.
41
十五年九月,以老乞休,溫諭命致仕。 康熙元年正月,聖祖念完我事太宗﹑世祖有勞,命官一子為學士。 四年四月,卒,諡文毅。 雍正六年七月,世宗命錄完我子孫,得曾孫蘭,以驍騎校待缺,賜宅,予白金五百。
In the ninth month of year 15 he begged leave on account of age; a gracious edict let him retire. In the first month of Kangxi 1 the Sacred Ancestor, remembering Wanwo's service to Taizong and Shizu, appointed one son an academician. In the fourth month of year 4 he died; his posthumous name was Wenyi (Cultivated and Resolute). In the seventh month of Yongzheng 6 the Shizong ordered Wanwo's line recorded; a great-grandson Lan was found, given a vacant valiant-cavalry captaincy, a house, and five hundred taels of silver.
42
鮑承先,山西應州人。 明萬曆間,積官至參將。 泰昌元年,從總兵賀世賢、李秉誠守瀋陽城,遷開原東路統領新勇營副將,城守如故。 經略熊廷弼疏請獎勵諸將,承先預焉,加都督僉事銜。 是歲為天命五年。 太祖已克開原,乃自懿路、蒲河二路進兵向瀋陽。 承先偕世賢、秉誠出城,分汛駐守,見太祖兵至,皆不戰退。 上令左翼兵逐承先等,迫瀋陽城北,斬百餘級而去。 七年三月,上克瀋陽、遼陽,世賢戰死,承先退保廣寧。 八年正月,克西平堡,承先從秉誠及總兵劉渠、祁秉忠等自廣寧赴援,渠、秉忠戰死,承先與秉誠敗走,全軍盡殪。 巡撫王化貞棄廣寧走入關,游擊孫得功等以廣寧降。 承先竄匿數日,從眾出降,仍授副將。
Bao Chengxian was from Yingzhou in Shanxi. Under Wanli he rose through the ranks to brigadier general. In Taichang 1 he followed Generals He Shixian and Li Bingcheng in defending Shenyang, then became deputy commander of the New Braves on Kaiyuan's eastern route, still holding the walls. Grand Coordinator Xiong Tingbi memorialized to reward the generals; Chengxian was included and received the brevet rank of regional commander. That year was Tianming 5. Taizu had taken Kaiyuan and advanced on Shenyang by the Yilu and Puhe routes. Chengxian, Shixian, and Bingcheng left the city to man outposts; when Taizu's army appeared, all withdrew without a fight. The emperor sent the Left Wing to pursue them to north of Shenyang, took more than a hundred heads, and withdrew. In the third month of year 7 the emperor took Shenyang and Liaoyang; Shixian fell in battle and Chengxian fell back on Guangning. In the first month of year 8 Xiping Fort fell; Chengxian marched from Guangning with Bingcheng, Liu Qu, Qi Bingzhong, and others to relieve it; Qu and Bingzhong were killed, Chengxian and Bingcheng fled, and the whole force was wiped out. Grand Coordinator Wang Huazhen abandoned Guangning and fled inside the passes; Guerrilla Sun Degong and others surrendered the city. Chengxian hid several days, then came out with the rest to surrender and was again made deputy commander.
43
天聰三年,太宗自將伐明,自龍井關入邊,承先從鄭親王濟爾哈朗略馬蘭峪,屢敗明兵,承先以書招其守將來降。 師進薄明都,承先复招降牧馬廠太監,獲其馬騾以濟師。 明經略袁崇煥以二萬人自寧遠入援,屯廣渠門外,憑險設伏。 貝勒豪格督兵出其右,戰屢勝。 是時承先以寧完我薦直文館,翌日,上誡諸軍勿進攻,召承先及副將高鴻中授以秘計,使近陣獲明內監系所並坐,故相耳語,云:「今日撤兵乃上計也。 頃見上單騎向敵,有二人自敵中來,見上,語良久乃去。 意袁經略有密約,此事可立就矣。」 內監楊某佯臥竊聽,越日,縱之歸,以告明帝,遂殺崇煥。
In Tiancong 3 Hong Taiji led the campaign against Ming through Longjing Pass; Chengxian followed Prince of Zheng Jirhalang in raiding Malan Valley, repeatedly routing Ming forces, and by letter induced its commander to surrender. The army pressed the Ming capital; Chengxian again won over the horse-pasture eunuch and took his horses and mules to supply the host. Ming Grand Coordinator Yuan Chonghuan marched twenty thousand men from Ningyuan to relieve the capital, camped outside Guangqu Gate, and used the terrain for ambush. Prince Hoge struck their right wing and won repeated victories. Chengxian had entered the Literary Bureau on Wanwo's recommendation; the next day the emperor forbade a general assault, summoned Chengxian and Deputy Commander Gao Hongzhong, and gave them a secret ruse—seize a bound Ming eunuch near the lines, sit beside him, and whisper aloud: "Today's withdrawal is the best plan. I just saw the emperor ride alone toward the enemy; two men came out, spoke with him at length, and left. Yuan Chonghuan must have a secret pact—this can be settled at once." The eunuch Yang pretended to sleep and listened; the next day they let him go; he told the Ming emperor, and Chonghuan was executed.
