1
王慶雲，字雁汀，福建閩縣人。 道光九年進士，選庶吉士，授編修。 二十七年，大考一等，擢侍讀學士，遷通政副使。 慶雲通知時事，尤究心財政，窮其利病，稽其出入。 文宗即位求言，慶雲疏請通言路，省例案，寬民力，重國計。 其言重國計，略謂：「今歲入四千四五百萬，歲出在四千萬以下，田賦實徵近止二千八百萬。 夫旱潦事出偶然，而歲歲輪流請緩； 鹽課歲額七百四十餘萬，實徵常不及五百萬。 生齒日增，而銷鹽日絀。 南河經費，嘉慶時止百餘萬，邇來遞增至三百五六十萬。 入少出多，置之不問，思為一切苟且之計，何如取自有之財，詳細講求：地丁何以歲歲請緩？ 鹽課何以處處絀銷？ 河工何以年年報險？ 必得弊之所在而革除之。」 奏入，上深韙焉。
Wang Qingyun, whose style was Yanting, came from Min County in Fujian. He took his jinshi degree in 1829, entered the Hanlin Academy, and was made a compiler. In 1847 he placed in the top class of the triennial Hanlin review and was promoted to reader-in-waiting, then made vice commissioner of the Transmission Office. Qingyun kept abreast of current affairs and devoted himself above all to public finance, probing its strengths and weaknesses and tracking every inflow and outflow. When the Xianfeng Emperor came to the throne and called for counsel, Qingyun memorialized to open channels of remonstrance, cut routine paperwork, ease the people's burdens, and put national finance first. On strengthening the national accounts, he wrote in summary: "Annual revenue now runs to forty-four or forty-five million taels, while expenditure stays under forty million—yet actual land-tax collection lately barely reaches twenty-eight million. Drought and flood are chance events, yet provinces take turns every year requesting tax deferrals; The salt levy is assessed at more than 7.4 million taels a year, yet collections often fail to reach five million. The population grows daily, yet salt sales shrink by the day. Southern River works cost barely a million taels under Jiaqing; recently the figure has climbed in stages to 3.5 or 3.6 million. Receipts lag behind spending, yet nothing is done except stopgap schemes—far better to take the revenue already at hand and study it closely: why is land-and-poll tax deferred year after year? Why does the salt levy fall short everywhere? Why do river works report emergencies every single year? The abuses must be found and rooted out." When the memorial reached the throne, the emperor strongly approved it.
2
時命中外大臣保薦人材，禮部侍郎曾國籓舉慶雲以應，詔擢詹事，署順天府尹。 咸豐元年，授戶部侍郎，仍署府尹。 內務府議令莊頭增租，佃戶不應，則勒限退地。 慶雲偕直隸總督訥爾經額援乾隆間停設莊頭，嘉慶間奏禁增租奪佃兩案，奏請敕內務府不得任意加租。 戶部請改河東鹽政章程，並清查山西州縣虧空，命慶雲偕浙江布政使聯英往按。
The court then ordered officials at court and in the provinces to recommend talent; Vice Minister of Rites Zeng Guofan nominated Qingyun, and an edict promoted him to grand tutor and acting metropolitan prefect of Shuntian. In 1851 he was appointed vice minister of Revenue while continuing to act as metropolitan prefect. The Imperial Household Department proposed ordering estate managers to raise rents; if tenants refused, they would be forced to surrender the land within a set deadline. Qingyun joined Zhili governor-general Ne'erjing'e in citing Qianlong precedents abolishing estate managers and Jiaqing bans on rent hikes and tenant dispossession, and memorialized for an edict forbidding the Imperial Household Department to raise rents arbitrarily. The Ministry of Revenue sought reform of Hedong salt regulations and an audit of Shanxi fiscal deficits; Qingyun was sent with Zhejiang provincial treasurer Lian Ying to investigate.
3
尋奏定清查虧空章程，並會山西巡撫那蘇圖奏言：「晉商賠累，一在鹽本鉅，一在浮費多，一在運腳重。 官鹽既貴，私販遂乘間蔓延。 從前鹽價每石三五十兩，自坐商囤積居奇，畦地錠票，租典靡常，一業數主，人人牟利。 一石之鹽，貴百三四十兩，運商安得不困？ 河東鹽行三省，酬應繁多，總商分派者號為廳攤，散商自送者歲有常例，統計二十六萬餘兩，幾達歲課之半。 加以石鹽腳費多至百兩，因其定價難增，遂至相率為偽，攙沙短秤，民食愈艱。 臣等公同商酌，輕鹽本必先定池價，革浮費必先行票法，減運腳必先分口岸，將緝私之法並寓其中。 蓋鹽有專商，票無定販，大要在留商招販，先課后鹽，而後引目不致虛懸，課額無虞短絀。 向來坐商昂價，總以缺產為詞。 臣覽池面寬廣，滷氣醲厚，即雨暘不齊，裒多益寡，足敷五千六百餘石之額。 鹽貴不在缺產，而在售私。 擬定白鹽一石貴止六十兩，青鹽遞減，坐商工本外有贏餘。 令各商立法互稽，但使鹽不旁流，商鹽自富，錠票銷價，亦復刪芟。 畦地租典，先侭運商，總期減輕成本，禁衛課官吏浮費，別籌公用。 每票徵銀七分有奇，隨課收發，此外需索，坐贓科罪。 其領票、招販、掣鹽、截角諸事，悉仿兩淮成例，微為變通，以歸簡易。 河東鹽行河南引地，自嘉慶二十四年改為商運民銷，以會興鎮為發鹽口岸，商民稱便。 擬將陝西、山西、會興鎮分為三路，不許攙越，鹽到發販隨銷，亦聽商人自運，兼防夾私，力杜作偽。 統計河東全綱，比較昔價，裁浮改岸，年省七十餘萬。 得人守法，商力不疲。 即間有歇業，或運商歸併，或坐商承充，永絕舉商、保商諸弊。」 下部議行。
He soon fixed regulations for auditing deficits and, with Shanxi governor Naxutu, reported: "Shanxi merchants' losses come first from heavy salt capital costs, second from excessive overhead, third from crushing transport charges. As official salt grew costly, smugglers seized the opening and spread everywhere. Salt once sold for thirty or fifty taels a picul; resident merchants then hoarded stock and rigged prices, salt-field deeds and tally tickets changed hands endlessly, and every link in the trade took its cut. A single picul cost 130 or 140 taels—small wonder transport merchants were ruined. Hedong salt served three provinces with endless hospitality costs; chief merchants' apportioned "hall assessments" and petty merchants' customary gifts totaled more than 260,000 taels—nearly half the annual levy. Transport charges per picul often hit a hundred taels; with official prices frozen, merchants adulterated salt and shorted weights, and the people's supply grew ever scarcer. We agreed that lowering salt capital requires fixing pond prices first; cutting overhead requires the tally system first; reducing transport costs requires dividing ports first—with anti-smuggling built into each step. Salt has licensed merchants but tallies need not bind fixed traders; the key is to keep merchants recruiting buyers, collect duty before salt moves, and keep quotas filled so revenue does not fall short. Resident merchants have always raised prices, always pleading short supply. The ponds are broad and the brine rich; even in uneven weather, pooling surplus to cover shortage can meet the quota of more than 5,600 piculs. Salt is costly not from short supply but from smuggling. We propose capping white salt at sixty taels a picul, with green salt priced lower in steps, leaving resident merchants a margin above production cost. Merchants should set mutual inspection rules; if salt does not leak sideways, licensed trade will prosper and tally resale prices can be cut back. Salt-field leases should go first to transport merchants to cut costs; extraneous fees by revenue guards and clerks must be banned and public expenses funded separately. Each tally should levy just over seven fen of silver, collected with the duty; any further demands will be treated as embezzlement. Issuing tallies, recruiting traders, drawing salt, and cutting transport vouchers should follow Liang-Huai practice with slight local adjustments for simplicity. Since Jiaqing 24, Hedong salt in Henan has been merchant-transported and retailed locally, with Huixing Town as the issue port—a arrangement merchants and people welcomed. We propose three routes for Shaanxi, Shanxi, and Huixing Town with no cross-traffic; salt is sold where it arrives, merchants may self-transport, smuggling is checked, and fraud is stamped out. For the whole Hedong quota, trimming overhead and changing ports against former prices would save more than 700,000 taels a year. With capable men enforcing the rules, merchants will not be ruined. If some firms quit, transport merchants may merge or resident merchants fill in—ending forever the abuses of brokered nominations and guarantor merchants." The ministries deliberated and adopted it.
