1
荀彧字文若,潁川潁陰人也。 祖父淑,字季和,朗陵令。 當漢順、桓之間,知名當世。 有子八人,號曰八龍。 彧父緄,濟南相。 叔父爽,司空。
Xun Yu, courtesy name Wenruo, came from Yingyin in Yingchuan. His grandfather Shu, courtesy name Jihe, had served as magistrate of Langling. Under Emperors Shun and Huan of Han he was already famous in his own day. He fathered eight sons, who were known collectively as the Eight Dragons. Xun Yu’s father, Gun, had been chancellor of the kingdom of Jinan. His uncle Shuang rose to be Minister of Works.
2
〈《續漢書》曰:淑有高才,王暢、李膺皆以爲師,爲朗陵侯相,號稱神君。 張璠《漢紀》曰:淑博學有高行,與李固、李膺同志友善,拔李昭於小吏,友黃叔度於幼童,以賢良方正徵,對策譏切梁氏,出補朗陵侯相,卒官。 八子:儉、緄、靖、燾、詵、爽、肅、旉。 音敷。 爽字慈明,幼好學,年十二,通春秋、論語,耽思經典,不應徵命,積十數年。 董卓秉政,復徵爽,爽欲遁去,吏持之急。 詔下郡,即拜平原相。 行至苑陵,又追拜光祿勳。 視事三日,策拜司空。 爽起自布衣,九十五日而至三公。 淑舊居西豪里,縣令苑康曰昔高陽氏有才子八人,署其里爲高陽里。 靖字叔慈,亦有至德,名幾亞爽,隱居終身。 皇甫謐逸士傳:或問許子將,靖與爽孰賢? 子將曰:「二人皆玉也,慈明外朗,叔慈內潤。」〉
〈The Continued Book of Han records that Shu was a man of exceptional talent whom Wang Chang and Li Ying both acknowledged as their teacher; as chancellor to the Marquis of Langling he earned the sobriquet “Divine Lord.” Zhang Fan’s Han Ji adds that Shu was erudite and principled, aligned in purpose with Li Gu and Li Ying, promoted Li Zhao from the ranks of minor clerks, and took Huang Shudu as a friend while the latter was still a child. Summoned on the “worthy and upright” recommendation, he used his examination answers to excoriate the Liang faction, was posted as chancellor to the Marquis of Langling, and died in that office. His eight sons were named Jian, Gun, Jing, Tao, Shen, Shuang, Su, and Fu. The gloss marks the character Fu with fu read like the word fu, "to spread." Shuang, courtesy name Ciming, loved books from boyhood; by twelve he had mastered the Spring and Autumn and the Analects, then lost himself in the classics and ignored repeated calls to serve—for well over a decade. After Dong Zhuo seized the government, Shuang was summoned once more; he tried to slip away, but local officials seized him and would not let him go. An imperial order reached the commandery, and he was at once named chancellor of Pingyuan. He had got only as far as Yuanling when a follow-up appointment made him Superintendent of the Imperial Household. Three days after taking up his duties he received a formal writ naming him Minister of Works. Shuang had begun as a commoner; within ninety-five days he stood among the Three Dukes. Shu had lived in the Xihao ward; Magistrate Yuan Kang, invoking the eight worthy sons of the Gaoyang line in high antiquity, redesignated the neighborhood as Gaoyang Ward. Jing, courtesy name Shuci, was a man of comparable moral stature whose reputation nearly rivaled Shuang’s; he spent his whole life in seclusion. Huangfu Mi’s Biographies of Recluses records that someone once asked Xu Shao: “Between Jing and Shuang, which is the better man?” Xu Shao answered, “Both are flawless as jade—Ciming gleams on the surface, Shuci glows from within.”〉
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彧年少時,南陽何顒異之,曰:「王佐才也。」 《典略》曰:中常侍唐衡欲以女妻汝南傅公明,公明不娶,轉以與彧。 父緄慕衡勢,爲彧娶之。 彧爲論者所譏。 臣松之案:《漢紀》云唐衡以桓帝延熹七年死,計彧于時年始二歳,則彧婚之日,衡之沒久矣。 慕勢之言爲不然也。 臣松之又以爲緄八龍之一,必非苟得者也,將有逼而然,何云慕勢哉? 昔鄭忽以違齊致譏,雋生以拒霍見美,致譏在於失援,見美嘉其慮遠,並無交至之害,故得各全其志耳。 至於閹豎用事,四海屛氣; 左悺、唐衡殺生在口。 故于時諺云「左迴天,唐獨坐」,言威權莫二也。 順之則六親以安,忤違則大禍立至; 斯誠以存易亡,蒙恥期全之日。 昔蔣詡姻于王氏,無損淸髙之操,緄之此婚,庸何傷乎! 永漢元年189年,舉孝廉,拜守宮令。 董卓之亂,求出補吏。 除亢父令,遂棄官歸,謂父老曰:「潁川,四戰之地也,天下有變,常爲兵衝,宜亟去之,無久留。」 鄕人多懷土猶豫,會冀州牧同郡韓馥遣騎迎之,莫有隨者,彧獨將宗族至冀州。 而袁紹已奪馥位,待彧以上賔之禮。 彧弟諶及同郡辛評、郭圖,皆爲紹所任。 彧度紹終不能成大事,時太祖爲奮武將軍,在東郡,初平二年,彧去紹從太祖。 太祖大恱曰:「吾之子房也。」 以爲司馬,時年二十九。 是時,董卓威陵天下,太祖以問彧,彧曰:「卓暴虐已甚,必以亂終,無能爲也。」 卓遣李傕等出關東,所過虜略,至潁川、陳留而還。 鄕人留者多見殺略。 明年,太祖領兖州牧,後爲鎭東將軍,彧常以司馬從。 興平元年194年,太祖征陶謙,任彧留事。 會張邈、陳宮以兖州反,潛迎呂布。 布旣至,邈乃使劉翊告彧曰:「呂將軍來助曹使君撃陶謙,宜亟供其軍食。」 衆疑惑。 彧知邈爲亂,即勒兵設備,馳召東郡太守夏侯惇,而兖州諸城皆應布矣。 時太祖悉軍攻謙,留守兵少,而督將大吏多與邈、宮通謀。 惇至,其夜誅謀叛者數十人,衆乃定。 豫州刺史郭貢帥衆數萬來至城下,或言與呂布同謀,衆甚懼。 貢求見彧,彧將往。 惇等曰:「君,一州鎭也,往必危,不可。」 彧曰:「貢與邈等,分非素結也,今來速,計必未定; 及其未定説之,縱不爲用,可使中立,若先疑之,彼將怒而成計。」 貢見彧無懼意,謂鄄城未易攻,遂引兵去。 又與程昱計,使説范、東阿,卒全三城,以待太祖。 太祖自徐州還撃布濮陽,布東走。 二年夏,太祖軍乘氏,大饑,人相食。
」In his youth, He Yong of Nanyang took notice of Yu and declared, "He has the talent of a king's chief minister." The Dianlue records that Palace Attendant Tang Heng wanted to give his daughter to Fu Gongming of Runan; when Gongming refused, the match was turned over to Yu instead. Yu's father Gun, drawn to Heng's influence, had Yu marry her. Commentators ridiculed Yu for it. Pei Songzhi notes: The Han Ji places Tang Heng's death in Yanxi 7 of Emperor Huan. By that reckoning Yu was only two at the time, so when Yu married, Heng had been dead for years. The charge that Gun coveted Heng's power does not hold. Pei Songzhi adds that Gun, one of the Eight Dragons, was hardly a man to grasp at advantage; pressure must have forced the match—why call it ambition for power? Long ago Zheng Hu was scorned for turning away from Qi, while Juan Sheng was admired for refusing Huo. One was faulted for losing allies; the other was praised for foresight. Neither suffered lasting harm from the connection, and each kept his purpose intact. When eunuch favorites ruled, the whole realm held its breath; Zuo Guan and Tang Heng could decree life or death at a word. A saying of the day ran, "Zuo turns heaven, Tang sits alone"—no one rivaled their power. Submit and your kin were safe; resist and ruin came at once; it was an age when survival meant swallowing shame and any defiance invited swift destruction. Jiang Xu once married into the Wang house without staining his reputation for integrity—what injury could Gun's marriage do? In Yonghan 1 (189 CE) he was nominated filial and incorrupt and appointed Keeper of the Palace. When Dong Zhuo seized power, he asked to be posted outside the capital. Named magistrate of Kangfu, he soon resigned and went home, telling the elders, "Yingchuan is fought over from every side. Whenever the realm convulses it becomes an army highway. Leave quickly—do not linger." Most of his neighbors clung to their homes and wavered. When Han Fu, Governor of Jizhou and a fellow townsman, sent riders to escort them, no one else went—only Yu led his clan to Jizhou. By then Yuan Shao had displaced Fu and received Yu with the honors due a chief guest. Yu's brother Chen, along with fellow townsmen Xin Ping and Guo Tu, all held posts under Shao. Yu concluded that Yuan Shao would never finish the great work. Cao Cao was then General Who Inspires Martial Might in Dong commandery; in Chuping 2 Yu left Shao to join him. Cao Cao was delighted. "He is my Zhang Liang!" He was made chief of staff at the age of twenty-nine. Dong Zhuo then dominated the realm. When Cao Cao asked Yu's view, Yu said, "Zhuo's cruelty has gone too far. He will die in disorder and achieve nothing." Zhuo sent Li Jue and others east of the passes; they ravaged every county they crossed, reaching Yingchuan and Chenliu before turning back. Many neighbors who had stayed behind were killed or robbed. The next year Cao Cao took charge as Governor of Yanzhou, later became General Who Pacifies the East, and Yu regularly accompanied him as chief of staff. In Xingping 1 (194 CE) Cao Cao marched against Tao Qian and left Yu in charge at home. Zhang Miao and Chen Gong rebelled in Yanzhou and secretly brought in Lü Bu. When Bu arrived, Miao sent Liu Yi to tell Yu, "General Lü has come to help Commissioner Cao strike Tao Qian. Supply his army at once." The men were uneasy and confused. Seeing that Miao meant revolt, Yu mustered troops, set defenses, and sent for Xiahou Dun, governor of Dong commandery—yet every city in Yanzhou had already gone over to Bu. Cao Cao had taken nearly his whole force against Tao Qian, leaving few defenders, and many senior officers were already in secret contact with Miao and Gong. Dun arrived that night and executed dozens of conspirators; only then did the garrison steady. Guo Gong, Inspector of Yuzhou, brought tens of thousands of men to the walls. Rumors linked him to Lü Bu, and fear spread through the garrison. Gong asked to meet Yu, and Yu prepared to go out. Dun and the others said, "Sir, you are Yanzhou's anchor. If you go, you risk everything—it cannot be done." Yu said, "Gong and Miao are not old allies. He came quickly, so his plans cannot be settled yet; while he is still undecided, persuade him. Even if he will not join us, we can keep him neutral. If we show suspicion first, he will take offense and commit to their side." Gong saw that Yu showed no fear, decided Juancheng would be hard to take, and withdrew. He and Cheng Yu then sent envoys to win over Fan and Dong'e, and in the end held three cities intact until Cao Cao returned. Cao Cao came back from Xuzhou, struck Bu at Puyang, and Bu fled east. That summer Cao Cao's army was at Chengshi. Famine was so severe that men ate one another.
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陶謙死,太祖欲遂取徐州,還乃定布。 彧曰:「昔高祖保關中,光武據河內,皆深根固本以制天下,進足以勝敵,退足以堅守,故雖有困敗而終濟大業。 將軍本以兖州首事,平山東之難,百姓無不歸心恱服。 且河、濟,天下之要地也,今雖殘壞,猶易以自保,是亦將軍之關中、河內也,不可以不先定。 今以破李封、薛蘭,若分兵東擊陳宮,宮必不敢西顧,以其閒勒兵收熟麥,約食畜穀,一舉而布可破也。 破布,然後南結揚州,共討袁術,以臨淮、泗。 若舍布而東,多留兵則不足用,少留兵則民皆保城,不得樵採。 布乘虛寇暴,民心益危,唯鄄城、范、衞可全,其餘非己之有,是無兖州也。 若徐州不定,將軍當安所歸乎? 且陶謙雖死,徐州未易亡也。 彼懲往年之敗,將懼而結親,相爲表裏。 今東方皆以收麥,必堅壁清野以待將軍,將軍攻之不拔,略之無獲,不出十日,則十萬之衆未戰而自困耳。 〈臣松之以爲于時徐州未平,兖州又叛,而云十萬之衆,雖是抑抗之言,要非寡弱之稱。 益知官渡之役,不得云兵不滿萬也。〉 前討徐州,威罰實行, 〈《曹瞞傳》云:自京師遭董卓之亂,人民流移東出,多依彭城間。 遇太祖至,坑殺男女數萬口於泗水,水爲不流。 陶謙帥其衆軍武原,太祖不得進。 引軍從泗南攻取慮、睢陵、夏丘諸縣,皆屠之; 雞犬亦盡,墟邑無復行人。〉 其子弟念父兄之恥,必人自爲守,無降心,就能破之,尚不可有也。 夫事固有棄此取彼者,以大易小可也,以安易危可也,權一時之勢,不患本之不固可也。 今三者莫利,願將軍熟慮之。」 太祖乃止。 大收麥,復與布戰,分兵平諸縣。 布敗走,兖州遂平。
After Tao Qian’s death, Cao Cao meant to seize Xuzhou at once and deal with Lü Bu only on his return. Xun Yu replied: “Gaozu held fast to Guanzhong, Guangwu to Henei—each sank deep roots so he could command the empire: strong enough to strike when he advanced, secure enough to endure when he fell back. Setbacks did not keep either from finishing the great work. You began from Yanzhou, crushed the rebellion east of the Taihang, and won the people’s wholehearted allegiance. The Yellow River and the Ji corridor are the empire’s strategic heartland. Ravaged as they are, they still offer you a defensible base—your equivalent of Gaozu’s Guanzhong or Guangwu’s Henei—and you must secure them before anything else. Li Feng and Xue Lan are already broken. Send a column east against Chen Gong and he will not dare glance toward the west; in the breathing space that gives you, march the army in to reap the winter wheat, husband grain, and tighten supplies—then Lü Bu can be crushed in a single blow. Once Lü Bu is gone, you can swing south to win Yangzhou as an ally, join forces against Yuan Shu, and threaten the Huai and Si line. Turn your back on Lü Bu for the east, and you face a cruel choice: leave a large garrison and your field army is enfeebled; leave a small one and every town will bolt its gates, cutting off fuel and forage. Lü Bu will pour through the gap, terrorizing the countryside; public morale will collapse. You might hold Juancheng, Fan, and Wei, but everything beyond would slip from your grasp—you would in effect have lost Yanzhou. If Xuzhou eludes you, my lord, where will you withdraw when the campaign fails? Tao Qian is dead, but Xuzhou will not fall at a touch. Smarting from last year’s defeat, they will cling together in fear—intermarrying, backing one another like skin and bone. The east has already brought in its wheat; your enemies will fortify every wall and strip the countryside bare. You will find cities you cannot storm and fields that yield nothing. Inside ten days an army of a hundred thousand will be starving without having fought a battle. 〈Pei Songzhi observes that Xuzhou was still unconquered and Yanzhou in revolt when this was said; calling the army “a hundred thousand strong” may be rhetorical bravado, but it hardly describes a feeble force. This makes it even plainer that at Guandu one cannot honestly claim you had fewer than ten thousand men under arms.〉 The last time you marched on Xuzhou, terror was no empty threat— 〈The Cao Man Zhuan relates that after the capital convulsed under Dong Zhuo, refugees streamed east and clustered thickly about Pengcheng. When your army arrived, tens of thousands of men, women, and children were driven into the Si and slaughtered until the river ran thick as paste. Tao Qian drew up his forces at Wuyuan and blocked your advance. You then swung south of the Si, stormed Lü, Suiling, and Xiaqiu, and put every county to the sword; not a fowl or cur was left alive, and the wasted towns knew no passer-by.〉 Their sons still nurse the humiliation of fathers and brothers slain before their eyes; each will fight for his own wall and none will think of yielding. Even if you could break them, you could not hope to hold the land. Sometimes one must trade one front for another—swap a lesser prize for a greater, or exchange present danger for lasting security, or bend to the exigency of the hour even when the foundation feels thin. None of those three bargains serves you now, General; weigh them again with care.” With that, Cao Cao abandoned the idea. He reaped the wheat in earnest, renewed the war with Lü Bu, and detached columns to pacify the counties one by one. Lü Bu broke and ran; Yanzhou was his again.