44
四年,師克永平,承先從,以書諭遷安諸紳硃堅台、卜文煥以城降,遂取灤州。 上命承先與副將白格率鑲黃、鑲藍二旗兵守遷安,立台堡五,明兵來攻,力戰卻之。 明監軍道張春、總兵祖大壽等合諸軍攻灤州,貝勒阿敏令承先以守遷安兵守永平。 及灤州破,阿敏棄永平,率諸將出冷口,東還瀋陽。 上命定諸將棄地罪,以承先、白格守遷安,完城退敵,釋弗問。 五年,從攻大凌河,降翟家堡。
In year 4 the army took Yongping; Chengxian followed and by letter persuaded the Qian'an gentry Zhu Jiantai and Bu Wenhuan to surrender, then took Luanzhou. The emperor ordered Chengxian and Deputy Commander Bai'e to hold Qian'an with the Bordered Yellow and Bordered Blue banners, built five tower-forts, and beat back Ming attacks. Ming Superintendent Zhang Chun, Zu Dashou, and others besieged Luanzhou; Prince Amin sent Chengxian's Qian'an garrison to hold Yongping. When Luanzhou fell, Amin abandoned Yongping, led the army out Cold Pass, and marched east to Shenyang. The emperor fixed penalties for generals who abandoned ground; Chengxian and Bai'e, having held Qian'an, finished the walls, and repulsed the enemy, were excused. In year 5 he joined the siege of Dalinghe and reduced Zhujia Fort.
45
六年十一月,上詢文館諸臣,考各部啟心郎優絀以為黜陟。 承先與寧完我、范文程疏言:「當察其建言,或實心為國,或巧言塞責,以為去留。」 七年五月,孔有德、耿仲明來降,泊舟鎮江。 承先疏言:「用舟師攻明宜急進,否則,明亦廣練舟師以御,即不能為功。」 七月,既克旅順,承先復請移鎮江諸艦泊蓋州,收旁近諸島,以仁義撫其人。
In the eleventh month of year 6 the emperor questioned the Literary Bureau, ranking each ministry's translating secretaries for promotion or dismissal. Chengxian, Wanwo, and Wencheng memorialized: "Judge them by what they say—whether they serve the state in earnest or fob off duty with clever words—and keep or dismiss them accordingly. In the fifth month of year 7, Kong Youde and Geng Zhongming surrendered and moored their fleet at Zhenjiang. Chengxian memorialized: "Strike Ming by sea now, before they build a fleet to meet us—delay, and the chance is lost. That July, after Lüshun fell, he urged moving the Zhenjiang squadron to Gaizhou, bringing in the outlying islands and winning their people with clemency.
46
八年五月,上伐明大同,明總督張宗衡、總兵曹文詔等遣承先子韜齎書請和。 初,承先降,明人執韜系應州獄,至是出之,使以書來,山行,遇土謝圖濟農兵,奪其騎,斫韜及從者,皆死。 兵去,韜復甦。 有馮國珍者,送韜至貝勒代善營,令與承先相見,遂使入謁上。 上見韜創甚,留軍中,遣國珍齎書還。
In the fifth month of year 8 the emperor marched on Ming Datong; Ming Governor Zhang Zongheng and General Cao Wenzhao sent Chengxian's son Tao with a letter seeking peace. When Chengxian had first defected, the Ming had held Tao in Yingzhou jail; now they freed him to carry the letter. On the mountain road he ran into Tuxietu Jinong's men, who took his horse and cut down Tao and his escort—all were left for dead. When the soldiers had gone, Tao came to. A man named Feng Guozhen brought Tao to Prince Daishan's camp, reunited him with Chengxian, and had him presented to the emperor. Seeing Tao badly wounded, the emperor kept him with the army and sent Guozhen back with the reply.
