1
崔琰字季珪，清河東武城人也。 少樸訥，好擊劍，尚武事。 年二十三，鄉移爲正，始感激，讀《論語》、《韓詩》。 至年二十九，乃结公孙方等就郑玄受学。 学未期，徐州黄巾贼攻破北海，玄与门人到不其山避难。 时谷籴县乏，玄罢谢诸生。 琰既受遣，而寇盗充斥，西道不通。 于是周旋青、徐、兗、豫之郊，東下壽春，南望江、湖。 自去家四年乃归，以琴書自娱。
Cui Yan, courtesy name Jigui, came from Dongwucheng in Qinghe. As a young man he was unassuming and taciturn; he delighted in swordplay and leaned toward military affairs. When he was twenty-three, his district made him village head; that finally roused him to discipline himself, and he took up the Analects and Han Ying's exposition of the Songs. At twenty-nine he formed a party with Gongsun Fang and others and went to study under Zheng Xuan. He had not yet studied a full year when Xu Province's Yellow Turbans stormed Beihai; Zheng Xuan led his students to take refuge on Mount Buqi. Grain ran short in the county market; Zheng Xuan released his pupils and sent them home. Yan had been dismissed to leave, but robbers filled the roads and the western route was impassable. So he wandered along the frontiers of Qing, Xu, Yan, and Yu, traveled east to Shouchun, and looked south toward the great river and the lakes. Four years passed before he came home, finding solace in his qin and his texts.
2
大将军袁绍闻而辟之。 时士卒横暴，掘发丘陇，琰谏曰：“昔孙卿有言：‘士不素教，甲兵不利，虽汤武不能以战胜。 ’今道路暴骨，民未见德，宜敕郡县掩骼埋胔，示憯怛之爱，追文王之仁。” 绍以爲骑都尉。 后绍治兵黎阳，次于延津，琰复谏曰：“天子在许，民望助顺，不如守境述职，以宁区宇。” 绍不听，遂败于官渡。 及绍卒，二子交争，争欲得琰。 琰称疾固辞，由是获罪，幽于囹圄，赖阴夔、陳琳营救得免。
The general-in-chief Yuan Shao, hearing of him, offered him appointment. The troops were lawless and dug up graves; Yan urged restraint, quoting Xun Qing that unless soldiers are trained beforehand and arms are sharp, not even the likes of Tang and Wu can prevail in war. Yet now bones bleach beside the highways and the common folk feel no virtue from us; order every county to gather and bury the dead, show the tenderness of a ruler who sorrows for his people, and recall the humanity of King Wen. Yuan Shao made him a colonel of cavalry. Later Yuan Shao massed his army at Liyang and camped at Yan Ford; Yan warned him again that the emperor resides at Xu, popular sympathy favors the lawful sovereign, and he should hold his territory, fulfill his reports to court, and quiet the empire. Yuan Shao refused to heed him and was routed at Guandu. After Yuan Shao's death his sons turned on each other, both eager to secure Yan's service. He claimed illness and stubbornly refused; they took offense, threw him into jail, and he was spared only because Yin Kui and Chen Lin intervened.
3
太祖破袁氏，领冀州牧，辟琰爲别驾从事，谓琰曰：“昨案户籍，可得三十万众，故爲大州也。” 琰对曰：“今天下分崩，九州幅裂，二袁兄弟亲尋干戈，冀方蒸庶暴骨原野。 未闻王师仁声先路，存问风俗，救其涂炭，而校计甲兵，唯此爲先，斯岂鄙州士女所望於明公哉！” 太祖改容谢之。 于时宾客皆伏失色。
After Cao Cao broke the Yuans and took charge of Ji Province as its shepherd, he appointed Yan senior clerk and told him he had reviewed the census and this land could field three hundred thousand men—it was truly a mighty province. Yan answered that the empire was split and the regions torn apart; the two Yuan brothers waged war on each other, yet the commoners of Ji were left unburied where they fell. We do not hear your forces proclaiming humanity before they march, visiting the people's customs, or lifting them from ruin—instead you count weapons first. Can that be what Ji's men and women expect of you? Cao Cao's manner altered and he apologized. Every guest at the gathering went pale with terror.
4
太祖征并州，留琰傅文帝於鄴。 世子仍出田猎，变易服乘，志在驱逐。 琰書谏曰：
When Cao Cao marched on Bing Province he left Yan to instruct the heir at Ye. The heir still rode out to hunt, changing dress and horses, absorbed in the chase. Cui Yan drafted a memorial of remonstrance that opened:
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盖闻盘于游田，書之所戒，鲁隐观鱼，春秋讥之，此周、孔之格言，二经之明义。 殷鉴夏后，詩称不远，子卯不乐，礼以爲忌，此又近者之得失，不可不深察也。 袁族富强，公子宽放，盘游滋侈，义声不闻，哲人君子，俄有色斯之志，熊罴壮士，堕於吞噬之用，固所以拥徒百万，跨有河朔，无所容足也。 今邦國殄瘁，惠康未洽，士女企踵，所思者德。 况公亲御戎馬，上下劳惨，世子宜遵大路，慎以行正，思经國之高略，内鉴近戒，外扬远节，深惟储副，以身爲宝。 而猥袭虞旅之贱服，忽驰骛而陵险，志雉兔之小娱，忘社稷之爲重，斯诚有识所以恻心也。 唯世子燔翳捐褶，以塞众望，不令老臣获罪於天。
The canon warns against compulsive hunting; the Spring and Autumn ridiculed Duke Yin for watching fishermen—the standards of the Documents and the Annals alike condemn such distraction. Shang mirrored Xia's fall; the Songs urge lessons drawn from near precedent; the Rites forbid festivity on ill-omened days—recent examples demand sober reflection. House Yuan was wealthy and its heir permissive; hunting and pleasure ran to excess and moral renown vanished. Gentlemen of judgment quietly resolved to slip away; bold fighters became prey all the same—so even with hosts beyond count and dominion north of the river, they could not stand secure. Today the state is exhausted and healing grace has not spread; the people crane their necks, thirsting for moral leadership. You yourself bear the hardships of campaign; the heir should tread the straight path, govern his conduct with care, ponder policies that secure the realm, learn from nearby warnings and reveal steadfast virtue abroad, reflect deeply on his role as crown prince—and guard his own life as the dynasty's chief asset. Instead he affects common huntsmen's dress, races through dangerous ground, cares more for bagging game than for the altars of soil and grain—no wonder those with sense are wounded. I beg the heir to destroy those hunting blinds and abandon his riding coat to answer public hopes and spare this old minister Heaven's reproach.
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世子报曰：“昨奉嘉命，惠示雅数，欲使燔翳捐褶，翳已坏矣，褶亦去焉。 后有此比，蒙复诲诸。”
The heir wrote back that yesterday he had received kind instructions listing each point; Yan had asked him to burn the hunting blinds and give up the pleated jacket—they were already destroyed and put aside. If he lapsed again in such matters, he would thankfully accept further reproof.
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太祖爲丞相，琰复爲東西曹掾属徵事。 初授東曹时，教曰：“君有伯夷之风，史鱼之直，贪夫慕名而清，壮士尚称而厉，斯可以率时者已。 故授東曹，往践厥职。” 魏國初建，拜尚書。 时未立太子，临菑侯植有才而爱。 太祖狐疑，以函令密访於外。 唯琰露板答曰：“盖闻春秋之义，立子以长，加五官将仁孝聪明，宜承正统。 琰以死守之。” 植，琰之兄女婿也。 太祖贵其公亮，喟然叹息， 〈《世語》曰：植妻衣绣，太祖登台见之，以违制命，还家赐死。〉 迁中尉。
After Cao Cao took the chancellorship, Yan again held appointments in the eastern and western bureau staffs as investigating clerk. His first posting to the eastern bureau carried an order praising his Boyi-like integrity and Shi Yu-like blunt honesty, saying the grasping grew ashamed at his reputation and the brave took courage—one may truly set the tone for the times. Therefore he was sent to the eastern bureau to take up the office. When Wei was first founded he became minister of the masters of writing. The crown prince was still unsettled; Marquis Zhi of Linzi was gifted and the king's favorite. Cao Cao wavered and circulated a sealed inquiry beyond the palace. Only Yan filed an open memorial citing the Spring and Autumn rule to establish the eldest son and praising the general of the five offices as humane, filial, and discerning—he should receive the succession. He would uphold that with his life. Zhi was married to Yan's niece. Cao Cao honored his impartial candor and drew a long sigh. 〈Shiyu notes that Cao Zhi's wife wore forbidden embroidery; when Cao Cao sighted her from a tower he judged it contrary to his orders, sent her home, and commanded her death.〉 He rose to commandant of the capital.