4
慶雲既明習計政，主部事，先後奏請清釐江寧、蘇州、安徽三布政司例應入撥、延未造報各款，自道光三年至咸豐元年，凡千五十九款，九百三十六萬兩。 又奏言：「江南賦甲他省，額徵五百二十九萬，道光十六年，豁欠五百六十餘萬，計十年蠲一年之額； 二十六年，豁欠一千餘萬，計十年蠲兩年。 及咸豐二年，豁欠一千三百餘萬，十年幾蠲三年。 請飭江蘇督撫，熟田未完，不得混入次年緩徵。」 又奏覆閩浙總督季芝昌等以閩鹺疲累，請展緩勻代額課，言：「閩鹺所以疲累，病在私鹽充斥，浮費繁重。 芝昌等議停勻代課六萬餘，派認續例課二萬餘，五年之後，勻代起徵，例課仍納。 朝三暮四，恐無此辦法。」 又言：「芝昌等但陳料理之難，未籌補救之法，或就場徵課，或按包抽稅。 應令擇一可行之策，另議具奏。」 又奏覆江西巡撫張芾請撥粵鹽濟銷，言：「江西借撥粵鹽，前明總制陳南金、巡撫王守仁嘗行之，所謂不加賦而財足，不擾民而事辦，其法至善。 應令速籌遵辦。」 又奏：「滇、黔解運銅鉛，道遠阻兵。 應令於提鎮駐紮重兵之處，籌鑄制錢，並於附近水次兼鑄大錢，運四川、兩湖易銀，並派民間交納地丁稅課。」 又奏：「新疆南、北兩路駐兵四萬，歲需經費一百三四十萬，垂及百年，為數万萬。 請停陝省官兵換防喀什噶爾等八城，即由伊犁、烏魯木齊滿、綠營飭撥，五年更換，可歲省數十萬。」 又奏請裁東河河督南河河庫道併兩河廳員修防經費，南河不得過百萬，東河不得過七八十萬，並裁漕督，歸南河總督兼管。 各疏多如所議行。 尋授陝西巡撫。
Now expert in fiscal affairs and directing the ministry, Qingyun cleared 1,059 transfer items totaling 9.36 million taels that Jiangning, Suzhou, and Anhui treasuries should have reported from 1823 to 1851 but had long left outstanding. He also wrote: "Jiangnan's tax quota leads all provinces at 5.29 million taels; in 1836 over 5.6 million in arrears was written off—effectively remitting one year's levy every ten years; in 1846 over ten million was written off—two years' quota every decade. By 1852 over thirteen million was written off—nearly three years' quota every decade. He asked the Jiangsu authorities to forbid mixing mature-field arrears into the next year's deferred collections." He also replied to Fujian-Zhejiang governor-general Ji Zhichang's plea to defer and average Fujian's salt quota: "Fujian salt fails because smuggling is rampant and overhead is crushing. Ji proposed suspending 60,000 taels of averaged quota, assigning 20,000 in continuing customary levy, then resuming the average after five years while still paying the customary levy. This morning-three-evening-four scheme is hardly workable." He added that Ji had only described difficulties, not remedies—either levy at the works or tax by bundle. They should pick one workable plan and submit a detailed memorial." He also endorsed Jiangxi governor Zhang Fu's request to allocate Guangdong salt, citing Ming precedents of Chen Nanjin and Wang Shouren—"enriching revenue without new levies, accomplishing the task without troubling the people"—as an excellent policy. They should arrange it at once." He also wrote that Yunnan and Guizhou could no longer forward copper and lead—the routes were long and blocked by war. Standard cash should be cast where major garrisons stand, large cash at nearby waterways, then shipped to Sichuan and the two Hu provinces to exchange for silver and accept land-and-poll tax payments." He also noted that 40,000 troops on Xinjiang's northern and southern routes cost 1.3–1.4 million taels a year—tens of millions over nearly a century. He proposed ending Shaanxi troop rotations to Kashgar and the eight cities, using Ili and Urumqi Manchu and Green Standard garrisons on five-year turns instead—saving hundreds of thousands a year." He also sought to abolish the Eastern and Southern River directorships, merge river offices, cap Southern River repairs at one million and Eastern at 700–800,000 taels, and fold the grain-transport directorate into the Southern River governor-general's portfolio. Most of these proposals were adopted. He was soon appointed governor of Shaanxi.
5
四年，粵匪擾河南，慶雲赴潼關，與提督丰紳、將軍扎拉芬籌防禦。 又自潼關赴商南，遍歷各隘。 上命丰紳率兵駐襄陽。 粵匪陷武昌，慶雲請以湖北會城暫移襄陽，山西、四川協籌軍餉，保全大局。 尋調山西巡撫。
In 1854, when Taiping forces threatened Henan, Qingyun went to Tong Pass to plan defenses with commander Feng Shen and general Zhala Fen. He then traveled from Tong Pass to Shangnan and inspected every mountain pass. The emperor ordered Feng Shen to garrison Xiangyang with his troops. After the rebels took Wuchang, Qingyun urged moving Hubei's capital temporarily to Xiangyang and having Shanxi and Sichuan help fund the army to hold the line. He was soon transferred to governor of Shanxi.
6
五年，奏言：「潞鹽行銷山西、陝西、河南三省，陝患鹽多，晉苦值貴。 擬將陝引勻銷晉省三百七十石。 晉引則就地遠近，公平定價。 惟河南官運已覺暢行，擬兼行民運，以廣招徠。 禁止吉蘭泰、花馬池鹽侵銷。」 又言：「陝省課歸地丁，輸納不前，請仿河南招販民運，於河東、河西擇地設局稽查。」 又奏言：「軍興以來，各軍營用銀出納，易錢買糧，歲豐銀裕，何便如之！ 今用兵之地，賦稅不全，仰給鄰省，完善之區，正供不足，佐以捐輸。 當此穀貴錢荒，以銀易錢，以錢易糧，耗折大半。 往時兵飢，得銀可飽，恐此後以銀亦不可飽，況銀且不可常繼。 擬令州縣碾動倉穀，解餉兼用制錢，舟楫可通，宜無不便。」 均如所請。
In 1855 he reported that Lu salt served Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Henan—Shaanxi was flooded with salt while Shanxi groaned under high prices. He proposed averaging 370 piculs of Shaanxi quota into Shanxi sales. Shanxi quota prices would be set fairly by distance from source. Henan's official transport was working well; he proposed adding private transport to widen participation. Smuggled salt from Jilantai and Huamachi was to be barred from the market." He also urged that because Shaanxi's salt levy was folded into land tax and payments lagged, the province should follow Henan's trader-recruitment model and set up inspection offices east and west of the Yellow River." He also noted that since the war began armies paid in silver and bought grain with cash—in good harvest years with ample silver, nothing could be more convenient. Now war zones cannot collect full taxes and depend on neighbors; intact regions cannot meet regular quotas and rely on donations. With grain dear and cash scarce, converting silver to cash and cash to grain wastes more than half the value. Once hungry soldiers could be fed with silver; soon even silver may not feed them—and silver cannot be counted on indefinitely. He proposed having counties mill granary grain for rations and using standard cash as well—where waterways allowed, both should work." All were approved.
7
又奏：「山西前明逼近三邊郡縣，率民築堡自衛。 一縣十餘堡至百數十堡，星羅釭布。 今惟云中、代、朔，堡寨相連，省南各屬，則多殘缺，當令繕完。 定社規，立義學，化導少壯惰遊，合祭賽以聯其情，相守望以齊其力。 有事則聚守，無事則散居，於無形中寓堅壁清野之法。」 又以河南南陽諸地旱蝗，請飭發倉籌賑，俾災民不為土匪勾脅，以救災即以弭患。 捻匪擾南陽，慶雲密陳省南分三路，遣兵巡防。
He also reported that in Ming times Shanxi border counties had led people to build fortified villages for self-defense. A single county might have from a dozen to over a hundred forts, scattered like stars across the landscape. Today only Yunzhong, Dai, and Shuo still have linked fort networks; southern prefectures' forts are mostly ruined and should be repaired. Community rules and charity schools should reform idle youth; joint festivals would bind neighbors together and mutual watch would align their strength. In danger they would gather inside; in peace they would farm outside—applying fortified-village and scorched-country tactics without saying so." He also urged opening granaries for drought and locust victims in Nanyang and elsewhere in Henan so they would not join bandits—relief itself would prevent unrest. When Nian rebels threatened Nanyang, Qingyun privately proposed dividing southern Shanxi into three routes for patrol troops.