5
建安元年,太祖撃破黃巾。 漢獻帝自河東還洛陽。 太祖議奉迎都許,或以山東未平,韓暹、楊奉新將天子到洛陽,北連張楊,未可卒制。 彧勸太祖曰:「昔晉文公納周襄王而諸侯景從,髙祖東伐爲義帝縞素而天下歸心。 自天子播越,將軍首唱義兵,徒以山東擾亂,未能遠赴關右,然猶分遣將帥,蒙險通使,雖禦難于外,乃心無不在王室,是將軍匡天下之素志也。 今車駕旋軫,東京榛蕪,義士有存本之思,百姓感舊而增哀。 誠因此時,奉主上以從民望,大順也; 秉至公以服雄傑,大略也; 扶弘義以致英俊,大德也。 天下雖有逆節,必不能爲累,明矣。 韓暹、楊奉其敢爲害! 若不時定,四方生心,後雖慮之,無及。」 太祖遂至洛陽,奉迎天子都許。 天子拜太祖大將軍,進彧爲漢侍中,守尚書令。 常居中持重,《典略》曰:彧折節下士,坐不累席。 其在臺閣,不以私欲撓意。 彧有羣從一人,才行實薄,或謂彧:「以君當事,不可不以某爲議郎邪?」 彧笑曰:「官者所以表才也,若如來言,衆人其謂我何邪!」 其持心平正皆類此。 太祖雖征伐在外,軍國事皆與彧籌焉。 《典略》曰:彧爲人偉美。 又平原禰衡傳曰:衡字正平,建安初,自荊州北游許都,恃才傲逸,臧否過差,見不如己者不與語,人皆以是憎之。 唯少府孔融髙貴其才,上書薦之曰:「淑質貞亮,英才卓犖。 初渉藝文,升堂覩奧; 目所一見,輒誦於口,耳所暫聞,不忘於心。 性與道合,思若有神。 弘羊心計,安世默識,以衡準之,誠不足恠。」 衡時年二十四。 是時許都雖新建,尚饒人士。 衡嘗書一刺懷之,字漫滅而無所適。 或問之曰:「何不從陳長文、司馬伯達乎?」 衡曰:「卿欲使我從屠沽兒輩也!」 又問曰:「當今許中,誰最可者?」 衡曰:「大兒有孔文舉,小兒有楊德祖。」 又問:「曹公、荀令君、趙盪寇皆足蓋世乎?」 衡稱曹公不甚多; 又見荀有儀容,趙有腹尺,因荅曰:「文若可借面吊喪,稚長可使監廚請客。」 其意以爲荀但有貌,趙健啖肉也。 於是衆人皆切齒。 衡知衆不恱,將南還荊州。 裝束臨發,衆人爲祖道,先設供帳於城南,自共相誡曰:「衡數不遜,今因其後到,以不起報之。」 及衡至,衆人皆坐不起,衡乃號咷大哭。 衆人問其故,衡曰:「行屍柩之間,能不悲乎?」 衡南見劉表,表甚禮之。 將軍黃祖屯夏口,祖子射與衡善,隨到夏口。 祖嘉其才,毎在坐,席有異賔,介使與衡談。 後衡驕蹇,荅祖言徘優饒言,祖以爲罵己也,大怒,顧伍伯捉頭出。 左右遂扶以去,拉而殺之。 臣松之以本傳不稱彧容貌,故載《典略》與衡傳以見之。 又潘勗爲彧碑文,稱彧「瓌姿奇表」。 張衡《文士傳》曰:孔融數薦衡於太祖,欲與相見,而衡疾惡之,意常憤懣。 因狂疾不肯往,而數有言論。 太祖聞其名,圖欲辱之,乃録爲鼓吏。 後至八月朝,大宴,賔客並會。 時鼓吏撃鼓過,皆當脱其故服,易着新衣。 次衡,衡撃爲漁陽參檛,容態不常,音節殊妙。 坐上賔客聽之,莫不慷慨。 過不易衣,吏呵之,衡乃當太祖前,以次脱衣,裸身而立,徐徐乃着褌冐畢,復撃鼓參檛,而顏色不怍。 太祖大笑,告四坐曰:「本欲辱衡,衡反辱孤。」 至今有漁陽參檛,自衡造也。 融深責數衡,并宣太祖意,欲令與太祖相見。 衡許之,曰:「當爲卿往。」 至十月朝,融先見太祖,説「衡欲求見」。 至日晏,衡着布單衣,疎巾履,坐太祖營門外,以杖捶地,數罵太祖。 太祖勑外廄急具精馬三匹,并騎二人,謂融曰:「禰衡豎子,乃敢爾! 孤殺之無異於雀鼠,顧此人素有虚名,遠近所聞,今日殺之,人將謂孤不能容。 今送與劉表,視卒當何如?」 乃令騎以衡置馬上,兩騎扶送至南陽。 《傅子》曰:衡辯於言而剋于論,見荊州牧劉表日,所以自結於表者甚至,表恱之以爲上賔。 衡稱表之美盈口,而論表左右不廢繩墨。 於是左右因形而譖之,曰:「衡稱將軍之仁,西伯不過也,唯以爲不能斷; 終不濟者,必由此也。」 是言實指表智短,而非衡所言也。 衡以交絶於劉表,智窮於黃祖,身死名滅,爲天下笑者,譖之者有形也。 太祖問彧:「誰能代卿爲我謀者?」 彧言「荀攸、鍾繇」。 先是,彧言策謀士,進戲志才。 太祖以彧爲知人,諸所進達皆稱職,唯嚴象爲楊州,韋康爲涼州,後敗亡。 《三輔決録》曰:象字文則,京兆人。 少聦博,有膽智。 以督軍御史中丞詣揚州討袁術,會術病卒,因以爲揚州刺史。 建安五年,爲孫策廬江太守李術所殺,時年三十八。 象同郡趙岐作三輔決録,恐時人不盡其意,故隱其書,唯以示象。 康字元將,亦京兆人。 孔融與康父端書曰:「前日元將來,淵才亮茂,雅度弘毅,偉世之器也。 昨日仲將又來,懿性貞實,文愍篤誠,保家之主也。 不意雙珠,近出老蚌,甚珍貴之。」 端從涼州牧徴爲太僕,康代爲涼州刺史,時人榮之。 後爲馬超所圍,堅守歴時,救軍不至,遂爲超所殺。 仲將名誕,見劉邵傳。
In the first year of Jian'an, Cao Cao crushed the Yellow Turbans. Emperor Xian came back from Hedong to Luoyang. Cao Cao considered welcoming the emperor and moving the court to Xu, but some objected that Shandong was still unsettled, that Han Xian and Yang Feng had only lately escorted the emperor to Luoyang and were allied in the north with Zhang Yang, and that the situation could not be seized at a stroke. Xun Yu urged Cao Cao, saying, "Long ago Duke Wen of Jin restored King Xiang of Zhou and the lords rallied to him; Gaozu marched east in white mourning for the Righteous Emperor and won the hearts of the empire. Ever since the emperor was cast into exile, you were the first to raise the righteous banner. Shandong's turmoil kept you from reaching Guanzhong, yet you still sent generals through peril to keep contact with the court. You fought enemies abroad while your heart stayed with the house of Han—that has always been your purpose of setting the realm aright. Now the emperor is returning, Luoyang lies in ruins, loyal men yearn to restore what was lost, and the people mourn the old capital all the more. To take this moment, serve the emperor, and answer the people's hopes—that is the greatest accord with right; to hold absolute fairness and win over the great men of the age—that is great strategy; to uphold broad righteousness and gather the finest talent—that is great virtue. Though rebels remain in the land, they plainly cannot stand in your way. Han Xian and Yang Feng would never dare make trouble! If you miss this moment, the four quarters will turn restless; regret later will come too late." Cao Cao then went to Luoyang, welcomed the emperor, and moved the court to Xu. The emperor appointed Cao Cao Grand General and promoted Xun Yu to Palace Attendant of Han, with charge of the Masters of Writing. He remained at court to anchor the government. The Dian lue says Xun Yu lowered himself to honor worthy men of humble rank and never lingered long in any seat. In the central offices he never let private interest sway his judgment. Xun Yu had a kinsman whose talent and character were plainly slight, and someone urged him, "With you in power, surely you must appoint him Protocol Advisor?" Xun Yu smiled and said, "Office exists to display merit. If I did as you suggest, what would people say of me?" His fair and even-handed conduct was always of this sort. Even when Cao Cao was away on campaign, every military and state matter was settled with Xun Yu. The Dian lue says Xun Yu was a man of imposing stature and striking looks. The biography of Mi Heng of Pingyuan says that Heng, courtesy name Zhengping, came north from Jingzhou to the new capital at Xu in the early Jian'an years. He trusted in his genius, was proud and ungovernable, judged others too harshly, and refused to speak with anyone he thought beneath him; for that everyone hated him. Only the Privy Treasurer Kong Rong prized his gifts and memorialized the throne, saying, "Pure in character, upright and bright; a towering talent beyond the common run. Once he entered the arts of letters, he passed through the gate and grasped the deepest learning; what his eyes saw once he could recite at once; what his ears heard briefly he never forgot. His nature matched the Way itself; his mind seemed touched by the divine. Set Sang Hongyang's mental arithmetic or Zhang Anshi's silent recall beside Heng, and those famous gifts are nothing to marvel at." Heng was then twenty-four. Though Xu had only lately become the capital, it was already rich in scholars and gentlemen. Heng once wrote out a calling card and kept it in his robe, but the ink smeared away and he found no one worth visiting. Someone asked him, "Why not seek out Chen Qun or Sima Lang?" Heng said, "Do you want me to consort with butcher-and-booth peddlers?" They asked again, "Who in Xu today is truly worth esteem?" Heng said, "Among the elders there is Kong Rong; among the younger there is Yang Xiu." They asked again, "Are Lord Cao, Director Xun, and Zhao Dangkou men who tower above their age?" Heng had little praise for Cao Cao; but seeing Xun Yu's fine looks and Zhao Yan's enormous girth, he answered, "Wenruo could lend his face for condolence calls; Zhichang could supervise the kitchen at a feast." He meant that Xun Yu had nothing but a handsome face, and Zhao Yan was good for nothing but wolfing down meat. At that everyone gnashed their teeth in fury. Heng knew he had angered them all and prepared to go south back to Jingzhou. As he dressed to leave, the others gave him a parting feast, set out food and an awning south of the city, and agreed among themselves, "Heng is always insolent; when he comes late today, let us not rise for him." When Heng arrived, everyone stayed seated; Heng then burst into loud weeping. They asked why; Heng said, "Walking among walking corpses—how could I not weep?" Heng went south to Liu Biao, who received him with great courtesy. General Huang Zu was stationed at Xiakou; Zu's son She was friendly with Heng, and Heng went on with him to Xiakou. Zu admired his talent, and whenever he entertained a distinguished guest he would have someone bring Heng in to talk with him. Later Heng grew arrogant and unyielding; answering Zu in the mocking tones of a street performer, Zu took it as an insult, flew into a rage, and told his guards to seize him by the head and drag him out. His attendants hauled him away and killed him on the spot. Pei Songzhi notes that because the main biography does not describe Xun Yu's looks, he includes the Dian lue and the Heng biography here. Pan Xu also wrote an inscription for Xun Yu, praising his "rare bearing and extraordinary presence." Zhang Heng's Biographies of Literary Gentlemen says Kong Rong repeatedly recommended Heng to Cao Cao and wanted them to meet, but Heng detested the idea and seethed with resentment. Feigning madness, he refused to go, yet kept making provocative remarks. Cao Cao, hearing his reputation, meant to humiliate him and enrolled him as a drum officer. Later, at the August court audience, a great banquet was held and guests gathered from every side. When the drum officers performed in turn, each was to strip off his old clothes and put on fresh ones. When Heng's turn came, he played the Yuyang triphammer beat with an unearthly bearing and a cadence of rare beauty. Every guest who heard him was moved to the depths. When he finished he did not change clothes; an officer rebuked him, so before Cao Cao Heng stripped piece by piece, stood naked, then slowly put on his drawers and cap, beat the triphammer again, and never flushed with shame. Cao Cao laughed aloud and told the whole company, "I meant to shame Heng, but Heng has shamed me instead." The Yuyang triphammer beat survives to this day; Heng created it. Kong Rong rebuked Heng at length and conveyed Cao Cao's wish that they meet. Heng agreed and said, "I will go for your sake." At the October court audience Kong Rong went first to Cao Cao and said that "Heng wished to see him." Late in the day Heng appeared in a plain cloth robe, loose headcloth, and sandals, sat outside Cao Cao's camp gate, beat the ground with a staff, and cursed him again and again. Cao Cao ordered the outer stables to ready three fine horses and two mounted escorts at once, and told Kong Rong, "That wretch Mi Heng dares behave like this! I would kill him as easily as a sparrow or a rat, but he has long carried a hollow fame known far and wide; if I killed him today, people would say I cannot bear talent. I will send him to Liu Biao and see what becomes of him in the end." He had Heng set on a horse between two escorts and sent him off to Nanyang. The Fu zi says Heng was eloquent in speech but overbearing in argument; on the day he met Liu Biao, Governor of Jingzhou, he courted him with every art and was received as an honored guest. Heng praised Liu Biao to the skies, yet judged his attendants by the strictest standards. His attendants then twisted this into slander, saying, "Heng praised the General's benevolence as surpassing even the Western Earl, but said you cannot decide; whoever fails in the end will fail for this reason." Those words really exposed Liu Biao's own lack of judgment, not anything Heng had said. Heng broke with Liu Biao, exhausted his wits before Huang Zu, and died with his name ruined—a laughingstock to the world—because the slanderers had something real to seize on. Cao Cao asked Xun Yu, "Who can take your place as my strategist?" Xun Yu answered, "Xun You and Zhong Yao." Earlier Xun Yu had recommended strategists and planners, advancing Xi Zhicai. Cao Cao regarded Xun Yu as a judge of men; nearly everyone he advanced proved fit for office—only Yan Xiang in Yang province and Wei Kang in Liang province later met defeat and ruin. The Sanfu jue lu says Yan Xiang, courtesy name Wenze, was a man of Jingzhao. In youth he was clever, widely learned, and bold. As Supervisor of the Army and Censor-in-Chief he went to Yang province against Yuan Shu; when Shu died of illness he was made Inspector of Yang province. In the fifth year of Jian'an he was killed by Li Shu, Sun Ce's Administrator of Lujiang; he was thirty-eight. Yan Xiang's fellow townsman Zhao Qi compiled the Sanfu jue lu; fearing contemporaries would not grasp his meaning, he kept the work hidden and showed it only to Xiang. Wei Kang, courtesy name Yuanjiang, was also from Jingzhao. Kong Rong wrote to Kang's father Duan, "The day before yesterday Yuanjiang came—deep talent, bright and flourishing, magnanimous and resolute, a man fit to shape an age. Yesterday Zhongjiang came as well—steadfast and true in character, cultivated and sincere, the sort who preserves a household. Who would have thought two pearls would lately emerge from an old clam—I hold them most dear." Duan was summoned from the governorship of Liang to be Grand Coachman, and Kang succeeded him as Inspector of Liang; contemporaries counted it an honor. Later he was besieged by Ma Chao, held out for a long time, and was killed when relief never came. Zhongjiang was named Dan; see the biography of Liu Shao.