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琰声姿高暢，眉目疏朗，须长四尺，甚有威重，朝士瞻望，而太祖亦敬惮焉。 〈先贤行状曰：琰清忠高亮，雅识经远，推方直道，正色於朝。 魏氏初载，委授铨衡，总齐清议，十有馀年。 文武群才，多所明拔。 朝廷归高，天下称平。〉 琰尝荐钜鹿杨训，虽才好不足，而清贞守道，太祖即礼辟之。 后太祖爲魏王，训发表称赞功伐，襃述盛德。 时人或笑训希世浮伪，谓琰爲失所举。 琰从训取表草视之，与训書曰：“省表，事佳耳！ 时乎时乎，会当有变时。” 琰本意讥論者好谴呵而不尋情理也。 有白琰此書傲世怨谤者，太祖怒曰：“谚言‘生女耳’，‘耳’非佳語。 ‘会当有变时’，意指不逊。” 於是罚琰爲徒隶，使人视之，辞色不挠。 太祖令曰：“琰虽见刑，而通宾客，门若市人，对宾客虬须直视，若有所瞋。” 遂赐琰死。 〈《魏略》曰：人得琰書，以裹帻笼，行都道中。 时有与琰宿不平者，遥见琰名著帻笼，从而视之，遂白之。 太祖以爲琰腹诽心谤，乃收付狱，髡刑输徒。 前所白琰者又复白之云：“琰爲徒，虬须直视，心似不平。” 时太祖亦以爲然，遂欲杀之。 乃使清公大吏往经营琰，敕吏曰：“三日期消息。” 琰不悟，后数日，吏故白琰平安。 公忿然曰：“崔琰必欲使孤行刀锯乎！” 吏以是教告琰，琰谢吏曰：“我殊不宜，不知公意至此也！” 遂自杀。〉
His voice rang clear and his bearing was imposing; his features were open and serene and his beard four chi long—awesome in presence. Officials revered him, and Cao Cao too stood in respectful awe. 〈Xianxian xingzhuang records him as upright, loyal, and lucid, with far-reaching scholarship; he upheld rectitude and wore severity in audience. Early in Wei he held the power to rank officials and for over a decade guided elite opinion. Many whom he singled out among civil and military talent rose to office. The court praised his standards and the realm called it even-handed.〉 Yang Xun of Julu lacked brilliance but was honest and principled; Yan recommended him and Cao Cao duly summoned him. Later, after Cao Cao became king of Wei, Xun published a memorial extolling his campaigns and virtues. Onlookers sneered at Xun's opportunistic praise and judged Yan's recommendation a mistake. Yan borrowed Xun's draft and wrote back that he had read the memorial—it was quite fine. Times change—there will come a season when things shift. His point was to ridicule critics who carped without weighing circumstance. An informer called the letter arrogant and slanderous; Cao Cao fumed that the proverb says 'only a daughter'—the word only is already slighting." The phrase about changing times carried an insolent implication. Yan was reduced to penal labor; watchers reported that his tone and bearing never broke. Cao Cao declared that though punished, Yan still courted guests like a busy market; he fingered his curling beard and glared at callers as if nursing grievance. Yan was compelled to take his own life. 〈Weilüe adds that someone picked up Yan's letter, wrapped it around a turban frame, and carried it through the capital. A longtime enemy spotted Yan's signature on that wrapping, inspected it, and denounced him. Cao Cao decided Yan brooded treasonous resentment, jailed him, shaved his head for crime, and sentenced him to convict labor. The same accuser added that as a laborer he still stroked his beard and stared straight ahead—clearly he harbored resentment. Cao Cao agreed and resolved to execute him. He dispatched a trusted senior officer to probe Yan with orders to report within three days. Yan missed the hint; days later the officer falsely reported him calm. Cao Cao snapped that Cui Yan must be forcing him to the executioner himself. The officer relayed the warning; Yan told him he had been wrong and never dreamed Cao Cao would take it that far. He then committed suicide.〉
9
始琰与司馬朗善，晋宣王方壮，琰谓朗曰：“子之弟，聪哲明允，刚断英跱，殆非子之所及也。” 〈臣松之案：“跱”或作“特”，窃谓“英特”爲是也。〉 朗以爲不然，而琰每秉此論。 琰从弟林，少无名望，虽姻族犹多轻之，而琰常曰：“此所谓大器晚成者也，终必远至。” 涿郡孙礼、卢毓始入军府，琰又名之曰：“孙疏亮亢烈，刚简能断，卢清警明理，百鍊不消，皆公才也。” 后林、礼、毓咸至鼎辅。 及琰友人公孙方、宋阶早卒，琰抚其遗孤，恩若己子。 其鉴识笃义，类皆如此。 〈《魏略》曰：明帝时，崔林尝与司空陳群共論冀州人士，称琰爲首。 群以“智不存身”贬之。 林曰：“大丈夫爲有邂逅耳，即如卿诸人，良足贵乎！”〉
Early on Yan was close to Sima Lang; when Sima Yi was reaching his prime, Yan told Lang that his younger brother was keen, reliable, decisive, and extraordinary—Lang was unlikely to equal him. 〈Pei Songzhi remarks that the graph may read te; he believes 'heroically outstanding' fits better.〉 Lang disagreed, but Yan never abandoned that verdict. His cousin Lin began obscure; even kin looked down on him, yet Yan insisted they say great timber ripens late—he would rise yet. When Sun Li of Zhuojun and Lu Yu joined headquarters, Yan pronounced Sun forthright and fierce, terse and decisive, and Lu lucid, alert, and principled—steel refined again and again—both statesmen's stuff. All three eventually rose to chief ministerial posts. After friends Gongsun Fang and Song Jie died young, he raised their orphans as his own. His eye for character and loyal generosity ran along these lines. 〈Weilüe records that under Mingdi, Cui Lin debated Ji talent with Chen Qun and placed Yan at the top. Qun dismissed him with the jibe that cleverness did not save his life. Lin retorted that great men sometimes fall to accident—were men like Qun truly worth more.
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南阳许攸、 〈《魏略》曰：攸字子远，少与袁绍及太祖善。 初平中随绍在冀州，尝在坐席言议。 官渡之役，谏绍勿与太祖相攻，語在《绍傳》。 绍自以强盛，必欲极其兵势。 攸知不可爲谋，乃亡诣太祖。 绍破走，及后得冀州，攸有功焉。 攸自恃勋劳，时与太祖相戏，每在席，不自限齐，至呼太祖小字，曰：“某甲，卿不得我，不得冀州也。” 太祖笑曰：“汝言是也。” 然内嫌之。 其后从行出鄴東门，顾谓左右曰：“此家非得我，则不得出入此门也。” 人有白者，遂见收之。〉 娄圭，皆以恃旧不虔见诛。 〈《魏略》曰：娄圭字子伯，少与太祖有旧。 初平中在荆州北界合众，后诣太祖。 太祖以爲大将，不使典兵，常在坐席言议。 及河北平定，随在冀州。 其后太祖从诸子出游，子伯时亦随从。 子伯顾谓左右曰：“此家父子，如今日爲乐也。” 人有白者，太祖以爲有腹诽意，遂收治之。 《吴書》曰：子伯少有猛志，尝叹息曰：“男兒居世，会当得数万兵千匹骑著后耳！” 侪辈笑之。 后坐藏亡命，被系当死，得逾狱出，捕者追之急，子伯乃变衣服如助捕者，吏不能觉，遂以得免。 会天下义兵起，子伯亦合众与刘表相依。 后归曹公，遂爲所用，军國大计常与焉。 刘表亡，曹公向荆州。 表子琮降，以节迎曹公，诸将皆疑诈，曹公以问子伯。 子伯曰：“天下扰攘，各贪王命以自重，今以节来，是必至诚。” 曹公曰：“大善。” 遂进兵。 宠秩子伯，家累千金，曰：“娄子伯富乐于孤，但势不如孤耳！” 从破馬超等，子伯功爲多。 曹公常叹曰：“子伯之计，孤不及也。” 后与南郡习授同载，见曹公出，授曰：“父子如此，何其快耶！” 子伯曰：“居世间，当自爲之，而但观他人乎！” 授乃白之，遂见诛。 鱼豢曰：古人有言曰：‘得鸟者，罗之一目也，然張一目之罗，终不得鸟矣。 鸟能远飞，远飞者，六翮之力也，然无众毛之助，则飞不远矣。 ’以此推之，大魏之作，虽有功臣，亦未必非兹辈胥附之由也。〉 而琰最爲世所痛惜，至今冤之。 〈《世語》曰：琰兄孙谅，字士文，以简素称，仕晋爲尚書大鸿胪。 荀绰《冀州记》云谅即琰之孙也。〉
Xu You of Nanyang— 〈Weilüe states that Xu You, courtesy Ziyuan, was friendly in youth with Yuan Shao and Cao Cao. During Chuping he attended Yuan Shao in Ji and joined council discussions. At Guandu he urged Yuan Shao not to strike Cao Cao; the detail appears in Yuan Shao's memoir. Yuan Shao, confident in his strength, meant to push every military advantage. Seeing counsel was useless, Xu You defected to Cao Cao. When Yuan Shao broke and fled and Ji Province later fell, Xu You earned credit. He traded on those deeds and japed with Cao Cao; at feasts he forgot restraint and addressed him by childhood name, saying without him Cao Cao would never have taken Ji Province. Cao Cao laughed and agreed he spoke truth. Yet inwardly he bore a grudge. Later, leaving Ye's east gate together, he told attendants that without him that man would never walk through that gate. An informer repeated it and he was arrested.〉 Lou Gui—both died because they presumed on old acquaintance and showed disrespect. 