8
擢四川總督，貴州思南教匪為亂，慶雲遣兵防酉陽秀山，請飭總兵蔣玉龍自鎮遠規复思南。 尋奏四川舊有啯匪，盜案多於他省，飭各屬行保甲，立限捕盜。 又奏於酉陽設屯田，分設屯兵駐防城鄉要隘。 又奏：「川省差役捕盜，傳證起贓，輒糾多人，持械搜掠，名曰'掃通'者，此與強盜無異。 請照強盜律，不分首從皆斬，兵丁有犯同之。」 均下部議行。
Promoted to Sichuan governor-general, he sent troops to guard Youyang and Xiushan when sect rebels rose in Guizhou's Sinan and asked brigade general Jiang Yulong to advance from Zhenyuan to retake the city. He soon reported that Sichuan's long-standing Gua bandits made theft cases exceed other provinces and ordered baojia enforcement with deadlines for arrests. He also proposed garrison farms at Youyang and posting troops at key towns and passes. He also condemned Sichuan runners who, while recovering stolen goods, mustered armed gangs to search and loot households in so-called "sao tong" raids—no different from robbery. He asked that all participants be beheaded under the armed-robbery statute, soldiers included." The ministries adopted them all.
9
尋以黔匪焚掠，漸近綦南，遣兵出境攻層巒山、飛梯岩諸隘，又破胡家坪賊巢。 九年，兼署成都將軍，調兩廣總督。 行次漢陽，以病乞罷，許之。 旋召詣京師，病未即行。 十一年，穆宗即位，授左都御史，擢工部尚書。 同治元年三月，慶雲將力疾赴召，前一日劇病，卒，諡文勤。 孫仁堪，循吏有傳。
When Guizhou rebels burned and looted their way toward Qinan, he sent troops across the border to take Cengluan Mountain and Feiti Cliff passes and destroy the nest at Hujiaping. In 1859 he also acted as Chengdu general and was transferred to governor-general of the two Guang provinces. En route he fell ill at Hanyang, asked to resign, and was allowed to do so. He was soon summoned to Beijing but illness kept him from going immediately. In 1861, when the Tongzhi Emperor acceded, he was made left censor-in-chief and then minister of Works. In March 1862, as Qingyun prepared to answer the summons despite his illness, he took a sudden turn for the worse and died; he was posthumously named Wenqin. His grandson Sun Renkan has his own biography among the model local officials.
10
譚廷襄，字竹厓，浙江山陰人。 道光十三年進士，選庶吉士，散館授刑部主事，再遷郎中。 出為直隸永平知府，調保定，遷順天府尹，擢刑部侍郎。 咸豐六年，出為陝西巡撫。 直省採米運京倉，廷襄疏言：「陝西產米少，轉輸不便。 請改折解款，由部召糴，費節而事集。」 七年，署直隸總督。
Tan Tingxiang, whose style was Zhuya, came from Shanyin in Zhejiang. He took his jinshi in 1833, entered the Hanlin Academy, and on leaving was made a secretary in the Ministry of Punishments, later promoted to director. He served as prefect of Yongping in Zhili, transferred to Baoding, became Shuntian metropolitan prefect, and was promoted to vice minister of Punishments. In 1856 he was appointed governor of Shaanxi. When provinces were to ship grain to Beijing, Tingxiang wrote: "Shaanxi produces little rice, and transport is impractical. He asked to pay in silver instead, with the ministry buying grain—cheaper and more efficient." In 1857 he acted as Zhili governor-general.
11
是時英、法、俄、美四國合軍陷廣東省城，廷襄疏請封貨閉關，恩威並用，上以海運在途，激之生變，虛聲無實益，不允。 八年四月，英兵北犯，佔大沽砲台，窺內河。 大沽口外積沙，海舟不能直入，敵舟至，數以小汽船採測。 時方議款，不為備，不虞其驟發。 欽差大臣僧格林沁劾廷襄，奪官戍軍台。 九年，以三品頂戴署陝西巡撫。 上命直省禁習天主教，廷襄疏言：「天主教流行中國二百餘年，到處窮搜，轉滋駭愕。 惟有密飭官吏稽查保甲，列冊密記，乘機啟導。」 時款議未定，或請西巡，偕總督樂斌疏陳三便三難，議乃寢。
When Anglo-French-Russian-American forces took Guangzhou, Tingxiang urged sealing trade and closing ports with a mix of conciliation and force; the emperor refused, fearing provocation would disrupt grain fleets at sea. In April 1858 British troops moved north, seized the Dagu forts, and probed inland waterways. Sand bars outside Dagu kept deep-draft ships out; enemy vessels sent small steam launches to sound the channels. Talks were underway and defenses were neglected; no one expected a sudden strike. Imperial commissioner Sengge Rinchen impeached Tingxiang, removed him from office, and exiled him to garrison duty. In 1859 he returned as acting Shaanxi governor with third-rank insignia. When the court ordered provinces to suppress Catholicism, Tingxiang wrote: "It has been in China over two centuries; sweeping searches only spread panic. He urged secret baojia inspections, covert registers, and gradual persuasion instead." With treaties still unsettled, a western flight was proposed; Tingxiang and Governor Le Bin listed three pros and three cons, and the idea was dropped.
12
十一年，授山東巡撫。 頻歲軍興，山東諸郡縣群盜蜂起，皖捻入境，勾結土匪，滋擾幾遍。 僧格林沁大軍駐山東督剿，廷襄率兵出省協助，並督各郡縣團練防剿兼施，具詳僧格林沁傳。 同治元年，兼署河東河道總督。 三年，入為刑部侍郎，調工部，又調戶部。
In 1861 he was appointed governor of Shandong. Years of war had filled Shandong with bandits; Nian rebels from Anhui joined local gangs until unrest spread nearly everywhere. Sengge Rinchen's army directed suppression from Shandong; Tingxiang led provincial troops to help and organized county militias—treated fully in Sengge Rinchen's biography. In 1862 he also acted as Hedong River director-general. In 1864 he became vice minister of Punishments, then Works, then Revenue.
13
五年，湖北巡撫曾國荃疏劾總督官文貪庸驕蹇，並以公使錢餽四川考官胡家玉、張晉裕等，上命尚書綿森及廷襄往按，並詰家玉。 家玉言自四川還京，道湖北，官文等餽贐，以道梗改水程，無州縣支應，乃受以充費。 廷襄等至湖北，疏言：「丁、漕、鹽、釐、關稅、捐輸，實用實支，並無浮濫。 惟漢陽竹木捐零星不請獎敘者，凡因公動用，例不報銷之項，由此動支，官文餽家玉等是實。」 上為罷官文。 即令廷襄署總督，家玉等並下吏議。
In 1866 Hubei governor Zeng Guoquan impeached governor-general Guan Wen for greed, incompetence, and arrogance and for bribing Sichuan examination officials; Minister Miansen and Tingxiang were sent to investigate. Hu Jiayu said that returning from Sichuan via Hubei he accepted gifts from Guan Wen because land routes were blocked and he had no official support on the water route. In Hubei, Tingxiang reported that land tax, grain transport, salt, lijin, customs, and donations were spent as collected without waste. Only small Hanyang timber levies not filed for rewards—routine unreimbursed public expenses—had funded Guan Wen's gifts to the examiners." The emperor dismissed Guan Wen. Tingxiang was made acting governor-general; the examiners were referred for discipline.
14
御史佛爾國春劾國荃，言國荃亦以竹木稅治公廨，嚴責廷襄蒙蔽。 廷襄等復疏陳國荃上官未久，無以竹木稅治公廨事，因言：「湖北三次陷賊，百端草創，不循例案，諸廢具舉，隨事設施。 今以動用官款，加以處分，亦足示警。 若更罪及所受之人，路遠給貲，親喪承賻，皆罣吏議。 王道本人情，瑣屑煩苛，似非政體。」 於是諸受餽者皆置不問。 六年，上用前事奪官文總督，是冬，國荃亦以病乞罷。
Censor Fo'erguochun impeached Guoquan for the same timber-tax practice and accused Tingxiang of a cover-up. Tingxiang replied that Guoquan had not long been in office and denied the charge, noting Hubei's three occupations by rebels and improvised wartime administration. Punishing misuse of official funds was warning enough. Punishing recipients too would criminalize travel allowances and condolence gifts. Government should follow human decency; petty severity ill suits it." All gift recipients were left unpunished. In 1867 Guan Wen was finally removed; that winter Guoquan resigned for illness.
15
廷襄還京，署吏部侍郎，遷左都御史。 再遷刑部尚書，兼署吏部。 九年，卒，贈太子少保，諡端恪。
Back in Beijing, he acted as vice minister of Personnel and became left censor-in-chief. He was promoted to minister of Punishments and also acted as minister of Personnel. In 1870 he died and was posthumously made Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent with the name Duankai.