6
自太祖之迎天子也,袁紹內懷不服。 紹旣并河朔,天下畏其彊。 太祖方東憂呂布,南拒張繡,而繡敗太祖軍於宛。 紹益驕,與太祖書,其辭悖慢。 太祖大怒,出入動靜變於常,衆皆謂以失利於張繡故也。 鍾繇以問彧,彧曰:「公之聦明,必不追咎往事,殆有他慮。」 則見太祖問之,太祖乃以紹書示彧,曰:「今將討不義,而力不敵,何如?」 彧曰:「古之成敗者,誠有其才,雖弱必彊,苟非其人,雖彊易弱,劉、項之存亡,足以觀矣。 今與公爭天下者,唯袁紹爾。 紹貌外寬而內忌,任人而疑其心,公明達不拘,唯才所宜,此度勝也。 紹遲重少決,失在後機,公能斷大事,應變無方,此謀勝也。 紹御軍寬緩,法令不立,士卒雖衆,其實難用,公法令旣明,賞罰必行,士卒雖寡,皆爭致死,此武勝也。 紹憑世資,從容飾智,以收名譽,故士之寡能好問者多歸之,公以至仁待人,推誠心不爲虛美,行己謹儉,而與有功者無所恡惜,故天下忠正效實之士咸願爲用,此德勝也。 夫以四勝輔天子,扶義征伐,誰敢不從? 紹之彊其何能爲!」 太祖恱。 彧曰:「不先取呂布,河北亦未易圖也。」 太祖曰:「然。 吾所惑者,又恐紹侵擾關中,亂羌、胡,南誘蜀漢,是我獨以兖、豫抗天下六分之五也。 爲將柰何?」 彧曰:「關中將帥以十數,莫能相一,唯韓遂、馬超最彊。 彼見山東方爭,必各擁衆自保。 今若撫以恩德,遣使連和,相持雖不能久安,比公安定山東,足以不動。 鍾繇可屬以西事。 則公無憂矣。」
Ever since Cao Cao brought the emperor to his side, Yuan Shao had nursed a private resentment. Once Yuan Shao had swallowed the country north of the Yellow River, the empire trembled at his power. Cao Cao was still fretting over Lü Bu to the east and holding Zhang Xiu at bay in the south when Zhang Xiu crushed his army at Wan. Yuan Shao grew bolder by the day; his letter to Cao Cao was insolent and contemptuous. Cao Cao flew into a rage; his whole demeanor changed. Everyone assumed it was the sting of his defeat by Zhang Xiu. Zhong Yao pressed Xun Yu for an explanation. Xun Yu said, “Our lord is too astute to brood over an old reverse; something else is eating at him.” He went straight to Cao Cao and asked. Cao Cao handed him Yuan Shao’s letter and said, “I mean to chastise this traitor, yet I cannot match him in force—what am I to do?” Xun Yu answered, “History shows that the right leader turns weakness into strength and the wrong one squanders even strength. The rise and fall of Liu Bang and Xiang Yu are lesson enough. The only rival left for the empire is Yuan Shao. Yuan Shao seems magnanimous yet envies every able subordinate; he hires talent and then suspects it. You are clear-sighted and easy in manner, placing each man where his gifts fit best—that is the first edge you hold. Yuan Shao is ponderous and hesitant, always a step behind events; you seize the great choices and adapt without a fixed script—that is your second advantage. Yuan Shao’s hosts are numerous but slackly led, with no clear code of discipline; yours are fewer, yet your laws are plain and every reward or punishment is honored, so men vie to die in your service—that is your third edge. Yuan Shao trades on pedigree, strikes a sage pose, and collects flatterers of little real talent. You treat men with genuine kindness, waste no words on hollow praise, live modestly yourself, yet pour out honors on those who earn them—so every honest man of substance wants to serve you. That is your fourth advantage. With those four strengths at your back, upholding the emperor and marching under the banner of justice, who would dare refuse you? What can Yuan Shao’s brute strength accomplish against that?” Cao Cao’s mood brightened. Xun Yu added, “Yet if you do not eliminate Lü Bu first, you will never find an opening in the north.” “True enough,” said Cao Cao. What troubles me is the chance that Yuan Shao will raid Guanzhong, stir the Qiang and northern tribes, and draw Shu and Han into alliance—leaving me to hold Yanzhou and Yuzhou against five-sixths of the empire. How does a commander fight on such terms?” Xun Yu replied, “The warlords of Guanzhong are legion and pull in every direction; only Han Sui and Ma Chao carry real weight. They see the plain east of the mountains still ablaze with war and will cling to their own troops for self-preservation. If you now soothe them with grace and virtue and send envoys to join them in peace, such a standoff may not be secure for long, but compared with the time needed for you to pacify the lands east of the mountains, it will be enough to keep them from moving. Entrust the west to Zhong Yao. Then you need not lose sleep over it.”
7
三年,太祖旣破張繡,東禽呂布,定徐州,遂與袁紹相拒。 孔融謂彧曰:「紹地廣兵彊; 田豐、許攸,智計之士也,爲之謀; 審配、逢紀,盡忠之臣也,任其事; 顏良、文醜,勇冠三軍,統其兵:殆難克乎!」 彧曰:「紹兵雖多而法不整。 田豐剛而犯上,許攸貪而不治。 審配專而無謀,逢紀果而自用,此二人留知後事,若攸家犯其法,必不能縱也,不縱,攸必爲變。 顏良、文醜,一夫之勇耳,可一戰而禽也。」
In the third year of the Jian’an era Cao Cao crushed Zhang Xiu, drove east to capture Lü Bu, secured Xuzhou, and drew up his lines against Yuan Shao. Kong Rong said to Xun Yu, “Yuan Shao commands vast lands and a mighty army; Tian Feng and Xu You are shrewd strategists at his ear; Shen Pei and Feng Ji are loyal ministers who run his administration; Yan Liang and Wen Chou are the bravest captains in his host. Can you possibly break such a power?” Xun Yu answered, “Yuan Shao’s army is large but ill-disciplined. Tian Feng is blunt to the point of insubordination; Xu You is corrupt and undisciplined. Shen Pei is arbitrary and shortsighted; Feng Ji is headstrong and self-willed. Leave them in charge of rear affairs and, should Xu You’s kin break the law, they will show no mercy—and Xu You will turn traitor the moment they do. Yan Liang and Wen Chou are common bravos—you can take them in a single engagement.”
8
五年,與紹連戰。 太祖保官渡,紹圍之。 太祖軍糧方盡,書與彧,議欲還許以引紹。 彧曰:「今軍食雖少,未若楚、漢在滎陽、成皐間也。 是時劉、項莫肯先退,先退者勢屈也。 公以十分居一之衆,畫地而守之,扼其喉而不得進,已半年矣。 情見勢竭,必將有變,此用奇之時,不可失也。」 太祖乃住。 遂以奇兵襲紹別屯,斬其將淳于瓊等,紹退走。 審配以許攸家不法,收其妻子,攸怒叛紹; 顏良、文醜臨陣授首; 田豐以諫見誅:皆如彧所策。
In the fifth year the two sides clashed again and again. Cao Cao stood fast at Guandu while Yuan Shao invested the camp. When grain ran out, Cao Cao wrote to Xun Yu proposing a feigned retreat to Xu to lure Yuan Shao forward. Xun Yu replied, “Short as our supplies are, we are not as desperate as Liu Bang and Xiang Yu were between Xingyang and Chenggao. Neither Liu Bang nor Xiang Yu would be first to break off, for whoever gave ground first lost the initiative. You hold him with a tenth of his numbers, lines drawn in the dust, your grip on his throat unbroken for half a year already. His options are exposed and his momentum spent; a break in the pattern is due. This is the moment for an unexpected stroke—do not throw it away.” Cao Cao held his position. He then sent a flying column against Yuan Shao’s supply depot, cut down Chunyu Qiong and the other defenders, and forced Yuan Shao into retreat. Shen Pei seized Xu You’s family on charges of corruption; Xu You, furious, defected from Yuan Shao; Yan Liang and Wen Chou died on the field; Tian Feng was executed for daring to remonstrate—every turn unfolded as Xun Yu had predicted.
9
六年,太祖就穀東平之安民,糧少,不足與河北相支,欲因紹新破,以其間擊討劉表。 彧曰:「今紹敗,其衆離心,宜乘其困,遂定之; 而背兖、豫,遠師江、漢,若紹收其餘燼,承虛以出人後,則公事去矣。」 太祖復次于河上。 紹病死。 太祖渡河,擊紹子譚、尚,而高幹、郭援侵略河東,關右震動,鍾繇帥馬騰等擊破之。 語在《繇傳》。 八年,太祖錄彧前後功,表封彧爲萬歲亭侯。 〈《彧別傳》載太祖表曰:「臣聞慮爲功首,謀爲賞本,野績不越廟堂,戰多不踰國勳。 是故典阜之錫,不後營丘,蕭何之土,先於平陽。 珍策重計,古今所尚。 侍中守尚書令彧,積德累行,少長無悔,遭世紛擾,懷忠念治。 臣自始舉義兵,周游征伐,與彧勠力同心,左右王略,發言授策,無施不效。 彧之功業,臣由以濟,用披浮雲,顯光日月。 陛下幸許,彧左右機近,忠恪祗順,如履薄冰,研精極銳,以撫庶事。 天下之定,彧之功也。 宜享高爵,以彰元勳。」 彧固辭無野戰之勞,不通太祖表。 太祖與彧書曰:「與君共事已來,立朝廷,君之相爲匡弼,君之相爲舉人,君之相爲建計,君之相爲密謀,亦以多矣。 夫功未必皆野戰也,願君勿讓。」 彧乃受。〉 九年,太祖拔鄴,領冀州牧。 或說太祖「宜復古置九州,則冀州所制者廣大,天下服矣。」 太祖將從之,彧言曰:「若是,則冀州當得河東、馮翊、扶風、西河、幽、并之地,所奪者衆。 前日公破袁尚,禽審配,海內震駭,必人人自恐不得保其土地,守其兵衆也; 今使分屬冀州,將皆動心。 且人多說關右諸將以閉關之計; 今聞此,以爲必以次見奪。 一旦生變,雖有善守者,轉相脅爲非,則袁尚得寬其死,而袁譚懷貳,劉表遂保江、漢之閒,天下未易圖也。 願公急引兵先定河北,然後脩復舊京,南臨荊州,責貢之不入,則天下咸知公意,人人自安。 天下大定,乃議古制,此社稷長久之利也。」 太祖遂寢九州議。
In the sixth year Cao Cao went to forage at Anmin in Dongping. His stores were too thin to sustain a long duel with the north, so he considered exploiting Yuan Shao’s fresh defeat to strike Liu Biao in the interval. Xun Yu objected: “Yuan Shao is broken and his men are losing heart; press the advantage and finish him now; if you turn your back on Yanzhou and Yuzhou and march deep into the Yangzi and Han valleys, Yuan Shao may rally the ashes of his army and slip into your rear—then the whole enterprise is lost.” Cao Cao therefore kept his camps along the Yellow River. Yuan Shao died of illness. Cao Cao crossed the river to attack Yuan Shao’s sons, Tan and Shang, while Gao Gan and Guo Yuan ravaged Hedong and threw the northwest into alarm—until Zhong Yao led Ma Teng and others and broke their power. The account is given in Zhong Yao’s biography. In the eighth year Cao Cao tallied Xun Yu’s services past and present and memorialized the throne to enfeoff him as village marquis of Wansui. 〈The Separate Biography of Xun Yu preserves Cao Cao’s memorial: “I have been taught that foresight crowns success and strategy underpins reward—campaign laurels must not eclipse what is decided at court, nor repeated clashes outweigh service registered to the state. That is why the enfeoffment at Dianfu did not wait on Yingqiu, while the domain granted Xiao He preceded the grant at Pingyang. Honoring wise counsel is a value shared by every age. Your Palace Attendant and acting Supervisor of the Masters of Writing, Xun Yu, has piled virtue upon virtue and kept a blameless course from boyhood to manhood; in these troubled times he has clung to loyalty and longed for good government. Since I first raised my army and rode the circuit of war, Xun Yu and I have pulled together at every turn—he has steadied the royal strategy, and every counsel he gave has borne fruit. I owe the completion of my work to him: he has brushed aside the clouds and let sun and moon shine clear. After Your Majesty came to Xu, he stood at my elbow in the inner government—loyal, diligent, and careful as a man on thin ice, refining every judgment until the machinery of state ran smoothly. The peace of the empire is his doing. He should receive a high noble title so that his founding merit may be plain for all to see.” Xun Yu refused outright, pleading that he had won no laurels in the field, and blocked Cao Cao’s memorial from going forward. Cao Cao wrote to him: “From the day we joined forces to raise this court, you have set me straight, recommended talent, framed strategy, and whispered counsel in the dark—again and again. Not every title is earned with a spear; please do not refuse.” Only then did Xun Yu accept.〉 In the ninth year Cao Cao seized Ye and added the governorship of Ji to his portfolio. Someone urged him to revive the ancient scheme of the Nine Provinces so that Ji would swallow a huge block of territory and awe the empire into submission.” Cao Cao was on the verge of agreeing when Xun Yu said, “If you do that, Ji must absorb Hedong, Fengyi, Fufeng, Xihe, You, and Bing—you would strip away too much from too many. When you crushed Yuan Shang and took Shen Pei alive, the whole country flinched; every warlord began to wonder whether he could still hold his ground or keep his soldiers; and if you now fold those regions into Ji, every commander will take alarm. Besides, rumor already has the northwestern generals talking about sealing the passes; hearing this, they will assume you mean to pick them off one by one. The least disturbance could turn even loyal garrisons mutinous; Yuan Shang would win time to recover, Yuan Tan would grow duplicitous, and Liu Biao would lock himself behind the Yangzi and Han—then the map of empire grows far harder to read. Better to march at once and finish Hebei, restore Luoyang, then turn south toward Jing and call Liu Biao to account for unpaid tribute—the world will understand your purpose, and nerves will steady. Once the empire is truly quiet, you can debate antiquity; that is how altars and grain stay secure for generations.” Cao Cao dropped the Nine Provinces plan.
10
是時荀攸常爲謀主。 彧兄衍以監軍校尉守鄴,都督河北事。 太祖之征袁尚也,高幹密遣兵謀襲鄴,衍逆覺,盡誅之,以功封列侯。 〈《荀氏家傳》曰:衍字休若,彧第三兄。 彧第四兄諶,字友若,事見袁紹傳。 陳羣與孔融論汝、潁人物,羣曰:「荀文若、公達、休若、友若、仲豫,當今並無對。」 衍子紹,位至太僕。 紹子融,字伯雅,與王弼、鍾會俱知名,爲洛陽令,參大將軍軍事,與弼、會論易、老義,傳於世。 諶子閎,字仲茂,爲太子文學掾。 時有甲乙疑論,閎與鍾繇、王朗、袁渙議各不同。 文帝與繇書曰:「袁、王國士,更爲脣齒,荀閎勁悍,往來銳師,真君侯之勍敵,左右之深憂也。」 終黃門侍郎。 閎從孫惲字景文,太子中庶子,亦知名。 與賈充共定音律,又作易集解。 仲豫名恱,朗陵長儉之少子,彧從父兄也。 張璠《漢紀》稱恱清虛沈靜,善於著述。 建安初爲祕書監侍中,被詔刪《漢書》作《漢紀》三十篇,因事以明臧否,致有典要; 其書大行於世。〉 太祖以女妻彧長子惲,後稱安陽公主。 彧及攸並貴重,皆謙冲節儉,祿賜散之宗族知舊,家無餘財。 十二年,復增彧邑千戶,合二千戶。 〈《彧別傳》曰:太祖又表曰:「昔袁紹侵入郊甸,戰於官渡。 時兵少糧盡,圖欲還許,書與彧議,彧不聽臣。 建宜住之便,恢進討之規,更起臣心,易其愚慮,遂摧大逆,覆取其衆。 此彧覩勝敗之機,略不世出也。 及紹破敗,臣糧亦盡,以爲河北未易圖也,欲南討劉表。 彧復止臣,陳其得失,臣用反斾,遂吞凶族,克平四州。 向使臣退於官渡,紹必鼓行而前,有傾覆之形,無克捷之勢。 後若南征,委棄兖、豫,利旣難要,將失本據。 彧之二策,以亡爲存,以禍致福,謀殊功異,臣所不及也。 是以先帝貴指蹤之功,薄搏獲之賞; 古人尚帷幄之規,下攻拔之捷。 前所賞錄,未副彧巍巍之勳,乞重平議,疇其戶邑。」 彧深辭讓,太祖報之曰:「君之策謀,非但所表二事。 前後謙沖,欲慕魯連先生乎? 此聖人達節者所不貴也。 昔介子推有言『竊人之財,猶謂之盜』。 況君密謀安衆,光顯於孤者以百數乎! 以二事相還而復辭之,何取謙亮之多邪!」 太祖欲表彧爲三公,彧使荀攸深讓,至于十數,太祖乃止。〉
By then Xun You had become his principal strategist. Xun Yu’s elder brother Xun Yan, as army-supervising colonel, garrisoned Ye and directed affairs north of the Yellow River. During Cao Cao’s expedition against Yuan Shang, Gao Gan secretly dispatched a strike force against Ye; Xun Yan sniffed out the plot, wiped out the infiltrators, and earned a full marquisate. 〈The family record styles him Xiuruo and names him the third elder brother of Xun Yu. The fourth brother, Xun Chen, courtesy name Youruo, appears in Yuan Shao’s biography. When Chen Qun and Kong Rong compared the worthies of Runan and Yingchuan, Chen Qun declared, “Xun Yu, Xun You, Xun Yan, Xun Chen, and Xun Yue—there is simply no match for them now alive.” Xun Yan’s son Xun Shao rose to be Grand Coachman. Xun Shao’s son Xun Rong, courtesy name Boya, won fame alongside Wang Bi and Zhong Hui, served as magistrate of Luoyang and on the general-in-chief’s staff, and joined Wang and Zhong in explicating the Changes and Laozi—work that long outlived him. Xun Chen’s son Xun Hong, courtesy name Zhongmao, became a literary attendant on the crown prince’s staff. When the court wrangled over the “A and B” ranking lists, Xun Hong, Zhong Yao, Wang Lang, and Yuan Huan each took a different line. Emperor Wen wrote to Zhong Yao, “Yuan Huan and Wang Lang are peers who back each other like lip and teeth; Xun Hong is a tough blade who darts between crack troops—he is a worthy adversary for you, my lord, and a standing headache at your elbow.” He ended his career as a gentleman of the yellow gates. Xun Hong’s grandnephew Xun Yun, courtesy name Jingwen, served as junior mentor to the heir apparent and was likewise celebrated. With Jia Chong he fixed the standard pitches and produced a collected commentary on the Changes. “Zhongyu” was Xun Yue, youngest son of Xun Jian, the magistrate of Langling—Xun Yu’s first cousin once removed. Zhang Fan’s Han Ji describes Xun Yue as spare, contemplative, and reserved, with a gift for authorship. Early in Jian’an he became librarian and palace attendant; ordered to condense the Book of Han, he produced thirty chapters of Han Ji that judged character through narrative and hit the essentials; and the work found a wide readership.〉 Cao Cao married a daughter to Xun Yu’s eldest son, Xun Yun; she was later known as the Princess of Anyang. Xun Yu and Xun You stood high in favor yet lived modestly, channeling stipends and gifts to clan and old friends until neither house held spare coin. In the twelfth year another thousand households were added to Xun Yu’s fief, bringing the total to two thousand. 〈The Separate Biography of Xun Yu adds another memorial: “When Yuan Shao thrust toward the capital approaches and we met at Guandu, my army was starved of men and grain and I meant to pull back to Xu; I wrote to Xun Yu, and he would not let me. He laid out why I should hold my ground, widened the design for a counterstroke, roused my spirit, and cleared my muddled thinking—so the great traitor fell and his army was shattered. That was Xun Yu reading the hinge of fortune; counsel of that order is not met every generation. After Yuan Shao collapsed my own granaries were empty; I thought the north still untamed and meant to turn south against Liu Biao. Xun Yu stopped me again, weighing gain and loss; I reversed my march, swallowed that vicious clan, and brought four provinces to heel. Had I quit Guandu, Yuan Shao would have rolled forward to the drum—my position would have capsized, with no hope of triumph. Had I marched south instead, abandoning Yanzhou and Yuzhou, I would have grasped little profit and lost my footing altogether. Those two decisions of Xun Yu’s turned extinction into survival and disaster into fortune—plans and outcomes beyond my own reach. So the late emperor prized the general who sets the quarry’s path and slighted mere brawlers who seize the game; the ancients ranked tent-bound strategy above the glory of a quick storming. Past grants never matched his towering service; I ask that you reopen the reckoning and enlarge his fief.” Xun Yu refused again. Cao Cao wrote back, “Your counsel is not limited to the two episodes I cited. You keep demurring—are you trying to be another Lu Zhonglian? That is not a model the sage who understands the larger pattern would admire. Jie Zhitui once said, “To seize another man’s goods is still theft.” How much more when you plotted in secret to steady the army and lit my path a hundred times over! I repay two great debts and you still refuse—how much humility is enough?” When Cao Cao tried to nominate Xun Yu for the Three Dukes, Xun Yu had Xun You decline again and again—more than ten rounds—until Cao Cao gave up.〉
11
太祖將伐劉表,問彧策安出,彧曰:「今華夏已平,南土知困矣。 可顯出宛、葉而間行輕進,以掩其不意。」 太祖遂行。 會表病死,太祖直趨宛、葉如彧計,表子琮以州逆降。
As Cao Cao prepared to move against Liu Biao, he asked Xun Yu for the opening gambit. Xun Yu said, “The heartland is quiet; the south already feels the pinch. Feint from Wan and Ye, then slip a light column along hidden tracks and catch them flat-footed.” Cao Cao marched as he proposed. Liu Biao died on the eve of battle; Cao Cao drove straight for Wan and Ye on Xun Yu’s design, and Liu Biao’s son Liu Cong surrendered the province.