〈Weilüe states that Lou Gui, courtesy Zibo, had known Cao Cao since youth. In the Chuping years Lou Gui raised a band along Jing Province's northern frontier, then presented himself to Cao Cao. Cao Cao named him a senior general yet withheld battlefield command, keeping him instead at council tables for strategy. After the Hebei plain was subdued, he followed Cao Cao into Ji Province. Later Cao Cao rode out with his sons for pleasure, and Lou Zibo went along. Lou Zibo remarked to attendants how happily that father and those sons were enjoying the day. An informer repeated the remark; Cao Cao read it as veiled disloyalty and had him arrested. The 《Wu shu》 says Lou Zibo burned with martial ambition from youth and once sighed that a real man should someday command myriad soldiers and a thousand horses at his back. His peers mocked him for it. He later faced execution for sheltering outlaws, broke jail under pursuit, disguised himself as a manhunter, and slipped away unseen. As loyalist forces rose empire-wide, he raised troops of his own and threw in with Liu Biao. He eventually entered Cao Cao's service and sat in on the gravest civil and military decisions. After Liu Biao's death Cao Cao advanced on Jing Province. Liu Cong came out with the imperial baton to surrender; the commanders smelled a trap, so Cao Cao sought Lou Zibo's reading. Lou Zibo argued that in chaos every warlord waves the emperor's warrant for legitimacy—bringing the tally proved earnest intent. Cao Cao replied, 'Splendid." He pushed the army forward on that advice. Cao Cao heaped rewards on him until the Lou clan held a fortune in gold, joking that Lou Zibo rivaled him in wealth and pleasure if not in authority. Lou Zibo's contributions stood highest in the victory over Ma Chao and company. Cao Cao often admitted Lou Zibo outthought him. Later he shared a cart with Xi Shou from Nan commandery; watching Cao Cao appear with his sons, Xi Shou exclaimed at how splendid they looked. Lou Zibo answered that a man ought to seize greatness himself rather than gawk at another man's triumph. Xi Shou reported the remark, and Lou Zibo was put to death. Yu Huan quoted an old saying: one mesh may trap the bird, but a net of a single mesh catches nothing. Long flight depends on the great wing-feathers, yet without the smaller plumes the bird cannot sustain the journey. By that analogy, even if Wei had worthy founders, courtiers who clung to power surely helped shape its ascent.〉 It was Cui Yan whom contemporaries mourned most; posterity still calls his fate unjust. 〈《Shiyu》 names Yan's grandnephew Liang, style Shiwen, celebrated for austerity, who rose under Jin to minister of the masters of writing and grand herald. Xun Chuo's 《Ji Province gazetteer》 identifies Liang as Yan's grandson.〉
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毛玠字孝先，陳留平丘人也。 少爲县吏，以清公称。 将避乱荆州，未至，闻刘表政令不明，遂往鲁阳。 太祖临兗州，辟爲治中从事。 玠語太祖曰：“今天下分崩，國主迁移，生民废业，饥馑流亡，公家无经岁之储，百姓无安固之志，难以持久。 今袁绍、刘表，虽士民众强，皆无经远之虑，未有树基建本者也。 夫兵义者胜，守位以财，宜奉天子以令不臣，脩耕植，畜军资，如此则霸王之业可成也。” 太祖敬纳其言，转幕府功曹。
Mao Jie, courtesy Xiaoxian, came from Pingqiu in Chenliu commandery. As a young clerk he earned a reputation for honest impartiality. Bound for Jing Province to escape chaos, he turned aside to Luyang on hearing Liu Biao ruled weakly. Cao Cao recruited him as administrative adviser when he entered Yan Province. Mao Jie warned that with dynasts roaming, livelihoods ruined, granaries empty, and morale unsettled, no regime could last without a plan. Yuan Shao and Liu Biao might command masses, he continued, yet neither built enduring institutions. Righteous armies win; wealth secures position—so embrace the emperor to cow rebels, till the fields, and pile provisions if you mean to found a hegemon's enterprise. Cao Cao adopted the advice and moved him onto headquarters staff as merit assessor.
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太祖爲司空丞相，玠尝爲東曹掾，与崔琰并典选举。 其所举用，皆清正之士，虽於时有盛名而行不由本者，终莫得进。 务以俭率人，由是天下之士莫不以廉节自励，虽贵宠之臣，舆服不敢过度。 太祖叹曰：“用人如此，使天下人自治，吾复何爲哉！” 文帝爲五官将，亲自诣玠，属所亲眷。 玠答曰：“老臣以能守职，幸得免戾，今所说人非迁次，是以不敢奉命。” 大军还鄴，议所并省。 玠请谒不行，时人惮之，咸欲省東曹。 乃共白曰：“旧西曹爲上，東曹爲次，宜省東曹。” 太祖知其情，令曰：“日出於東，月盛於東，凡人言方，亦复先東，何以省東曹？” 遂省西曹。
Under Cao Cao as minister of works and chancellor, Mao Jie served in the eastern bureau alongside Cui Yan, both directing personnel selection. His nominees were consistently honest; flashy reputations without moral root never passed his gate. His personal austerity set the tone until officials empire-wide prized integrity and even favorites kept coaches and robes within statute. Cao Cao marveled that if appointments stayed this principled, the world would rule itself without him. While still heir as general of the five offices, Cao Pi went in person to ask Mao Jie to advance a favorite connection. Mao Jie refused: an aged official who survived by scruples could not promote someone out of turn. After the host returned to Ye, ministers debated which bureaus to consolidate. Because Mao Jie would grant no private hearings, rivals feared him and pushed to dissolve the eastern bureau. They argued canon placed the western bureau above the eastern and urged cutting the latter. Cao Cao saw through the ploy and countered that cosmology and speech alike honored the east—hardly grounds to erase its office. He abolished the western bureau instead.
13
初，太祖平柳城，班所获器物，特以素屏风素冯几赐玠，曰：“君有古人之风，故赐君古人之服。” 玠居显位，常布衣蔬食，抚育孤兄子甚笃，赏赐以振施贫族，家无所馀。 迁右军师。 魏國初建，爲尚書仆射，复典选举。 〈先贤行状曰：玠雅亮公正，在官清恪。 其典选举，拔贞实，斥華伪，进逊行，抑阿党。 诸宰官治民功绩不著而私财丰足者，皆免黜停废，久不选用。 于时四海翕然，莫不励行。 至乃长吏还者，垢面羸衣，常乘柴车。 军吏入府，朝服徒行。 人拟壶飧之絜，家象濯缨之操，贵者无秽欲之累，贱者绝奸货之求，吏絜于上，俗移乎下，民到于今称之。〉 时太子未定，而临菑侯植有宠，玠密谏曰：“近者袁绍以嫡庶不分，覆宗灭國。 废立大事，非所宜闻。” 后群僚会，玠起更衣，太祖目指曰：“此古所谓國之司直，我之周昌也。”
After Liucheng fell, Cao Cao singled out Mao Jie for undyed screens and a simple armrest, praising his antique austerity with fitting gifts. Though powerful, he dressed as a commoner, ate plainly, raised his widowed brother's son devotedly, and funneled stipends to needy kin until nothing stayed at home. He rose to right army adviser. Wei established him as vice director of the masters of writing with renewed charge over promotions. 〈《Conduct of earlier worthies》 calls him magnanimous, candid, and scrupulous in every post. Over selections he favored substance over show, humility over swagger, and struck at cliques. County heads who enriched themselves without benefiting the people lost rank for years. The empire snapped to attention; everyone tightened discipline. District chiefs coming off assignment arrived unwashed in rags, often aboard hay carts. Military clerks entered yamen in court robes but on foot. Citizens aspired to the spotless courtesy of a roadside meal; families cultivated the 《Songs》 ideal of clean motives—nobles shed greed, commoners shunned graft; purity flowed down from the clerks and manners followed; posterity still applauds it.〉 With the succession undecided yet Cao Zhi favored, Mao Jie privately cited Yuan Shao's ruin through confused lines of inheritance. Matters of dismissal and enthronement were not fodder for conversation, he insisted. Later, when Mao Jie left a council to change clothes, Cao Cao pointed him out as the court's blunt conscience—his own Zhou Chang.
14
崔琰既死，玠内不悦。 后有白玠者：“出见黥面反者，其妻子没爲官奴婢，玠言曰‘使天不雨者盖此也’。” 太祖大怒，收玠付狱。 大理锺繇诘玠曰：
Mao Jie nursed resentment after Cui Yan's death. An accuser claimed Mao Jie blamed drought on tattoo-faced traitors whose families served as penal slaves. Enraged, Cao Cao jailed him. Court inspector Zhong Yao interrogated him:
15
自古圣帝明王，罪及妻子。 書云：‘左不共左，右不共右，予则孥戮女。 ’司寇之职，男子入于罪隶，女子入于舂□。 汉律，罪人妻子没爲奴婢，黥面。 汉法所行黥墨之刑，存於古典。 今真奴婢祖先有罪，虽历百世，犹有黥面供官，一以宽良民之命，二以宥并罪之辜。 此何以负於神明之意，而当致旱？ 案典谋，急恆寒若，舒恆燠若，宽则亢阳，所以爲旱。 玠之吐言，以爲宽邪，以爲急也？ 急当阴霖，何以反旱？ 成汤圣世，野无生草，周宣令主，旱魃爲虐。 亢旱以来，积三十年，归咎黥面，爲相值不？ 卫人伐邢，师兴而雨，罪恶无徵，何以应天？ 玠讥谤之言，流於下民，不悦之声，上闻圣听。 玠之吐言，势不独語，时见黥面，凡爲几人？ 黥面奴婢，所识知邪？ 何缘得见，对之叹言？ 时以語谁？ 见答云何？ 以何日月？ 於何处所？ 事已发露，不得隐欺，具以状对。
Since high antiquity sage kings punished kin along with the culprit. The 《Documents》 threaten collective execution when ministers fail left and right. The minister of crime assigns men to convict gangs and women to grain-pounding labor per classical statute [graph damaged in source]. Han law likewise branded traitors' families and bound them as government slaves. Facial branding rested on precedent honored since antiquity. Keeping branded bondsmen honors both mercy toward the innocent and acknowledgment of inherited guilt. How could such policy insult Heaven enough to stop the rains? The counsels link harsh rule with chill and lax rule with drought—blazing yang follows loosened discipline. Did Mao Jie intend laxity or severity? If severity, skies should weep—why this sun-scorch instead? Even Cheng Tang's reign knew barren fields; King Xuan faced the scourge of drought-fiends. Thirty years of drought cannot hinge on branded servants alone. Wei invaded Xing and rain followed without proven guilt—what cosmic verdict is that? Mao Jie's barbs reached the streets and echoed to the throne. Zhong Yao demanded how many branded faces Mao Jie could have seen if he spoke aloud. Did he recognize those bondsmen? How did he encounter them to sigh in their presence? Who overheard him? What answer came back? Which day? Where? Expose everything now—no evasions.
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玠曰：
Mao Jie replied:
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臣闻萧生缢死，困於石显； 贾子放外，谗在绛、灌； 白起赐劍於杜邮； 晁错致诛於東市； 伍员绝命於吴都：斯数子者，或妒其前，或害其后。 臣垂龆执简，累勤取官，职在机近，人事所窜。 属臣以私，无势不绝，語臣以冤，无细不理。 人情淫利，爲法所禁，法禁于利，势能害之。 青蝇横生，爲臣作谤，谤臣之人，势不在他。 昔王叔、陳生争正王廷，宣子平理。 命举其契，是非有宜，曲直有所，春秋嘉焉，是以書之。 臣不言此，无有时、人。 说臣此言，必有徵要。 乞蒙宣子之辨，而求王叔之对。 若臣以曲闻，即刑之日，方之安驷之赠； 赐劍之来，比之重赏之惠。 谨以状对。
He cited Xiao Wangzhi driven to hang by Shi Xian; Jia Yi banished on Zhou Bo and Guan Ying's malice; Bai Qi forced to die at Duyou; Chao Cuo cut down at the eastern market; Wu Zixu executed at Wu—each victim undone by jealousy fore or aft. He himself had risen since boyhood through diligence beside the throne, where intrigue never sleeps. Private spite stalked him endlessly; every whisper of injustice reached his desk. Law blocks greed, yet influence still twists justice. Slanderous flies buzzed because rivals wielded leverage, not truth. He recalled how Zhao Dun judged Wang Shu and Chen Sheng's feud. The 《Spring and Autumn Annals》 celebrated how justice sorted crooked from straight once the covenant tablet surfaced. He insisted he had neither invented the tale nor lacked corroboration. Anyone repeating his defense must produce evidence. He asked for the sort of hearing Zhao Dun gave Wang Shu against Chen Sheng. If he stood convicted of distortion, let execution parallel the tribute of gentle carriage horses. When the blade came, treat it as the bounty owed a vindicated minister. Here ends his sworn reply.
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时桓阶、和洽进言救玠。 玠遂免黜，卒于家。 〈孙盛曰：魏武於是失政刑矣。 易称“明折庶狱”，傳有“举直措枉”，庶狱明则國无怨民，枉直当则民无不服，未有徵青蝇之浮声，信浸润之谮诉，可以允釐四海，惟清缉熙者也。 昔者汉高狱萧何，出复相之，玠之一责，永见摈放，二主度量，岂不殊哉！〉 太祖赐棺器钱帛，拜子机郎中。
Huan Jie and He Qia intervened on Mao Jie's behalf. Mao Jie was spared removal and died in retirement. 〈Sun Sheng remarks that Cao Cao forfeited sound justice at that moment. Classics demand lucid trials and promotion of the upright; unjust verdicts breed popular wrath—yet Cao Cao trusted malicious rumor instead of clearing courts across the realm. Liu Bang jailed Xiao He yet restored him; one Mao Jie indictment meant exile forever—what a gulf between those rulers!〉 Cao Cao sent burial goods and appointed Mao Ji as court gentleman.
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徐奕字季才，東莞人也。 避难江東，孙策礼命之。 奕改姓名，微服还本郡。 太祖爲司空，辟爲掾属，从西征馬超。 超破，军还。 时关中新服，未甚安，留奕爲丞相长史，镇抚西京，西京称其威信。 转爲雍州刺史，复还爲東曹属。 丁仪等见宠於时，并害之，而奕终不爲动。 〈《魏書曰：或谓奕曰：“夫以史鱼之直，孰与蘧伯玉之智？ 丁仪方贵重，宜思所以下之。” 奕曰：“以公明圣，仪岂得行其伪乎！ 且奸以事君者，吾所能御也，子宁以他规我。” 《傅子》曰：武皇帝，至明也。 崔琰、徐奕，一时清贤，皆以忠信显於魏朝； 丁仪间之，徐奕失位而崔琰被诛。〉 出爲魏郡太守。 太祖征孙权，徙爲留府长史，谓奕曰：“君之忠亮，古人不过也，然微太严。 昔西门豹佩韦以自缓，夫能以柔弱制刚强者，望之於君也。 今使君统留事，孤无复还顾之忧也。” 魏國既建，爲尚書，复典选举，迁尚書令。
Xu Yi, courtesy Jicai, hailed from Dongguan. Seeking refuge east of the river, he received Sun Ce's courteous summons. He assumed an alias, traveled incognito, and slipped back to his native district. Cao Cao as minister of works enlisted him for staff duty on the western campaign against Ma Chao. After Ma Chao's defeat the host marched home. Newly pacified Guanzhong still trembled; Xu Yi stayed as chief clerk to steady the western metropolis, where men hailed his commanding integrity. He rotated to Yong governor, then back to the eastern bureau staff. Court favorites Ding Yi schemed against him, but Xu Yi never bent. 〈The Wei shu relates a question whether Shi Yu's blunt integrity surpassed Qu Boyu's tact. With Ding Yi ascendant, Yi was urged to curry favor below him. Xu Yi answered that under a sage ruler Ding Yi could not rule by falsity. Sycophants were foes he could handle; better counsel another topic. Fu Xuan's Fu zi adds that Cao Cao was extraordinarily clear-sighted. Cui Yan and Xu Yi epitomized loyal candor at court. Ding Yi's intrigues cost Xu Yi his post and Cui Yan his life.〉 He became prefect of Wei commandery. Mobilizing against Sun Quan, Cao Cao named Xu Yi rear headquarters chief clerk, praising his loyalty yet chiding his harshness. He cited Ximen Bao softening his temper with a leather sash—flexibility curbing rigidity was what he asked. With Xu Yi guarding Ye, Cao Cao claimed freedom from rear-area fears. Under Wei he rose through minister of personnel to director of the masters of writing.
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太祖征汉中，魏讽等谋反，中尉杨俊左迁。 太祖叹曰：“讽所以敢生乱心，以吾爪牙之臣无遏奸防谋者故也。 安得如诸葛丰者，使代俊乎！” 桓阶曰：“徐奕其人也。” 太祖乃以奕爲中尉，手令曰：“昔楚有子玉，文公爲之侧席而坐； 汲黯在朝，淮南爲之折谋。 詩称‘邦之司直’，君之谓与！” 在职数月，疾笃乞退，拜谏议大夫，卒。 〈《魏書》曰：文帝每与朝臣会同，未尝不嗟叹，思奕之爲人。 奕无子，诏以其族子统爲郎，以奉奕后。〉
During the Hanzhong expedition Wei Feng's plot demoted capital commandant Yang Jun. Cao Cao blamed the coup on guards who failed to sniff out intrigue. He wished for another Zhuge Feng to fill the post. Huan Jie nominated Xu Yi. Cao Cao appointed him capital commandant, likening him to Chu commander Ziyu who made Duke Wen edge his seat. Ji An's presence in court foiled Huainan's schemes. The Songs line on the state's blunt mirror fit Xu Yi. Within months grave illness forced retirement as grandee remonstrant; he soon died. 〈Wei shu notes Cao Pi always mourned Xu Yi's example at council. Childless, Xu Yi passed succession to clansman Xu Tong by imperial order.〉
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何夔字叔龙，陳郡阳夏人也。 曾祖父熙，汉安帝时官至车骑将军。 〈華峤汉書曰：熙字孟孙，少有大志，不拘小节。 身长八尺五寸，体貌魁梧，善爲容仪。 举孝廉，爲谒者，赞拜殿中，音动左右。 和帝 （佳） 之，历位司隶校尉、大司农。 永初三年，南单于与乌丸俱反，以熙行车骑将军征之，累有功。 乌丸请降，单于复称臣如旧。 会熙暴疾卒。〉 夔幼丧父，与母兄居，以孝友称。 长八尺三寸，容貌矜严。 〈魏書曰：汉末阉宦用事，夔从父衡爲尚書，有直言，由是在党中，诸父兄皆禁锢。 夔叹曰：“天地闭，贤人隐。” 故不应宰司之命。〉 避乱淮南。 后袁术至壽春，辟之，夔不应，然遂爲术所留。 久之，术与桥蕤俱攻围蕲阳，蕲阳爲太祖固守。 术以夔彼郡人，欲胁令说蕲阳。 夔谓术谋臣李业曰：“昔柳下惠闻伐國之谋而有忧色，曰‘吾闻伐國不问仁人，斯言何爲至于我哉’！” 遂遁匿灊山。 术知夔终不爲己用，乃止。 术从兄山阳太守遗母，夔从姑也，是以虽恨夔而不加害。
He Kui, courtesy Shulong, came from Yangxia in Chen commandery. His great-grandfather He Xi reached chariot-and-cavalry general under Emperor An. 〈Huaxian's Han shu describes Xi as ambitious and broad-minded from youth. Eight chi five in height with a commanding physique and faultless deportment. As filial-incorrupt nominee he became palace usher whose resonant announcements shook the hall. Emperor He of Han (a manuscript note reads jia 'fine,' likely corrupt for jia 'praised') commended him; he rose through metropolitan commandant to minister of agriculture. Yongchu 3 saw the southern Shanyu and Wuhuan revolt; Xi led them as acting chariot-and-cavalry general with repeated success. The Wuhuan capitulated and the Shanyu renewed vassalage. Xi died abruptly of sickness.〉 Orphaned young, He Kui lived with mother and brother, famed for filial devotion. He stood eight chi three with austere, imposing looks. 〈Wei shu adds that when eunuchs purged the court, He's uncle-in-law Heng landed on the blacklist and kin could not serve. He Kui mourned that heaven sealed its gates and sages withdrew. Hence he ignored ministerial appointments.〉 He escaped chaos into Huainan. Yuan Shu reaching Shouchun pressed him to serve; though He Kui refused, Shu kept him captive. Eventually Yuan Shu and Qiao Rui invested Qiyang, which held firm for Cao Cao. Shu meant to exploit He's local ties to talk the city down. He told Li Ye how Liuxiahui recoiled from invasion plots—humane men never debated such crimes. He vanished into the Qian Mountains. Shu saw He Kui would never obey and dropped the demand. Family ties through Shan's prefect—He's aunt—shielded him despite Shu's hatred.
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建安二年，夔将还鄉里，度术必急追，乃间行得免，明年到本郡。 顷之，太祖辟爲司空掾属。 时有傳袁术军乱者，太祖问夔曰； “君以爲信不？” 夔对曰：“天之所助者顺，人之所助者信。 术无信顺之实，而望天人之助，此不可以得志於天下。 夫失道之主，亲戚叛之，而况於左右乎！ 以夔观之，其乱必矣。” 太祖曰； “爲國失贤则亡。 君不爲术所用； 乱，不亦宜乎！” 太祖性严，掾属公事，往往加杖； 夔常畜毒药，誓死无辱，是以终不见及。 〈孙盛曰：夫君使臣以礼，臣事君以忠，是以上下休嘉，道光化洽。 公府掾属，古之造士也，必擢时隽，搜扬英逸，得其人则論道之任隆，非其才则覆餗之患至。 苟有疵衅，刑黜可也。 加其捶扑之罚，肃以小惩之戒，岂“导之以德，齐之以礼”之谓与！ 然士之出处，宜度德投趾； 可不之节，必审於所蹈。 故高尚之徒，抗心於青云之表，岂王侯之所能臣，名器之所羁绁哉！ 自非此族，委身世涂，否泰荣辱，制之由时，故箕子安於孥戮，柳下夷於三黜，萧何、周勃亦在縲绁，夫岂不辱，君命故也。 夔知时制，而甘其宠，挟药要君，以避微耻。 詩云“唯此褊心”，何夔其有焉。 放之，可也； 宥之，非也。〉 出爲城父令。 〈魏書曰：自刘备叛后，東南多变。 太祖以陳群爲酂令，夔爲城父令，诸县皆用名士以镇抚之，其后吏民稍定。〉
Jian'an 2 he slipped homeward by back roads before Yuan Shu's pursuit caught him; next year he arrived safe. Cao Cao soon recruited him for ministerial staff. When rumor claimed Yuan Shu's camp collapsed, Cao Cao queried He Kui: Do you credit it? He Kui answered that heaven backs the orderly and men back the trustworthy. Yuan Shu commanded neither virtue nor legitimacy yet expected cosmic favor—such ambition must fail. A wicked ruler loses kin first, let alone companions. He Kui predicted collapse. Cao Cao replied: States without talent die. You refused Yuan Shu; so his disorder was only natural! Cao Cao beat clerks freely for bureaucratic slips. He Kui carried poison vowing suicide before flogging—so blows never touched him. 〈Sun Sheng opens by noting ritual loyalty breeds harmony between ruler and minister. Ducal aides should be elite talent—right picks strengthen policy, wrong picks spill the cauldron. Faults warrant dismissal or stripes. Adding rod discipline hardly matches Confucius's counsel to guide by virtue and ritual. Still, entrants must weigh a lord's virtue before serving. Uncertain candidates should scrutinize every step. The truly high-minded soar beyond royal harness or bronze insignia. Others brave office knowing shame may come—Jizi bore kin punishment, Liuxiahui suffered triple exile, Xiao He and Zhou Bo wore chains—all bowed to sovereign duty. Sun Sheng faults He Kui for accepting rank yet brandishing poison to blackmail his ruler against minor humiliation. The Songs line on petty hearts suits him. Banishment would be fair. Absolving him was mistaken.〉 He became magistrate of Chengfu county. 〈Wei shu notes turmoil rippled through the southeast after Liu Bei's revolt. Cao Cao posted Chen Qun at Zan and He Kui at Chengfu, staffing counties with reputable scholars until order returned.〉
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迁长广太守。 郡滨山海，黄巾未平，豪杰多背叛，袁谭就加以官位。 长广县人管承，徒众三千馀家，爲寇害。 议者欲举兵攻之。 夔曰：“承等非生而乐乱也，习於乱，不能自还，未被德教，故不知反善。 今兵迫之急，彼恐夷灭，必并力战。 攻之既未易拔，虽胜，必伤吏民，不如徐喻以恩德，使容自悔，可不烦兵而定。” 乃遣郡丞黄珍往，爲陳成败，承等皆请服。 夔遣吏成弘领校尉，长广县丞等郊迎奉牛酒，诣郡。 矣平贼从钱，众亦数千，夔率郡兵与張辽共讨定之。 東牟人王营，众三千馀家，胁昌阳县爲乱。 夔遣吏王钦等，授以计略，使离散之。 旬月皆平定。
He rose to governor of Changguang commandery. Coastal Changguang still swarmed with Turbans and defectors whom Yuan Tan tried to co-opt. County leader Guan Cheng commanded three thousand families in raids. Advisers urged a punitive expedition. He Kui argued Guan Cheng's people learned violence from circumstance, not malice; lacking moral instruction they could still reform. Coercion would make them fear annihilation and fight with desperate unity. A siege would cost blood even in victory; patience and mercy could win surrender without battle. He dispatched Huang Zhen with terms; Guan Cheng's band submitted. He detailed Cheng Hong as colonel while county aides rode out with cattle and wine to escort the column to headquarters. Another coastal chieftain, Cong Qian, led thousands; He Kui joined Zhang Liao's column to crush them. Wang Ying of Dongmou rallied three thousand families and bullied Changyang into revolt. He Kui gave Wang Qin plans to split and dissolve the band. Inside a month quiet returned.
24
是时太祖始制新科下州郡，又收租税绵绢。 夔以郡初立，近以师旅之后，不可卒绳以法，乃上言曰：
Cao Cao rolled out fresh legal codes and silk levies across the provinces. He Kui argued the new prefecture needed breathing room after war and petitioned for gradual enforcement.
25
自丧乱已来，民人失所，今虽小安，然服教日浅。 所下新科，皆以明罚敕法，齐一大化也。 所领六县，疆域初定，加以饥馑，若一切齐以科禁，恐或有不从教者。 有不从教者不得不诛，则非观民设教随时之意也。 先王辨九服之赋以殊远近，制三典之刑以平治乱，愚以爲此郡宜依远域新邦之典，其民间小事，使长吏临时随宜，上不背正法，下以顺百姓之心。 比及三年，民安其业，然后齐之以法，则无所不至矣。
The populace remained thinly accustomed to order after long wandering. The edicts aimed to unify behavior through clear penalties. Six counties still hollow from famine might resist blanket statutes. Mass executions for minor breaches would betray adaptive governance. Ancient kings graded tribute by distance and matched punishments to chaos; He Kui asked leeway for remote Changguang until routine returned. After three calm harvests, strict codes could apply everywhere.
26
太祖从其言。 徵还，参丞相军事。 海贼郭祖寇暴乐安、济南界，州郡苦之。 太祖以夔前在长广有威信，拜乐安太守。 到官数月，诸城悉平。
Cao Cao approved. Recall brought him onto the chancellor's military council. Pirate Guo Zu terrorized Le'an and Jinan until regional offices groaned. He Kui's Changguang prestige won him the Le'an governorship. Within months every citadel submitted.
27
入爲丞相東曹掾。 夔言於太祖曰：
He joined the eastern bureau under the chancellor. He Kui advised Cao Cao:
28
自军兴以来，制度草创，用人未详其本，是以各引其类，时忘道德。 夔闻以贤制爵，则民慎德； 以庸制禄，则民兴功。 以爲自今所用，必先核之鄉闾，使长幼顺叙，无相逾越。 显忠直之赏，明公实之报，则贤不肖之分，居然别矣。 又可脩保举故不以实之令，使有司别受其负。 在朝之臣，时受教与曹并选者，各任其责。 上以观朝臣之节，下以塞争竞之源，以督群下，以率万民，如是则天下幸甚。
Wartime staffing bred cliques that ignored virtue. Merit-based ranks teach the people to cherish character. Service-based pay teaches them to strive. Nominees should win village scrutiny so seniority and merit stay aligned. Open rewards for candor and penalties for hollow fame would separate wheat from chaff. False sponsors should face statutory blame. Courtiers who co-nominate must answer for their picks. Such rules would test integrity upstairs, choke patronage downstairs, and steady the realm.
29
子曾
He Zeng, his heir.
30
子曾嗣，咸熙中爲司徒。 〈干宝《晋纪》曰：曾字颖考。 正元中爲司隶校尉。 时毌丘俭孙女適刘氏，以孕系廷尉。 女母荀，爲武卫将军荀顗所表活，既免，辞诣廷尉，乞爲官婢以赎女命。 曾使主簿程咸爲议，议曰：“大魏承奏、汉之弊，未及革制。 所以追戮已出之女，诚欲殄丑类之族也。 若已产育，则成他家之母。 於防则不足惩奸乱之源，於情则伤孝子之思，男不御罪於他族，而女独婴戮於二门，非所以哀矜女弱，均法制之大分也。 臣以爲在室之女，可从父母之刑，既醮之妇，使从夫家之戮。” 朝廷从之，乃定律令。 《晋诸公赞》曰：曾以高雅称，加性纯孝，位至太宰，封朗陵县公。 年八十馀薨，谥曰元公。 子邵嗣。 邵字敬祖，才识深博，有经國体仪。 位亦至太宰，谥康公。 子蕤嗣。 邵庶兄遵，字思祖，有幹能。 少经清职，终於太仆。 遵子绥，字伯蔚，亦以幹事称。 永嘉中爲尚書，爲司馬越所杀。 《傅子》称曾及荀顗曰：“以文王之道事其亲者，其颍昌何侯乎！ 其荀侯乎！ 古称曾、闵，今曰荀、何。 内尽其心以事其亲，外崇礼让以接天下。 孝子，百世之宗； 仁人，天下之令也。 有能行仁孝之道者，君子之仪表矣。”〉
He Zeng inherited the line and rose to steward of education under Jin. 〈Gan Bao's Jin annals gives his style as Yingkao. During Zhengyuan he served as metropolitan commandant. Wuqiu Jian's granddaughter, married into the Liu house while pregnant, sat in ministerial custody. Her mother Xun, reprieved through Xun Yi, pleaded to enter penal service to save the girl. He Zeng had Cheng Xian argue that Wei still carried harsh Qin-Han precedent. Executing married-out women aimed to extirpate rebel kin wholesale. Women who bore children belonged to their husbands' clans. The policy neither deterred crime nor spared grieving husbands—it punished women twice while men walked free. He proposed maidens answer for birth families, wives for marital houses. The throne codified his distinction. The Jin praise of ministers calls him refined and dutiful, ending as grand tutor and Langling duke. He died past eighty with posthumous name Yuan. Son He Shao inherited. He Shao, style Jingzu, combined erudition with statesmanlike bearing. He too became grand tutor as Lord Kang posthumously. Son He Rui succeeded him. Concubine-born elder brother He Zun, style Sizu, was an able administrator. He rose through honorific posts to minister of coaches. He Zun's son He Sui, style Bowei, earned repute as a troubleshooter. Under Yongjia he directed the masters of writing until Sima Yue executed him. Fu Xuan pairs He Zeng with Xun Yi as paragons of familial devotion. Or Lord Xun! Ancient lore praised Zeng Shen and Min Ziqian; Wei-Jin writers cited Xun and He. Inwardly filial, outwardly courteous to the world. Filial sons anchor lineages for ages. Humane men become models for the empire. Whoever embodies both sets the gentleman's measure.
31
邢颙字子昂，河间鄚人也。 举孝廉，司徒辟，皆不就。 易姓字，適右北平，从田畴游。 积五年，而太祖定冀州。 颙谓畴曰：“黄巾起来二十馀年，海内鼎沸，百姓流离。 今闻曹公法令严。 民厌乱矣，乱极则平。 请以身先。” 遂装还鄉里。 田畴曰：“邢颙，民之先觉也。” 乃见太祖，求爲鄉导以克柳城。
Xing Yong, courtesy Ziang, hailed from Mo county in Hejian. He refused filial-incorrupt nomination and ministerial summons alike. Assuming an alias, he fled to Right Beiping and studied under Tian Chou. Five years later Cao Cao conquered Ji Province. Xing Yong told Tian Chou that decades of Turban chaos had scattered the people. He heard Cao Cao ruled with stern law. Weary folk welcomed an end to turmoil. He volunteered to lead the way homeward. He journeyed home. Tian Chou called him the first to sense returning peace. Tian Chou then sought Cao Cao out as guide against Liucheng.
32
太祖辟颙爲冀州从事，时人称之曰：“德行堂堂邢子昂。” 除广宗长，以故将丧弃官。 有司举正，太祖曰：“颙笃於旧君，有一致之节。” 勿问也。 更辟司空掾，除行唐令，劝民农桑，风化大行。 入爲丞相门下督，迁左冯翊，病，去官。 是时，太祖诸子高选官属，令曰：“侯家吏，宜得渊深法度如邢颙辈。” 遂以爲平原侯植家丞。 颙防闲以礼，无所屈挠，由是不合。 庶子刘桢書谏植曰：“家丞邢颙，北土之彦，少秉高节，玄静澹泊，言少理多，真雅士也。 桢诚不足同贯斯人，并列左右。 而桢礼遇殊特，颙反疏简，私惧观者将谓君侯习近不肖，礼贤不足，采庶子之春華，忘家丞之秋实。 爲上招谤，其罪不小，以此反侧。” 后参丞相军事，转東曹掾。 初，太子未定，而临菑侯植有宠，丁仪等并赞翼其美。 太祖问颙，颙对曰：“以庶代宗，先世之戒也。 原殿下深重察之！” 太祖识其意，后遂以爲太子少傅，迁太傅。
Cao Cao enlisted him for Ji staff; contemporaries sang of Magnificent Xing Ziang. Made Guangzong magistrate, he resigned mourning a former patron's death. Impeachers struck; Cao Cao praised his loyalty to past masters. He forbade prosecution. Rehired under the ministry, he governed Xingtang, pushing silk and grain until custom flourished. He rose to gate superintendent then left assistant governor of the capital before illness struck. Cao Cao ordered princes to hire jurists of Xing Yong's caliber. Thus Xing Yong became Cao Zhi's majordomo. Ritual discipline estranged him from the free-spirited prince. Liu Zhen urged Cao Zhi to honor Xing Yong's austere northern integrity. Liu Zhen admitted his own mediocrity beside Yong. Yet Cao Zhi lavished Liu Zhen and cold-shouldered Yong—onlookers might call him one who prized flashy companions over fruitful advisers. Such imbalance courted scandal, Liu Zhen warned. Xing Yong later served on military council and eastern bureau. While succession hung open, Ding Yi boosted Cao Zhi. Asked by Cao Cao, Xing Yong cited the peril of elevating younger sons. He begged the heir apparent to weigh the matter with utmost care. Cao Cao heard him and later named him tutor to the crown prince, then senior tutor.
33
文帝践阼，爲侍中尚書仆射，赐爵关内侯，出爲司隶校尉，徙太常。 黄初四年薨。 子友嗣。 〈晋诸公赞曰：颙曾孙乔，字曾伯。 有体量局幹，美於当世。 历清职。 元康中，与刘涣俱爲尚書吏部郎，稍迁至司隶校尉。〉
Cao Pi made him attendant, vice minister, metropolitan commandant, and finally minister of rituals. He died Huangchu 4. Son Xing You inherited. 〈The Jin praise mentions descendant Xing Qiao, style Zengbo. Renowned poise and competence. He served in honorific posts. Yuankang saw him personnel clerk with Liu Huan, later metropolitan commandant.〉
34
二十二年，立太子，以勋爲中庶子。 徙黄门侍郎，出爲魏郡西部都尉。 太子郭夫人弟爲曲周县吏，断盗官布，法应弃市。 太祖时在谯，太子留鄴，数手書爲之请罪。 勋不敢擅纵，具列上。 勋前在東宫，守正不挠，太子固不能悦，及重此事，恚望滋甚。 会郡界休兵有失期者，密敕中尉奏免勋官。 久之，拜侍御史。 延康元年，太祖崩，太子即王位，勋以驸馬都尉兼侍中。
When the crown prince was named in the twenty-second year, Bao Xun joined his household as palace attendant. He moved to yellow-gate attendant and western Wei commandery chief commandant. The crown prince's brother-in-law, a Quzhou clerk, stole official cloth—a capital offense. Cao Cao was at Qiao while the crown prince stayed in Ye, sending repeated pleas to spare his brother-in-law. Bao Xun refused a quiet discharge and forwarded the full dossier to court. Bao Xun's stern tenure in the heir's household had already bitter Cao Pi; enforcing the law on Lady Guo's kin deepened the grudge. When troops missed muster in his jurisdiction, the prince secretly had the capital commandant impeach Bao Xun out of office. Eventually he received appointment as palace censor. Yankang 1 brought Cao Pi to the kingship; Bao Xun paired imperial-son-in-law command with palace attendance.
35
文帝受禅，勋每陳“今之所急，唯在军农，宽惠百姓。 台榭苑囿，宜以爲后。” 文帝将出游猎，勋停车上疏曰：“臣闻五帝三王，靡不明本立教，以孝治天下。 陛下仁圣恻隐，有同古烈。 臣冀当继踪前代，令万世可则也。 如何在谅闇之中，修驰骋之事乎！ 臣冒死以闻，唯陛下察焉。” 帝手毁其表而竞行猎，中道顿息，问侍臣曰：“猎之爲乐，何如八音也？” 侍中刘晔对曰：“猎胜於乐。” 勋抗辞曰：“夫乐，上通神明，下和人理，隆治致化，万邦咸乂。 移风易俗，莫善於乐。 况猎，暴華盖於原野，伤生育之至理，栉风沐雨，不以时隙哉？ 昔鲁隐观渔於棠，春秋讥之。 虽陛下以爲务，愚臣所不原也。” 因奏：“刘晔佞谀不忠，阿顺陛下过戏之言。 昔梁丘据取媚於遄台，晔之谓也。 请有司议罪以清皇庙。” 帝怒作色，罢还，即出勋爲右中郎将。
As emperor, Bao Xun kept urging priority for armies, farms, and mercy for the people. Palaces and hunts could wait. He stopped Cao Pi's hunt with a tract on classical rulers founding rule on filial piety. He praised Cao Pi's benevolence as worthy of antiquity. He asked the emperor to leave a model for posterity. How could mourning permit reckless riding? He risked execution to speak plainly. Cao Pi shredded the memorial yet rode out, then mid-hunt asked whether sport beat music. Liu Ye flattered him that hunting topped orchestral joy. Bao Xun countered that music linked heaven and earth and civilized the realm. The Record of Music says reforming manners begins with pitch and rhythm. Hunting battered nature and wasted seasons compared with harmonious sound. He cited Duke Yin's infamous fishing junket. Even imperial enthusiasm could not sway him. He impeached Liu Ye for toadying. He compared Liu Ye to Qi court sycophants. He demanded judicial review to purify the court. Enraged, Cao Pi banished him to right household guard general.
36
黄初四年，尚書令陳群、仆射司馬宣王并举勋爲宫正，宫正即御史中丞也。 帝不得已而用之，百寮严惮，罔不肃然。 六年秋，帝欲征吴，群臣大议，勋面谏曰：“王师屡征而未有所克者，盖以吴、蜀脣齿相依，凭阻山水，有难拔之势故也。 往年龙舟飘荡，隔在南岸，圣躬蹈危，臣下破胆。 此时宗庙几至倾覆，爲百世之戒。 今又劳兵袭远，日费千金，中國虚耗，令黠虏玩威，臣窃以爲不可。” 帝益忿之，左迁勋爲治書执法。
Huangchu 4 saw Chen Qun and Sima Yi nominate Bao Xun as palace rectifier—equivalent to imperial censor-in-chief. Forced to agree, Cao Pi watched officials snap to discipline under Bao Xun. He warned that Wu's alliance with Shu and river barriers doomed repeat invasions. He recalled Cao Pi's boat stranded south of the Yangzi, terrifying the court. That near disaster must caution future campaigns. Another expedition would bleed the treasury while enemies mocked Wei strength. Furious, Cao Pi cut him to archival clerk.
37
帝从壽春还，屯陳留郡界。 太守孙邕见，出过勋。 时营垒未成，但立标埒，邕邪行不从正道，军营令史刘曜欲推之，勋以堑垒未成，解止不举。 大军还洛阳，曜有罪，勋奏绌遣，而曜密表勋私解邕事。 诏曰：“勋指鹿作馬，收付廷尉。” 廷尉法议：“正刑五岁。” 三官駮：“依律罚金二斤。” 帝大怒曰：“勋无活分，而汝等敢纵之！ 收三官已下付刺奸，当令十鼠同穴。” 太尉锺繇、司徒華歆、镇军大将军陳群、侍中辛毗、尚書卫臻、守廷尉高柔等并表“勋父信有功於太祖”，求请勋罪。 帝不许，遂诛勋。 勋内行既脩，廉而能施，死之日，家无馀财。 后二旬，文帝亦崩，莫不爲勋叹恨。
Returning from Shouchun, Cao Pi camped along Chenliu. Prefect Sun Yong exited audience past Bao Xun's station. Sun Yong shortcutted stakes; Liu Yao sought charges; Bao Xun withheld prosecution until fortifications stood. Later Liu Yao fell afoul; Bao Xun cashiered him, so Liu Yao snitched about Sun Yong. An edict accused Bao Xun of twisting truth like Zhao Gao. Judges proposed five years penal labor. Reviewers argued for a copper fine only. Cao Pi screamed that Bao Xun deserved death, not fines. He threatened to bury judges with informers like rats in a pit. Grandees cited Bao Xin's service to Cao Cao pleading mercy. Cao Pi refused and executed Bao Xun. He died poor despite private virtue. Two weeks later Cao Pi died; observers mourned Bao Xun anew.
38
司馬芝
Biography of Sima Zhi.
39
司馬芝字子華，河内温人也。 少爲書生，避乱荆州，於鲁阳山遇贼，同行者皆弃老弱走，芝独坐守老母。 贼至，以刃临芝，芝叩头曰：“母老，唯在诸君！” 贼曰：“此孝子也，杀之不义。” 遂得免害，以鹿车推载母。 居南方十馀年，躬耕守节。
Sima Zhi, courtesy Zihua, came from Wen county in Henei. Fleeing to Jing, robbers cornered his party; companions fled, but he shielded his mother. He begged brigands to spare his elderly mother. They called him dutiful and stayed their swords. They escaped; he pushed her in a handcart. He farmed honorably south of the Yangzi for a decade.
40
太祖平荆州，以芝爲菅长。 时天下草创，多不奉法。 郡主簿刘节，旧族豪侠，宾客千馀家，出爲盗贼，入乱吏治。 顷之，芝差节客王同等爲兵，掾史据白：“节家前后未尝给繇，若至时藏匿，必爲留负。” 芝不听，与节書曰：“君爲大宗，加股肱郡，而宾客每不与役，既众庶怨望，或流声上闻。 今 （条） 同等爲兵，幸时发遣。” 兵已集郡，而节藏同等，因令督邮以军兴诡责县，县掾史穷困，乞代同行。 芝乃驰檄济南，具陳节罪。 太守郝光素敬信芝，即以节代同行，青州号芝“以郡主簿爲兵”。 迁广平令。 征虏将军刘勋，贵宠骄豪，又芝故郡将，宾客子弟在界数犯法。 勋与芝書，不著姓名，而多所属讬，芝不报其書，一皆如法。 后勋以不轨诛，交关者皆获罪，而芝以见称。 〈《魏略》曰：勋字子台，琅邪人。 中平末，爲沛國建平长，与太祖有旧。 后爲庐江太守，爲孙策所破，自归太祖，封列侯，遂从在散伍议中。 勋兄爲豫州刺史，病亡。 兄子威，又代从政。 勋自恃与太祖有宿，日骄慢，数犯法，又诽谤。 爲李申成所白，收治，并免威官。〉
Cao Cao named him magistrate of Jian county after taking Jing. Early Wei saw widespread legal laxity. Chief clerk Liu Jie ran a thousand-client racket inside and outside the yamen. Staff warned Liu Jie's retainers would dodge conscription. Sima Zhi insisted Jie's followers owed labor like anyone else. Now, (a manuscript slip reads tiao 'clause,' likely editorial punctuation) dispatch Wang Tong's batch on schedule. Liu Jie hid the conscripts and pressured the county through bogus military orders. Sima Zhi reported Liu Jie to Jinan in writing. Prefect Hao Guang drafted Liu Jie himself, earning Sima Zhi the jest that he turned chief clerks into soldiers. He moved up to Guangping magistrate. Liu Xun's hangers-on broke laws in Sima Zhi's county. Sima Zhi ignored anonymous pull peddling and judged by code alone. When Liu Xun fell for treason, Sima Zhi won praise for incorruptibility. 〈Weilüe identifies Liu Xun as Zitai from Langye. Late Han he governed Jianping in Pei and knew Cao Cao of old. Sun Ce smashed his Lujiang command; he surrendered to Cao Cao, took a column marquisate, and joined staff debates. His elder brother died as Yu Province governor. Nephew Liu Wei inherited the post. Liu Xun presumed on Cao Cao's friendship, broke laws, and spread libel. Li Shengcheng denounced him; Liu Wei lost rank too.〉
41
迁大理正。 有盗官练置都厕上者，吏疑女工，收以付狱。 芝曰：“夫刑罪之失，失在苛暴。 今赃物先得而后讯其辞，若不胜掠，或至诬服。 诬服之情，不可以折狱。 且简而易从，大人之化也。 不失有罪，庸世之治耳。 今宥所疑，以隆易从之义，不亦可乎！” 太祖从其议。 历甘陵、沛、阳平太守，所在有绩。
He rose to senior judge under the minister of justice. Theft of palace silk implicated female artisans wrongly. Sima Zhi opened by blaming brutal justice. Evidence-first interrogation invited torture-induced lies. Coerced pleas cannot sustain verdicts. Lenient clarity embodies sage governance. Convicting everyone is mediocre rule. Mercy toward doubt teaches obedience. Cao Cao adopted his view. He governed Ganling, Pei, and Yangping with distinction.
42
黄初中，入爲河南尹，抑强扶弱，私请不行。 会内官欲以事讬芝，不敢发言，因芝妻伯父董昭。 昭犹惮芝，不爲通。 芝爲教与群下曰：“盖君能设教，不能使吏必不犯也。 吏能犯教，而不能使君必不闻也。 夫设教而犯，君之劣也； 犯教而闻，吏之祸也。 君劣於上，吏祸於下，此政事所以不理也。 可不各勉之哉！” 於是下吏莫不自励。 门下循行尝疑门幹盗簪，幹辞不符，曹执爲狱。 芝教曰：“凡物有相似而难分者，自非离娄，鲜能不惑。 就其实然，循行何忍重惜一簪，轻伤同类乎！ 其寝勿问。”
As Henan governor he shielded the weak and barred pull. Eunuchs tried reaching him via Dong Zhao. Even Dong Zhao hesitated to ask. He lectured staff that rulers set rules clerks might still break. But clerks could not hide breaches forever. Broken rules shame the ruler first. Exposure ruins clerks below. Both failures warp government. Every rank must strive! Staff tightened discipline overnight. A patrolman accused a gate runner of pin theft on thin grounds. Sima Zhi noted lookalike evidence unless one had Li Lou's eyes. Why ruin a colleague over one pin? He dismissed the case.
43
诸应死罪者，皆当先表须报。 前制書禁绝淫祀以正风俗，今当等所犯妖刑，辞語始定，黄门吴达诣臣，傳太皇太后令。 臣不敢通，惧有救护，速闻圣听，若不得已，以垂宿留。 由事不早竟，是臣之罪，是以冒犯常科，辄敕县考竟，擅行刑戮，伏须诛罚。
Death sentences required imperial confirmation. Prior bans on illicit cults framed Dang's sorcery trial when a eunuch relayed the empress dowager's command mid-case. He would not pass the message along lest protectors alert the emperor prematurely; only if compelled would he let the case sit overnight. He confessed to rushing a capital sentence without higher approval and offered himself for punishment.
44
帝手报曰：“省表，明卿至心，欲奉诏書，以权行事，是也。 此乃卿奉诏之意，何谢之有？ 后黄门复往，慎勿通也。” 芝居官十一年，数议科条所不便者。 其在公卿间，直道而行。 会诸王来朝，与京都人交通，坐免。
Cao Rui answered that Sima Zhi had rightly balanced imperial orders with practical judgment. No apology was required for faithful execution. Future eunuch interventions should be blocked the same way. For eleven years as Henan governor he contested cumbersome laws. Among high ministers he kept an uncompromising course. Princes' illicit contacts with Luoyang locals cost him his post.
45
后爲大司农。 先是诸典农各部吏民，末作治生，以要利入。 芝奏曰：
He later directed the ministry of agriculture. Colony officials had turned tenant farmers toward trade sidelines. Sima Zhi submitted:
46
王者之治，崇本抑末，务农重谷。 王制：‘无三年之储，國非其國也。 ’管子区言以积谷爲急。 方今二虏未灭，师旅不息，國家之要，惟在谷帛。 武皇帝特开屯田之官，专以农桑爲业。 建安中，天下仓廪充实，百姓殷足。 自黄初以来，听诸典农治生，各爲部下之计，诚非國家大体所宜也。 夫王者以海内爲家，故傳曰：‘百姓不足，君谁与足！ ’富足之田，在於不失天时而尽地力。 今商旅所求，虽有加倍之显利，然於一统之计，已有不赀之损，不如垦田益一亩之收也。 夫农民之事田，自正月耕种，耘锄条桑，耕熯种麦，穫刈筑场，十月乃毕。 治廪系桥，运输租赋，除道理梁，墐涂室屋，以是终岁，无日不爲农事也。 今诸典农，各言‘留者爲行者宗田计，课其力，势不得不尔。 不有所废，则当素有馀力。 ’臣愚以爲不宜复以商事杂乱，专以农桑爲务，於國计爲便。
The throne must privilege agriculture over commerce. The royal ordinances demand three years' grain reserves. Guan Zhong called granaries the first imperative. Until Wu and Shu fell, grain and cloth remained the strategic priority. Cao Cao founded the colony system for tillage and silk alone. Jian'an granaries once overflowed and the people prospered. Huangchu permissiveness let colonies chase private gain—a poor fit for national policy. The ruler shares one purse with the realm—Analects warn that broke peasants mean a broke throne. Wealth comes from timely sowing and full use of soil. Trading windfalls drain the strategic economy worse than opening one extra mu. The farming calendar runs solid labor from spring sowing through autumn threshing. Farmers spend the year hauling tax grain, mending roads, and patching roofs—no idle day. Colony heads excuse sideline labor as tallying absentees' plots. Without commercial distraction farmers would have spare effort. He urged banning colony commerce to refocus on grain and silk.
47
明帝从之。
Mingdi adopted the proposal.
48
每上官有所召问，常先见掾史，爲断其意故，教其所以答塞之状，皆如所度。 芝性亮直，不矜廉隅。 与宾客谈論，有不可意，便面折其短，退无异言。 卒於官，家无馀财，自魏迄今爲河南尹者莫及芝。
He coached subordinates before imperial audiences until replies landed exactly as predicted. He was candid without theatrical righteousness. He criticized companions openly and never gossiped behind their backs. He died poor in post; later Henan governors were measured against him and found wanting.
49
子岐
His heir Sima Qi.
50
芝亡，子岐嗣，从河南丞转廷尉正，迁陳留相。 梁郡有系囚，多所连及，数岁不决。 诏書徙狱于岐属县，县请豫治牢具。 岐曰：“今囚有数十，既巧诈难符，且已倦楚毒，其情易见。 岂当复久处囹圄邪！” 及囚室，诘之，皆莫敢匿诈，一朝决竟，遂超爲廷尉。 是时大将军爽专权，尚書何晏、邓飏等爲之辅翼。 南阳圭泰尝以言迕指，考系廷尉。 飏讯狱，将致泰重刑。 岐数飏曰：“夫枢机大臣，王室之佐，既不能辅化成德，齐美古人，而乃肆其私忿，枉論无辜。 使百姓危心，非此焉在？” 飏於是惭怒而退。 岐终恐久获罪，以疾去官。 居家未期而卒，年三十五。 子肇嗣。 〈肇，晋太康中爲冀州刺史、尚書，见 （百官志） 〔百官名〕。〉
Sima Qi inherited, rose from Henan aide to judge, then Chenliu minister. Liang commandery jailed mass defendants for years unresolved. An edict transferred the case to his counties, which begged to build new cells. Sima Qi argued dozens of broken suspects could hide nothing more. Why prolong their jail time? Morning interrogations cleared every charge and vaulted him to minister of justice. Cao Shuang dominated court with He Yan and Deng Yang as allies. Gui Tai of Nanyang crossed power-holders and landed in jail. Deng Yang meant to crush Gui Tai in trial. Sima Qi rebuked Deng Yang for persecuting innocents while claiming to serve the dynasty. Such cruelty was how rulers lost popular trust. Deng Yang stalked off humiliated and furious. Fearing reprisal, Sima Qi resigned on health grounds. He died within the year at thirty-five. Son Sima Zhao inherited. 〈During the Jin Taikang era he governed Ji Province and served as minister of the masters of writing; see (Treatise on the Hundred Offices) and the Register of Official Titles).〉
51
作者評論
Commentary of the historian.
52
评曰：徐奕、何夔、邢颙贵尚峻厉，爲世名人。 毛玠清公素履，司馬芝忠亮不倾，庶乎不吐刚茹柔。 崔琰高格最优，鮑勋秉正无亏，而皆不免其身，惜哉！ 大雅贵“既明且哲”，虞書尚“直而能温”，自非兼才，畴克备诸！
Chen Shou ranks Xu Yi, He Kui, and Xing Yong among the era's stern exemplars. Mao Jie and Sima Zhi embodied the classic refusal to truckle to the powerful. Cui Yan and Bao Xun stood tallest yet paid with their lives—a bitter loss. The canon demands both wisdom and warmth—few mortals unite every virtue.