← Back to 清史稿

卷274 列傳六十一 杨雍建 姚缔虞 朱宏祚 王隲 宋荦 陈诜

Volume 274 Biographies 61: Yang Yongjian, Yao Diyu, Zhu Hongzuo, Wang Zhi, Song Luo, Chen Shen

Chapter 274 of 清史稿 · Draft History of Qing
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 274
Next Chapter →
1
Biography 61
2
Yang Yongjian, Yao Diyu, Zhu Hongzuo, Wang Zhi, Song Luo, and Chen Shen
3
西
Yang Yongjian, whose courtesy name was Zixi, came from Haining in Zhejiang. He earned his jinshi degree in the twelfth year of the Shunzhi reign and was posted as magistrate of Gaoyao in Guangdong. The province was at war then, and the governor-general had his headquarters at Gaoyao. Whenever the troops moved they drafted civilian laborers, and the clerks, afraid the men would run away, kept them shackled in the magistrate's compound. On New Year's Eve he had them moved into the side halls and sent out his own holiday dishes for them to eat. The army wanted banyan branches to twist into fuses for the guns; a military clerk sent a requisition couched in insulting language, and Yongjian had him beaten. Governor-General Wang Guoguang cited these acts to praise Yongjian's firm integrity and submitted a special recommendation on his behalf. After only a year in post he was promoted to supervising secretary in the Office of Scrutiny for War.
4
使
In the spring of the sixteenth year the Shunzhi Emperor went to the Southern Park, and Yongjian submitted a memorial: 'Recently, because Your Majesty was unwell, the court announced that the spring sacrifice at the Grand Temple would be performed by dispatched officials. When the day arrived Your Majesty had recovered and still went in person to the temple—a splendid devotion to the rites of worship. Yet scarcely had you returned to the palace when you went again to the Southern Park; the cold has not lifted, and to range the open countryside may not be prudent for Your Majesty's health and regimen. Besides, in antiquity the spring, summer, autumn, and winter hunts each had its proper season. If a beast should start up ahead or a horse run away behind and startle the imperial train, could there be no risk at all?' When the memorial arrived the emperor was furious and had Yongjian brought in to explain that the visit was for inspecting troops and military drill. Yongjian answered calmly and without losing his bearing, and the emperor's anger subsided.
5
退
At that time the Prince of Pingnan, Shang Kexi, and the Prince of Jingnan, Geng Jizhuo, both held Guangdong. Yongjian listed eight abuses there: too many petty agents, too many surcharges, village labor service without fixed rules, corvée without fixed quotas, salt franchises growing more oppressive by the day, illicit levies swelling daily, and rampant logging and fuel-cutting—all of which should be abolished at once. With two princely establishments in the same province, the burden of provisioning them was crushing. Now that Sichuan and Guizhou were pacified, he asked that one of the princes be transferred to garrison there so the people of Guangdong could breathe again. The court soon ordered Geng Jizhuo to move his headquarters to Fujian, a change Yongjian had initiated. In the seventeenth year he wrote: 'The evil of cliques begins among the common people. To stop it at the source, sworn brotherhoods and societies should be strictly banned, and he asked that provincial education commissioners be ordered to search them out and suppress them.' The emperor approved. He was transferred to supervising secretary in the Office of Scrutiny for Personnel. When the Kangxi Emperor ascended the throne, the regents held power; everyone who came to report knelt, but Yongjian alone remained standing when he spoke. As he left, a regent fixed him with a stare and said, 'So this is the man who lectured the emperor about hunting at the Southern Park.' After that, officials reporting to the regents no longer knelt.
6
滿 滿
In the third year of the Kangxi reign a comet appeared. Yongjian wrote: 'Heaven is merciful; it sends portents as a warning. He urged the emperor to fast, reflect, and reform; to welcome frank counsel; to investigate what helped or harmed the realm; and to order officials everywhere to clear their minds and do their duty.' The emperor replied with a warm commendation.' In the fourth year he wrote: 'Good government has not yet matured because officials are not doing their jobs. Lately ministry officials treat evasion as discharge of duty: matters plainly within their own jurisdiction they refer to other ministries or to the governors, so that a case cannot be decided because one witness statement is missing and must be reopened; whether a matter goes forward or stalls because of a minor clerical error in the paperwork, they order yet another review; and on local abuses that touch the public welfare they are afraid to act, saying only that the matter was already reported and settled and need not be discussed again. At that rate a couple of clerks with the regulations could settle everything, and one might wonder what the Manchu and Han directors in the ministries are for. Governors-general and governors treat cover-ups as peace; the people groan under labor service and levies, while illicit surcharges go on, yet no one proposes a real plan to end chronic abuses; petty officials run wild in greed and cruelty, yet when their superiors punish extortion they cite only minor charges under the mildest articles of law. Under the triennial evaluation everyone reported was rated competent, and no one ever received a grade below the third rank; and in routine impeachments only junior officials were singled out, never the great officers at the circuit or prefectural level and above. For all these habits of evasion and cover-up he asked that officials everywhere be strictly ordered to do their duty; if they persisted in the old ways they should be dismissed at once as a warning to the service.' The memorial was received and noted. He was soon promoted from chief supervising secretary in the Office of Scrutiny for Justice to left vice censor-in-chief.