12
十七年,董昭等謂太祖宜進爵國公,九錫備物,以彰殊勳,密以諮彧。 彧以爲太祖本興義兵以匡朝寧國,秉忠貞之誠,守退讓之實; 君子愛人以德,不宜如此。 太祖由是心不能平。 會征孫權,表請彧勞軍于譙,因輒留彧,以侍中光祿大夫持節,參丞相軍事。 太祖軍至濡須,彧疾留壽春,以憂薨,時年五十。 諡曰敬侯。 明年,太祖遂爲魏公矣。 《魏氏春秋》曰:太祖饋彧食,發之乃空器也,於是飲藥而卒。 咸熙二年,贈彧太尉。 《彧別傳》曰:彧自爲尚書令,常以書陳事,臨薨,皆焚毀之,故奇策密謀不得盡聞也。 是時征役草創,制度多所興復,彧嘗言於太祖曰:「昔舜分命禹、稷、契、皐陶以揆庶績,教化征伐,並時而用。 及髙祖之初,金革方殷,猶舉民能善教訓者,叔孫通習禮儀於戎旅之閒,世祖有投戈講藝、息馬論道之事,君子無終食之閒違仁。 今公外定武功,内興文學,使干戈戢睦,大道流行,國難方弭,六禮倶治,此姬旦宰周之所以速平也。 旣立德立功,而又兼立言,成仲尼述作之意; 顯制度於當時,揚名於後世,豈不盛哉! 若須武事畢而後制作,以稽治化,於事未敏。 宜集天下大才通儒,考論六經,刊定傳記,存古今之學,除其煩重,以一聖眞,並隆禮學,漸敦教化,則王道兩濟。」 彧從容與太祖論治道,如此之類甚衆,太祖常嘉納之。 彧德行周備,非正道不用心,名重天下,莫不以爲儀表,海内英儁咸宗焉。 司馬宣王常稱書傳遠事,吾自耳目所從聞見,逮百數十年間,賢才未有及荀令君者也。 前後所舉者,命世大才,邦邑則荀攸、鍾繇、陳羣,海内則司馬宣王,及引致當世知名郗慮、華歆、王朗、荀恱、杜襲、辛毗、趙儼之儔,終爲卿相,以十數人。 取士不以一揆,戲志才、郭嘉等有負俗之譏,杜畿簡傲少文,皆以智策舉之,終各顯名。 荀攸後爲魏尚書令,亦推賢進士。 太祖曰:「二荀令之論人,久而益信,吾沒世不忘。」 鍾繇以爲顏子旣沒,能備九德,不貳其過,唯荀彧然。 或問繇曰:「君雅重荀君,比之顏子,自以不及,可得聞乎?」 曰:「夫明君師臣,其次友之。 以太祖之聦明,毎有大事,常先諮之荀君,是則古師友之義也。 吾等受命而行,猶或不盡,相去顧不遠邪!」 《獻帝春秋》曰:董承之誅,伏后與父完書,言司空殺董承,帝方爲報怨。 完得書以示彧,彧惡之,久隱而不言。 完以示妻弟樊普,普封以呈太祖,太祖陰爲之備。 彧後恐事覺,欲自發之,因求使至鄴,勸太祖以女配帝。 太祖曰:「今朝廷有伏后,吾女何得以配上,吾以微功見録,位爲宰相,豈復賴女寵乎!」 彧曰:「伏后無子,性又凶邪,往常與父書,言辭醜惡,可因此廢也。」 太祖曰:「卿昔何不道之?」 彧陽驚曰:「昔已嘗爲公言也。」 太祖曰:「此豈小事而吾忘之!」 彧又驚曰:「誠未語公邪! 昔公在官渡與袁紹相持,恐增内顧之念,故不言爾。」 太祖曰:「官渡事後何以不言?」 彧無對,謝闕而已。 太祖以此恨彧,而外含容之,故世莫得知。 至董昭建立魏公之議,彧意不同,欲言之於太祖。 及齎璽書犒軍,飲饗禮畢,彧留請閒。 太祖知彧欲言封事,揖而遣之,彧遂不得言。 彧卒於壽春,壽春亡者告孫權,言太祖使彧殺伏后,彧不從,故自殺。 權以露布於蜀,劉備聞之,曰:「老賊不死,禍亂未已。」 臣松之案《獻帝春秋》云彧欲發伏后事而求使至鄴,而方誣太祖云「昔已嘗言」。 言旣無徴,迴託以官渡之虞,俛仰之間,辭情頓屈,雖在庸人,猶不至此,何以玷累賢哲哉! 凡諸云云,皆出自鄙俚,可謂以吾儕之言而厚誣君子者矣。 袁暐虚罔之類,此最爲甚也。 子惲,嗣侯,官至虎賁中郎將。 初,文帝與平原侯植並有擬論,文帝曲禮事彧。 及彧卒,惲又與植善,而與夏侯尚不穆,文帝深恨惲。 惲早卒,子甝、霬,音翼。 以外甥故猶寵待。 惲弟俁,御史中丞,俁弟詵,大將軍從事中郎,皆知名,早卒。 《荀氏家傳》曰:惲字長倩,俁字叔倩,詵字曼倩,俁子寓,字景伯。 《世語》曰:寓少與裴楷、王戎、杜默倶有名京邑,仕晉,位至尚書,名見顯著。 子羽嗣,位至尚書。 詵弟顗,咸熙中爲司空。 《晉陽秋》曰:顗字景倩,幼爲姊夫陳羣所異。 博學洽聞,意思愼密。 司馬宣王見顗,奇之,曰:「荀令君之子也。 近見袁偘,亦曜卿之子也。」 擢拜散騎侍郎。 顗佐命晉室,位至太尉,封臨淮康公。 嘗難鍾會「易無互體」,見稱於世。 顗弟粲,字奉倩。 何劭爲粲傳曰:粲字奉倩,粲諸兄並以儒術論議,而粲獨好言道,常以爲子貢稱夫子之言性與天道,不可得聞,然則六籍雖存,固聖人之糠粃。 粲兄俁難曰:「易亦云聖人立象以盡意,繫辭焉以盡言,則微言胡爲不可得而聞見哉?」 粲荅曰:「蓋理之微者,非物象之所舉也。 今稱立象以盡意,此非通于意外者也。 繫辭焉以盡言,此非言乎繫表者也; 斯則象外之意,繫表之言,固蘊而不出矣。」 及當時能言者不能屈也。 又論父彧不如從兄攸。 彧立德髙整,軌儀以訓物,而攸不治外形,愼密自居而已。 粲以此言善攸,諸兄怒而不能迴也。 太和初,到京邑與傅嘏談。 嘏善名理而粲尚玄遠,宗致雖同,倉卒時或有格而不相得意。 裴徽通彼我之懷,爲二家騎驛,頃之,粲與嘏善。 夏侯玄亦親。 常謂嘏、玄曰:「子等在世塗間,功名必勝我,但識劣我耳!」 嘏難曰:「能盛功名者,識也。 天下孰有本不足而末有餘者邪?」 粲曰:「功名者,志局之所獎也。 然則志局自一物耳,固非識之所獨濟也。 我以能使子等爲貴,然未必齊子等所爲也。」 粲常以婦人者,才智不足論,自宜以色爲主。 驃騎將軍曹洪女有美色,粲於是娉焉,容服帷帳甚麗,專房歡宴。 歴年後,婦病亡,未殯,傅嘏往喭粲; 粲不哭而神傷。 嘏問曰:「婦人才色並茂爲難。 子之娶也,遺才而好色。 此自易遇,今何哀之甚?」 粲曰:「佳人難再得! 顧逝者不能有傾國之色,然未可謂之易遇。」 痛悼不能已,歳餘亦亡,時年二十九。 粲簡貴,不能與常人交接,所交皆一時俊傑。 至葬夕,赴者裁十餘人,皆同時知名士也,哭之,感慟路人。 惲子甝,嗣爲散騎常侍,進爵廣陽鄕侯,年三十薨。 子頵嗣。 《荀氏家傳》曰:頵字温伯,爲羽林右監,早卒。 頵子崧,字景猷。 《晉陽秋》稱崧少有志操,雅好文學,孝義和愛,在朝恪勤,位至左右光祿大夫、開府儀同三司。 崧子羨,字令則,淸和有才。 尚公主,少歴顯位,年二十八爲北中郎將,徐、兖二州刺史,假節都督徐、兖、靑三州諸軍事。 在任十年,遇疾解職,卒於家,追贈驃騎將軍。 羨孫伯子,今御史中丞也。 霬官至中領軍,薨,諡曰貞侯,追贈驃騎將軍。 子愷嗣。 霬妻,司馬景王、文王之妹也,二王皆與親善。 咸熙中,開建五等,霬以著勳前朝,改封愷南頓子。 《荀氏家傳》曰:愷,晉武帝時爲侍中。 干寶《晉紀》曰:武帝使侍中荀顗、和嶠倶至東宮,觀察太子。 顗還稱太子德識進茂,而嶠云聖質如初。 孫盛曰「遣荀勗」,其餘語則同。 臣松之案和嶠爲侍中,荀顗亡沒久矣。 荀勗位亞台司,不與嶠同班,無縁方稱侍中。 二書所云,皆爲非也。 考其時位,愷寔當之。 愷位至征西大將軍。 愷兄憺,少府。 弟悝,護軍將軍,追贈車騎大將軍。
In the seventeenth year, Dong Zhao and others urged that the Grand Progenitor be raised to Duke of a State with the full nine bestowals to honor his exceptional achievements, and they quietly sought Yu's counsel. Yu held that the Grand Progenitor had originally raised righteous armies to restore the dynasty and pacify the realm, maintaining loyal integrity and the virtue of modest restraint; A gentleman shows care for others through virtue — such a course was inappropriate. The Grand Progenitor consequently took this badly at heart. When Cao Cao marched against Sun Quan, he petitioned to have Yu encourage the troops at Qiao, then kept him there — appointing him Palace Attendant and Household Counsellor with credentials of authority to assist the Chancellor in military affairs. When the Grand Progenitor's army reached Ruxu, Yu fell ill and remained at Shouchun, where he died of grief at the age of fifty. He was posthumously titled Marquis Jing. The following year, the Grand Progenitor became Duke of Wei. The Wei Clan Annals says that the Grand Progenitor sent Yu food, but when he opened it, the container was empty — whereupon Yu drank poison and died. In the second year of Xianxi, Yu was posthumously awarded the rank of Grand Commandant. The Separate Biography of Yu records that from his time as Director of the Masters of Writing, he habitually submitted affairs in writing; on his deathbed he burned them all, so his most ingenious strategies were never fully known. At that time campaigns and corvée were still being organized and many institutions were being revived. Yu once told the Grand Progenitor: "Long ago, Shun separately charged Yu, Ji, Qi, and Gao Yao with governing the people's affairs — civilizing instruction and military campaigns were pursued at the same time. Even at the beginning of the Han, when warfare was still fierce, the court still sought out men capable of teaching and instruction — Shusun Tong mastered ritual amid military encampments, and Emperor Guangwu set aside arms to lecture on the classics and rested horses to discuss the Way. A gentleman does not neglect benevolence even for the span of a single meal. Now you have subdued the realm by force abroad and are fostering scholarship at home — weapons are being laid aside, the Great Way spreads, national crisis is being resolved, and the six rites are being restored. This is how the Duke of Zhou governed Zhou and brought peace so swiftly. You have established virtue and merit, and by adding literary achievement you fulfill Confucius's purpose in his writings; making your institutions manifest in your own age and your fame endure for posterity — what could be more splendid! If you wait until all military matters are finished before turning to cultural institutions in order to examine governance and transformation, you will have been too slow. You should assemble the empire's greatest scholars and Confucian experts to examine and discuss the Six Classics, standardize the commentarial traditions, preserve learning ancient and modern while eliminating what is redundant, unify them around the sage's true teaching, and together elevate ritual learning to gradually deepen civilizing instruction — then the royal Way will be fully realized on both fronts." Yu often discussed principles of governance with the Grand Progenitor in an unhurried manner; the Grand Progenitor frequently approved and adopted his counsel. Yu's virtue and conduct were complete in every respect; he devoted himself only to the right path. His fame resounded throughout the realm, and all regarded him as a model — the most distinguished men in the land looked up to him. The Lord of Xuan (Sima Yi) often said: "In historical records and in what I myself have witnessed over more than a hundred years, I have seen no talent to equal Director Xun." Those he recommended over the years were truly exceptional talents: Xun You, Zhong Yao, and Chen Qun from his home region; the Lord of Xuan from across the realm; and he also recruited such celebrated figures as Xi Lu, Hua Xin, Wang Lang, Xun Yue, Du Xi, Xin Pi, and Zhao Yan — more than a dozen in all who rose to ministerial rank. He did not select men by a single standard: Xi Zhicai and Guo Jia had reputations for violating convention, and Du Ji was austere, proud, and unpolished — yet he recommended all of them for their strategic brilliance, and each rose to prominence. Xun You later served as Wei Director of the Masters of Writing and likewise promoted worthy talents. The Grand Progenitor said: "The two Directors Xun judged men so well that time only confirms their judgment — I shall never forget it." Zhong Yao believed that since Yan Hui's death, only Xun Yu had possessed all nine virtues without wavering from his principles. Someone asked Zhong Yao: "You greatly esteem Lord Xun and compare him to Yan Hui, yet say you cannot match him — may we hear why?" He replied: "An enlightened lord treats his minister as a teacher, or at least as a friend. Given the Grand Progenitor's brilliance, whenever a major matter arose he always consulted Lord Xun first — that is the ancient ideal of a teacher-friend relationship. We merely receive orders and carry them out, and even then we sometimes fall short — are we not rather close to each other in standing!" The Spring and Autumn Annals of Emperor Xian records that after Dong Cheng's execution, Empress Fu wrote to her father Fu Wan, saying the Minister of Works had killed Dong Cheng and the Emperor was now bent on revenge. Fu Wan received the letter and showed it to Yu; Yu was appalled but kept silent about it for a long time. Fu Wan showed it to his wife's younger brother Fan Pu, who sealed it and presented it to the Grand Progenitor; Cao Cao secretly began to prepare against the threat. Yu later feared discovery and wished to expose the matter himself; he requested permission to go to Ye as envoy and urged the Grand Progenitor to marry his daughter to the Emperor. The Grand Progenitor said: "The court already has Empress Fu — how can my daughter be made empress? I rose to the chancellorship on modest merit alone — must I rely on my daughter's favor now?" Yu said: "Empress Fu has no children, and her nature is vicious and depraved. Her letters to her father were full of ugly and vile language — she can be deposed on that basis." The Grand Progenitor said: "Why didn't you tell me this before?" Yu feigned surprise and said: "I already told you about it long ago." The Grand Progenitor said: "This is hardly a trifling matter — how could I have forgotten it!" Yu feigned surprise again: "Truly I never told you, my lord! When you were at Guandu in stalemate with Yuan Shao, I feared it would distract you with domestic worries, so I said nothing." The Grand Progenitor said: "Why didn't you speak after Guandu?" Yu had no answer and could only apologize for his failure. The Grand Progenitor harbored resentment over this but concealed it outwardly, so the world never knew. When Dong Zhao proposed establishing the Duke of Wei, Yu disagreed and wished to speak to the Grand Progenitor about it. When Yu arrived bearing the imperial edict to reward the troops and the banquet concluded, he stayed behind to request a private audience. The Grand Progenitor knew Yu wanted to discuss the enfeoffment; he bowed and dismissed him, and Yu never got to speak. When Yu died at Shouchun, a refugee from that city told Sun Quan that the Grand Progenitor had ordered Yu to kill Empress Fu, that Yu refused, and therefore killed himself. Sun Quan publicized this account to Shu; when Liu Bei heard it, he said: "That old villain is not dead — the turmoil is far from over." Pei Songzhi notes: The Spring and Autumn Annals of Emperor Xian says Yu wished to expose the Empress Fu affair and sought an envoy mission to Ye, yet then falsely told the Grand Progenitor "I had already told you." His claim had no basis; he then pivoted to the excuse of Guandu — and in that exchange his argument collapsed utterly. Even an ordinary man would not behave so — how could such conduct be imputed to a worthy sage! All such accounts come from vulgar sources — they use the words of common folk to slander a gentleman most unjustly. Among fabricators like Yuan Hui, this case is the worst. His son Yun succeeded to the marquisate and rose to Tiger Guard Commander of the Central. Early on, both Emperor Wen and the Marquis of Pingyuan (Cao Zhi) were contenders for succession; Emperor Wen treated Yu with especial courtesy. After Yu's death, Yun remained friendly with Cao Zhi but was on bad terms with Xiahou Shang; Emperor Wen deeply resented him. Yun died young, leaving sons Kan and Hui (the latter pronounced Yi). Because of the family connection by marriage, they were still treated with favor. Yun's younger brother Hou served as Censor-in-Chief; Hou's younger brother Shen served as Staff Officer to the General-in-Chief — all were well known and died young. The Genealogical Biography of the Xun Clan records: Yun styled Changqian, Hou styled Shuqian, Shen styled Manqian, and Hou's son Yu styled Jingbo. The Tales of the Age records that in youth Yu was as famous in the capital as Pei Kai, Wang Rong, and Du Mo; serving Jin, he rose to Master of Writing with great renown. His son Yu succeeded him and rose to Master of Writing. Shen's younger brother Yi served as Minister of Works during the Xianxi period. The Spring and Autumn Annals of Jin records that Yi styled Jingqian and was recognized as extraordinary in youth by his brother-in-law Chen Qun. He was erudite and well informed, with careful and penetrating judgment. When the Lord of Xuan (Sima Yi) met Yi, he was struck by him and said: "He is Director Xun's son. I recently met Yuan Kan — he too is Lord Yao's son." He was promoted to Gentleman of the Central Secretariat. Yi assisted in establishing the Jin dynasty, rose to Grand Commandant, and was enfeoffed as Duke Kang of Linhuai. He once disputed Zhong Hui's claim that "the Book of Changes has no mutual imagery," earning renown throughout the realm. Yi's younger