16
馬新貽，字穀山，山東菏澤人。 道光二十七年進士，安徽即用知縣，除建平，署合肥，以勤明稱。 咸豐三年，粵匪擾安徽，淮南北群盜並起，新貽常在兵間。 五年，從攻廬州巢湖，新貽擊敗援賊，迭破賊盛家橋、三河鎮、柘皋諸賊屯，尋克廬州。 積功累擢知府，賜花翎，補廬州。 七年，捻匪、粵匪合陷桃鎮，分擾上下派河，新貽破賊舒城，記名以道員用。 八年，署按察使。 賊犯廬州，新貽率練勇出城迎擊，賊間道入城，新貽軍潰失印，下吏議，革職留任。 九年，丁母憂，巡撫翁同書奏請留署。 十年，欽差大臣袁甲三為奏請復官。 十一年，同書復奏薦，命以道員候補。 丁父憂，甲三復奏請留軍。 同治元年，從克廬州，敗賊壽州吳山廟，加按察使銜，署布政使。 苗沛霖叛，從署巡撫唐訓方守蒙城，屢破賊。 二年，授按察使，尋遷布政使。
Ma Xinyi, whose style was Gushan, came from Heze in Shandong. He took his jinshi in 1847, was assigned as Anhui magistrate, served at Jianping and Hefei, and was known for diligence. In 1853, as Taiping forces ravaged Anhui and Huai bandits rose, Xinyi was constantly in the field. In 1855, campaigning at Luzhou and Chaohu, he routed relief forces and took rebel camps at Shengjiaqiao, Sanhe, and Zhegao before capturing Luzhou. For merit he rose to prefect, received the peacock feather, and was appointed to Luzhou. In 1857, when Nian and Taiping forces took Taozhen, he beat them at Shucheng and was marked for circuit intendant. In 1858 he acted as provincial judicial commissioner. When rebels attacked Luzhou he led militia out; they entered by a side path, his force collapsed, he lost his seal, and was stripped of rank but kept on duty. In 1859, mourning his mother, he was allowed to stay in acting office at Weng Tonghe's request. In 1860 Imperial Commissioner Yuan Jiasan sought his reinstatement. In 1861 Weng Tonghe recommended him again and he was queued for circuit intendant. When his father died, Yuan Jiasan asked that he remain with the army. In 1862 he helped retake Luzhou, defeated rebels at Wushan Temple, and was made acting provincial treasurer with judicial commissioner rank. When Miao Peilin rebelled, he followed Tang Xunfang at Mengcheng and won repeated victories. In 1863 he was made judicial commissioner and soon provincial treasurer.
17
三年，擢浙江巡撫。 浙江新定，民困未蘇，新貽至，奏蠲逋賦。 四年，復奏減杭、嘉、湖、金、衢、嚴、處七府浮收錢漕，又請罷漕運諸無名之費，上從之，命勒石永禁。 築海寧石塘、紹興東塘，濬三江口。 岐海為盜賊窟穴，遣兵捕治，擒其魁。 厚於待士，會城諸書院皆興復，士群至肄業，新貽皆視若子弟，優以資用獎勵之。 嚴州、紹興被水，蠲賑覈實，災不為害。 台州民悍，輒群聚械鬥，新貽奏：「地方官憚吏議，瞻顧消弭。 請嗣後有諱匿不報者參處； 僅止失察，皆寬貸，仍責令捕治。」 下部議行。 象山、寧海有禁界地曰南田，方數百里，環海土寇邱財青等處窟其中，遣兵捕得財青置之法，南田乃安。 黃岩總兵剛安泰出海捕盜，為所戕，檄副將張其光等擊殺盜五十餘。 上以新貽未能豫防，下吏議。 嘉興、湖州北與蘇州界，皆水鄉，方亂時，民自衛置槍於船，謂之「槍船」，久之聚博行劫為民害。 新貽會江蘇巡撫郭柏廕督兵擒斬其渠，及悍黨數十，槍船害始除。 擢閩浙總督。
In 1864 he was promoted to governor of Zhejiang. Zhejiang had just been pacified; on arrival he remitted tax arrears. In 1865 he cut excess surcharges in seven prefectures and abolished unnamed transport fees; the emperor agreed and had the ban carved in stone. He built Haining's stone seawall and Shaoxing's east embankment and dredged the Sanjiang estuary. He suppressed pirates in Qihai and captured their leader. He generously revived provincial academies, treated students like sons, and supported them with funds. Floods in Yanzhou and Shaoxing were met with remissions and verified relief. Taizhou was prone to armed brawls; Xinyi wrote that officials feared discipline and let incidents fester. He asked that officials who concealed incidents be punished; mere negligence would be forgiven, but capture and punishment would still be required." The ministries adopted it. He cleared Nantian—a forbidden coastal zone in Xiangshan and Ninghai—by capturing and executing bandit Qiu Caiqing. When brigade general Gang Antai was killed at sea, Zhang Qiguang destroyed over fifty pirates. The emperor censured him for failing to prevent Gang's death. In the Jiaxing-Huzhou waterways, wartime "gun boats" for self-defense had turned to gambling and robbery. With Jiangsu governor Guo Baiyin he destroyed gun-boat leaders and ended the scourge. He was promoted to governor-general of Fujian-Zhejiang.
18
七年，調兩江總督，兼通商大臣。 奏言：「標兵虛弱，無以壯根本。 請選各營兵二千五百人屯江寧，親加訓練。」 編為五營，令總兵劉啟發督率緝捕，盜為衰止。 宿遷設水、旱兩關，淮關於蔣壩設分關，並為商民擾累。 新貽奏：「蔣壩為安徽鳳陽關轄境，淮關遠隔洪澤湖，不應設為子口。 當令淮關監督申明舊例，嚴禁需索。 宿遷旱關非舊例，徵數微，請裁撤，專收水關。」 從之。 幅匪高歸等在山東、江蘇交界佔民圩，行劫，新貽捕誅其渠。
In 1868 he became governor-general of Liang-Jiang and trade superintendent. He reported that banner garrisons were too weak to secure the region. He asked to train 2,500 selected men from each camp at Jiangning under his personal direction." They formed five battalions under Liu Qifa; banditry declined. Suqian's twin toll stations and Huai customs' Jiangba branch burdened merchants. He argued Jiangba belonged to Fengyang customs and Huai customs should not operate a distant sub-station. Huai customs should enforce old rules and forbid exactions. He asked to abolish Suqian's minor land toll and keep only the water station." Approved. He executed bandit leader Gao Gui, who had raided the Shandong-Jiangsu border.
19
九年七月，新貽赴署西偏箭道閱射，事畢步還署。 甫及門，有張汶祥者突出，偽若陳狀，抽刀擊新貽，傷脅，次日卒。 將軍魁玉以聞，上震悼，賜卹，贈太子太保，予騎都尉兼雲騎尉世職，諡端愍。 命魁玉署總督，嚴鞫汶祥，詞反覆屢變。 給事中王書瑞奏請根究主使，命漕運總督張之萬會訊。 之萬等以獄辭上，略言：「汶祥嘗從粵匪，复通海盜。 新貽撫浙江，捕殺南田海盜，其黨多被戮，妻為人所略。 新貽閱兵至寧波，呈訴不准，以是挾仇，無他人指使。 請以大逆定罪。」 復命刑部尚書鄭敦謹馳往，會總督曾國籓覆訊，仍如原讞，汶祥極刑，並戮其子，上從之。
In July 1870 he reviewed archery at the yamen's western range and walked back afterward. At the gate Zhang Wenxiang feigned a petition, stabbed him in the ribs, and he died the next day. General Kuiyu reported the murder; the emperor mourned, enriched his family, made him Grand Guardian posthumously, granted hereditary ranks, and named him Duanyin. Kuiyu acted as governor-general and interrogated Wenxiang, whose story kept changing. Wang Shurui demanded the mastermind; Zhang Zhiwan joined the investigation. Zhang Zhiwan reported that Wenxiang had served Taiping forces and later pirates. As Zhejiang governor Xinyi had crushed Nantian pirates, killing many; Wenxiang's wife was abducted. Wenxiang's petition at Ningbo was rejected; he acted from private revenge, not on orders. He sought conviction for treason." Minister Zheng Dunjin and Zeng Guofan confirmed the verdict; Wenxiang and his son were executed.
20
新貽官安徽、浙江皆得民心，治兩江繼曾國籓後，長於綜覈，鎮定不擾。 江寧、安慶、杭州、海塘並建專祠。
He won hearts in Anhui and Zhejiang; succeeding Zeng Guofan at Liang-Jiang he was thorough, calm, and steady. Shrines were raised at Jiangning, Anqing, Hangzhou, and the seawall.