7
In the eighteenth year he served as chief examiner for the metropolitan civil service examination and was appointed governor of Guizhou. He asked permission to set up garrison regulations, cut corvée and levies, bring back refugees, and ban illicit local exactions. When native chieftains came to call on the governor, custom required drums and horns and crossed halberds at the gate, forcing them to prostrate themselves outside. Yongjian abolished all of that, had them brought before his desk to hear their grievances, and gave them food and wine; the chieftains were all won over. At first a bushel of rice in Guiyang cost five thousand cash; Yongjian arranged to bring in grain from elsewhere to feed the people. Then he had the people clear the wild growth and taught them how to farm. Within three years more and more paddy was under cultivation and the people had enough to eat. In the twenty-third year he was recalled to the capital and appointed vice minister of War. Soon afterward he asked to retire and care for his aging parents, and the request was granted. He died in the forty-third year of Kangxi, and the court granted him the rites of state burial. His son Zhongne, a jinshi, served as right assistant expositor in the Hanlin Academy.
8
西 西西
Yao Diyu, whose courtesy name was Lisheng, came from Huangpi in Huguang. He earned his jinshi degree in the fifteenth year of Shunzhi and was posted as investigating censor for Chengdu Prefecture in Sichuan. In war-ravaged Sichuan many survivors had turned to banditry; they denounced one another in court, and major prosecutions followed. Diyu judged cases with calm fairness and usually got to the truth; he reviewed a treason case and freed seventeen people who had been caught in the net of implication. Governor-General Miao Cheng and Governor Zhang Dedi praised his integrity and ability and marked him as outstanding; when posts were reduced he was reassigned as magistrate of Anhua in Shaanxi. Selected for service in the capital, he was appointed in the fifteenth year of Kangxi as supervising secretary in the Office of Scrutiny for Rites. He asked that Hanlin bachelors be chosen more rigorously and that the Academy be audited; the memorial was noted. In the seventeenth year he served as chief examiner in Jiangxi; on his return he reported: 'For counties in Jiangxi ruined by rebels and listed as having missing registers and abandoned fields, the governors should be ordered to weigh each case and allow three or five years to bring land back under cultivation before taxes are restored. The province owed 2.2 million taels in back taxes; after years of relentless collection only 30,000 had been reported paid. The remaining 2.1 million could never be collected even if the people were squeezed to the bone. He asked that it be remitted soon so the common people would not die under the burden.'