47
九年正月,承先疏言:「臣竊見元帥孔有德、總兵耿仲明為其屬員請敕,上許其自行給劄。 帝王開國,首重名器,上下之分,自有定禮。 倘欲加意招徠遠人,可諭吏部奏請給劄,使恩出上裁。」 上不謂然,諭曰:「元帥率眾航海遠來,厥功匪小。 任賢勿貳,載在虞書。 朕推誠待下,前旨已行,豈可食言? 承先敗走乞降,今尚列諸功臣,給敕恩養。 豈遠來歸順諸將吏反謂無功? 朕此言亦非責承先也,彼以誠入告,朕亦以誠開示之耳。」
In the first month of year 9 Chengxian wrote: "I see Marshal Kong Youde and General Geng Zhongming were allowed to issue patents to their own men at their discretion. Founding a dynasty begins with honoring the insignia of rank—high and low have their proper ritual. If you wish to court distant allies warmly, have the Board of Personnel petition to issue patents, so favor comes from your own hand. The emperor disagreed and said: "The marshal brought his men by sea from far away—that is no small service. The Book of Yu says, "Appoint the worthy and do not doubt them." I deal with my men in good faith; my word is already given—would you have me break it? Chengxian himself fled and sued for mercy—yet he still stands among my great ministers, favored with patents and stipends. Shall those who crossed the sea to join me be told they have done nothing? I do not mean this as rebuke to you, Chengxian—you spoke in earnest, and I answer in earnest."
48
旋自察哈爾得元傳國璽,承先請命工部製璽函,卜吉日,躬率群臣郊迎入宮,仍以得璽敕示滿﹑漢、蒙古,上從之。 既,承先與文館諸臣隨諸貝勒文武將吏請上尊號。 崇德元年,改文館為內三院,承先授內秘書院大學士。 三年,改吏部右參政。 四年,漢軍八旗制定,承先隸正紅旗。 五年,從鄭親王濟爾哈朗等圍明錦州,令防守袞塔。 耕時明兵傷我農民,承先退避不及援,坐論死,上宥之。 尋以病解任。 順治元年,世祖定鼎燕京,承先從入關,賜銀幣、鞍馬。 二年,卒,命大學士范文程視含斂。
When the Yuan imperial seal was taken from the Chahar, Chengxian had the Board of Works fashion a reliquary, chose a lucky day, and led the court in a suburban ceremony to carry it into the palace; he also urged an edict to proclaim the seal to Manchus, Han, and Mongols alike—and the emperor agreed. Then Chengxian and the Literary Bureau joined the princes, officials, and generals in asking the emperor to take a regnal title. In Chongde year 1 the Literary Bureau became the Inner Three Courts, and Chengxian became Grand Secretary of the Inner Secretariat. In year 3 he was made Right Vice Commissioner of the Board of Personnel. In year 4 the Han Army Eight Banners were organized, and Chengxian was placed in the Bordered Red Banner. In year 5 he joined Prince Zheng Jirhalang in the siege of Jinzhou and was posted to defend Guntai. During the harvest Ming raiders struck our peasants; Chengxian fell back too late to help and was sentenced to death—the emperor spared him. He soon resigned for illness. In Shunzhi year 1 the Shunzhi Emperor made Yanjing his capital; Chengxian entered the Pass with him and received silver, coins, and horses. He died in year 2; Grand Secretary Fan Wencheng was charged with his funeral rites.
49
子敬,授三等阿思哈尼哈番,官河北總兵。 康熙四年,剿流賊郝搖旗,縱不追,坐降四級。 復起為大同總兵。 入為鑾儀衛鑾儀使。 卒。
His son Jing received third-rank ashan i hafan and became Commander-in-chief of Hebei. In Kangxi year 4, chasing the rebel Hao Yaoqi, he failed to pursue and was demoted four ranks. He was later restored as Commander-in-chief of Datong. He was recalled to serve as Master of Ceremonies in the Imperial Procession Guard. He died.