brother Can styled Fengqian. He Shao wrote a biography of Can: Can styled Fengqian. His elder brothers all debated in the Confucian tradition, but Can alone loved to discuss the Way. He often argued that since Zigong said the Master's words on human nature and the Way of Heaven could not be fully conveyed, the Six Classics, though preserved, are but the sage's chaff. Can's elder brother Hou objected: "The Book of Changes says the sage established images to fully express meaning and appended words to fully express speech — then why could subtle teachings not be heard?" Can replied: "Subtle principles cannot be fully conveyed through material images. To say that establishing images fully expresses meaning is not to penetrate beyond the image itself. Attaching words to fully express speech is not to speak of what is merely attached to the surface; the meaning beyond the images and the words beyond the surface are inherently contained and do not emerge." At the time, none of the leading debaters could defeat him. He also argued that his father Yu was inferior to his cousin Xun You. Yu's virtue was lofty and orderly, teaching others through standard and ceremony; Xun You did not cultivate appearances outwardly, contenting himself with careful inward reserve. Can used this argument to praise Xun You; his elder brothers were furious but could not change his mind. Early in the Taihe reign, he came to the capital and discussed philosophy with Fu Gu. Fu Gu excelled at logical disputation while Can favored the abstruse and metaphysical; though they shared fundamental aims, in quick exchanges they sometimes clashed and failed to understand each other. Pei Hui understood both men's perspectives and mediated between them; before long, Can and Fu Gu became friends. He was also close to Xiahou Xuan. He often told Fu Gu and Xiahou Xuan: "You will surpass me in worldly fame and achievement, but your understanding falls short of mine!" Fu Gu objected: "It is insight that produces great fame and achievement. Who in the world has a weak foundation but abundant fruit?" Can replied: "Fame and achievement are the rewards of ambition and vision. Ambition and vision are one thing — they are not achieved by insight alone. I take pride in being able to make men like you succeed, yet I may not equal what men like you achieve." Can often said that a woman's intellect was not worth discussing — beauty was what mattered. The daughter of General of Agile Cavalry Cao Hong was renowned for her beauty; Can married her, furnishing their private chamber lavishly and devoting himself to her exclusively. After several years his wife died of illness; before the funeral, Fu Gu came to console Can; Can did not weep outwardly, but his spirit was crushed. Fu Gu asked: "It is rare for a woman to possess both talent and beauty. In marrying, you set aside talent and chose beauty alone. That should be easy to replace — why grieve so deeply?" Can said: "A woman of such beauty cannot be found again! She may not have had nation-toppling beauty, but one still cannot call her easy to replace." He could not recover from his grief; a little over a year later he too died, at the age of twenty-nine. Can was refined and aloof; he could not mix with ordinary people and associated only with the age's finest minds. On the night of his burial, only a dozen or so mourners came — all distinguished men of the day — and their weeping moved passersby to tears. Yun's son Kan succeeded him as Regular Attendant of the Central Secretariat, was advanced to Marquis of Guangyang Township, and died at thirty. His son Yin succeeded him. The Genealogical Biography of the Xun Clan records that Yin styled Wenbo, served as Right Director of the Forest of Feathers, and died young. Yin's son Song styled Jingyou. The Spring and Autumn Annals of Jin praises Song as a youth of noble aspiration, devoted to literature, filial and compassionate; diligent in office, he rose to Household Grandee of the Left and Right and Grand Master with Imperial Carriage Honors. Song's son Xian styled Lingze — refined, harmonious, and talented. He married an imperial princess, held distinguished office from youth, and at twenty-eight became General of the North and Central, Governor of Xu and Yan Provinces, with credentials of authority as Commander of military affairs in Xu, Yan, and Qing. After ten years in office he fell ill and resigned; he died at home and was posthumously awarded the rank of General of Agile Cavalry. Xian's grandson Bozi is the present Censor-in-Chief. Hui rose to Central Army Inspector; he died and was posthumously titled Marquis Zhen and awarded the rank of General of Agile Cavalry. His son Kai succeeded him. Hui's wife was the younger sister of the Kings of Jing and Wen (Sima Shi and Sima Zhao); both Sima brothers were on close terms with the family. During Xianxi, when the five noble ranks were established, Kai was enfeoffed as Viscount of Nandun in recognition of Hui's merit under the previous dynasty. The Genealogical Biography of the Xun Clan records that Kai served as Palace Attendant under Emperor Wu of Jin. Gan Bao's Annals of Jin records that Emperor Wu sent Palace Attendants Xun Yi and He Qiao together to the Eastern Palace to observe the Crown Prince. On returning, Yi reported that the Crown Prince's virtue and insight were flourishing; He Qiao said his sage-like qualities were unchanged. Sun Sheng writes "sent Xun Xu"; the rest is the same. Pei Songzhi notes: He Qiao was Palace Attendant, but Xun Yi had long been dead. Xun Xu ranked just below the chief ministers and was not in He Qiao's cohort — he could not have been called simply "Palace Attendant." Both accounts are wrong. Considering the dates and offices involved, Kai must have been the man. Kai rose to General Who Conquers the West. Kai's elder brother Dan served as Minister Steward. His younger brother Kui served as General Who Guards the Army and was posthumously awarded the rank of General of Chariots and Cavalry.
13
荀攸字公達,彧從子也。 祖父曇,廣陵太守。 〈《荀氏家傳》曰:曇字元智。 兄昱,字伯脩。 張璠《漢紀》稱昱、曇並傑俊有殊才。 昱與李膺、王暢、杜密等號爲八俊,位至沛相。 攸父彝,州從事。 彝於彧爲從祖兄弟。〉 攸少孤。 及曇卒,故吏張權求守曇墓。 攸年十三,疑之,謂叔父衢曰:「此吏有非常之色,殆將有姦!」 衢寤,乃推問,果殺人亡命。 由是異之。 〈《魏書》曰:攸年七八歲,衢曾醉,誤傷攸耳; 而攸出入遊戲,常避護不欲令衢見。 衢後聞之,乃驚其夙智如此。 荀氏家傳曰:衢子祈,字伯旗,與族父愔俱著名。 祈與孔融論肉刑,愔與孔融論聖人優劣,並在融集。 祈位至濟陰太守; 愔後徵有道,至丞相祭酒。〉
Xun You, courtesy name Gongda, was Xun Yu’s nephew. His grandfather Xun Tan had been governor of Guangling. 〈The family record gives his courtesy name as Yuanzhi. The elder brother was Xun Yu the Elder, style Boxiu—not the minister who shares the name. Zhang Fan’s Han Ji describes Xun Yu the Elder and Xun Tan together as brilliant men of uncommon ability. That Xun Yu the Elder ranked among the Eight Handsome with Li Ying, Wang Chang, and Du Mi, and rose to be chancellor of Pei. Xun You’s father, Xun Yi, served on the provincial staff. Xun Yi and Xun Yu were cousins of the same clan generation, linked through a common great-grandfather.〉 Xun You lost his parents while still a boy. When Xun Tan died, a former clerk named Zhang Quan volunteered to watch the grave. At thirteen Xun You found that odd and told his uncle Xun Qu, “That man’s face is wrong—he is up to something!” Xun Qu woke to the point, interrogated Zhang Quan, and learned he was a fugitive killer. From that day the family knew he was extraordinary. 〈The Book of Wei adds that when Xun You was seven or eight, his uncle Xun Qu once, in his cups, gashed Xun You’s ear; yet whenever the boy went out to play he hid the wound so Xun Qu would not see it. When Xun Qu learned of it later, he marveled at such precocious tact. The family record names Xun Qu’s son Xun Qi, courtesy name Boqi, who stood as famous as his kinsman Xun Yin. Xun Qi argued corporal punishment with Kong Rong; Xun Yin debated the ranking of sages with him—both exchanges survive in Kong Rong’s corpus. Xun Qi became governor of Jiyin; Xun Yin was later summoned as a man “possessing the Way” and rose to libationer to the chancellor.〉
14
何進秉政,徵海內名士攸等二十餘人。 攸到,拜黃門侍郎。 董卓之亂,關東兵起,卓徙都長安。 攸與議郎鄭泰、何顒、侍中种輯、越騎校尉伍瓊等謀曰:「董卓無道,甚於桀紂,天下皆怨之,雖資彊兵,實一匹夫耳。 今直刺殺之以謝百姓,然後據殽、函,輔王命,以號令天下,此桓文之舉也。」 事垂就而覺,收顒、攸繫獄,顒憂懼自殺, 〈張璠《漢紀》曰:顒字伯求,少與郭泰、賈彪等遊學洛陽,泰等與同風好。 顒顯名太學,於是中朝名臣太傅陳蕃、司隷李膺等皆深接之。 及黨事起,顒亦名在其中,乃變名姓亡匿汝南間,所至皆交結其豪桀。 顒旣奇太祖而知荀彧,袁紹慕之,與爲奔走之友。 是時天下士大夫多遇黨難,顒常歲再三私入洛陽,從紹計議,爲諸窮窘之士解釋患禍。 而袁術亦豪俠,與紹爭名。 顒未常造術,術深恨之。 《漢末名士錄》曰:術嘗於衆坐數顒三罪,曰:「王德彌先覺儁老,名德高亮,而伯求踈之,是一罪也。 許子遠凶淫之人,性行不純,而伯求親之,是二罪也。 郭、賈寒窶,無他資業,而伯求肥馬輕裘,光曜道路,是三罪也。」 陶丘洪曰:「王德彌大賢而短於濟時,許子遠雖不純而赴難不憚濡足。 伯求舉善則以德彌爲首,濟難則以子遠爲宗。 且伯求嘗爲虞偉高手刃復仇,義名奮發。 其怨家積財巨萬,文馬百駟,而欲使伯求羸牛疲馬,頓伏道路,此爲披其胷而假仇敵之刃也。」 術意猶不平。 後與南陽宗承會於闕下,術發怒曰:「何伯求,凶德也,吾當殺之。」 承曰:「何生英俊之士,足下善遇之,使延令名於天下。」 術乃止。 後黨禁除解,辟司空府。 每三府掾屬會議,顒策謀有餘,議者皆自以爲不及。 遷北軍中候,董卓以爲長史。 後荀彧爲尚書令,遣人迎叔父司空爽喪,使并置顒尸,而葬之於爽冢傍。〉 攸言語飲食自若,會卓死得免。 〈《魏書》云攸使人說卓得免,與此不同。〉 棄官歸,復辟公府,舉高第,遷任城相,不行。 攸以蜀漢險固,人民殷盛,乃求爲蜀郡太守,道絕不得至,駐荊州。
While He Jin dominated the court, he summoned over twenty luminaries of the empire, Xun You among them. On arrival Xun You was named gentleman of the yellow gates. When Dong Zhuo threw the capital into chaos, coalition armies rose east of Hangu, and Dong Zhuo shifted the court to Chang’an. Xun You joined Gentlemen of Discussion Zheng Tai and He Yong, Palace Attendant Chong Ji, colonel of the Grooms Wu Qiong, and others in a plot: “Dong Zhuo is a tyrant worse than Jie or Zhou; the world hates him; strong as his army looks, he is only one man. Strike him down now to answer the people, seize the Yao–Han passes, restore the emperor’s writ, and command the lords—that is work worthy of Duke Huan or Duke Wen.” The plot nearly succeeded before it leaked; He Yong and Xun You were thrown into prison; He Yong killed himself in terror, 〈Zhang Fan’s Han Ji identifies He Yong, courtesy name Boqiu, who as a youth studied in Luoyang with Guo Tai, Jia Biao, and others of like mind. He Yong’s name rang through the Imperial University, and great ministers at court—Chen Fan, Li Ying, and the rest—courted his friendship. When the partisan proscriptions struck, he was on the lists, changed his name, and fled to Runan, everywhere befriending its stalwarts. He Yong had marked Cao Cao early and knew Xun Yu; Yuan Shao admired him and became his confidant. While most scholars suffered under the proscriptions, He Yong slipped into Luoyang several times a year to scheme with Yuan Shao and shield the hunted from harm. Yuan Shu, swaggering champion in his own right, vied with Yuan Shao for renown. He Yong never paid Yuan Shu a visit, and Yuan Shu nursed a grudge for it. The Late Han roster of worthies records that Yuan Shu once, in company, listed three counts against He Yong: “Wang Demi recognized that venerable talent before anyone else—renown and integrity both high—yet Boqiu shunned him. That is the first fault. Xu You is vicious and lewd by reputation, hardly a man of clean habits, yet Boqiu befriended him. That is the second fault. Guo Tai and Jia Biao lived in threadbare poverty, yet Boqiu paraded fine horses and silken furs down the highway. That is the third fault.” Taoqiu Hong objected: “Wang Demi is a sage too lofty for rough-and-tumble politics; Xu You may be flawed, yet he wades into danger without flinching. When Boqiu praised virtue he put Wang Demi first; when he faced crisis he relied on Xu You. Besides, Boqiu once drew his own blade to avenge Yu Weigao—an act that made his honorable name ring out. That enemy clan sat on fortunes and strings of blooded steeds, yet they would have had He Yong limp along on broken-down draft animals—exposing his heart and handing his enemies the knife.” Yuan Shu remained unsatisfied. Later, beneath the palace gate, he ran into Zong Cheng of Nanyang and snarled, “He Yong is a wicked man—I should cut him down.” Zong Cheng replied, “He Yong is a brilliant man; treat him generously and you will spread his good name across the realm.” Yuan Shu dropped the threat. When the proscription lists were cleared, he received a summons to the Minister of Works. Whenever the three high offices met in council, He Yong’s plans outclassed the rest—every man there knew he fell short. He rose to colonel of the northern camp; Dong Zhuo named him chief clerk. Later Xun Yu, as Supervisor of the Masters of Writing, sent escorts for his uncle Xun Shuang’s hearse, had He Yong’s body laid beside it, and buried both men at the foot of Xun Shuang’s mound.〉 Xun You ate and spoke as calmly as if nothing were wrong; Dong Zhuo died before the sentence could fall, and he walked free. 〈The Book of Wei claims Xun You bought his life by talking Dong Zhuo round—a different story from the one given here.〉 He quit his post and went home, was summoned again to the chancellor’s bureau, graded top of the list for promotion to chancellor of Rencheng—and declined to take it up. Because Shu and Han were strategically secure and the people there were numerous and prosperous, Xun You asked to become governor of Shu Commandery; the route was cut off, so he could not reach it and remained in Jing Province.