9
使 便
In the eighteenth year an earthquake struck, and the court called for memorials. Diyu wrote: 'The censors and supervising secretaries are the eyes and ears of the court; they are meant to speak of whatever they know and report whatever they hear. Ever since the late censor Ai Yuanzheng asked to ban memorials based on rumor, the voice of remonstrance has withered and officials everywhere have grown cautious. I beg Your Majesty to read the memorials of the Shunzhi reign and see how blunt they were; today everyone files the same bland itemized reports, and timid conformity has become the norm. If nothing in peacetime stirs their courage to speak out, it is hard to expect bold truth-telling when it is needed. He asked the court to deliberate: hereafter, if a man is loyal at heart and denounces the corrupt, even when he is slightly wrong, let him be spared. But if a man pursues private vendettas, takes orders from others, and his memorials circulate in copies for all to see, then even a true accusation will still be punished as self-serving. In that way censors would have reason to be careful and would not speak recklessly; and officials everywhere would think twice before acting recklessly.' The memorial was referred to the Nine Ministers and the censorate for joint deliberation. The next day the ministers were summoned to the Left Gate, and the emperor asked, 'What is your decision on Diyu's memorial?' Minister of Personnel Hao Weine, supervising secretary Li Zongkong, and the others all said the ban on hearsay memorials should not be lifted. The emperor turned to him: 'Diyu, what do you think?' Diyu answered: 'Your Majesty is wise and has never punished a censor. But as long as the disciplinary statutes remain on the books, every censor is afraid.' The emperor said, 'So by your logic the regulations should be scrapped?' Diyu replied, 'The statutes may stay, but each case should be judged on whether the motive was public or private, sincere or false.' The emperor's mood softened. He instructed them: 'Officials should speak frankly on matters of state. When great traitors or great thieves are impeached and the charge is proved, the law will be enforced without mercy. When Wei Xiangshu impeached Cheng Rupu it was also on hearsay, yet the charge was proved in court—there has never really been a ban on hearsay memorials.' He had Diyu step forward, pointed to Shunzhi-era memorials the Grand Secretariat had submitted, and said, 'Do you think I have not read these?' Diyu answered, 'Precisely because Your Majesty has read them, I did not hesitate to speak my mind.' The emperor ordered his words recorded and sent to the Historiography Institute. The next day he had Diyu enter the office of the Veritable Records and write the account himself. He was soon made chief supervising secretary with seal in the Office of Scrutiny for Works. When the emperor reviewed the censorate he dismissed Sun Xuji, Fu Tingjun, and He Yanding, but praised Diyu, Wang Yuewen, and Li Jiong as fit for their posts. In the twenty-first year he wrote on the chronic habits of provincial officials: neglecting their duties, letting business pile up, and delaying paperwork; feasting with subordinates, entertaining visitors, and wasting time and money. He asked the ministries to forbid such conduct. He rose to left assistant censor-in-chief.
10
In the twenty-fourth year he was appointed governor of Sichuan. Diyu had won a good name years before as investigating censor, and the people were glad to see him return. When he arrived he posted notices in the yamen hall with strict rules, banned illicit levies and surcharges, refused all gifts, and his subordinates were afraid to cross him. He wrote: 'Sichuan has been ravaged by war after war and is utterly devastated. Gentry and official families mostly live abroad; even when sons are sent home to farm, once they pass exams and take office they leave again. Seeing this, ordinary people too hesitate to come home. Bringing back one eminent family can do as much as several hundred common households. Once the gentry return, the people follow without needing to be called. He identified gentry living out of province and asked the ministries to order them home to rebuild their estates.' The emperor approved. The people of Sichuan were crushed by the timber levy; at his farewell audience Diyu spoke first of the harm. When Wang Zhi of the Songwei circuit came to court he made the same plea, and the emperor granted a special exemption. He also secured exemption of white-wax transport and suspension of the iron tax. He died in office in the twenty-seventh year and was granted state burial rites.
11
調
Zhu Hongzuo, whose courtesy name was Huiyin, came from Gaotang in Shandong and was the younger brother of Changzuo. Starting as a provincial graduate, he became magistrate of Xuyi in Jiangnan, governed well, and was marked outstanding. In the fourteenth year of Kangxi he was selected for the capital as a censor, but because Changzuo's son Fu was chief minister of the Court of Judicial Review he recused himself and became a principal clerk in the Ministry of Justice. He rose to director in the Ministry of War for bandit suppression, then served as administration commissioner of the Tianjin circuit in Zhili and then of the Zhili defense circuit.
12
使
In the twenty-sixth year he was promoted by exception to governor of Guangdong. At his audience his answers pleased the emperor, who gave him a thousand taels and an imperial saddle horse from the palace stables. Crossing the Dayu Mountains he saw how porters were abused and was the first to ban the practice. He also notified the Ministry of War that travelers must be supplied by courier stations and could not demand extra labor. After the wars in Guangdong, irregular levies had exceeded regular taxes; he abolished them all. He impeached several of the worst corrupt clerks, and the rest fell into line. The salt trade was corrupted by men under the princely establishment who controlled the salt grounds and brooked no challenge. Hongzuo proposed several reforms of the salt administration, and they were adopted.