21
李宗羲，字雨亭，四川開縣人。 道光二十七年進士，安徽即用知縣，歷英山、婺源、太平。 咸豐三年，粵匪陷安慶，宗羲奉檄詣廬州軍督糧械，積功累擢知府。 八年，曾國籓進規安徽，調充營務處。 九年，署安慶知府，以疾去官。 同治元年，河南巡撫嚴樹森疏薦，命送部引見，樹森旋撫湖北，又疏調從軍。 三年，曾國籓督兩江，調赴兩江筦江北釐金總局，裁定沿江釐捐科則。 江寧克復，以道員歸兩江補用。 四年，署兩淮鹽運使。 自軍興，淮南鹽艘改道泰興，宗羲於瓜洲東別濬新河，避長江風濤之險，商民便之。 遷安徽按察使，再遷江寧布政使。 五年，清水潭決，被災者七州縣，宗羲工賑並行，活民甚眾。 定招墾荒田酌緩昇科限制章程，及江寧七屬民衛丁漕折徵等次，民皆稱便。
Li Zongxi, whose style was Yuting, came from Kaixian in Sichuan. He took his jinshi in 1847, was assigned to Anhui, and served at Yingshan, Wuyuan, and Taiping. In 1853, when Anqing fell, he supplied the Luzhou army and rose to prefect for merit. In 1858 he joined Zeng Guofan's Anhui campaign staff. In 1859 he acted as Anqing prefect but resigned for illness. In 1862 Yan Shusen recommended him; after audience he joined Shusen's Hubei staff. In 1864 Zeng Guofan put him in charge of north-of-the-Yangtze lijin and fixed river rates. After Jiangning's recovery he was appointed circuit intendant in Liang-Jiang. In 1865 he acted as Liang-Huai salt commissioner. He opened a new canal east of Guazhou so Huainan salt could avoid Yangtze storms after the war rerouted traffic through Taixing. He became Anhui judicial commissioner, then Jiangning provincial treasurer. In 1866, when Qingshui Tan burst its banks and seven prefectures and counties were flooded, Zongxi combined relief work with engineering and saved a great many lives. He set rules for reclaiming wasteland with phased tax relief and standardized grain-tribute and land-tax conversion for Jiangning’s seven subordinate districts, to general public approval.
22
八年，擢山西巡撫，劾布政使胡大任廢弛因循，罷之。 令按察使李慶★等率兵分地駐防，陝回乘河冰來犯，三戰皆捷； 屢自延川、韓城東竄，並擊走之。 丁母憂去官。
In 1869 he became Shanxi governor, impeached the provincial treasurer Hu Daren for negligence, and had him removed. He posted Judicial Commissioner Li Qingtang and others to garrison the province by district; when Shaanxi Muslim rebels crossed the frozen river, he won three successive battles; and repeatedly drove off raids eastward from Yanchuan and Hancheng. He resigned to observe mourning for his mother.
23
十二年，服闋，擢兩江總督。 日本方構釁，宗羲治江防，增築沿江烏龍山、江陰都天廟、象山、焦山、下關砲台。 又於吳淞口及江陰北岸瀏聞沙、烏龍山北岸沙洲圩次第添築，使江、海相犄角。 時詔修圓明園，宗羲疏言：「外侮內患，天時人事，皆有可慮。 請省營繕，減服禦。」 十三年，又疏言：「星變屢見，外患方熾。 上年御史沈淮奏請停止園工，臣亦冒貢愚忱。 茲復有不能已於言者，時局艱難，度支短絀，特一端耳。 今外人入處肘腋，圓明園距京城數十里，既無堅城管鑰之固，复少大枝護衛之兵。 頻年以來，每遇民、教爭鬥，外人動挾兵船要求。 天津朝警，則海淀夕驚。 皇上奉皇太后於此，此臣所萬分不安者也。 如蒙皇上乾綱立斷，速諭停工，天下臣民，知皇上有臥薪嘗膽之思，必共振敵愾同仇之氣。 人主居崇高之位，持威福之柄，苟無敬畏之念，則驕肆之心生； 苟無忠諤之臣，則讒諂之人至。 近日大學士文祥引疾，侍郎桂清外調，道路頗有惜詞。 臣竊謂老成憂國者，宜留之左右，以輔成聖德； 忠直敢諫者，宜誘之使言，以恢張聖聽。」 疏入，上嘉納之。
In 1873, after mourning, he was appointed governor-general of Liang-Jiang. With Japan stirring trouble, he strengthened river defenses, adding batteries at Wulong Shan, Jiangyin’s Dutian Temple, Xiang Shan, Jiao Shan, and Xiaoguan. He also built up Liulian Sha and the Wulong Shan north-bank sand polder at Wusong and north Jiangyin so river and sea defenses supported each other. When the court ordered repairs to the Yuanmingyuan, Zongxi memorialized: “Foreign threats and domestic troubles—heaven’s signs and human affairs alike give cause for alarm. Cut building projects and reduce court expenditure and ceremonial display.” In 1874 he memorialized again: “Heavenly portents have recurred and foreign aggression is intensifying. Last year Censor Shen Huai asked that garden work be halted, and I too offered my counsel. Yet I must speak again: hard times and empty coffers are only part of the problem. Foreigners now stand at the capital’s very threshold. The Yuanmingyuan lies only a few dozen li from Beijing, without strong walls or a large guard force. In recent clashes between locals and missionaries, foreigners have repeatedly sent gunboats to press demands. Alarm at Tianjin in the morning meant alarm at Haidian by evening. That Your Majesty and the Empress Dowager stay there fills me with the deepest unease. If Your Majesty decisively halts the work, the people will see resolve to endure hardship and avenge humiliation, and will rally against the enemy. A ruler on a lofty throne, wielding power without reverence, grows arrogant; without loyal critics, flatterers gain access. Grand Secretary Wenxiang has lately retired on grounds of illness and Vice Minister Gui Qing has been transferred—people along the roads speak with regret. Veteran statesmen who care for the realm should be kept close to help form imperial virtue; and forthright remonstrators should be encouraged to speak and widen the Emperor’s hearing. The Emperor praised and accepted the memorial.
24
總理各國事務衙門籌議海防六事，下各督撫詳議，宗羲上疏曰：「萬事根本，以用人為要，而就海防言，尤以求將才為要。 宋臣楊萬里有言：'相不厭舊，將不厭新。 '蓋言用兵忌暮氣，宜年壯氣銳，素有遠志，未建大功之人。 至宿將勳臣，帝心簡在，固無俟臣下之論列也。 古有海防無海戰，今練兵仍以水陸兼練為主。 水師戰艦不及輪船，輪船又不及鐵甲，而船之得力與否，仍視乎駕馭之人。 今戰艦即不能一時盡易，應就弁兵中挑赴輪船學習，仍歸水師提督節制。 更招集沿海熟習沙線，能耐勞苦之人，參用西法，加以訓練。 然沿海地廣，勢不能遍設輪船，若敵乘無備，舍舟登陸，則我船砲皆無所用，故不可不急練陸兵。 同治十年，曾國籓議沿海奉天、直隸、山東、江蘇、浙江、福建、廣東七省練陸兵九萬，沿江安徽、江西、湖北三省練陸兵三萬，合成十二萬。 以陸兵為御敵之資，以輪船為調兵之用，海道雖極遼遠，血脈皆可貫通。 今誠踵其議而力行之，各省分定數目，各專責成，貴精不貴多，宜聚不宜散。 從前缺額之兵，不必再補，現在已募之勇，更加精練，是在平時之實力講求矣。 西洋火器，日新月異，疊出不窮。 今日所謂巧，即後日所謂拙。 論中國自強之策，決非專恃火器所能制勝。 然風會所趨，有不能不相隨轉移者。 各國新出之砲，現在上海機器局已能如式製造。 惟火器不難於用而難於不用。 有事試演，尚可經久，無事擱置，立形銹壞。 以後購造槍砲，應於操演之後，時時磨洗，不許銹壞，違者罪之，是珍惜巨帑之要義。 臣聞自古覘國勢者，在人材之盛衰，不在財用之贏絀； 在政事之得失，不在兵力之強弱：未聞以器械為重輕也。 且西人之所以強者，其心志和而齊，其法制簡而嚴，其取人必課實用，其任事者無欺誑侵漁之習，其選兵甚精，故臨陣勇敢而不畏死。 不察其所以強，而徒效其器械，豈足恃哉？ 自福建創設機器局，上海繼之，江寧、天津又繼之，皆由槍砲而推及輪船。 臣愚以為大沽、吳淞、直、東、閩、廣等口，如能各得鐵甲一二，蚊子船三四，佐以兵輪，安配重大擊遠之砲，與砲台相輔，亦足屹成重鎮，稍戢戎心。 惟泰西各國輪船以百數十計，鐵甲船以數十計，大砲以千計，小砲以數千計，即使中國歲籌巨款，多方製造，亦必不能如彼之多且精也。 臣謂船砲當量力徐圖，而仍以修政事、造人材為本，使各國鄉風慕義，或外侮可以稍紓。 近年勸捐、收釐、津貼，無法不備，民力竭矣。 煤、鐵乃中國自然之利，若一一開採，不獨造船造砲取之裕如，且可以致富強。 現在磁州業已奏明試辦，而湖南、福建、江西、山西等省已成之煤、鐵廠，擴而行之，果能有效，何必捨近求遠，取給外國？ 為目前權宜計，將各口洋稅通提六成，專供海防之用，五年為限，當可集事。 若夫節流之法，更非難行。 節之必自朝廷始，誠能罷土木之工，省傳辦之費，減宮中之用，則一歲所省，何啻百萬？ 各省督撫，盡裁不急之費，錢漕稅釐，實力稽察，勿使乾沒，則一歲所增，何啻百萬？ 請敕下戶部，統籌全局，分別出入，於綜覈各項之外，指定籌防專款，應用若干，俾中外上下曉然於經費之有限，財用之有制，力求撙節，不必言利，而度支可裕矣。 以上皆就原奏四事推廣言之，要必得人而後可以言持久。 臣週諮博採，事之可行者，尚有三端。 沿海各島，大都土瘠產薄，惟台灣形勢雄勝，與廈門相犄角。 東南俯瞰噶囉巴、呂宋，西南遙制越南、暹羅、緬甸、新加坡，實為中國第一門戶。 其地產有山木，可採以成舟航； 有煤鐵，可開以資製造。 其客民多漳、泉、湖、嘉剛猛耐苦之人，足備水師之選。 如得幹略大員，假以便宜，俾之輯和民、番，兼用西人機器，以取煤鐵山木之利，數年後可開製造局； 練海師，為沿海各省聲援，絕東西各國窺伺。 此中國防海之要略，事之可行者一也。 海外新嘉坡、檳榔嶼、舊金山、新金山各埠，均有閩、廣人在彼貿易，每處不下數万人。 其為首領者，必有幹濟之才，足以提倡全埠。 如派領事出洋，物色人才，不論官階文武大小，有能任此事者，給以虛銜，令前往各埠結納首領，婉轉勸導，由各省督撫奏給職官，派為練首，令其團練壯丁，隨時操演。 約計經費有限，而獲益無窮，事之可行者二也。 現在通商各口，外人星羅釭布，中國情事，無一不周知，而彼都情形，中國則皆未深悉。 自斌椿、志剛、孫家穀出使後，至今無續往之人。 竊謂宜選有才略而明大體者，隨時遣使，設有交涉，可辯論者與之辯論，可豫防者密為設防。 且於彼國有用之人才，新造之精器，均可隨時採訪，以為招致購買之地，事之可行者三也。」 尋乞病罷歸。