15
太祖迎天子都許,遺攸書曰:「方今天下大亂,智士勞心之時也,而顧觀變蜀漢,不已久乎!」 於是徵攸爲汝南太守,入爲尚書。 太祖素聞攸名,與語大恱,謂荀彧,鍾繇曰:「公達,非常人也,吾得與之計事,天下當何憂哉!」 以爲軍師。 建安三年,從征張繡。 攸言於太祖曰:「繡與劉表相恃爲彊,然繡以遊軍仰食於表,表不能供也,勢必離。 不如緩軍以待之,可誘而致也; 若急之,其勢必相救。」 太祖不從,遂進軍之穰,與戰。 繡急,表果救之。 軍不利。 太祖謂攸曰:「不用君言至是。」 乃設奇兵復戰,大破之。
After Cao Cao brought the emperor to Xu and established his court there, he wrote to Xun You: “The empire is in chaos—this is the hour for men of mind to strain every nerve—yet you watch events from the Shu and Han region as if you had forever to wait!” He thereupon called Xun You to be governor of Runan, then brought him in as a Master of Writing. Cao Cao had long heard of Xun You; one conversation delighted him. He told Xun Yu and Zhong Yao, “Gongda is extraordinary—if I can scheme with him, what is left to fear in the world?” He named him army adviser. In Jian’an 3 he joined the expedition against Zhang Xiu. Xun You told Cao Cao, “Zhang Xiu and Liu Biao lean on each other, but Zhang Xiu’s mobile column lives off Liu Biao’s granaries, which cannot sustain them—they must fall out. Loosen the pressure and wait; you can lure them apart; press too hard and they will cling together for survival.” Cao Cao ignored the advice, marched on Rang, and offered battle. Zhang Xiu buckled; Liu Biao came to his aid as predicted. Cao Cao’s army took a beating. Cao Cao said to Xun You, “I ignored your counsel and landed here.” He then threw in a surprise column, renewed the fight, and routed the enemy.
16
是歲,太祖自宛征呂布, 〈《魏書》曰:議者云表、繡在後而還襲呂布,其危必也。 攸以爲表、繡新破,勢不敢動。 布驍猛,又恃袁術,若從橫淮、泗間,豪傑必應之。 今乘其初叛,衆心未一,往可破也。 太祖曰:「善。」 比行,布以敗劉備,而臧霸等應之。〉 至下邳,布敗退固守,攻之不拔,連戰,士卒疲,太祖欲還。 攸與郭嘉說曰:「呂布勇而無謀,今三戰皆北,其銳氣衰矣。 三軍以將爲主,主衰則軍無奮意。 夫陳宮有智而遲,今及布氣之未復,宮謀之未定,進急攻之,布可拔也。」 乃引沂、泗灌城,城潰,生禽布。
That same year Cao Cao marched from Wan against Lü Bu, 〈The Book of Wei notes that some argued that with Liu Biao and Zhang Xiu at his back, a swing against Lü Bu courted disaster. Xun You held that Liu Biao and Zhang Xiu were too battered to stir. Lü Bu fights like a devil and still has Yuan Shu’s backing; give him room between the Huai and Si and every local chieftain will flock to him. Strike now, while his defection is fresh and his camp still divided, and you can break him. Cao Cao said, “Agreed.” By the time the army moved, Lü Bu had beaten Liu Bei and Zang Ba and others had joined him.〉 At Xiapi Lü Bu fell back into a tight defense; repeated assaults failed and the men flagged; Cao Cao thought of pulling out. Xun You and Guo Jia urged him: “Lü Bu is brave but witless; three defeats in a row have dulled his edge. An army is only as bold as its commander; when the commander flags, the troops lose heart. Chen Gong is clever but slow; hit them before Lü Bu’s nerve returns and Chen Gong’s plans set—then Xiapi falls.” They diverted the Yi and Si into the walls, the ramparts collapsed, and Lü Bu was taken alive.
17
後從救劉延於白馬,攸畫策斬顏良。 語在武紀。 太祖拔白馬還,遣輜重循河而西。 袁紹渡河追,卒與太祖遇。 諸將皆恐,說太祖還保營,攸曰:「此所以禽敵,柰何去之!」 太祖目攸而笑。 遂以輜重餌賊,賊競奔之,陣亂。 乃縱步騎擊,大破之,斬其騎將文醜,太祖遂與紹相拒於官渡。 軍食方盡,攸言於太祖曰:「紹運車旦暮至,其將韓𦳣銳而輕敵,擊可破也。」 〈臣松之案諸書,韓𦳣或作韓猛,或云韓若,未詳孰是。〉 太祖曰:「誰可使?」 攸曰:「徐晃可。」 乃遣晃及史渙邀擊破走之,燒其輜重。 會許攸來降,言紹遣淳于瓊等將萬餘兵迎運糧,將驕卒惰,可要擊也。 衆皆疑。 唯攸與賈詡勸太祖。 太祖乃留攸及曹洪守。 太祖自將攻破之,盡斬瓊等。 紹將張郃、高覽燒攻櫓降,紹遂棄軍走。 郃之來,洪疑不敢受,攸謂洪曰:「郃計不用,怒而來,君何疑?」 乃受之。
Later, in the relief of Liu Yan at Baima, Xun You laid the trap that removed Yan Liang. The full account is in the martial annals. After lifting the siege at Baima, Cao Cao sent his supply wagons down the north bank toward the west. Yuan Shao crossed the river in pursuit and ran headlong into Cao Cao. The generals panicked and begged Cao Cao to fall back to camp; Xun You said, “This is exactly how we bag them—why retreat?” Cao Cao looked at Xun You and laughed. He used the wagons as bait; Yuan Shao’s men swarmed to seize them and their ranks dissolved. Then he unleashed horse and foot, shattered the pursuit force, and killed Wen Chou; after that Cao Cao and Yuan Shao settled into the stalemate at Guandu. When grain ran low, Xun You told Cao Cao, “Yuan Shao’s supply train is almost here; its escort commander, Han Meng, is aggressive and careless—hit him and you break the convoy.” 〈Pei Songzhi notes that the sources spell the commander’s name differently—Han Meng, Han Ruo, or the rare graph in the text—and it is unclear which is right.〉 Cao Cao asked, “Whom shall I send?” Xun You answered, “Xu Huang.” He sent Xu Huang and Shi Huan to intercept the column, drive it off, and put the supplies to the torch. Then Xu You defected with word that Chunyu Qiong was escorting the grain with over ten thousand men—officers cocky, men slack—ripe for an ambush. The staff hesitated. Only Xun You and Jia Xu urged Cao Cao to strike. Cao Cao left Xun You and Cao Hong to hold the main camp. He led the storming party himself, overran the depot, and executed Chunyu Qiong and his officers. Zhang He and Gao Lan fired the siege towers and came over; Yuan Shao abandoned his army and ran. When Zhang He arrived, Cao Hong hesitated; Xun You said, “His advice was spurned—he comes in anger. What is there to fear?” Cao Hong took them in.
18
七年,從討袁譚、尚於黎陽。 明年,太祖方征劉表,譚、尚爭冀州。 譚遣辛毗乞降請救,太祖將許之,以問羣下。 羣下多以爲表彊,宜先平之,譚、尚不足憂也。 攸曰:「天下方有事,而劉表坐保江、漢之閒,其無四方志可知矣。 袁氏據四州之地,帶甲十萬,紹以寬厚得衆,借使二子和睦以守其成業,則天下之難未息也。 今兄弟遘惡,其勢不兩全。 若有所并則力專,力專則難圖也。 及其亂而取之,天下定矣,此時不可失也。」 太祖曰:「善。」 乃許譚和親,遂還擊破尚。 其後譚叛,從斬譚於南皮。 冀州平,太祖表封攸曰:「軍師荀攸,自初佐臣,無征不從,前後克敵,皆攸之謀也。」 於是封陵樹亭侯。 十二年,下令大論功行封,太祖曰:「忠正密謀,撫寧內外,文若是也。 公達其次也。」 增邑四百,并前七百戶, 〈《魏書》曰:太祖自柳城還,過攸舍,稱述攸前後謀謨勞勳,曰:「今天下事略已定矣,孤願與賢士大夫共饗其勞。 昔高祖使張子房自擇邑三萬戶,今孤亦欲君自擇所封焉。」〉 轉爲中軍師。 魏國初建,爲尚書令。
In the seventh year he joined the campaign against Yuan Tan and Yuan Shang at Liyang. The next year, as Cao Cao readied a move on Liu Biao, the Yuan brothers tore Ji province apart. Yuan Tan sent Xin Pi to sue for peace and beg aid; Cao Cao was inclined to agree and polled his advisers. Most argued that Liu Biao was the stronger threat and should be crushed first; the Yuan brothers could wait. Xun You said, “The world is still aflame, yet Liu Biao sits between the Yangzi and Han without lifting a finger—he has no mind to look beyond his borders. The Yuans hold four provinces and a hundred thousand men-at-arms; their father won loyalty with leniency. Had the brothers kept the peace, their power would have plagued you for years. Now they hate each other; neither can survive intact. Let one swallow the other and his power concentrates—then he becomes far harder to break. Strike while they are at each other’s throats and the empire falls into place—do not miss the opening.” Cao Cao said, “Well said.” He granted Yuan Tan a marriage alliance, then wheeled about and shattered Yuan Shang. When Yuan Tan later rebelled, he joined the campaign that took his head at Nanpi. After Ji fell, Cao Cao memorialized rewards: “Army adviser Xun You has marched on every campaign since he joined me; every victory rests on his counsel.” Xun You was enfeoffed as village marquis of Lingshu. In the twelfth year Cao Cao issued a general order on rewards: “Loyal, upright, and discreet in counsel, the man who steadied court and camp was Xun Yu. Gongda comes next after him.” He added four hundred households to the old grant of seven hundred, for a total of eleven hundred, 〈The Book of Wei adds that on his return from Liucheng Cao Cao stopped at Xun You’s door, rehearsed his long service, and said, “The realm is nearly won; I mean to share the feast of labor with every worthy at my side. Gaozu once let Zhang Liang pick a domain of thirty thousand households; I would have you choose your own grant.”〉" He was promoted to central army adviser. When the kingdom of Wei was founded, he became Supervisor of the Masters of Writing.
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攸深密有智防,自從太祖征伐,常謀謩帷幄,時人及子弟莫知其所言。 〈《魏書》曰:攸姑子辛韜曾問攸說太祖取冀州時事。 攸曰:「佐治爲袁譚乞降,王師自往平之,吾何知焉?」 自是韜及內外莫敢復問軍國事也。〉 太祖每稱曰:「公達外愚內智,外怯內勇,外弱內彊,不伐善,無施勞,智可及,愚不可及,雖顏子、寗武不能過也。」 文帝在東宮,太祖謂曰:「荀公達,人之師表也,汝當盡禮敬之。」 攸曾病,世子問病,獨拜牀下,其見尊異如此。 攸與鍾繇善,繇言:「我每有所行,反覆思惟,自謂無以易; 以咨公達,輒復過人意。」 公達前後凡畫奇策十二,唯繇知之。 繇撰集未就,會薨,故世不得盡聞也。 〈臣松之案:攸亡後十六年,鍾繇乃卒,撰攸奇策,亦有何難? 而年造八十,猶云未就,遂使攸從征機策之謀不傳於世,惜哉!〉 攸從征孫權,道薨。 太祖言則流涕。 〈《魏書》曰:時建安十九年,攸年五十八。 計其年大彧六歲。 《魏書》載太祖令曰:「孤與荀公達周遊二十餘年,無毫毛可非者。」 又曰:「荀公達真賢人也,所謂『溫良恭儉讓以得之』。 孔子稱『晏平仲善與人交,久而敬之』,公達即其人也。」 《傅子》曰:或問近世大賢君子,荅曰:「荀令君之仁,荀軍師之智,斯可謂近世大賢君子矣。 荀令君仁以立德,明以舉賢,行無諂黷,謀能應機。 孟軻稱『五百年而有王者興,其間必有命世者』,其荀令君乎! 太祖稱『荀令君之進善,不進不休,荀軍師之去惡,不去不止』也。」〉
Xun You was guarded and close-mouthed; on every campaign he framed strategy behind the curtain—neither contemporaries nor his own kin knew what he whispered to Cao Cao. 〈The Book of Wei records that his cousin’s son Xin Tao once pressed him for the story of the conquest of Ji. Xun You replied, “Xin Pi begged peace for Yuan Tan, and the royal army marched in to finish it—what is there for me to tell?” After that neither Xin Tao nor anyone else dared ask him about state secrets.〉 Cao Cao often said, “Gongda seems dull yet is brilliant, seems timid yet is bold, seems frail yet is iron; he trumpets no virtue and claims no fatigue. Another man might match his wit—no one could match his deliberate plainness—not Yan Hui nor Ning Wu could top him.” To the crown prince he said, “Xun Gongda is the pattern of a minister; honor him with every courtesy.” When Xun You fell ill, the heir apparent came alone to his bedside and bowed—the mark of exceptional respect. Zhong Yao, his close friend, said, “I chew over every plan until I am sure it cannot be bettered; then I put it to Gongda and he improves it beyond what I imagined.” Gongda devised twelve masterstrokes in all; only Zhong Yao knew the full list. Zhong Yao began to compile them but died before finishing, so posterity never heard the whole tale. 〈Pei Songzhi objects: Zhong Yao outlived Xun You by sixteen years—what stopped him from finishing the record? Yet he lived past eighty still claiming the book unfinished, and so Xun You’s field stratagems were lost to history—what a waste!〉 Xun You joined the expedition against Sun Quan and died en route. Whenever Cao Cao spoke of him afterward, tears came. 〈The Book of Wei dates his death to Jian-an 19, at the age of fifty-eight.) By that reckoning he was six years Xun Yu’s senior. The Book of Wei preserves Cao Cao’s edict: “Gongda and I have ridden the circuit of war together for more than twenty years, and I have never found a flaw in him.” It adds, “Gongda is the genuine article—the kind of man the classics mean when they praise modest virtue. Confucius said Yan Ying won respect the longer men knew him; Gongda was cut from the same cloth.” Fu Xuan records that when someone asked who ranked among the great men of the age, the answer ran: “Xun Yu’s humanity and Xun You’s brilliance—that pair defines the standard. Xun Yu built character on kindness, raised talent with clear judgment, kept his hands clean of sycophancy, and read every crisis aright. Mencius promised a world-shaping sage between each true king—surely he meant men like Xun Yu. Cao Cao praised them, saying, “Lord Xun the Director advances the good and does not rest until it is advanced; Xun the Army Adviser removes evil and does not stop until it is removed.”〉
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長子緝,有攸風,早沒。 次子適嗣,無子,絕。 黃初中,紹封攸孫彪爲陵樹亭侯,邑三百戶,後轉封丘陽亭侯。 正始中,追謚攸曰敬侯。
His eldest son, Xun Ji, showed his father’s quality but died young. The second son, Xun Shi, inherited the title but left no heir, so the house lapsed. Under Huangchu, Cao Pi enfeoffed Xun You’s grandson Xun Biao at Lingshu, three hundred households, later moving the grant to Qiuyang. In Zhengshi he received the posthumous title Marquis Jing.
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賈詡字文和,武威姑臧人也。 少時人莫知,唯漢陽閻忠異之,謂詡有良、平之奇。 《九州春秋》曰:中平元年,車騎將軍皇甫嵩旣破黃巾,威震天下。 閻忠時罷信都令,説嵩曰:「夫難得而易失者時也,時至而不旋踵者機也,故聖人常順時而動,智者必因機以發。 今將軍遭難得之運,蹈易解之機,而踐運不撫,臨機不發,將何以享大名乎?」 嵩曰:「何謂也?」 忠曰:「天道無親,百姓與能,故有髙人之功者,不受庸主之賞。 今將軍授鉞於初春,收功於末冬,兵動若神,謀不再計,旬月之間,神兵電掃,攻堅易於折枯,摧敵甚於湯雪,七州席巻,屠三十六萬方,夷黃巾之師,除邪害之患,或封戸刻石,南向以報德,威震本朝,風馳海外。 是以羣雄迴首,百姓企踵,雖湯武之舉,未有髙於將軍者。 身建髙人之功,北面以事庸主,將何以圖安?」 嵩曰:「心不忘忠,何爲不安?」 忠曰:「不然。 昔韓信不忍一飱之遇,而棄三分之利,拒蒯通之忠,忽鼎跱之勢,利劒已揣其喉,乃嘆息而悔,所以見烹於兒女也。 今主勢弱於劉、項,將軍權重於淮陰,指麾可以振風雲,叱咤足以興雷電; 赫然奮發,因危抵頽,崇恩以綏前附,振武以臨後服; 徴冀方之士,動七州之衆,羽檄先馳於前,大軍震響於後,蹈蹟漳河,飲馬孟津,舉天網以網羅京都,誅閹宦之罪,除羣怨之積忿,解久危之倒懸。 如此則攻守無堅城,不招必影從,雖兒童可使奮空拳以致力,女子可使其褰裳以用命,況厲智能之士,因迅風之勢,則大功不足合,八方不足同也。 功業已就,天下已順,乃燎于上帝,告以天命,混齊六合,南面以制,移神器於己家,推亡漢以定祚,實神機之至決,風發之良時也。 夫木朽不彫,世衰難佐,將軍雖欲委忠難佐之朝,彫畫朽敗之木,猶逆坂而走丸,必不可也。 方今權宦羣居,同惡如市,主上不自由,詔命出左右。 如有至聦不察,機事不先,必嬰後悔,亦無及矣。」 嵩不從,忠乃亡去。 《英雄記》曰:涼州賊王國等起兵,共劫忠爲主,統三十六部,號車騎將軍。 忠感慨發病而死。 察孝廉爲郎,疾病去官,西還至汧,道遇叛氐,同行數十人皆爲所執。 詡曰:「我段公外孫也,汝別埋我,我家必厚贖之。」 時太尉段熲,昔久爲邊將,威震西土,故詡假以懼氐。 氐果不敢害,與盟而送之,其餘悉死。 詡實非段甥,權以濟事,咸此類也。
Jia Xu, courtesy name Wenhe, was a native of Guzang in Wuwei. In youth no one noticed him, but Yan Zhong of Hanyang singled him out and said Jia Xu had the genius of a Zhang Liang or Chen Ping. The Spring and Autumn of the Nine Provinces says: In Zhongping 1, General of Chariots and Cavalry Huangfu Song, having crushed the Yellow Turbans, shook the realm with his prestige. Yan Zhong had just left office as magistrate of Xindu and urged Song: "What is hard to seize and easy to lose is opportunity; when it comes you must not hesitate—that is the decisive moment. Sages move with the times; the wise seize the moment. You stand in a rare fortune and on the brink of an opening you could take—yet you nurture neither fortune nor occasion. How will you win a great name?" Song asked, "What do you mean?" Zhong said, "Heaven favors merit, not persons; the people raise the capable. One who has done transcendent work does not take his reward from a mediocre master. You took command in spring and finished the campaign by winter. Your armies moved like spirits; your plans needed no second thought. In a few months they swept the field like lightning—storming fortified places as easily as snapping dry wood, shattering the foe faster than snow melts in boiling water. Seven provinces fell like a mat rolled shut. Three hundred sixty thousand households were put to the sword. The Yellow Turbans were annihilated and the realm cleansed of their poison. Men carved your deeds in stone and turned south to thank Heaven. Your fame shook the court; your renown raced overseas. War lords everywhere turned to watch; common folk craned their necks in hope. Even Tang and Wu did no greater deeds than yours. You have built transcendent achievement yet serve a mediocre lord as his subject—how can you hope to stay safe?" Song said, "If I keep loyalty in heart, why should I lack safety?" Zhong said, "No. Once Han Xin could not bring himself to betray a single meal's kindness. He threw away the chance to divide the realm three ways, spurned Kuai Tong's loyal advice, and ignored the precarious balance of power. The blade was already at his throat before he sighed in regret—so a boy and a girl boiled him alive. Your sovereign is weaker than Liu Bang and Xiang Yu were; your authority outweighs the Marquis of Huaiyin's. One gesture of your hand can stir wind and cloud; one shout can raise thunder and lightning; Rouse yourself boldly; turn the realm's crisis into your lever. Shower favor on those who submit early; brandish arms against those who hold back; Call up the warriors of Ji, mobilize the seven provinces—dispatch your urgent summons ahead and thunder after with the main host. Cross the Zhang River; water your horses at Meng Ford. Cast the net of heaven over the capital. Punish the eunuch criminals, clear the people's stored hatred, and end the peril that has hung the realm upside down for years. No city could stand against you; men would flock unasked. Children would clench empty fists for you; women would lift their skirts to march. Rouse the able and ride the gale, and no combined merit could rival you, no force in the eight directions could stand united against you. When your work is done and the realm bows, burn offerings to Heaven and proclaim the Mandate. Unite the six directions, face south and rule, move the imperial regalia to your house, and replace the dying Han to fix the throne—that is the supreme stroke of fate and the perfect hour to strike. Rotten wood will not take a carving; a declining age will not take a worthy counselor. Even if you mean to serve this court loyally, you would be painting rotten timber—like rolling a ball uphill. It cannot be done. Today the eunuch faction packs the palace like merchants in a market. The emperor is not his own master; edicts come from whoever stands at his elbow. Miss this moment while you still have wit enough to see it, and regret will come too late to help." Song refused; Zhong fled and never returned. Records of Heroes says: The Liang rebel Wang Guo and others rebelled, seized Yan Zhong as their leader, united thirty-six bands, and styled him General of Chariots and Cavalry. Moved to grief, Yan Zhong took ill and died. Nominated as Filial and Incorrupt, Jia Xu became a palace gentleman but resigned for illness. Returning west to Qian, he met rebel Di on the road; dozens traveling with him were seized. Jia Xu said, "I am Lord Duan's grandson by his daughter—bury me apart. My kin will pay a heavy ransom." Grand Commandant Duan Yong had long served on the frontier; his fame terrified the west—so Jia Xu borrowed the name to frighten them. The Di dared not harm him, swore peace and let him go; all the others died. Jia Xu was no relation of Duan Yong; he had improvised to save himself. He often got by this way.
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董卓之入洛陽,詡以太尉掾爲平津都尉,遷討虜校尉。 卓壻中郎將牛輔屯陝,詡在輔軍。 卓敗,輔又死,衆恐懼,校尉李傕、郭汜、張濟等欲解散,間行歸鄉里。 詡曰:「聞長安中議欲盡誅涼州人,而諸君棄衆單行,即一亭長能束君矣。 不如率衆而西,所在收兵,以攻長安,爲董公報仇,幸而事濟,奉國家以征天下,若不濟,走未後也。」 衆以爲然。 傕乃西攻長安。 語在卓傳。 〈臣松之以爲傳稱「仁人之言,其利愽哉」! 然則不仁之言,理必反是。 夫仁功難著,而亂源易成,是故有禍機一發而殃流百世者矣。 當是時,元惡旣梟,天地始開,致使厲階重結,大梗殷流,邦國遘殄悴之哀,黎民嬰周餘之酷,豈不由賈詡片言乎? 詡之罪也,一何大哉! 自古兆亂,未有如此之甚。〉 後詡爲左馮翊,傕等欲以功侯之,詡曰:「此救命之計,何功之有!」 固辭不受。 又以爲尚書僕射,詡曰:「尚書僕射,官之師長,天下所望,詡名不素重,非所以服人也。 縱詡昧於榮利,柰國朝何!」 乃更拜詡尚書,典選舉,多所匡濟,傕等親而憚之。 〈《獻帝紀》曰:郭汜、樊稠與傕互相違戾,欲鬬者數矣。 詡輒以道理責之,頗受詡言。 《魏書》曰:詡典選舉,多選舊名以爲令僕,論者以此多詡。〉 會母喪去官,拜光祿大夫。 傕、汜等鬬長安中, 〈《獻帝紀》曰:傕等與詡議,迎天子置其營中。 詡曰:「不可。 脅天子,非義也。」 傕不聽。 張繡謂詡曰:「此中不可久處,君胡不去?」 詡曰:「吾受國恩,義不可背。 卿自行,我不能也。」〉 傕復請詡爲宣義將軍。 〈《獻帝紀》曰:傕時召羌、胡數千人,先以御物繒綵與之,又許以宮人婦女,欲令攻郭汜。 羌、胡數來闚省門,曰:「天子在中邪! 李將軍許我宮人美女,今皆安在?」 帝患之,使詡爲之方計。 詡乃密呼羌、胡大帥飲食之,許以封爵重寶,於是皆引去。 傕由此衰弱。〉 傕等和,出天子,祐護大臣,詡有力焉。 〈《獻帝紀》曰:天子旣東,而李傕來追,王師敗績。 司徒趙溫、太常王偉、衞尉周忠、司隷榮邵皆爲傕所嫌,欲殺之。 詡謂傕曰:「此皆天子大臣,卿柰何害之?」 傕乃止。〉 天子旣出,詡上還印綬。 是時將軍段煨屯華陰, 〈《典略》稱煨在華陰時,脩農事,不虜略。 天子東還,煨迎道貢遺周急。 獻帝紀曰:後以煨爲大鴻臚光祿大夫,建安十四年,以壽終。〉 與詡同郡,遂去傕託煨。 詡素知名,爲煨軍所望。 煨內恐其見奪,而外奉詡禮甚備,詡愈不自安。
When Dong Zhuo seized Luoyang, Jia Xu held a clerkship under the grand commandant, became colonel of Pingjin, then rose to colonel for barbarian suppression. Dong Zhuo’s son-in-law Niu Fu, a general of the household, garrisoned Shan; Jia Xu served on his staff. After Dong Zhuo fell and Niu Fu died as well, the western troops panicked; Li Jue, Guo Si, Zhang Ji, and the other colonels talked of breaking up and slipping home. Jia Xu warned them, “Word from Chang’an is that they mean to slaughter every man from the northwest; if you shed your armies and travel light, a single post captain could arrest you. Better march west in strength, sweep up recruits along the way, and storm Chang’an in Dong Zhuo’s name. If you win, you can still pretend to serve the throne; if you lose, you can run later.” They agreed. Li Jue then attacked westward toward Chang’an. The story is told in Dong Zhuo’s biography. 〈Pei Songzhi considers: the tradition says “The words of a humane man—how far their benefit reaches!”) Inhumane words must work the opposite harm. Good is slow to show, evil spreads fast—a single spark can curse generations. The arch-traitor was dead and order might have dawned; instead the ladder of violence was rebuilt, the realm choked anew, states ruined, commoners suffering worse than the Zhou survivors—all from one sentence of Jia Xu’s? How vast his guilt. Never has a few words done comparable harm.〉 Later, as administrator of western Fengyi, he refused a marquisate from Li Jue’s clique: “That was a stratagem to stay alive—no merit there.” He declined outright. They tried to name him vice-director of the secretariat; he replied, “That post is the senior model for officials—the whole court watches it. My name carries too little weight to command respect. Even if I care nothing for rank, what of the damage to the state?” They made him a plain Master of Writing in charge of appointments instead; he steadied policy while Li Jue both courted and feared him. 〈The Xian annals note that Guo Si, Fan Chou, and Li Jue quarreled repeatedly and nearly came to blows.) Jia Xu rebuked them on principle until they grudgingly listened. The Book of Wei adds that his appointments favored old-line families, which drew criticism.〉 He resigned for his mother’s mourning, then returned as grand master of splendid horses. When Li Jue and Guo Si tore Chang’an apart, 〈The annals say Li Jue wanted Jia Xu’s backing to park the emperor inside his camp.) Xu said: “It cannot be. Holding the emperor hostage is unjust.” Li Jue ignored him. Zhang Xiu urged him, “We cannot stay here—why not leave?” Jia Xu answered, “The court favored me once; duty forbids me to bolt. Go if you must; I will not.”〉" Li Jue then named him General Who Clarifies Righteousness. 〈The annals relate that Li Jue hired thousands of Qiang and Hu with silks from the palace stores and promises of imperial women if they would strike Guo Si.) The tribesmen kept peering at the palace gate, shouting, “Is the emperor really in there? Li Jue promised us palace girls—where are they?” The emperor, frantic, told Jia Xu to defuse the mob. Jia Xu secretly feasted their chiefs, promised titles and treasure, and sent them home. Li Jue’s power collapsed with them.〉 When the warlords patched a truce, freed the emperor, and shielded his ministers, Jia Xu had a hand in it. 〈The annals add that after the court fled east, Li Jue chased them and broke the escort.) Li Jue marked Zhao Wen, Wang Wei, Zhou Zhong, and Rong Shao for death. Jia Xu told him, “These are the emperor’s ministers—murder them and you seal your infamy.” Li Jue relented.〉 Once the emperor was free, Jia Xu handed back his seals. General Duan Wei was camped at Huayin, 〈The Dianlue says Duan Wei ran orderly farms at Huayin and forbade looting.) When the court moved east, Duan Wei met the column with supplies for the desperate. The Xian annals record that he later became grand herald and died a natural death in Jian-an 14.〉 He was a countryman of Jia Xu’s, so Jia Xu quit Li Jue and placed himself under Duan Wei. Jia Xu’s fame made Duan Wei’s troops admire him. Duan Wei envied his talent yet showered him with courtesy—so Jia Xu grew more uneasy, not less.
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張繡在南陽,詡陰結繡,繡遣人迎詡。 詡將行,或謂詡曰:「煨待君厚矣,君安去之?」 詡曰:「煨性多疑,有忌詡意,禮雖厚,不可恃,久將爲所圖。 我去必喜,又望吾結大援於外,必厚吾妻子。 繡無謀主,亦願得詡,則家與身必俱全矣。」 詡遂往,繡執子孫禮,煨果善視其家。 詡說繡與劉表連和。 〈《傅子》曰:詡南見劉表,表以客禮待之。 詡曰:「表,平世三公才也; 不見事變,多疑無決,無能爲也。」〉 太祖比征之,一朝引軍退,繡自追之。 詡謂繡曰:「不可追也,追必敗。」 繡不從,進兵交戰,大敗而還。 詡謂繡曰:「促更追之,更戰必勝。」 繡謝曰:「不用公言,以至於此。 今已敗,柰何復追?」 詡曰:「兵勢有變,亟往必利。」 繡信之,遂收散卒赴追,大戰,果以勝還。 問詡曰:「繡以精兵追退軍,而公曰必敗; 退以敗卒擊勝兵,而公曰必剋。 悉如公言,何其反而皆驗也?」 詡曰:「此易知耳。 將軍雖善用兵,非曹公敵也。 軍雖新退,曹公必自斷後; 追兵雖精,將旣不敵,彼士亦銳,故知必敗。 曹公攻將軍無失策,力未盡而退,必國內有故; 已破將軍,必輕軍速進,縱留諸將斷後,諸將雖勇,亦非將軍敵,故雖用敗兵而戰必勝也。」 繡乃服。 是後,太祖拒袁紹於官渡,紹遣人招繡,并與詡書結援。 繡欲許之,詡顯於繡坐上謂紹使曰:「歸謝袁本初,兄弟不能相容,而能容天下國士乎?」 繡驚懼曰:「何至於此!」 竊謂詡曰:「若此,當何歸?」 詡曰:「不如從曹公。」 繡曰:「袁彊曹弱,又與曹爲讎,從之如何?」 詡曰:「此乃所以宜從也。 夫曹公奉天子以令天下,其宜從一也。 紹彊盛,我以少衆從之,必不以我爲重。 曹公衆弱,其得我必喜,其宜從二也。 夫有霸王之志者,固將釋私怨,以明德於四海,其宜從三也。 願將軍無疑!」 繡從之,率衆歸太祖。 太祖見之,喜,執詡手曰:「使我信重於天下者,子也。」 表詡爲執金吾,封都亭侯,遷冀州牧。 冀州未平,留參司空軍事。 袁紹圍太祖於官渡,太祖糧方盡,問詡計焉出,詡曰:「公明勝紹,勇勝紹,用人勝紹,決機勝紹,有此四勝而半年不定者,但顧萬全故也。 必決其機,須臾可定也。」 太祖曰:「善。」 乃并兵出,圍擊紹三十餘里營,破之。 紹軍大潰,河北平。
Zhang Xiu held Nanyang; Jia Xu courted him in secret until Zhang sent escorts to fetch him. Friends asked, “Duan Wei has been generous—how can you just walk away?” Jia Xu answered, “Duan Wei is suspicious by nature. His kindness is a mask; wait long enough and he will move against me. My leaving pleases him, and he will hope I win a powerful patron abroad—so he will pamper my family to show good faith. Zhang Xiu lacks a strategist and wants me; both I and my kin stay safer there.” He went; Zhang Xiu honored him like a teacher, and Duan Wei, as predicted, cared for his family. Jia Xu brokered an alliance between Zhang Xiu and Liu Biao. 〈Fu Xuan notes that Jia Xu called on Liu Biao, who received him as an honored guest.) Jia Xu judged him “a peacetime minister of the highest rank, but he misses the turning of events, dithers in doubt, and will never seize the day.”〉" Cao Cao had raided him repeatedly; one dawn Cao pulled out, and Zhang Xiu gave chase in person. Jia Xu said, “Do not pursue—you will lose.” Zhang Xiu ignored him, attacked, and was routed. Then Jia Xu said, “Strike again at once—you will win.” Zhang Xiu said, “I ignored you and paid for it. We are beaten—how can we chase now?” “The battlefield has shifted; hurry and you profit.” Zhang Xiu trusted him, rallied broken units, struck again, and won. Zhang Xiu asked, “I chased your retreat with elite troops and you foretold defeat; then I hit your victors with my broken men and you promised victory. Both prophecies came true—how?” “Simple logic. You are a fine commander, but no match for Cao Cao. His army had just pulled back, yet he would guard the rear himself; so your pursuers, though elite, faced him in person and lost. Cao Cao had not blundered against you; a retreat with strength left means trouble behind his own lines; having beaten you once he would rush ahead lightly, leaving subordinates to cover his rear—brave men, but not your equal—so even your shattered column could beat them.” Zhang Xiu conceded the point. Later, at Guandu, Yuan Shao wooed Zhang Xiu and wrote Jia Xu offering alliance. Zhang Xiu was ready to agree when Jia Xu told Yuan’s envoy in open court, “Tell Yuan Shao his own brothers cannot share a roof—how will he make room for us?” Zhang Xiu gasped, “You go that far?” he whispered, “Then where do we turn?” “To Cao Cao.” “Yuan Shao is strong, Cao Cao weak, and I have blood on his hands—how can we serve him?” Jia Xu replied, “That is precisely why Cao Cao is the right choice. First, he holds the emperor’s mandate—he speaks with heaven’s authority. Second, Yuan Shao is already mighty; a small contingent from us would be lost in his shadow. Third, Cao Cao is still building his strength—he will welcome us with open arms. A man bent on empire must bury old scores to show the world his magnanimity—Cao Cao is such a man. Have no doubt, General.” Zhang Xiu took the counsel, brought his army in, and surrendered to Cao Cao. Cao Cao received him with joy, seized Jia Xu’s hand, and said, “You are the man who won the world’s trust for me.” He named Jia Xu Bearer of the Mace, enfeoffed him as a metropolitan village marquis, and on paper made him governor of Ji. Ji was still unconquered, so Jia Xu stayed on as military adviser to the minister of works. At Guandu, with grain almost gone, Cao Cao asked Jia Xu for a way out. Jia Xu said, “You outclass Yuan Shao in judgment, courage, use of talent, and speed of decision—yet the stalemate drags on because you insist on risk-free moves. Commit to a decisive stroke and it ends in an instant.” “Good,” said Cao Cao.” He massed his forces, fell on Yuan Shao’s thirty-li line of camps, and shattered it. Yuan Shao’s host melted away and the north was his.
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太祖領冀州牧,徙詡爲太中大夫。 建安十三年,太祖破荊州,欲順江東下。 詡諫曰:「明公昔破袁氏,今收漢南,威名遠著,軍勢旣大; 若乘舊楚之饒,以饗吏士,撫安百姓,使安土樂業,則可不勞衆而江東稽服矣。」 太祖不從,軍遂無利。 〈臣松之以爲詡之此謀,未合當時之宜。 于時韓、馬之徒尚狼顧關右,魏武不得安坐郢都以威懷吳會,亦已明矣。 彼荊州者,孫、劉之所必爭也。 荊人服劉主之雄姿,憚孫權之武略,爲日旣久,誠非曹氏諸將所能抗禦。 故曹仁守江陵,敗不旋踵,何撫安之得行,稽服之可期? 將此旣新平江、漢,威懾揚、越,資劉表水戰之具,藉荊楚檝櫂之手,實震蕩之良會,廓定之大機。 不乘此取吳,將安俟哉? 至於赤壁之敗,蓋有運數。 實由疾疫大興,以損淩厲之鋒,凱風自南,用成焚如之勢。 天實爲之,豈人事哉? 然則魏武之東下,非失筭也。 詡之此規,爲無當矣。 魏武後克平張魯,蜀中一日數十驚,劉備雖斬之而不能止,由不用劉曄之計,以失席卷之會,斤石旣差,悔無所及,即亦此事之類也。 世咸謂劉計爲是,即愈見賈言之非也。〉 太祖後與韓遂、馬超戰於渭南,超等索割地以和,并求任子。 詡以爲可偽許之。 又問詡計策,詡曰:「離之而已。」 太祖曰:「解。」 一承用詡謀。 語在武紀。 卒破遂、超,詡本謀也。
When Cao Cao took the governorship of Ji himself, he moved Jia Xu to grand palace counselor. In Jian-an 13, after conquering Jing, Cao Cao meant to sweep down the Yangzi. Jia Xu urged restraint: “My lord, you have crushed the Yuans and taken the lands south of the Han—your fame and your army are already immense; use Chu’s wealth to feed your troops, calm the people, and let them settle to their plows—then the south can yield without another hard campaign.” Cao Cao refused; the southern expedition came to grief. 〈Pei Songzhi argues that Jia Xu’s advice did not suit the actual situation.) Han Sui and Ma Chao still glared from the northwest; Cao Cao could hardly rule the southeast from a distant capital—that much was plain. Jing was ground Sun Quan and Liu Bei would fight for to the last. The locals admired Liu Bei and feared Sun Quan; they would not bow easily to any general Cao Cao left behind. Cao Ren lost Jiangling almost at once—there was no window for “soothing” or “submission.” They had just taken the middle Yangzi, terrified the southeast, seized Liu Biao’s fleet and Jing’s boatmen—this was the moment to strike east, not to pause. If not then, when? The Red Cliff disaster owed much to fate. Sickness ravaged the army and dulled its edge; a southerly wind completed the fire attack. Heaven intervened as much as human error. So Cao Cao’s eastward march was not a simple blunder. On this point Pei Songzhi finds Jia Xu wrong. The same kind of misjudgment appears later: after Zhang Lu fell, Shu convulsed daily; Liu Bei could not stop the panic even with executions, because Cao Cao ignored Liu Ye’s counsel and missed the chance to roll up Shu in one sweep—once the measure slips, regret is useless. Since posterity praises Liu Ye, it condemns Jia Xu all the more sharply.〉 Later, south of the Wei, Cao Cao faced Han Sui and Ma Chao, who demanded land and royal hostages for peace. Jia Xu advised him to pretend to agree. Asked how, Jia Xu said, “Drive a wedge between them.” “Understood,” said Cao Cao.” He followed the ruse to the letter. The campaign is narrated in the martial annals. Han Sui and Ma Chao were broken—Jia Xu had framed the core strategy.
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是時,文帝爲五官將,而臨菑侯植才名方盛,各有黨與,有奪宗之議。 文帝使人問詡自固之術,詡曰:「願將軍恢崇德度,躬素士之業,朝夕孜孜,不違子道。 如此而已。」 文帝從之,深自砥礪。 太祖又嘗屏除左右問詡,詡嘿然不對。 太祖曰:「與卿言而不荅,何也?」 詡曰:「屬適有所思,故不即對耳。」 太祖曰:「何思?」 詡曰:「思袁本初、劉景升父子也。」 太祖大笑,於是太子遂定。 詡自以非太祖舊臣,而策謀深長,懼見猜疑,闔門自守,退無私交,男女嫁娶,不結高門,天下之論智計者歸之。
While Cao Pi headed the five offices, Cao Zhi’s literary fame peaked; each brother had a faction and the succession hung in the balance. Cao Pi sent to ask how to secure his position; Jia Xu answered, “Grow in moral stature, live like a humble scholar, work tirelessly, and never stray from a son’s duty. Nothing more than that.” Cao Pi took the lesson to heart and honed himself. Cao Cao once dismissed his attendants and pressed Jia Xu, who sat mute. Cao Cao demanded, “I ask you a question and you say nothing—why?” “I was thinking of something else and could not answer at once.” “Of what?” “Of Yuan Shao and Liu Biao—and how they ruined their heirs.” Cao Cao laughed, and the crown prince was decided. Knowing he was no long-serving insider yet wielded dangerous influence, Jia Xu lived behind closed doors, avoided private ties, and refused grand marriage alliances—while every strategist in the land still sought his ear.
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文帝即位,以詡爲太尉,《魏略》曰:文帝得詡之對太祖,故即位首登上司。 荀勗別傳曰:晉司徒闕,武帝問其人於勗。 荅曰:「三公具瞻所歸,不可用非其人。 昔魏文帝用賈詡爲三公,孫權笑之。」 進爵魏壽鄕侯,增邑三百,并前八百戸。 又分邑二百,封小子訪爲列侯。 以長子穆爲駙馬都尉。 帝問詡曰:「吾欲伐不從命以一天下,呉、蜀何先?」 對曰:「攻取者先兵權,建本者尚德化。 陛下應期受禪,撫臨率土,若綏之以文德而俟其變,則平之不難矣。 呉、蜀雖蕞爾小國,依岨山水,劉備有雄才,諸葛亮善治國,孫權識虚實,陸議見兵勢,據險守要,汎舟江湖,皆難卒謀也。 用兵之道,先勝後戰,量敵論將,故舉無遺策。 臣竊料羣臣,無備、權對,雖以天威臨之,未見萬全之勢也。 昔舜舞干戚而有苗服,臣以爲當今宜先文後武。」 文帝不納。 後興江陵之役,士卒多死。 詡年七十七,薨,諡曰肅侯。 子穆嗣,歴位郡守。 穆薨,子模嗣。 《世語》曰:模,晉惠帝時爲散騎常侍、護軍將軍,模子胤,胤弟龕,從弟疋,皆至大官,並顯於晉也。
When Cao Pi took the throne, he named Jia Xu Grand Commandant. The Brief Account of Wei explains that he remembered Jia Xu's counsel to Cao Cao and therefore promoted him first to the highest ministry. A supplementary biography of Xun Xu records that when the Jin Minister over the Masses post fell vacant, Emperor Wu asked Xun Xu whom to appoint. He answered, "The Three Excellencies are what the whole court looks to; you cannot fill such a post with the wrong man. When Emperor Wen of Wei once made Jia Xu a Three Excellency, Sun Quan laughed at it." His title rose to Marquis of Weishou Township, with three hundred added households in his fief—for eight hundred in all. He further split off two hundred households and enfeoffed his younger son Fang as a full marquis. He appointed his eldest son Mu Commandant of Escort Cavalry. The emperor asked Jia Xu, "I mean to conquer the disobedient and unite the realm—which should I strike first, Wu or Shu?" He answered, "Conquerors put force first; founders rely on civil virtue. Your Majesty took the throne at the appointed hour and now rules every province; pacify them with civil virtue and wait for events to turn, and subduing them will not be hard. Wu and Shu are small, but they have mountains and rivers to shield them—Liu Bei is formidable, Zhuge Liang governs well, Sun Quan knows his strengths and limits, and Lu Xun reads battlefield odds. They hold defensible passes and move fleets on the rivers and lakes; none can be rushed. In war, victory is won before battle is joined—match enemy to commander and every move follows plan. Looking at our court, no one measures up to Liu Bei and Sun Quan; even with the throne's full might, I see no safe assurance of victory. When Shun danced with shield and axe, the Miao submitted—I believe we should try civil means before force." Cao Pi would not listen. He later mounted the Jiangling campaign, and many soldiers perished. Jia Xu died at seventy-seven and was posthumously titled Marquis Su. His son Mu succeeded him and served as governor of several commanderies. When Mu died, his son Mo took the succession. The Shiyu adds that under Emperor Hui of Jin, Mo became Regular Attendant Within the Cavalry and General Who Protects the Army; Mo's son Yin, Yin's brother Kan, and cousin Pi all rose to high office and were prominent figures in Jin.
27
評曰:荀彧清秀通雅,有王佐之風,然機鑒先識,未能充其志也。 〈世之論者,多譏彧協規魏氏,以傾漢祚; 君臣易位,實彧之由。 雖晚節立異,無救運移; 功旣違義,識亦疚焉。 陳氏此評,蓋亦同乎世識。 臣松之以爲斯言之作,誠未得其遠大者也。 彧豈不知魏武之志氣,非衰漢之貞臣哉? 良以于時王道旣微,橫流已及,雄豪虎視,人懷異心,不有撥亂之資,仗順之略,則漢室之亡忽諸,黔首之類殄矣。 夫欲翼讚時英,一匡屯運,非斯人之與而誰與哉? 是故經綸急病,若救身首,用能動于嶮中,至于大亨,蒼生蒙舟航之接,劉宗延二紀之祚,豈非荀生之本圖,仁恕之遠致乎? 及至霸業旣隆,翦漢迹著,然後亡身殉節,以申素情,全大正於當年,布誠心於百代,可謂任重道遠,志行義立。 謂之未充,其殆誣歟!〉 荀攸、賈詡,庶乎筭無遺策,經達權變,其良、平之亞與! 〈臣松之以爲列傳之體,以事類相從。 張子房青雲之士,誠非陳平之倫。 然漢之謀臣,良、平而已。 若不共列,則餘無所附,故前史合之,蓋其宜也。 魏氏如詡之儔,其比幸多,詡不編程、郭之篇,而與二荀並列; 失其類矣。 且攸、詡之爲人,其猶夜光之與蒸燭乎! 其照雖均,質則異焉。 今荀、賈之評,共同一稱,尤失區別之宜也。〉
Chen Shou writes: Xun Yu combined clarity, grace, and breadth of mind—the bearing of a kingmaker—yet his foresight could not quite match his ideals. 〈Critics charge that Xun Yu helped Wei and thus toppled the Han; they say the usurpation was his doing. His late opposition could not reverse the tide; his service crossed righteousness and his judgment must share the blame. Chen Shou here echoes conventional opinion. Pei Songzhi replies: that verdict sells Xun Yu short. Did Xun Yu not see Cao Cao for what he was—not a loyal servant of a dying dynasty? The royal house was failing, warlords circled like tigers, and every heart turned elsewhere; without someone strong enough to restore order in the name of legitimacy, the Han would have vanished overnight and the common people with it. Who but such a man could steady the age and right the course? He fought the crisis as a man fights for his life, carried the state through danger into stability, gave the people passage through the flood, and bought the Liu house two extra decades—was that not his deepest purpose, the breadth of his humanity? When Wei’s supremacy could no longer be denied, he chose death to keep his honor, showing where he truly stood—duty carried to the end, faithfulness offered to posterity. To call him “unfinished” is almost slander.〉 Xun You and Jia Xu scarcely missed a trick in counsel; in weighing shifting odds they rank near Zhang Liang and Chen Ping. 〈Pei Songzhi notes that grouped chapters pair like with like.) Zhang Liang belongs among the immortals of statecraft—he is not really Chen Ping’s peer. Still, Han’s strategists were Zhang Liang and Chen Ping. Earlier histories paired them because no lesser name fit the chapter. Wei has many men closer to Jia Xu’s mold than the two Xuns; he belongs with Cheng Yu and Guo Jia, not in a chapter with Xun Yu and Xun You— the pairing breaks the pattern. As for Xun You and Jia Xu themselves, one is pearl-light, the other a rush torch. Both give light, but not of the same substance. To praise Xun and Jia with the same phrase blurs a crucial difference.〉