13
簿 '貿 '
Wuchuan in Gaozhou and Lin'gao and Chengmai in Qiongzhou, thinly populated and untilled, owed more than 120,000 taels in back taxes; he asked that they be remitted. Military colony land paid three dou of grain per mu each year; the burden was heavy and many colonists fled. Hongzuo wrote: 'Civilian land is taxed at eight sheng eight he per mu at most; colony land is two-thirds higher, which is no way to support the troops and should be cut proportionally.' All were approved. With the rebellion newly suppressed, informers were endless; he asked strict enforcement against false accusation and guilt by association: 'During the Pacification of the South many pretended ties to the princes; after order was restored those who should return to the banners were registered and sent to Beijing; those not on the registers were to be released as civilians. An edict followed: 'Soldiers, servants, and traders of the princely establishments, except true Liaodong subjects or purchased persons, are to be examined and released as civilians.' I read the edict to mean that these people are all the emperor's subjects and should not be swept up in mass guilt. In more than ten years many had joined the army, returned to farming, died, or moved away, with no records left. Yet scoundrels still dragged others in, accusing them at the ministries or before local officials; and even when the case was dismissed, victims had already suffered greatly. He asked the ministries to deliberate and enforce strict rules.' The emperor agreed.
14
'' '' 調
In the thirty-first year he was made governor-general of Fujian and Zhejiang. At the grand evaluation Hongzuo wrote that 'Fujian has poor soil and frivolous people'; the emperor rebuked him, saying, 'Talent is not born only in favored places. Zhang Dedi of Sichuan, while acting governor of Yan-sui, said, 'On the Yan-sui frontier no one is fit for the special erudite examination'; Junior Guardian Shao Yuanping wrote that 'southerners are flighty and unfit for office.' The emperor was deeply displeased and dismissed them all. Now Hongzuo had done the same, and the ministries were ordered to consider demoting him.' In the thirty-ninth year he was assigned to repair the Gaojia Embankment and died of illness on the job.
15
使 使 調
His son Jiang became provincial administration commissioner of Guangdong; Gang, first a principal clerk in the Ministry of War, rose to provincial administration commissioner of Hunan; under Yongzheng he became governor of Yunnan and impeached acting governor Yang Mingshi for covering up malfeasance and leaving more than 190,000 taels unpaid from the princely treasury; Mingshi was punished. He was soon transferred to Fujian, died in office, and received the posthumous title Qinke.
16
調
Wang Zhi, whose courtesy name was Chenyue, came from Fushan in Shandong. He earned his jinshi in the twelfth year of Shunzhi and became a principal clerk in the Ministry of Revenue. In the fifth year of Kangxi he was chief examiner in Guangdong. He served as director in the Ministry of Justice. In the nineteenth year he became administration commissioner of the Songwei circuit in Sichuan. During the conquest of Yunnan he supervised army grain transport, survived capsized boats and falls from horses, and kept the army supplied. In the twenty-fourth year new tribes behind Dading Fort in Leixi raided; Governor Han Shiqi sent troops in pursuit and stationed Zhi at Maozhou to plan with Regional Commander Gao Ding. Zhi went to the fort to announce the edict; the tribes held Bazhu Stockade and pretended to submit while remaining defiant. He won over neighboring stockades, sent troops in from Miaoshan, surrounded the stronghold, and killed or captured countless enemies. Pursuing them to the Blackwater River, the chieftain Wazi was burned to death and the mountain tribes all surrendered. He was transferred to the Koubei circuit in Zhili but had not yet left.
17
殿 穿 滿 殿 祿
Work on the Hall of Supreme Harmony required nanmu timber from Sichuan. At his audience Zhi wrote: 'Most of Sichuan is ringed by cliffs; only the Chengdu plain is relatively flat. Great trees grow only in deep forests and remote gorges where men seldom go and axes can hardly reach them. Laborers who enter the mountains wear out their feet and shoes, cling to vines on sheer slopes, and find the work brutal; the haul from mountain to river may be a hundred li or more over gorges and rapids and can take months. Logs must wait for floods to float downstream, so hauls go by land in winter and spring and by water in summer and autumn; the hardship is extreme. Sichuan has suffered disaster after disaster; for a hundred li one sees only wasteland. When I transported grain for the army I saw nothing but ruin. Since pacification the province has been recovering. Yet the whole province has barely eighteen thousand registered households—fewer than one county elsewhere. Drafting five thousand men for logging, with supplies for thousands, and sending laborers hundreds or thousands of li away, ends farming entirely—how can taxes be collected? He asked that the governor inspect the cutting sites in person, take only what could be moved, and memorialize on what could not.' When the memorial arrived the emperor said, 'Sichuan has been ravaged by war; logging only adds to the people's misery. Pine from beyond the passes can supply the hall for centuries—why insist on nanmu? He ordered the logging stopped.' Soon the Ministry of Personnel listed circuit officials for promotion to the capital; Zhi was omitted but was specially promoted. He became vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and rose to its minister.