50
高鴻中與承先同直文館。 克永平四城,承先助守遷安,而令鴻中助守灤州,蓋使文館諸臣習武事。 旋以鴻中領甲喇額真。 天聰五年,設六部,授刑部承政。 六年,疏論刑部事當釐正者四,謂:「諸臣敕書賜免死,有罪宜先去'免死'字,更有罪乃追敕書,不當遽議削奪。 諸臣坐罪輒罰鍰,非古制; 且罰鍰視職崇庳,不問罪輕重,宜有定程。 滿民有罪待讞,所屬牛錄若家主,輒與讞獄吏同坐,辨論紛擾,擬嚴定以罪,著為令。 刑曹讞獄,滿、漢官會讞,民不便,宜令滿官主滿民獄訟,漢官主漢民獄訟。」 旋复條奏時政,上諭文館諸臣曰:「上書建言,固不可禁遏。 鴻中疏多言古人過失,昔元成吉思皇帝子察罕代以刀削檉柳為鞭,曰:'我國,父皇所定; 此檉柳鞭,乃我所手創也。 '其臣俄齊爾塞臣曰:'非先帝鳩工製此刀,則此檉柳豈能以指削,以齒齧耶? 凡此土地人民一切諸政,皆先帝所創立。 '今榜式等當以此等事相啟迪,毋妄議前人為也。」 既又疏論兵,略謂:「上策宜薄明都,中策先取山海。 當申軍令,毋辱婦女,毋妄殺人,毋貪財物。 有以離家久得財多而勸還師者,上毋為所惑。」 九年,以所屬戶口耗減,坐黜。
Gao Hongzhong shared a shift with Chengxian in the Literary Bureau. After the Yongping quadrant fell, Chengxian helped hold Qian'an and Hongzhong Luanzhou—training the Literary Bureau in war. Hongzhong was soon made a jiala ejen. In Tiancong year 5 the Six Ministries were set up, and he became Minister of Punishments. In year 6 he listed four reforms for the Board of Punishments: "Patents that grant ministers immunity from death should first have that immunity struck on a first offense; only repeat offenders forfeit the patent—not instant confiscation. Ministers today are fined at once for any crime—that is not ancient practice; and fines follow rank, not guilt—there should be fixed standards. When a Manchu awaits trial, his niru chief or master sits in court with the judge, breeding chaos—he urged fixed penalties and a written law. Mixed Manchu and Han benches strain litigants—let Manchu judges hear Manchu cases and Han judges hear Han cases. He soon memorialized again on policy. The emperor told the Literary Bureau: "Petitioning with advice must not be suppressed. Hongzhong's memorials often faulted the ancients. Genghis Khan's son Chaghan once carved a tamarisk whip with his knife and said: 'Our realm was my father's work; this willow whip I carved with my own hand. His minister Okur Secen replied: 'Had the late emperor not forged this knife, could you shave willow with a finger or bite it with your teeth? All this land, these people, every institution—were the late emperor's creation. You bangshi should take this story to heart—do not lightly fault your predecessors.' He memorialized again on war: "The best strategy is to threaten the Ming capital; the next is to seize Shanhai Pass first. Enforce discipline: no violating women, no killing without cause, no looting. Do not heed those who, grown rich on long campaigns, plead to go home. In year 9 his registered households had declined, and he was dismissed.
51
論曰:太祖時,儒臣未置官署。 天聰三年,命諸儒臣分兩直,譯曰「文館」,亦曰「書房」; 置官署矣,而尚未有專官,諸儒臣皆授參將、游擊,號榜式; 未授官者曰「秀才」,亦曰「相公」。 崇德改元,設內三院,希福、文程、承先及剛林授大學士,是為命相之始。 希福屢奉使,履險效忱,撫輯屬部; 文程定大計,左台贊襄,佐命勳最高; 完我忠讜耿耿,歷挫折而不撓,終蒙主契; 承先以完我薦直文館,而先完我入相,參預軍畫。 間除敵帥,皆有經綸。 草昧之績,視蕭、曹、房、杜,殆無不及也。
The historian remarks: Under Taizu, scholar-officials had no formal bureau. In Tiancong year 3 they were divided into two shifts—the "Literary Bureau," also called the "Study"; an office existed, but no dedicated posts—all were breveted regimental or brigade commanders, called bangshi; those without military rank were "xiucai," or "lord secretary." With the Chongde era came the Inner Three Courts; Xifu, Wencheng, Chengxian, and Ganglin became Grand Secretaries—the first true premiers. Xifu went on dangerous embassies again and again, loyal in peril, pacifying vassal peoples; Wencheng set the grand strategy and aided at court—his founding merit was supreme; Wanwo's blunt loyalty survived every setback and won the emperor's trust at last; Chengxian entered the Literary Bureau on Wanwo's word; Wanwo reached the premiership first, but Chengxian shared in war planning. Each time they brought down an enemy leader, they showed true statecraft. In founding a realm from nothing, they scarcely fall short of Xiao He, Cao Shen, Fang Xuanling, and Du Ruhui.