When the Zongli Yamen drafted six coastal-defense proposals for governors to discuss, Zongxi wrote: “Everything rests on appointing the right men; for coastal defense, finding capable commanders matters most. As the Song official Yang Wanli said, ‘Do not cling to old ministers; seek new generals.’ War demands vigor, not stale habit—men still young, ambitious, and not yet bloated with past honors. Veteran commanders already enjoy the Emperor’s trust and need no recommendation from me. Ancient coastal defense did not mean naval battle, but training should still combine land and sea forces. War junks fall short of steamers, steamers of ironclads—but ships are only as good as the men who sail them. Until the fleet can be replaced, select officers and men for steamer training under the naval commander. Recruit coastal men who know the shoals and can endure hardship, train them in Western methods. The coast is too long to cover entirely with steamers; if the enemy lands where we are weak, ships and guns avail nothing—land forces must be drilled urgently. In 1871 Zeng Guofan proposed 90,000 coastal troops in seven provinces and 30,000 in three Yangtze provinces—120,000 in all. Land forces should hold the line; steamers should move them—so distant coasts remain linked. Follow that plan in earnest: fix quotas by province, demand results, favor quality over numbers, and keep forces concentrated. Do not refill old vacancies; drill the men already raised. Real strength is built in peace. Western firearms improve constantly, with new models appearing endlessly. Today’s marvel is tomorrow’s obsolete weapon. China cannot win by relying on firearms alone. Yet the times compel us to adapt whether we wish it or not. Shanghai’s arsenals can already copy the latest foreign cannon. The problem with firearms is not using them but neglecting them. Drilled in use they last; left idle they rust at once. After purchase and drill, guns and cannon must be cleaned and maintained on pain of punishment—that is how to safeguard public funds. Since antiquity, observers have judged a state’s strength by its talent, not its treasury; by the quality of government, not the size of armies—never by arsenals alone. Western strength rests on unity of purpose, simple strict law, merit-based appointment, honest administration, and careful selection of soldiers who fight without fear. Copy their weapons without understanding why they are strong, and we gain little. Arsenals spread from Fujian to Shanghai, Jiangning, and Tianjin, moving from guns to steamships. Give each major port one or two ironclads and several gunboats, backed by armed steamers with heavy guns, and batteries would form a credible defense and curb enemy ambitions. Western powers field scores of ironclads, hundreds of steamers, and thousands of guns; China cannot match their scale even with vast annual spending. Build ships and guns as means allow, but make good government and cultivating talent the foundation—then foreign pressure may ease. Donations, lijin, and surcharges have exhausted the people. Coal and iron are native resources; develop them and shipbuilding and armaments will prosper—and with them national strength. Cizhou is already in trial; expand existing mines in Hunan, Fujian, Jiangxi, and Shanxi rather than buy abroad when domestic supply suffices. For now, allocate sixty percent of port customs revenue to coastal defense for five years—that should fund the effort. Cutting expenditure is easier still. Begin at court: halt construction, cut special orders, reduce palace spending—and a million taels may be saved in a year. Governors should cut waste and audit grain, land tax, and lijin so nothing is stolen—another million may be gained. Let the Board of Revenue plan overall finances, set aside a dedicated defense fund, and make limits clear at every level—thrift, not profiteering, will balance the books. These points extend the original four proposals—but lasting success depends first on the right men. After wide consultation, I see three further measures worth trying. Most coastal islands are barren; only Taiwan’s position is commanding and pairs with Xiamen. It overlooks Kalimantan and Luzon to the southeast and commands routes to Vietnam, Siam, Burma, and Singapore—China’s foremost maritime gateway. Its hills yield timber for shipbuilding; its coal and iron can feed industry. Hardy settlers from Zhangzhou, Quanzhou, Huzhou, and Jiaxing would make excellent sailors. Appoint a capable official with broad authority to reconcile settlers and indigenous peoples, use Western machinery, and exploit coal, iron, and timber—a factory could follow in a few years; train a navy to support the coast and deter foreign designs. That is the first practical step in coastal defense. Tens of thousands of Fujian and Guangdong traders live at Singapore, Penang, San Francisco, and Melbourne. Their leaders include men capable of organizing whole communities. Send consuls to recruit leaders abroad—any capable man, civil or military—and give them nominal rank to organize and drill local militia, with provincial governors confirming appointments. Costs would be modest; the gain immense—that is the second measure. Foreigners fill every treaty port and know China inside out, while China remains poorly informed about them. Since the missions of Binchun, Zhigang, and Sun Jiangu, no envoys have followed. Choose able, broad-minded envoys as needed—to argue where argument helps and to prepare defenses in advance. They could also scout foreign talent and new inventions for recruitment and purchase—the third measure. Soon after he retired on grounds of illness.
25
光緒四年，東鄉民亂，命宗羲按讞。 宗羲以知縣孫定揚浮收激變，冒昧請兵，提督李有恆妄殺平民千餘，據實入告，獄獲平反。 六年，召詣京師，以病未癒，疏請乞緩行。 十年，卒，賜祭葬。
In 1878, after the Dongxiang uprising, Zongxi was ordered to review the cases. He found Magistrate Sun Dingyang’s exactions had sparked the revolt, that Sun had rashly called in troops, and that Commander Li Youheng had slaughtered more than a thousand civilians; his report led to reversal of the verdicts. In 1880 the court summoned him to Beijing, but he asked to delay because he was still ill. He died in 1884; the court granted funeral honors.
26
子方本，舉人，兵部郎中。 有幹濟。 總督鹿傳霖、錫良先後令董商務、學務。 川東旱災，治賑，被疾，卒，贈太僕寺卿。
His son Fang Ben, a provincial graduate, served as a director in the Ministry of War. He was capable and effective. Governors-General Lu Chuanlin and Xi Liang put him in charge of commerce and education. He died directing drought relief in eastern Sichuan and was posthumously made vice minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud.
27
徐宗幹，字樹人，江蘇通州人。 嘉慶二十五年進士，山東即用知縣，除武城，調泰安。 在任十年，有政聲，遷高唐知州。 道光十七年，濰縣教匪馬剛等作亂，從巡撫經額布剿擒之，議解省下獄候命。 宗幹請於巡撫，即其地誅之，眾心以定。 遷濟寧直隸州。 金鄉民濬彭河，下游諸屯民聚眾沮之，毆官傷胥役，勢洶洶，宗幹馳往諭使解散。 屯民出自首，大吏欲置重典，宗幹以為民畏水患，非與官敵，聚眾本沮工，毆官非本意，力爭戍為首者七人。 署兗州知府，修滋陽河堤。
Xu Zonggan, whose style was Shuren, came from Tongzhou in Jiangsu. He took his jinshi in 1820, served in Shandong at Wucheng and Tai’an. After ten respected years as magistrate he became prefect of Gaotang. In 1837 he helped Governor Jinge suppress the teacher-rebel Ma Gang; officials proposed sending the prisoners to the provincial capital. Zonggan persuaded the governor to execute them locally, calming the region. He was transferred to Jining prefecture. When Jinxian dredged the Peng River, downstream garrison villagers rioted, beating officials and clerks; Zonggan rushed in and ordered them to disperse. When the villagers surrendered, senior officials wanted harsh punishment; Zonggan argued they feared floods, not officialdom, and secured frontier service for only seven ringleaders. As acting Yanzhou prefect he repaired the Ziyang River dike.
28
二十二年，擢四川保寧知府，兼署川北道。 擢福建汀漳龍道，屬縣有械半，案久不結。 宗幹率壯勇數十人直入其村，集兩造剖其曲直，令同酒食以解之，令獻犯懲治，事遂解，一時梟悍皆斂跡。 總督劉韻珂密薦。 二十五年，丁母憂去官，服闋，起授福建台灣道。 咸豐三年，台灣匪洪恭等陷台灣、鳳山兩縣，复擾噶瑪蘭廳，宗幹督兵平之。 四年，擢按察使，為巡撫王懿德所劾，解任。 旋召來京，命赴河南幫辦剿匪。 六年，復命赴安徽。 七年，授浙江按察使，遷布政使，以短解甘餉降調。 十年，江蘇團練大臣龐鍾璐請以宗幹辦理通、泰諸州縣團練。
In 1842 he became Baoning prefect in Sichuan and acting northern Sichuan intendant. Promoted to Tingzhang-Long intendant in Fujian, he inherited a long-unresolved armed land dispute in a subordinate county. Zonggan entered the village with a few dozen braves, heard both sides, feasted them to settle the feud, took the culprits for punishment, and subdued the local hard men. Governor-general Liu Yunke recommended him in secret. After mourning his mother in 1845 he was reappointed Taiwan intendant in Fujian. In 1853 Hong Gong's rebels took Taiwan and Fengshan and raided Gmalan; Zonggan's troops restored order. In 1854 he became judicial commissioner but Governor Wang Yide impeached him and he was dismissed. He was soon called to Beijing and sent to help suppress bandits in Henan. In 1856 he was sent again to Anhui. In 1857 he became Zhejiang judicial commissioner and treasurer, then was demoted for short-paying Gansu tribute. In 1860 Pang Zhonglu asked him to organize militia in Tongzhou and Taizhou.
29
同治元年，擢福建巡撫。 三年，粵匪李世賢、汪海洋等由廣東入閩境，逼漳州，龍巖、雲霄、武平、永定、南靖、平和相繼陷，宗幹偕閩浙總督左宗棠以次剿平。 五年，卒。 宗棠偕將軍英桂奏：「宗幹循良著聞，居官廉惠得民，所至有聲。」 優詔褒卹，諡清惠，祀福建名宦。
In 1862 he was promoted to governor of Fujian. In 1864 Li Shixian and Wang Haiyang invaded from Guangdong; six counties fell before Zonggan and Zuo Zongtang recovered them. He died in 1866. Zuo and General Ying Gui praised him as an upright, frugal official beloved by the people." The court honored him posthumously as Qinghui and enshrined him among Fujian's model officials.
30
王凱泰，初名敦敏，字補帆，江蘇寶應人。 道光三十年進士，選庶吉士，授編修。 咸豐十年，以母喪歸。 粵匪分犯江北，上命大理寺卿晏端書治江北團練，大學士彭蘊章薦凱泰使佐理。 敘勞，累加四品卿銜。 同治二年，從巡撫李鴻章軍幕。 四年，浙江巡撫馬新貽薦調，命以道員發浙江，署糧道。 曾國籓、李鴻章、馬新貽交章薦舉，五年，擢浙江按察使。 紹興三江閘洩山陰、會稽、蕭山三縣水入江，歲久沙積，三縣民請濬治。 凱泰履勘濬治，復舊利。 六年，遷廣東布政使，裁陋規，省差徭，覈釐捐，丈沙田，濬城中六脈渠，增建應元書院。 七年，擢福建巡撫，課吏興學，禁械鬥、火葬、溺女、淫祀舊俗，奏請撥釐金糴米二十萬石實常平倉。 充鄉試監臨，奏請整飭科場積弊。 台灣獄訟淹滯，奏請勒限清釐。
Wang Kaitai, originally Dunmin, style Bufan, came from Baoying in Jiangsu. He took his jinshi in 1850, entered the Hanlin Academy, and became a compiler. In 1860 he went home to mourn his mother. When rebels threatened northern Jiangsu, Yan Duanshu directed militia and Peng Yunzhang recommended Kaitai as his aide. He earned repeated fourth-rank honors for his service. In 1863 he joined Li Hongzhang's staff. In 1865 Ma Xinyi brought him to Zhejiang as circuit intendant acting grain commissioner. Zeng, Li, and Ma recommended him; in 1866 he became Zhejiang judicial commissioner. Sand choked Shaoxing's Sanjiang sluice that drained three counties; locals sought dredging. Kaitai dredged it and restored the old benefit. As Guangdong treasurer he cut fees, audited lijin, dredged canals, and expanded Yingyuan Academy. As Fujian governor he revived schools, banned violent customs, and filled granaries with 200,000 shi of lijin grain. As examination superintendent he sought to clean up examination abuses. He set deadlines to clear Taiwan's backlog of lawsuits.
31
十二年，應詔陳言，略謂：「宜變通者六事：一，停捐例。 自捐俸減折，百餘金得佐雜，千餘金得正印，即道、府亦不過三四千金。 家非素豐，人思躁進，以本求利，其弊何可勝言？ 今日應以停捐為急務，以江西、湖南北、四川、廣東、福建六省釐捐年提數万，又於海關、洋稅關撥數万，似可彌京銅局捐項。 至外省籌捐雖難周知，而福建自十年至今，收銀不過數万，他省可以類推。 以涓滴之微而害吏治，得不償失，請下部覈議。 一，汰冗員。 捐納，軍功兩途，入官者眾，部寺額外司員，少者數十，多則數百，補缺無期，徒耗旅食。 各省候補人員，較京中倍蓰。 按例，各省試用佐貳雜職，視各項缺數多寡，酌留十之二。 請援照大挑知縣名次在後，暫令回籍候諮之例辦理。 一，限保舉。 軍興後保案層疊，名器極濫，捷徑良多。 請下部覈議，此後保舉只准得應升之階及應升之銜，其餘班次概予刪除。 至一品封典，二、三品加銜，皆不得濫請。 一，复廉俸。 自咸豐間軍用浩繁，京外俸廉，分別減成，京員困苦，知縣疲累，早荷聖明鑑及。 今欲砥礪廉隅，似廉俸复額，亦其一端。 福建文職廉額年支十三四萬兩，計現年徵起錢糧羨耗支抵尚屬有贏，道府以下各員，似可照額全支。 請中外廉俸改復舊額，或加成支放。 一，重學額。 近年鼓勵捐輸，有加廣中額學額之制。 中額三年一試，無慮濫竽。 至一州一縣，士風本有不齊，乃以文理淺陋者濫廁其間，甫得一衿，包攬詞訟，武斷鄉曲，流弊不堪指數。 請嗣後各省捐輸，只加中額，不加學額，並敕各省學臣酌覈。 如有不能足額，奏明立案，俟文風日上，再行如額取進。 一，立練營。 營兵皆招自本籍，月餉不足贍八口，勢必另習手藝，兼營負販。 每逢操演，不過奉行故事。 設有徵調，兼旬累月，始克成行。 兵與將不相習，兵與兵亦不相識，人各一心，安能制勝？ 近年削平禍亂，全賴湘、淮各勇。 國家養兵，糜帑歲數千百萬，竟不得其用，其弊實由於此。 往年江寧克復，臣函商曾國籓，備言江寧綠營應稍變通，以現存得勝之勇，改充額兵，設營分部，一洗舊習。 國籓未及議行，旋調直隸，即設練軍，蓋亦採用臣說。 左宗棠在閩浙任內，奏准減兵加餉，就餉練兵，洵為救時良策。 請敕下各省督撫照減兵加餉之說，而以所減之餉加於戰兵。 按湘、楚營製，五百人為一營，擇地分扎，隨時互調，俾卒伍皆離原籍，不致散處市廛。 餉不另增，兵有實用，庶化兵為勇，而武備可恃。」 疏入，命下部議。
In 1886 he memorialized on six reforms, beginning with halting the sale of offices. Discounted purchase prices let men buy posts cheaply—from clerk to prefect for a few thousand taels. Men of modest means bought offices for profit—with abuses beyond counting. He urged stopping sales, funded by lijin and customs from six provinces. Fujian's decade of fundraising raised only tens of thousands—other provinces likely similar. Petty revenue was not worth ruined governance—he asked the ministries to decide. Second: cut redundant officials. Purchase and military paths flooded offices with unpaid expectant officials. Provincial expectants far outnumbered those in Beijing. Regulations allowed keeping two-tenths of acting posts relative to vacancies. He asked lower-ranked appointees be sent home to await recommendation, as with metropolitan cases. Third: limit recommendations. Wartime recommendations had flooded honors and shortcuts. Future recommendations should grant only ranks truly due. Grand enfeoffments and added ranks must not be abused. Fourth: restore integrity salaries. Wartime cuts to integrity salaries had impoverished officials; restoration would help probity. Full integrity salaries would help restore probity. Fujian could afford full integrity pay for circuit officials and below. He asked court and provinces to restore or increase integrity salaries. Fifth: value examination quotas. Donations had expanded provincial examination quotas. Triennial metropolitan exams risked unfit men passing through inflated quotas. Inflated local quotas let shallow scholars gain robes and bully villages. Donations should expand metropolitan quotas only; education commissioners should review. Unfilled quotas should be recorded until scholarship improved. Sixth: establish drill camps. Soldiers' pay could not feed families, so they took side jobs. Drills were empty ritual. Mobilization took weeks. Soldiers knew neither officers nor comrades—how could they fight? Recent victories depended on Hunan and Huai volunteer armies. Millions spent on regular troops yielded nothing—the system was broken. After Jiangning's recovery he urged Zeng Guofan to reform Green Standard troops with victorious braves in organized camps. Zeng adopted the idea in Zhili as drill troops before leaving Fujian. Zuo Zongtang's reduce-troops-add-pay policy in Fujian-Zhejiang was sound. He asked provinces to add saved pay to combat troops. Five-hundred-man camps, rotated postings, and no soldiers loafing in towns would follow Xiang army practice. Without extra pay, usable troops could turn soldiers into effective forces." The ministries were ordered to deliberate.
32
十三年，入覲，行至蘇州，疾作，乞罷，予假治疾。 日本窺台灣，命凱泰力疾回任。 光緒元年，移駐台灣，病劇，還福州。 卒，贈太子少保，諡文勤。
In 1887, en route to audience at Suzhou, he fell ill and was granted sick leave. When Japan threatened Taiwan he was ordered back despite illness. In 1875 he moved to Taiwan, then returned to Fuzhou as illness worsened. He died and was posthumously named Wenqin, Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent.
33
郭柏廕，字遠堂，福建侯官人。 道光十二年進士，選庶吉士，授編修，遷御史、給事中。 出為甘肅甘涼道。 二十三年，戶部銀庫虧帑事發，柏廕為御史稽察，未糾發，奪官分償，旋授主事。 咸豐三年，會辦本省團練，以克廈門、防延平功，擢郎中。 同治元年，引見，交欽差大臣曾國籓差委。 二年，授江蘇糧道，擢按察使，遷布政使，護理巡撫。 六年，擢廣西巡撫，調湖北，仍留署江蘇巡撫。 方亂時，江、浙交界槍船群聚為匪，柏廕與浙江會捕，獲其首卜小二置之法。 禁槍船，設牌甲，稽查約束。
Guo Baiyin, style Yuantang, came from Houguan in Fujian. He took his jinshi in 1832, entered the Hanlin, and rose to censor and supervising secretary. He served as Gansu Ganliang circuit intendant. In 1843 he failed to expose a Revenue Ministry vault deficit as investigating censor, was fined, then made principal secretary. In 1853 militia service at Xiamen and Yanping won him promotion to director. In 1862 he was assigned to Zeng Guofan's staff. In 1863 he became Jiangsu grain commissioner, then judicial commissioner, treasurer, and acting governor. In 1867 he was made Guangxi governor, moved to Hubei, but stayed acting in Jiangsu. He and Zhejiang captured gun-boat bandit leader Bu Xiao'er. Gun boats were banned and baojia inspection tightened.
34
是年，赴湖北任，署湖廣總督。 各省遣散營勇，會匪蕭朝翥約黨分佈黃梅、武穴、龍坪各水次，阻截散勇，偪令從為亂。 柏廕遣兵往捕，其黨殺朝翥以降。 諸縣教匪，京山吳世英、蘄水馮和義、沔陽劉維義次第擒誅。 七年，奏言：「漢口鎮華、洋雜處，散勇遊匪廁其間。 每遇撤營，散佈謠言，句結入會。 疊經懲辦，在武漢、襄樊地方分設遣勇局，凡有在鄂散勇，均令赴局報名，僱船押送回籍，酌給川資，庶無業之徒，可歸鄉里，不至流而為匪。」 又奏言：「淮南鹽引，楚岸為大宗。 自長江被擾，運道梗阻，改用淮北票私，暫濟民食，淮南銷路遂滯。 請復淮南引地，禁淮北票私，停北鹽抽課。 襄、鄖、德三府前此兼銷潞鹽，亦一律禁止。」 八年，多雨大水，柏廕遣吏分道治賑。 九年，再署湖廣總督。 十年，湖南會匪陷益陽、龍陽，柏廕分兵防守進剿，獲其渠。 十二年，以病乞罷。 光緒十年，卒。
That year he took Hubei and acted as Huguang governor-general. Discharged braves were intercepted at Huangmei and Wuxue by Xiao Chaoxu's secret society. Troops were sent; the gang killed Chaoxu and surrendered. Sect rebels in Jingshan, Qishui, and Mianyang were captured and executed. In 1868 he reported Hankou's mix of foreigners, discharged braves, and vagrants. Camp disbandment bred rumors and secret-society recruitment. Discharge bureaus in Wuhan and Xiangyang sent braves home with travel money." He also urged restoring Huainan salt to Hubei. War had blocked Huainan salt; north Huai ticket salt was a temporary substitute. He asked to restore Huainan quotas and end north Huai ticket salt. Lu salt in three prefectures should also be banned. In 1869 floods brought relief teams on multiple routes. In 1870 he again acted as Huguang governor-general. In 1871 Hunan rebels took Yiyang and Longyang; he captured leaders. In 1873 he resigned for illness. He died in 1884.
35
子式昌，舉人。 從軍積功，以知府發浙江。 巡撫蔣益澧調赴廣東，署肇慶。 益澧罷，式昌還浙江，補台州。 劇盜黃金滿以官吏貪酷，煽亂。 式昌扼要隘，令民自守，以嚴法繩蠹吏，蠲斥苛斂。 金滿乃詣彭玉麟請降。 光緒二十六年，衢州民殺教士，戕西安知縣吳德潚。 擢式昌金衢嚴道，諭士民安堵，得亂首誅之。 三十一年，署按察使。 卒。
His son Shichang was a provincial graduate. Shichang earned prefect appointment in Zhejiang through military merit. Governor Jiang Yilin sent him to Guangdong as acting prefect of Zhaoqing. After Yilin left office he returned to Zhejiang as Taizhou prefect. Bandit Huang Jinman rebelled in reaction to corrupt, harsh officials. Shichang held key passes, organized local defense, punished corrupt officials, and cut oppressive levies. Huang Jinman then surrendered to Peng Yulin. In 1900 Quzhou people killed missionaries and murdered Xi'an magistrate Wu Deshao. Promoted to Jinhua-Quzhou-Yanzhou circuit intendant, he calmed the region and executed the ringleaders. In 1905 he acted as judicial commissioner. He died.
36
武昌子曾炘，官至禮部侍郎。
His son Zeng Qin of Wuchang became vice minister of Rites.
37
論曰：王慶雲、譚廷襄並易攵歷中外，慶雲綜覈精密，治防井井，尤為可稱。 馬新貽、李宗羲皆以循吏贊畫軍事，擢任大籓，治績卓著。 宗羲諫園工，籌海防，建言遠大。 徐宗幹、王凱泰清節惠政，皆有時望。 郭柏廕久任疆圻，澤施於後焉。
The historians note that Wang Qingyun and Tan Tingxiang served widely at court and in the provinces; Qingyun's fiscal precision and orderly defenses were especially admirable. Ma Xinyi and Li Zongxi rose from model local officials to great provincial posts with distinguished records. Li Zongxi's protests against Yuanmingyuan rebuilding and his coastal-defense plans were far-sighted. Xu Zonggan and Wang Kaitai were esteemed for integrity and benevolent rule. Guo Baiyin's long service on the frontiers left benefits for generations after.