18
西 便 西
In the twenty-sixth year he was appointed governor of Jiangxi. At his farewell the emperor said, 'For high officials integrity is everything; uphold the great principles and small honesty follows, and the people prosper.' Zhi answered, 'In Sichuan I took not a grain or straw from the people and paid my daily costs from my own household.' The emperor said, 'A great minister cannot live entirely on his salary—that is understood. But stay honest, love the people in your heart, keep order, and you will be a good official. Corrupt subordinates should first be warned; if they do not reform, impeach them.' Before he left, the emperor gave him a thousand taels. In the twenty-seventh year he became governor-general of Fujian and Zhejiang. He reported: 'Since pacification Jiangxi has been granted more than two million taels and piculs in remissions, and livelihood is improving. Yet collection abuses remain: open meltage fees, secret overweighting of scales, and delivery fees at every level. When I arrived meltage had been cut but delivery fees remained; I posted notices abolishing every accumulated abuse and miscellaneous fee. Nanchang and Xinjian still collected grain tax in kind from the people; I abolished that and every old abuse in transport. The people paid less; officials lost their cut. Fearing these reforms would lapse after I left, he asked the emperor to forbid their revival.' The order was sent to the relevant offices.
19
西
The mutineer Xia Fenglong held Wuchang and seized Huangzhou. Stopping at Shaowu, Zhi heard the news, feared it would spread to Jiangxi, and asked to send Fujian troops. After the maritime ban was lifted, ruffians mingled with merchants and raided at sea. On taking office he sent regional commanders Jiang Maoxun, Lin Benzhi, and Dong Daben to hunt pirates at sea. Maoxun and Benzhi took seven ships; Daben at Baisha Bay seized a great junk, executed sixteen pirate leaders including Yang Shiyu, and freed 111 captives. In the twenty-eighth year, when the emperor visited Zhejiang, he gave Zhi imperial court robes. He said, 'You have served faithfully; the people of Zhejiang and Fujian praise your integrity, and I reward you accordingly.' Soon he was made minister of Revenue; old and ill, he repeatedly asked to retire but the emperor always refused.
20
In the thirty-third year the emperor summoned Yu Chenglong and rebuked him for attacking Jin Fu, implicating Zhi, Dong Ne, and Li Yingjian for siding with him; all confessed; Ne and Yingjian lost their posts and Zhi retired at his former rank. He died at home in the thirty-fourth year and was granted state burial rites.
21
使 使使
Song Luo, whose courtesy name was Muqiong, came from Shangqiu in Henan and was the son of Quan. In the fourth year of Shunzhi, at fourteen, he was selected as a minister's son and placed among the imperial guards. A year later he passed an examination and was appointed assistant prefect. In the third year of Kangxi he became assistant prefect of Huangzhou in Huguang. He left office to mourn his mother. In the sixteenth year he became vice director of the Court of Colonial Affairs, then vice director in the Ministry of Justice; he supervised the Jiangxi customs post and returned as a director. In the twenty-second year he became administration commissioner of the Tongyong circuit in Zhili. In the twenty-sixth year he was made provincial judge of Shandong. Promoted to provincial administration commissioner of Jiangsu, he found the treasury short more than 360,000 taels, reported it to the governor-general and governor, and made former commissioners Liu Ding and Zhang Qinwen repay their shares. The Ministry of Revenue bought copper for coinage at six fen five li per jin; Luo argued Jiangsu had no copper and imports cost far more, and asked Governor Tian Wen to memorialize to halt collection. The ministries revised the rate to one qian per jin, following customs-barrier precedent.
22
西 西
In the twenty-seventh year he was made governor of Jiangxi. When the mutineer Xia Fenglong rose in Huguang, Jiangxi troops marched to suppress him, halted at Jiujiang, and nearly mutinied over missing pay. Passing Pengze, Luo heard the news, ordered grain money released from the Hukou treasury, and the troops moved on. At Nanchang he learned that dismissed governor's troops Li Meiyu and Yuan Daxiang had rallied more than three thousand men to loot the warehouses and join Fenglong. He learned of the plot, arrested Meiyu and Daxiang, and the mob grew restless. He had them executed at once and announced that anyone merely led astray would be forgiven; the crowd calmed.
23
西 使
Jiangxi's timber levies fell on the people; Luo asked that purple bamboo, sandalwood, nanmu, and mao bamboo be bought with official funds instead. The emperor ordered yearly inspection of provincial treasuries; Luo proposed that grain-transport and courier funds be audited by the provincial administration commissioner, and prefectural treasuries by circuit intendants. When banner officials finished their terms, their families had to return to the banners and were inspected at every stop. Luo said, 'This treats them like criminals.' He asked that except for corruption cases, returning officials receive only a travel pass with a deadline, not criminal treatment. The ministries approved and implemented his proposals.
24
調
In the thirty-first year he was transferred to governor of Jiangsu. Suzhou's coast was hit by typhoons, mountain floods struck several counties, and rivers overflowed in Huai-Yang; he asked tax relief scaled to each disaster. He opened granaries in Jiangning and Fengyang for relief grain. He also asked to drop taxes on land swallowed by Tai Lake; the Ministry of Revenue delayed because the area exceeded a thousand mu. Luo memorialized again and the emperor granted it.
25
During three imperial tours of the south the emperor praised Luo's steady governance, rewarded him repeatedly, and at over seventy wrote the characters for Fortune and Longevity for him. In the forty-fourth year he became minister of Personnel. In the forty-seventh year he retired; the emperor gave him a parting poem. In the fifty-third year he came to court for the emperor's birthday, was made Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent, received another poem, and went home. He died at eighty and was granted state burial rites.
26
使
Chen Shen, whose courtesy name was Shuda, came from Haining in Zhejiang. In the eleventh year of Kangxi he passed the provincial examination and became a drafter in the Secretariat. In the twenty-eighth year he was appointed supervising secretary in the Office of Scrutiny for Personnel and retired to care for his parents. In the thirty-sixth year he was recalled to his former post. He served as acting chief supervising secretary with seal in the Office of Scrutiny for Justice. He wrote: 'The Huai and the Yellow Rivers were never meant to run as one. Recently the Guiren dike was repaired and the Hujia Ditch opened to drain Sui Lake; the six sluices were closed and the Gaojia Embankment raised to drive Hongze Lake water out. This uses the old idea of turning the Huai against the Yellow. But when too much Huai water enters the canal, the Huai still cannot master the Yellow. The old Tianfei sluices from the Huai–Yellow confluence to Qingjiangpu had five gates that opened only for grain transport and then shut, sending the Huai into the Yellow. Only a portion was diverted into the canal to help transport. Since reed sluices were built, both rivers pour into the canal and Qingjiangpu is endangered. The Tianfei system should be restored so the Huai can hold its own against the Yellow and the great works benefit.' The memorial was referred to River Director Zhang Penghe for action. He impeached Yu Hongsheng, magistrate of Putai in Shandong, who before an amnesty jailed the student Wang Guancheng over a trifle and drove him to suicide; Governor Wang Guochang merely had a runner beaten and closed the case, showing contempt for life. The emperor sent Vice Minister Wu Han with Shen to investigate; Hongsheng lost his post and Guochang was punished. He became minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments and then left vice censor-in-chief.
27
調 使 調
In the forty-third year he was appointed governor of Guizhou. He wrote: 'Guizhou fields lie on steep slopes in cold soil with poor yields; farming is desperately hard. Former Governor Wang Yi, finding forty or fifty percent of land abandoned, cut old tax rates and allowed six years before taxing reclaimed fields. Later reports were treated the same way.' The ministries approved as he asked. In the forty-seventh year he was transferred to Huguang. He impeached Provincial Administration Commissioner Wang Yuxian for treasury deficits and had him removed. When the audit showed the debt cleared, he asked that Wang be spared further punishment. In the fiftieth year he became minister of Works. In the fifty-second year he was transferred to the Ministry of Rites. In the fifty-eighth year he retired with honors. He died in the sixty-first year, was granted state burial, and received the posthumous title Qingke. His son Shiguan has his own biography.
28
西 西
The commentator says: When the Three Feudatories rebelled, Yunnan, Guizhou, Fujian, and Guangdong were where the trouble began; Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, and Sichuan suffered most where the armies passed. Yi Pi and Wang Jiwen pacified Yunnan and campaigned south—their stories are told elsewhere; Yongjian in Guizhou, Diyu in Sichuan, Hongzuo in Guangdong, Zhi in Jiangxi, Luo following Zhi, and Shen carrying on Yongjian's work—all labored hard to restore order after the war. When great disorder had barely ended, they lifted the ruined realm from fire and water back to safety—what magnificent service these men rendered!
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →