1
杜微字國輔，梓潼涪人也。 少受學於廣漢任安。 劉障辟為從事，以疾去官。 及先主定蜀，微常稱聾，閉門不出。
Du Wei, styled Guofu, came from Fu in Zitong commandery. As a youth he studied under Ren An of Guanghan. Liu Zhang appointed him a staff aide, but he resigned on grounds of illness. After Liu Bei took Shu, Du Wei feigned deafness and shut himself away.
2
建興二年，丞相亮領益州牧。 選迎皆妙簡舊德，以秦宓為別駕，五梁為功曹，微為主簿。 微固辭，舉而致之。 既致，亮引見微，微自陳謝。 亮以微不聞人語，於坐上與書曰：
In 224 Zhuge Liang became governor of Yizhou. His appointments favored established worthies: Qin Mi as aide-de-camp, Wu Liang as merit clerk, and Du Wei as chief clerk. Du Wei refused firmly, so they had him carried to office. When he arrived, Zhuge Liang received him; Du Wei apologized for his reluctance. Because Du Wei could not hear speech, Zhuge Liang wrote to him at their meeting:
3
服聞德行，飢渴歷時，清濁異流，無緣諮覯。 王元泰、李伯仁、王文儀、楊季休、丁君乾、李永南兄弟、文仲寶等，每歎高志，未見如舊。 猥以空虛，統領貴州，德薄任重，慘慘憂慮、朝廷主公今年始十八，天姿仁敏，愛德下士。 天下之人思慕漢室，欲與君因天順民，輔此明主，以隆季興之功，著勳於竹帛也。 以謂賢愚下相為謀，故自割絕，守勞而已，不圖自屈也。
I have long admired your virtue from afar, yet as clear stays apart from muddy water we have never met. Wang Yuantai, Li Shao, Wang Wenyi, Yang Hong, Ding Gong, the Li brothers Yongnan, Wen Zhongbao, and the rest often speak of your high purpose; they miss you as in former days. I am unworthy yet hold this province; my virtue is slight and my burden heavy, and I worry constantly. Our sovereign in the capital has just turned eighteen: humane, quick of mind, and eager to honor good men. All who long for the house of Han wish you would heed Heaven and the people, support this enlightened ruler, enlarge the work of restoring the dynasty, and leave your name on the record. You thought wise and simple could not counsel together, so you cut yourself off and kept to your quiet life—I never thought you would humble yourself to come.
4
微自乞老病求歸，亮又與書答曰：
Du Wei asked to retire on account of age and infirmity; Zhuge Liang wrote again:
5
曹丕篡弒，自立為帝，是猶土龍芻狗之有名也。 欲與羣賢因其邪偽，以正道滅之。 怪君未有相誨，便欲求還於山野。 丕又大興勞役，以向吳、楚。 今因丕多務，且以閉境勤農，育養民物，並治甲兵，以待其挫，然後伐之，可使兵不戰民不勞而天下定也。 君但當以德輔時耳，不責君軍事，何為汲汲欲求去乎！
Cao Pi murdered his liege and seized the throne—a thing as empty as a clay dragon or a straw dog parading a title. I mean to join the worthy in turning his own treachery against him and destroy him by right. I am surprised you offer no counsel yet already wish to flee to the hills. Cao Pi is again driving his people on vast corvées against Wu and Chu. While he is overbusy, we should seal the borders, encourage farming, rest the people, and ready arms until he falters—then strike so that the realm may be settled without needless battles or wear on the folk. You need only lend your virtue to the times; I do not press you for military duty—why this haste to withdraw?
6
其敬微如此，拜為諫議大夫，以從其志。 五梁者，字德山，犍為南安人也，以儒學節操稱。 從議郎遷諫義大夫、五官中朗將。
Such was Zhuge Liang’s deference to him: he named him grandee remonstrant to suit his wish to serve without heavy burden. Wu Liang, styled Deshan, of Nan'an in Qianwei, was known for classical learning and upright conduct. He rose from gentleman consultant to remonstrance grandee and general of the household for all purposes.
7
周羣字仲直，巴西閬中人也。 父舒，字叔布，少學術於廣漢楊厚，名亞董扶、任安。 數被徵，終不詣。 時人有問：「《春秋讖》曰『代漢者當塗高』，此何謂也？」 舒曰：「當塗高者，魏也。」 鄉黨學者私傳其語，羣少受學於舒，專心候業。 於庭中做小樓，家富多奴，常令奴更直於樓上視天災，才見一氣，即白羣，羣自上樓觀之，不避晨夜，故凡有氣候，無不見之者，是以所言多中。 州牧劉璋辟以為師友從事。 〈《續漢書》曰：建安七年，越巂有男子化為女人，時羣言哀帝時亦有此，將易代之祥也。 至二十五年，獻帝果封於山陽。 十二年十月，有星孛於鶉尾，荊州分野，羣以為荊州牧將死而失土。 明年秋，劉表卒，曹公平荊州。 十七年十二月，星孛於五諸侯，羣以為西方專據土地者皆將失土。 是時，劉璋據益州，張魯據漢中，韓遂據涼州，宋建據枹罕。 明年冬，曹公遣偏將擊涼州。 十九年，獲宋建，韓遂逃於羌中，被殺。 其年秋，璋失益州。 二十年秋，曹公攻漢中，張魯降。〉 先主定蜀，署儒林校尉。
Zhou Qun, styled Zhongzhi, came from Langzhong in Baxi. His father Zhou Shu, styled Shubu, studied occult arts under Yang Hou of Guanghan and ranked just below Dong Fu and Ren An in renown. He was summoned repeatedly but never went. Someone asked him what the Spring and Autumn prophecy meant by “he who replaces Han will be dangtu gao.” Zhou Shu answered that “dangtu gao” meant Wei. Village scholars repeated his words in private. Zhou Qun studied under his father and devoted himself to celestial observation. He built a small tower in his courtyard and, being wealthy, set slaves in shifts on its roof to watch the sky. At the first trace of an omen they called Zhou Qun, who climbed up day or night to look himself, so he missed no portent and his predictions usually proved true. Liu Zhang named him mentor-and-friend on his staff. 〈The Xu Han shu records that in 202 a man in Yuexi turned into a woman; Zhou Qun said the same had happened under Emperor Ai of Han and foretold a change of dynasty. In 220 the emperor was indeed enfeoffed at Shanyang. In the tenth month of 207 a comet appeared in the Quail’s Tail, Jingzhou’s celestial field; Zhou Qun predicted the Jing governor would die and lose his territory. The next autumn Liu Biao died and Cao Cao took Jingzhou. In December 212 a comet appeared at the Five Feudatories; Zhou Qun said every western warlord who held territory would lose it. At that time Liu Zhang held Yizhou, Zhang Lu Hanzhong, Han Sui Liangzhou, and Song Jian Fuhan. The next winter Cao Cao sent a column against Liangzhou. In 214 Song Jian was captured, Han Sui fled among the Qiang and was killed. That autumn Liu Zhang lost Yizhou. In the autumn of 215 Cao Cao attacked Hanzhong and Zhang Lu surrendered.〉 After Liu Bei took Shu he named him colonel of the forest of scholars.
8
先主欲曹公爭漢中，問羣，羣對曰：「當得其地，不得其民也，若出偏軍，必不利，當戒慎之！」 時州後部司馬蜀郡張裕亦曉佔候，而天才過羣， 〈裕字南和。〉 諫先主曰：「不可爭漢中，軍必不利。」 先主竟不用裕言，果得地而不得民也。 遣將軍吳蘭、雷銅等入成都，皆沒不還，悉如羣言。 於是舉羣茂才。
The First Sovereign wished to contend with Lord Cao for Hanzhong, asked Qun; Qun replied saying, "You ought to obtain its land, not obtain its people; if you send a detached army, certainly it will not be favorable—you ought to guard and be careful!" Zhang Yu of Shu, rear-division major of the province, also practiced astrology and was even more gifted than Zhou Qun. 〈His courtesy name was Nanhe.〉 He remonstrated the First Sovereign saying, "You cannot contest Hanzhong—the army certainly will not be favorable." Liu Bei ignored Zhang Yu and indeed took the land without winning the people. The generals Wu Lan, Lei Tong, and others whom he sent toward Chengdu were destroyed to a man, just as Zhou Qun had foretold. Zhou Qun was then nominated flourishing talent.
9
裕又私語人曰：「歲在庚子，天下當易代，劉氏祚盡矣。 主公得益州，九年之後，寅卯之間當失之。」 入密白其言。 初，先主與劉璋會涪，時裕為璋從事，侍坐，其人饒須，先主嘲之曰：「昔吾居涿縣，特多毛姓，東西南北皆諸毛也，涿令稱曰『諸毛繞涿居乎』！」 裕即答曰：「昔有作上黨潞長，遷為涿令者，去官還家，時人與書，欲署潞則失涿，欲署涿則失潞，乃署曰：『潞涿君』。 先主無須，故裕以此及之。 先主常銜莫不遜，加忿其漏言，乃顯裕諫爭漢中不驗，下獄，將誅之。 諸葛亮表請其罪，先主答曰：「勞蘭生門，不得不鋤。」 裕遂棄市。 後魏氏之立，先主之薨，皆如裕所刻。 又曉相術，每舉鏡視面，自知刑死，未常不撲之於地也。
Yu again privately told someone saying, "When the year stands in gengzi, the realm ought to change the age; the Liu house's fate is exhausted. When the lord obtained Yizhou, after nine years, between yin and mao he ought to lose it." Someone reported his words in secret. When Liu Bei once met Liu Zhang at Fu, Zhang Yu was present with his heavy beard. Liu Bei teased him that in Zhuo county every direction had been full of people surnamed Mao—“all the Maos around Zhuo,” the magistrate had joked. Zhang Yu shot back with the tale of a Lu district chief of Shangdang promoted to Zhuo magistrate whom correspondents could only address as “Lord Lu-Zhuo,” lest either place name be dropped. Liu Bei was beardless, so Zhang Yu turned the jest on him. Liu Bei long resented his rudeness and, furious that he had spread prophecies, seized on his mistaken counsel about Hanzhong, threw him in prison, and prepared to execute him. Zhuge Liang pleaded for him, but Liu Bei answered, “Weeds at the gate must be cut.” Zhang Yu was then executed in the marketplace. The founding of Wei and Liu Bei’s death fell out as Zhang Yu had predicted. He also knew physiognomy; whenever he looked in a mirror and saw he was fated for execution, he flung it down.
10
羣卒，子臣頗傳其術。
When Zhou Qun died, his son Zhou Chen inherited something of his art.
11
杜瓊字伯瑜，蜀郡成都人也。 少受學於任安，精究安術。 劉璋時辟為從事，先主定益州，領牧，以瓊為議曹從事。 後主踐阼，拜諫議大夫，遷左中郎將、大鴻臚、太常。 為人靜默少言，闔門自守，不與世事。 蔣琬、費禕等皆器重之。 雖學業入深，初不視天文有所論說。 後近通儒譙周常問其意，瓊答曰：「欲明此術甚難，須當身視，識其形色，不可信人也。 晨夜苦劇，然後知之，復憂漏洩，不如不知，是以不復視也。」 周因問曰：「昔周徵君以為當塗高者魏也，其義何也？」 瓊答曰：「魏，闕名也，當塗而高，聖人取類而言耳。」 又問周曰：「寧復有所怪邪？」 周曰：「未達也。」 瓊又曰：「古者名官職不言曹，始自漢已來，名官盡言曹。 吏言屬曹，卒言侍曹，此殆天意也。」
Du Qiong, styled Boyu, was a native of Chengdu in Shu commandery. He studied under Ren An and mastered his techniques. Under Liu Zhang he was a staff aide; after Liu Bei took Yizhou he made him an aide in the deliberation cohort. When Liu Shan took the throne Du Qiong became grandee remonstrant, then general of the household of the left, grand herald, and grand master of ceremonies. He was quiet and reticent, kept to his house, and shunned public affairs. Jiang Wan, Fei Yi, and others held him in high regard. Though deeply learned in the classics, he refused to discourse on astrology. Later the nearby thorough scholar Qiao Zhou often asked his meaning; Qiong answered saying, "To clarify this art is very hard; one must personally view, recognize its form and color—one cannot trust others. Dawn and night bitter toil, then afterward knowing it; again fearing leakage—better not to know—therefore no longer viewing." Qiao Zhou then asked what Zhou Shu had meant by saying “dangtu gao” was Wei. Du Qiong replied that wei was the name of the palace gate—“blocking the road and high”—and the sage had spoken by analogy. Again asked Zhou saying, "Is there yet something strange?" Zhou said, "I have not understood." Qiong again said, "In antiquity naming offices did not say cao; beginning from Han onward, naming offices all say cao. Clerks speak belonging cao; soldiers speak attending cao—this is nearly heaven's intent."
12
瓊年八十餘，延熙十三年卒。 著《韓詩章句》十餘萬言，不教諸子，內學無傳業者。 周緣瓊言，乃觸類而長之曰：
Du Qiong died in 250, aged over eighty. He wrote more than a hundred thousand characters on the Han shi but taught none of his sons his occult learning, so it died with him. Building on Du Qiong’s hints, Qiao Zhou elaborated:
13
《春秋傳》著秦穆候名太子曰仇，弟曰成師。 師服曰：『異哉君之名子也！ 嘉耦曰妃，怨耦曰仇，今君名太子曰仇，弟曰成師，始兆亂矣，兄其替乎？』 其後果如服言。 及漢靈帝名二子曰史候、董候，既立為帝，後皆免為諸侯，與師服言相似也。 先主諱備，其訓具也，後主諱禪，其訓授也，如言劉已具矣，當授與人也； 意者甚於穆候、靈帝之名子。
The Zuo tradition records how Duke Mu of Qin named his heir Chou and his younger son Chengsi. Shi Fu cried, “Strange indeed, my lord, how you have named your sons!” A good match is fei and a bad match chou; to name the elder Chou and the younger “completed armies” was an omen of strife—would the elder not be cast down? Events proved Shi Fu right. Emperor Ling’s sons, the Marquises of Shi and Dong, were enthroned and then degraded like Shi Fu’s warning. The Former Ruler’s name Bei means “complete,” and the Later Ruler’s name Shan means “to hand over”—as if to say the house of Liu was complete and must be yielded to another; a darker omen than Duke Mu’s or Emperor Ling’s choice of names.
14
後宦人黃皓弄權於內，景耀五年，宮中大樹無故自折，周深憂之，無所與言，乃書柱曰：「眾而大，期之會，具而授，若何復？」 言曹者眾也，魏者大也，眾而大，天下其當會也，具而授，如何復有立者乎？ 蜀既亡，咸以周言為驗。 周曰：「此雖己所推尋，然有所因，由杜君之辭而廣之耳，殊無神思獨至之異也。」
When the eunuch Huang Hao dominated the court, a great tree in the palace snapped in 262 without wind. Qiao Zhou brooded in silence and wrote on a pillar: “Many and great, the hour of meeting; complete and handed over—what renewal?” Cao means “crowd,” Wei means “great”—a great host gathers and the realm is united; once all is handed over, who could still stand? After Shu fell, everyone said Qiao Zhou had been proved right. Zhou said, "This although myself I pushed and sought, yet had what it followed from—by Lord Du's words I broadened it; utterly no spirit-thought uniquely arriving's strangeness."
15
許慈字仁篤，南陽人也。 師事劉熙，善鄭氏學，治《易》、《尚書》、《三禮》、《毛詩》、《論語》。 建安中，與許靖等俱自交州入蜀。 時又有魏郡胡潛，字公興，不知其所以在益土。 潛雖學不沾洽，然卓犖強識，祖宗制度之儀，喪紀五服之數，皆指掌畫地，舉手可採。 先主定蜀，承喪亂歷紀，學業衰廢，乃鳩合典籍，沙汰眾學。 慈、潛並為學士，與孟光、來敏等典掌舊文。 值庶事草創，動多疑議，慈、潛更相剋伐，謗讟忿急，形於聲色； 書籍有無，不相通借，時尋楚撻，以相震攇。 〈攇，虛晚反。〉 其矜己妒彼，乃至於此。 先主愍其若斯，羣僚大會，使倡家假為二子之容，效其訟鬩之狀，酒酣樂作，以為嬉戲。 初以辭義相難，終以刀杖相屈，用感切之。 潛先沒，慈後主世稍遷至大長秋，卒。 〈孫盛曰：蜀少人士，故慈、潛等並見載述。〉 子勳傳其業，復為博士。
Xu Ci, styled Rendu, was from Nanyang. He studied under Liu Xi, mastered the Zheng school, and lectured on the Changes, Documents, three Rites, Mao Odes, and Analects. In the Jian’an years he came to Shu from Jiaozhou with Xu Jing and others. There was also Hu Qian of Wei commandery, styled Gongxing, of uncertain origin in Shu. Hu Qian was not broadly read but had a formidable memory: ancestral ritual and the degrees of mourning he could trace on the ground from his fingertips. After the wars Liu Bei gathered the classics, culled scholars, and tried to revive learning. Xu Ci and Hu Qian became academicians with Meng Guang and Lai Min in charge of the old texts. While institutions were still being founded they disputed every point, Xu Ci and Hu Qian sniped at each other with open bitterness; they would not lend each other books and even threatened one another with blows. 〈The commentary gives a fanqie spelling for this graph, reading xu-wan.〉 Their vanity and mutual jealousy went that far. Liu Bei pitied them and, at a banquet of the full court, had actors mimic the two scholars and act out their quarrel for sport when the wine flowed and music struck up. The skit began with verbal sparring and ended with mock blows, meant to shame them into reform. Hu Qian died first; under the Later Ruler Xu Ci rose step by step to grand prolonger of autumn and then died. 〈Sun Sheng remarks that Shu had few scholars, so figures like Xu Ci and Hu Qian earned a place in the record.〉 His son Xu Xun inherited his learning and also became a court erudite.
16
孟光字孝裕，河南洛陽人，漢太尉孟鬱之族。 〈《續漢書》曰：鬱，中常侍孟賁之弟。〉 靈帝末為講部吏。 獻帝遷都長安，遂逃人蜀，劉焉父子待以客禮。 博物識古，無書不覽，尤銳意三史，長於漢家舊典。 好《公羊春秋》而譏呵《左氏》，每與來敏爭此二義，光常譊譊讙咋。 〈譊音奴交反。 讙音休袁反。 咋音徂格反。〉 先主定益州，拜為儀郎，與許慈等並掌制度。 後主踐阼，為符節令、屯騎校尉、長樂少府，遷大司農。
Meng Guang, styled Xiaoyu, was a native of Luoyang in Henan and a kinsman of Han grand commandant Meng Yu. 〈The Xu Han shu identifies Meng Yu as the younger brother of the eunuch Meng Ben.〉 At the end of Emperor Ling’s reign he served as a clerk in the lecture office. When the emperor moved to Chang'an, he fled into Shu, where Liu Yan and Liu Zhang received him as an honored guest. He was widely read in antiquity, pored especially over the three histories, and knew the Han statutes better than most. He favored the Gongyang tradition and mocked the Zuo commentary, and whenever he debated the two with Lai Min he grew loud and quarrelsome. 〈The character nao is read with the fanqie nu-jiao. The character huan is read with the fanqie xiu-yuan. The character za is read with the fanqie zu-ge.〉 After Liu Bei took Yizhou he named him gentleman of ceremony and put him with Xu Ci and others in charge of ritual regulations. Under Liu Shan he served as bearer of credentials, colonel of garrisoned cavalry, junior steward of the Eternal Joy palace, and then grand minister of agriculture.
17
延熙九年秋，大赦，光於眾中責大將軍費禕曰：「夫赦者，偏枯之物，非明世所宜有也。 衰弊窮極，必不得已，然後乃可權而行之耳。 今主上仁賢，百僚稱職，有何旦夕之危，倒懸之急，而數施非常之恩，以惠姦宄之惡乎？ 又鷹隼始擊，而更原宥有罪，上犯天時，下違人理。 老夫耄朽，不達治體，窮謂其法難以經久，豈具瞻之高美，所望於明德哉。」 禕但顧謝踧踖而已。 光之指摘痛癢，多如是類。 故執政重臣，心不能悅，爵位不登，每直言無所迴避，為代所嫌。 太常廣漢鐔承、 〈《華陽國志》曰：承字公文，歷郡守少府。〉 光祿勛河東裴儁等，年資皆在光後，而登據上列，處光之右，蓋以此也。 〈傅暢《裴氏家記》曰：儁字奉先，魏尚書令潛弟也。 儁姊夫爲蜀中長史，儁送之，時年十餘歲，遂遭漢末大亂，不復得還。 既長知名，爲蜀所推重也。 子越，字令緒，爲蜀督軍。 蜀破，遷還洛陽，拜議郎。〉
In autumn of the ninth year of Yanxi, great amnesty; Guang in the crowd rebuked Grand General Fei Yi saying, "Now amnesty is a withered-on-one-side thing—not what an enlightened age ought to have. Only when decay is extreme and there is truly no alternative may one use them as a temporary measure. Our ruler is humane and able, the bureaucracy competent—where is the crisis that justifies repeated extraordinary mercy to the benefit of criminals? This is the season when the law should strike like hawks; to pardon offenders now offends both Heaven and human sense. I am old and dull, yet even I see that such policy cannot last—is this what we expect of a leader the world admires?" Fei Yi could only apologize awkwardly. Meng Guang’s blunt criticisms were often of this sort. Leading ministers could not abide him, his rank rose no higher, and his blunt speech made him disliked at court. Tan Cheng of Guanghan, grand master of ceremonies, 〈The Huayang guo zhi gives his style as Gongwen and notes he served as governor and junior privy treasurer.〉 Pei Jun of Hedong and others, though junior to Meng Guang, stood above him in rank—likely for this reason. 〈Fu Chang’s Pei family record names him Fengxian, younger brother of Wei director of the secretariat Pei Qian. He had escorted a brother-in-law serving as chief clerk in Shu while still a boy and was stranded by the late-Han turmoil. Grown famous, he was highly regarded in Shu. His son Pei Yue, styled Lingxu, became an army supervisor in Shu. After Shu fell he returned to Luoyang as gentleman consultant.〉
18
後進文士秘書郎郤正數從光諮訪，光問正太子所習讀性並其性情好尚，正答曰：「奉親虔恭。 夙夜匪懈，有古世子之風； 接待羣僚，舉動出於仁恕。」 光曰：「如君所道，皆家戶所有耳； 吾今所問，欲知其權略智調何如也。」 正曰：「世子之道，在於承志竭歡，既不得妄有所施為，且智調藏於胸懷，權略應時而發，此之有無，焉可豫設也？」 光解正慎宜，不為放談，乃曰：「吾好直言，無所迴避，每彈射利病，為世人所譏嫌。 疑省君意亦不甚好吾言，然語有次。 今天下未定，智意為先，智意雖有自然，然不可力強致也。 此儲君讀書，寧當效吾等竭力博識以待訪問，如博士探策講試以求爵位邪！ 當務其急者。」 正深謂光言為然。 後光坐事免官，年九十餘，卒。
Later-advanced literary gentleman secretary Xi Zheng several times followed Guang to consult; Guang asked Zheng what the heir apparent studied, read, nature together his disposition likes and dislikes; Zheng answered saying, "Serving kin reverent and respectful. He toils day and night without slack, in the manner of a classical heir; and toward his staff he acts with benevolence and forbearance." Meng Guang said, “What you describe any decent household could claim; I want to know his resourcefulness and wit." Xi Zheng answered that an heir’s duty is to please his father; he cannot act on his own, and whether he has deep judgment shows only when the moment comes—it cannot be rehearsed in advance." Guang understood Zheng was cautious and proper, did not indulge loose talk, then said, "I love straight speech, nothing evaded; each time I shoot maladies—by the age am mocked and resented. You may not care for my words, yet there is a point to their order. The realm is unsettled: judgment matters first. Some have it by nature, but it cannot be forced. Should the heir cram like an erudite grinding for examination and rank? He should master what is urgent." Xi Zheng agreed wholeheartedly. Meng Guang was later stripped of office for an offense and died in his nineties.
19
來敏字敬達，義陽新野人，來歙之後也。 父艷，為漢司空。 〈華嶠《後漢書》曰：艷好學下士，開館養徒眾。 少歷顯位，靈帝時位至司空。〉 漢末大亂，敏隨姊夫奔荊州，姊夫黃琬是劉璋祖母之侄，故璋遣迎琬妻，敏遂俱與姊入蜀，常為璋賓客。 涉獵書籍，善《左氏春秋》，尤精於《倉》、《雅》訓詁，好是正文字。 先主定益州，署敏典學校尉。 及立太子，以為家令。 後主踐阼，為虎賁中郎將。 丞相亮住漢中，請為軍祭酒、輔軍將軍，坐事去職。 〈亮集有教曰：「將軍來敏對上官顯言『新人有何功德而奪我榮資與之邪？ 諸人共憎我，何故如是』？ 敏年老狂悖，生此怨言。 昔成都初定，議者以為來敏亂羣，先帝以新定之際，故遂含容，無所禮用。 後劉子初選以為太子家令，先帝不悅而不忍拒也。 後主既位，吾闇於知人，遂復擢為將軍祭酒，違議者之審見，背先帝所疏外，自謂能以敦厲薄俗，帥之以義。 今既不能，表退職，使閉門思愆。」〉 亮卒後，還成都為大長秋，又免，後累遷為光祿大夫，復坐過黜。 前後數貶削，皆以語言不節，舉動違常也。 時孟光亦以樞機不慎，議論干時，然猶愈於敏，俱以耆宿學士見禮於世。 而敏荊楚名族，東宮舊臣，特加優待，是故廢而復起。 後以敏為執慎將軍，欲令以官重自警戒也，年九十七，景耀中卒。 子忠，亦博覽經學，有敏風，與尚書向充等並能協贊大將軍姜維。 維善之，以為參軍。
Lai Min, styled Jingda, from Xinye in Yiyang, was a descendant of Lai Xi. His father Lai Yan had been Han minister of works. 〈Hua Qiao’s Later Han history says Lai Yan loved learning, honored scholars, and kept a school with many pupils. He rose young to high office and under Emperor Ling became minister of works.〉 In the late-Han turmoil Lai Min fled to Jingzhou with his brother-in-law Huang Wan, a nephew of Liu Zhang’s grandmother. When Liu Zhang sent for Huang Wan’s wife, Lai Min accompanied his sister into Shu and stayed on as Liu Zhang’s client. He read widely, excelled at the Zuo tradition, was expert in the Cangjie and Erya glossaries, and loved to emend characters. Liu Bei made him colonel director of studies after taking Yizhou. When the crown prince was installed he became household commandant. Under Liu Shan he became a gentleman of the household of the rapid tigers. Zhuge Liang at Hanzhong named him army libationer and general who assists the army, then removed him for an offense. 〈Zhuge Liang’s papers record Lai Min complaining aloud to his superiors: “What merit have these newcomers that they take my honors and pay? Everyone despises me—why is it so? In old age Lai Min grew wild and uttered these resentments. When Chengdu was first taken, many said Lai Min unsettled the court; the late emperor tolerated him while order was new and gave him no real post. Later Liu Ba chose him as household commandant to the heir; the late emperor disliked the choice but would not overrule it. After I took power I misjudged men and promoted him again as libationer to the general, against good counsel and the late emperor’s distrust, thinking I could reform custom by example. That failed; I now memorialize his removal and confinement at home for reflection."〉” After Zhuge Liang’s death he returned to Chengdu as grand prolonger of autumn, was dismissed again, rose to grandee grand of the household, and was demoted once more for misconduct. His repeated demotions all stemmed from intemperate speech and irregular conduct. Meng Guang too was careless in speech and meddled in policy, yet he was still steadier than Lai Min; both were honored as venerable scholars. Lai Min came from a great Jing-Chu clan and had served the heir early, so he received special favor and was restored after dismissal. He was later named general who holds caution so the dignity of office might restrain him; he died in the Jingyao years at ninety-seven. His son Lai Zhong was widely read like his father and, with Xiang Chong of the secretariat and others, ably supported general-in-chief Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei valued him and made him an aide-de-camp.
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尹默字思潛，梓潼涪人也。 益部多貴今文而不祟章句，默知其不博。 乃遠遊荊州，從司馬德操、宋仲子等受古學。 皆通諸經史，又專精於《左氏春秋》，自劉歆條例，鄭眾、賈逵父子、陳元、方服虔注說，咸略誦述，不復按本。 先主定益州，領牧，以為勸學從事。 及立太子，以默為僕，射以《左氏傳》授後主。 後主踐阼，拜諫議大夫。 丞相亮住漢中，請為軍祭酒。 亮卒，還成都，拜大中大夫，卒。 子宗傳其業，為博士。 〈宋仲子後在魏。 《魏略》曰：其子與魏諷謀反，伏誅。 魏太子答王朗書曰：「昔石厚與州吁遊，父碏知其與亂； 韓子暱田蘇，穆子知其好仁：故君子遊必有方，居必就士，誠有以也。 嗟乎！ 宋忠無石子先識之明，老罹此禍。 今雖欲原行滅親之誅，立純臣之節，尚可得邪！」〉
Yin Mo, styled Siqian, came from Fu in Zitong. Yizhou prized modern-text learning over philology; Yin Mo saw that as narrow. He journeyed to Jingzhou to study antiquity under Sima Hui, Song Zhongzi, and others. He mastered the classics and histories and specialized in the Zuo commentary, reciting from memory Liu Xin's outline and the glosses of Zheng Zhong, the Jias, Chen Yuan, and Fu Qian without opening the text. When Liu Bei became governor of Yizhou he named Yin Mo encourage-learning aide. When the crown prince was installed, Yin Mo was made his junior tutor and taught him the Zuo commentary. When Liu Shan took the throne Yin Mo became grandee remonstrant. Zhuge Liang at Hanzhong appointed him army libationer. After Zhuge Liang died he returned to Chengdu as grandee grand and died there. His son Yin Zong inherited his scholarship and became an erudite. 〈Song Zhongzi later lived in Wei. The Wei lue says his son joined Wei Feng’s plot and was executed. Wei crown prince answered Wang Lang's letter saying: "Formerly Shi Hou roamed with Zhou Xu; father Que knew he would join chaos; and when Han Qi drew close to Tian Su, Muzhi saw his humane bent—so a gentleman chooses his company and neighbors with care. Alas! Song Zhong lacked the foresight of Shi Zixian and in old age met this disaster. Even if one wished to spare him and uphold the duty of a pure minister, could it be done?"〉"
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譙周字允南，巴西西充國人也。 父 （山幷） ，字榮始，治《尚書》，兼通諸經及圖緯。 州郡辟請，皆不應，州就假師友從事。 周幼孤，與母兄同居。 既長，耽古篤學，家貧未嘗問產業，誦讀典籍，欣然獨笑，以忘寢食。 研精《六經》，尤善書札，頗曉天文，而不以留意； 諸子文章非心所存，不悉遍視也。 身長八尺，體貌素樸，性推誠不飾。 無造次辯論之才，然潛識內敏。
Qiao Zhou, styled Yunnan, came from Xichongguo in Baxi. His father (the graphs shan and bing) , styled Rongshi, studied the Documents and was versed in the classics and prognosticatory texts. He refused every provincial and commandery summons, so the province named him mentor-and-friend on staff in name only. Qiao Zhou was orphaned young and lived with his mother and elder brother. Grown, he lost himself in ancient learning, ignored his poverty, and would chuckle over his books until he forgot meals and sleep. He plumbed the six classics, wrote fine letters, knew something of astronomy, but did not dwell on it; he did not bother to read every philosopher’s essay. He stood eight chi tall, looked plain and unadorned, and was sincere by nature. He was no quick debater but was inwardly acute.
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建興中，丞相亮領益州牧，命周為勸學從事。 〈《蜀記》曰：周初見亮，左右皆笑。 既出，有司請推笑者，亮曰：「孤尚不能忍，況左右乎！」〉 亮卒於敵庭，周在家聞問，即便奔赴，尋有詔書禁斷，惟周以速行得達。 大將軍蔣琬領刺史，徙為典學從事，總州之學者。 後主立太子，以周為僕，轉家令。 時後主頗出遊觀，增廣聲樂。 周上疏諫曰：
During Jianxing, when Zhuge Liang governed Yizhou, he named Qiao Zhou encourage-learning aide. 〈The Shu ji records that when Qiao Zhou first met Zhuge Liang, the attendants laughed. After going out, the officials requested to pursue those who laughed; Liang said, "I alone still could not endure—how much more those at left and right!"〉 When Zhuge Liang died on campaign, Qiao Zhou rushed from home toward the funeral; an edict soon barred travel, but he moved fast enough to get through. When Grand General Jiang Wan governed the province, Qiao Zhou was made aide overseeing studies and directed its scholars. When the crown prince was named, Qiao Zhou became his steward and then household commandant. The emperor was often out touring and had expanded his music and entertainments. Qiao Zhou submitted a memorial urging restraint:
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昔王莽之敗，豪傑並起，跨州據郡，欲弄神器，於是賢才智士思望所歸，未必以其勢之廣狹，惟其德之薄厚也。 是故於時更始、公孫述及諸有大眾者多己廣大，然莫不快情恣欲，怠於為善，遊獵飲食，不恤民物。 世祖初入河北，馮異等勸之曰：『當行人所不能為。』 遂務理冤獄，節儉飲食，動尊法度，故北州歌歎，聲布四遠。 於是鄧禹自南陽追之，吳漢、寇恂未識世祖，遙聞德行，遂以權計舉漁陽、上谷突騎迎於廣阿。 其望風慕德者邳肜、耿純、劉植之徒，至於輿病繼棺，繈負而至者，不可勝數，故能以弱為強，屠王郎，吞銅馬，折赤眉而成帝業也。 及在洛陽，嘗欲小出，車駕已御，銚期諫曰：『天下未寧，臣誠不願陛下細行數出。』 即時還車。 及征隗囂，穎川盜起，世祖還洛陽，但遣寇恂往，恂曰：『穎川以陛下遠征，故奸猾起叛，未知陛下還，恐不時降； 陛下自臨，穎川賊必即降。』 遂至穎川，竟如恂言。 故非急務，欲小出不敢，至於急務，欲自安不為，故帝者之欲善也如此！ 故《傳》曰『百姓不徒附』，誠以德先之也。 今漢遭厄運，天下三分，雄哲之士思望之時也。 陛下天姿至孝，喪逾三年，言及隕涕，雖曾、閔不過也。 敬賢任才，使之盡力，有逾成、康。 故國內和一，大小戮力，臣所不能陳。 然臣不勝大願，願復廣人所不能者。 夫挽大重者，其用力苦不眾，拔大艱者，其善術苦不廣，且承事宗廟者，非徒求福祐，所以率民尊上也。 至於四時之祀，或有不臨，池苑之觀； 或有仍出，臣之愚滯，私不自安。 夫憂責在身者，不暇盡樂，先帝之志，堂構未成，誠非盡樂之時。 願省減樂官、後宮所增造，但奉備先帝所施，下為子孫節儉之教。
When Wang Mang fell, warlords seized provinces and coveted the throne; wise men chose whom to follow by virtue, not by the size of a faction’s territory. Gengshi, Gongsun Shu, and others with large armies thought themselves mighty, yet all gave way to pleasure, neglected good rule, hunted and feasted, and ignored the people. When Guangwudi first entered Hebei, Feng Yi urged him to do what others could not. He cleared unjust cases, lived frugally, and honored the law, so the north praised him far and wide. Deng Yu followed from Nanyang; Wu Han and Kou Xun, though they had not met Guangwu, heard of his virtue and sent Yuyang and Shanggu cavalry to join him at Guang'a. Pi Tong, Geng Chun, Liu Zhi, and countless others sick or poor flocked to him, so he turned weakness into strength, destroyed Wang Lang and the Bronze Horse bands, broke the Red Eyebrows, and founded the Later Han. At Luoyang, when Guangwu once meant a short outing with the chariot ready, Yao Qi urged him not to leave the capital often while the realm was still unsettled. The emperor turned the chariot back at once. During the campaign against Wei Ao, Yingchuan rebelled. Guangwu returned to Luoyang and would send only Kou Xun, who warned that the county would not yield until the emperor appeared in person. If you go yourself, the rebels will surrender at once. He went to Yingchuan and it fell as Kou Xun predicted. Thus he would not stir for trifles but would not rest when duty called—such was an emperor’s zeal for good! The classic says the people do not rally without cause—they follow virtue first. Han is in eclipse and the realm is split three ways—this is the hour when heroes look for a leader to trust. Your filial mourning for the late emperor has exceeded three years and moves you to tears—Zengzi and Min Ziqian could do no more. You honor the worthy and use talent to the full—more than Cheng and Kang achieved. The kingdom is united and all ranks strive together—more than your servant can praise. Yet I beg you to go further where others fall short. Great burdens need many hands; great crises need broad counsel. Tending the ancestral shrines is not only for blessing—it teaches the people to honor their ruler. Yet sometimes you miss the seasonal sacrifices or visit the parks and pools; your servant is troubled in private. A ruler with heavy cares cannot indulge every pleasure; the late emperor’s work is unfinished—this is no time for revelry. Please cut the music bureau and new palace building, keep only what the late emperor left, and teach your heirs thrift by example.
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徙為中散大夫，猶侍太子。
He was moved to grandee at leisure but still attended the crown prince.
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於時軍旅數出，百姓凋瘁，周與尚書令陳祗論其利害，退而書之，謂之《仇國論》，其辭曰：
As armies marched often and the people grew exhausted, Qiao Zhou debated policy with director of the secretariat Chen Zhi and wrote the Discourse on Rival States. It begins:
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因餘之國小，而肇建之國大，並爭於世而為仇敵。 因餘之國有高賢卿者，問於伏愚子曰：「今國事未定，上下勞心，往古之事，能以弱勝強者，其術何如？」 伏愚子曰：「吾聞之，處大無患者恆多慢，處小有憂者恆思善； 多慢則生亂，恩善則生治，理之常也。 故周文養民，以少取多； 勾踐卹眾，以弱斃強，此其術也。」 賢卿曰：「囊者項強漢弱，相與戰爭，無日寧息，然項羽與漢約分鴻溝為界，各欲歸息民； 張良以為民志既定，則難動也，尋帥追羽，終斃項氏，豈必由文王之事乎？ 肇建之國方有疾疢，我因其隙，陷其邊陲，覬增其疾而斃之也。」 伏愚子曰：「當殷、周之際，王候世尊，君臣久固，民習所專； 深根者難拔，據固者難遷。 當此之時，雖漢祖安能杖劍鞭馬而取天下乎？ 當秦罷候置守之後，民疲秦役，天下土崩； 或歲改主，或月易公，鳥驚獸駭，莫知所從，於是豪強並爭，虎裂狼分，疾搏者獲多，遲後者見吞。 今我與肇建皆傳國易世矣，既非秦末鼎沸之時，實有六國並據之勢，故可為文王，難為漢祖。 夫民疲勞，則騷擾之兆生，上慢下暴則瓦解之形起。 諺曰：『射幸數跌，不如審發。』 是故智者不為小利移目，不為意似改步，時可而後動，數合而後舉，故湯、武之師不再戰而克，誠重民勞而度時審也。 如遂極武黜征，土崩勢生，不幸遇難，雖有智者將不能謀之矣； 若乃奇變縱橫，出入無間，沖波截轍，超谷越山，不由舟楫而濟盟津者，我愚子也，實所不及。」
A small state called Remnant-of-Yin and a large state called Newly-Founded contended as enemies in the world. In Remnant-of-Yin there was one called High Worthy Minister, who asked Folly-Hidden Master saying, "Now state affairs are not settled; above and below labor in heart; in affairs of past ages, those able with weak to overcome strong—what was their art?" Folly-Hidden Master said, "I have heard: those placed great without calamity always much slacken; those placed small with worry always think on good; Sloth breeds disorder and care for good brings order—that is the constant way. King Wen nourished the people and with few conquered many; Goujian comforted his troops and destroyed a strong foe with a weak one—that was their method." Worthy Minister said, "In the past Xiang was strong and Han weak; mutually they warred, no day peaceful rest; yet Xiang Yu with Han covenanted to divide at Hong Canal as border, each wished to return and rest the people; Zhang Liang held that once hearts were set they were hard to shift; Han then pursued Yu and destroyed him—need that follow King Wen’s patient path? Newly-Founded's state just had sickness; I exploit its gap, sink into its border marches, hope to increase its sickness and kill it." Folly-Hidden Master said, "At the Yin-Zhou transition, kings and marquises generation honored, ruler and minister long firm, the people practiced what they were devoted to; deep roots are hard to tear up and strong positions hard to dislodge. Even Gaozu could not have seized the realm by sword and horse then. After Qin replaced feudal lords with governors, the people broke under its labor and the realm crumbled; rulers changed yearly or monthly, folk fled like startled birds, and strongmen tore the map apart—the quick swallowed the slow. We and Newly-Founded are established states, not the free-for-all at Qin’s fall; the situation resembles the Warring States—one may play King Wen, not Gaozu. When the people are worn out, unrest appears; when the ruler is arrogant and the ruled harsh, collapse follows. The proverb says: hasty shots often miss; better to aim once with care. So the wise ignore small bait and false openings, strike when the time and omens align, and Tang and Wu won without a second battle because they spared the people and judged the moment. If you press military force to the limit, collapse follows; when disaster strikes, no wit can save you; as for lightning raids across rivers and mountains without boats—that is beyond a dullard like me."
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後遷光祿大夫，位亞九列。 周雖不與政事，以儒行見禮。 時訪大議，輒據經以對，而後生好事者亦諮問所疑焉。
He was later promoted to grandee grand of the household, just below the nine ministers. Though he took no part in administration, he was honored for his Confucian conduct. When great questions arose he answered from the classics, and younger scholars brought him their doubts.
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景耀六年冬，魏大將軍鄧艾克江由，長驅而前。 而蜀本謂敵不便至，不作城守調度。 及聞艾已人陰平，百姓擾擾，皆進山野，不可禁制。 後主使臣羣會議，計無所出。 或以為蜀之與吳，本為和國，宜可奔吳； 或以為南中七郡，阻險鬥絕，易以自守，宜可奔南。 惟周以為：
In the winter of 263 Wei general-in-chief Deng Ai took Jiangyou and drove deep into Shu. Shu had assumed the foe would not come so soon and had not prepared the defenses. When word came that Deng Ai had entered Yinping, the people panicked and fled to the hills beyond control. The emperor called his ministers; no plan emerged. Some said Shu and Wu were allies and the court should flee east; others urged flight to the seven southern commanderies, whose defiles were easy to hold. Only Qiao Zhou argued:
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自古以來，無寄他國為天子者也，今若入吳，固當臣服。 且政理不殊，則大能吞小，此數之自然也。 由此言之，則魏能並吳，吳不能並魏明矣。 等為小稱臣，孰與為大？ 再辱之恥，何與一辱？ 且若欲奔南，則當早為之計，然後可果； 今大敵以近，禍敗將及，羣小之心，無一可保，恐發足之日，其變不測，何至南之有乎！
No emperor has ever taken refuge in another state as an equal; if you go to Wu you must submit as a vassal. Where government is alike, the greater swallows the lesser—that is fate’s way. Hence Wei can absorb Wu, but Wu cannot absorb Wei—this is plain. Better to yield once to the great power than twice to the small. A second humiliation is worse than one. Flight south required long planning to succeed; now disaster is at hand and small men cannot be trusted; the moment you move, mutiny may strike—how would you ever reach the south!
30
羣臣或難周曰：「今艾以不遠，恐不受降，如之何？」 周曰：「方今東吳未賓，事勢不得不受之，受之後，不得不禮。 若陛下降魏，魏不裂土以封陛下者，周請身詣京都，以古義爭之。」 眾人無以易周之理。
Some ministers challenged Zhou saying, "Now Ai is not far—I fear he will not accept surrender—what then?" Zhou said, "Just now eastern Wu has not submitted; the situation forces them to accept it; after accepting, they must show ritual. If Your Majesty submits to Wei, and Wei does not split land to enfeoff Your Majesty, Zhou requests personally to go to the capital, with ancient righteousness to dispute it." No one could refute him.
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後主猶疑於入南，周上疏曰：
The emperor still hesitated over fleeing south; Qiao Zhou memorialized:
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或說陛下以北兵深入，有欲適南之計，臣愚以為不安。 何者？ 南方遠夷之地，平常無所供為，猶數反叛，自丞相亮南征，兵勢逼之，窮乃幸從，是後供出官賦，取以給兵，以為愁怨，此患國之人也。 今以窮迫，欲往依恃，恐必復反叛，一也； 北兵之來，非但取蜀而已，若奔南方，必因人勢衰，及時赴追，二也； 若至南方，外當拒敵，內供服御，費用張廣，他無所取，耗損諸夷必甚，甚必速叛，三也； 昔王郎以邯鄲僭號，時世祖在信都，畏逼於郎，欲棄還關中。 邳肜諫曰：『明公西還，則邯鄲城民不肯捐父母，背城主，而千里送公，其亡叛可必也。』 世祖從之，遂破邯鄲。 今北兵至，陛下南行，誠恐邳肜之言覆信於今，四也。 願陛下早為之圖，可獲爵土； 若遂適南，勢窮乃服，其禍必深。 《易》曰：『亢之為言，知而不知喪，知存而不知亡； 知得失存亡而不失其正者，其惟聖人乎！』 言聖人知命而不苟必也，故堯，舜以子不善，知天有授，而求授人； 子雖不肖，禍尚未萌，而迎綬於人，況禍以至乎！ 故微子以殷王之昆，面縛銜璧而歸武王，豈所樂哉，不得已也。
Some have urged flight south before the northern army; your servant thinks that unsafe. Why? The south is distant tribal country that even in peace often rebelled; only Zhuge Liang’s campaign forced submission, and since then taxes for the army have bred resentment—those are a disaffected people. To flee there in desperation would likely spark new rebellion—first point; Wei aims beyond Shu; if you run south they will pursue your weakened force—second point; There you would fight the enemy abroad and supply the court at home, bleeding the tribes until they revolt—third point; When Wang Lang seized Handan, Guangwu at Xindu feared him and thought of fleeing back to Guanzhong. Pi Tong warned that if Guangwu withdrew west, the people of Handan would not abandon kin and lord to follow him a thousand li—they would surely desert. Guangwu listened and took Handan. If you flee south now, Pi Tong’s warning may come true again—fourth point. Plan early and you may keep rank and a fief; if you flee south and yield only at the last, the harm will be far worse. The Book of Changes says of excess: to know gain but not loss, survival but not ruin; to know gain and loss, preservation and perishing yet not lose correctness—is it not only the sage! The sage accepts Heaven’s mandate without stubborn pride; Yao and Shun passed the throne to worthies when their sons proved unfit; they yielded before disaster struck—how much more should you when it is already here! Weizi, brother of the last Yin king, bound himself and offered his jade to King Wu—not from joy but necessity.
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於是遂從周策。 劉氏無虞，一邦蒙賴，周之謀也。 〈孫綽評曰：譙周說後主降魏，可乎？ 曰：自為天子而乞降請命，何恥之深乎！ 夫為社稷死則死之，為社稷亡則亡之。 先君正魏之篡，不與同天矣。 推過於其父，俛首而事讎，可謂苟存，豈大居正之道哉！ 孫盛曰：春秋之義，國君死社稷，卿大夫死位，況稱天子而可辱於人乎！ 周謂萬乘之君偷生苟免，亡禮希利，要冀微榮，惑矣。 且以事勢言之，理有未盡。 何者？ 禪雖庸主，實無桀、紂之酷，戰雖屢北，未有土崩之亂，縱不能君臣固守，背城借一，自可退次東鄙以思後圖。 是時羅憲以重兵據白帝，霍弋以強卒鎮夜郎。 蜀土險狹，山水峻隔，絕巘激湍，非步卒所涉。 若悉取舟楫，保據江州，徵兵南中，乞師東國，如此則姜、廖五將自然雲從，吳之三師承命電赴，何投寄之無所而慮於必亡邪？ 魏師之來，褰國大舉，欲追則舟楫靡資，欲留則師老多虞。 且屈伸有會，情勢代起，徐因思奮之民，以攻驕惰之卒，此越王所以敗闔閭，田單所以摧騎劫也，何為匆匆遽自囚虜，下堅壁於敵人，致斫石之至恨哉？ 葛生有云：「事之不濟則已耳，安能復為之下！」 壯哉斯言，可以立懦夫之志矣。 觀古燕、齊、荊、越之敗，或國覆主滅，或魚縣鳥竄，終能建功立事，康復社稷，豈曰天助，抑亦人謀也。 向使懷苟存之計，納譙周之言，何邦基之能構，令名之可獲哉？ 禪既闇主，周實駑臣，方之申包、田單、范蠡、大夫種，不亦遠乎！〉
The court followed Qiao Zhou’s advice. The house of Liu was spared and the state benefited by Qiao Zhou’s counsel. 〈Sun Chuo asks whether Qiao Zhou was right to urge the Later Ruler to surrender to Wei. He answers that for a Son of Heaven to beg for his life is the deepest shame. One should die for the altars or perish with them. The late emperor held Wei a usurper and would not share Heaven with it. To shift blame to the father and bow to the foe is bare survival, not the way of rectitude. Sun Sheng cites the Spring and Autumn: a ruler dies for his altars and ministers for their posts—how can a Son of Heaven suffer humiliation! Sun Sheng calls Qiao Zhou deluded for urging a great king to cling to life, abandon ritual, and grasp petty advantage. Moreover, on the facts of the case, the argument is incomplete. How so? Liu Shan was a mediocre ruler, not a Jie or Zhou; though defeated often, the state had not collapsed; even without a last-ditch defense of the capital, he could have withdrawn eastward and planned recovery. Luo Xian still held Baidi with a strong force and Huo Yi garrisoned the south at Yelang. Shu is rugged: cliffs and rapids bar the way—not ground for infantry alone. Had he seized the river fleet, held Jiangzhou, mobilized the south, and begged aid from Wu, Jiang Wei and the other generals would have rallied, Wu’s armies would have sped to help—where was the need to think only of surrender? Wei had mobilized the whole realm: to pursue lacked boats; to stay risked a weary army. Fortunes turn: patient use of a willing populace against arrogant troops was how Goujian beat Helü and Tian Dan broke the Yan siege—why rush to captivity and earn eternal shame? The Ge Sheng has a saying: 'If affairs do not succeed, then stop—how can again serve beneath them!' Noble words—they could steel the faint-hearted. Yan, Qi, Chu, and Yue sometimes fell utterly, sometimes scattered like fish and birds, yet later restored their houses by human effort, not fate alone. Had they clung to survival and heeded Qiao Zhou, what foundation or fair fame could ever have been won? A dim emperor and a plodding minister—how far from Shen Baoxu, Tian Dan, Fan Li, or Wen Zhong!〉
34
時晉文王為魏相國，以周有全國之功，封陽城亭侯。 又下書辟周，周發至漢中，困疾不進。 咸熙二年夏，巴郡文立從洛陽還蜀，過見周。 周語次，因書版示立曰：「典午忽兮，月酉沒兮。」 典午者謂司馬也，月酉者謂八月也，至八月而文王果崩。 〈《華陽國志》曰：文立字廣休，少治毛詩、三禮，兼通羣書。 刺史費禕命為從事，入為尚書郎，復辟禕大將軍東曹掾，稍遷尚書。 蜀並於魏，梁州建，首為別駕從事，舉秀才。 晉泰始二年，拜濟陰太守，遷太子中庶子。 立上言：「故蜀大官及盡忠死事者子孫，雖仕郡國，或有不才，同之齊民為劇； 又諸葛亮、蔣琬、費禕等子孫流徙中畿，各宜量才敘用，以慰巴、蜀之心，傾吳人之望。」 事皆施行。 轉散騎常侍，獻可替否，多所補納。 稍遷衛尉，中朝服其賢雅，為時名卿。 咸寧末卒。 立章奏詩詩賦論頌凡數十篇。〉
When Sima Zhao was Wei’s chancellor, he enfeoffed Qiao Zhou as village marquis of Yangcheng for saving the realm. He was summoned again but fell ill at Hanzhong and went no farther. In the summer of 265 Wen Li of Ba, returning from Luoyang to Shu, visited Qiao Zhou. Zhou in conversation, then wrote on a board to show Li saying: 'The Director of Noon passes suddenly; the moon in you sets.' The riddle meant the house of Sima and the eighth month; Sima Zhao died that August as he foretold. 〈The Huayang guo zhi names Wen Li Guangxiu, trained in the Mao Odes and three Rites and widely read. Fei Yi as governor made him a staff aide; he rose to gentleman of the secretariat, then clerk in Fei Yi’s eastern bureau as general-in-chief, and finally master of writing. After Shu fell he became chief aide when Liangzhou was set up and was nominated flourishing talent. In 266 he became governor of Jiyin and then palace attendant to the crown prince. Li submitted saying: 'Former Shu great officers and those who died in loyal service—their descendants, although serving commanderies and principalities, some lacking talent, treating them same as common folk is harsh; and that the exiled kin of Zhuge Liang, Jiang Wan, Fei Yi, and others should be placed by merit to reassure Ba–Shu and impress Wu." The court adopted his proposals. As gentleman attendant at leisure he remonstrated effectively and many of his suggestions were accepted. He rose to commandant of the guards and was honored at court as a leading minister. He died near the end of the Xianning era. His memorials, poems, fu, treatises, and eulogies numbered several dozen.〉
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晉室踐阼，累下詔所在發遣周。 周遂輿疾詣洛，泰始三年至。 以疾不起，就拜騎都尉，周乃自陳無功而封，求還爵土，皆不聽許。 五年，予常為本郡中正，清定事訖，求休還家，往與周別。 周語予曰：「昔孔子七十二、劉向、楊雄七十一而沒，今吾年過七十，庶慕孔子遺風，可與劉、楊同軌，恐不出後歲，必便長逝，不復相見矣。」 疑周以術知之，假而此言也。 六年秋，為散騎常侍，疾篤不拜，至冬卒。 〈《晉陽秋》載詔曰：「朕甚悼之，賜朝服一具，衣一襲，錢十五萬。」 周息熙上言，周臨終屬熙曰：「久抱疾，未曾朝見，若國恩賜朝服衣物者，勿以加身。 當還舊墓，道險行難，豫作輕棺。 殯斂已畢，上還所賜。」 詔還衣服，給棺直。〉 凡所著述，擇定《法訓》、《五經論》、《古史考》書之屬百餘篇。 〈益部耆舊傳曰：益州刺史董榮圖畫周像於州學，命從事李通頌之曰：「抑抑譙侯，好古述儒，寶道懷真，鑑世盈虛，雅名美跡，終始是書。 我後欽賢，無言不譽，攀諸前哲，丹青是圖。 嗟爾來葉，鑑茲顯模。」〉
After the Jin accession, repeated edicts ordered local authorities to send Qiao Zhou to court. He went to Luoyang in a litter, ill, and arrived in 267. Too sick to rise, he received appointment as chief of cavalry at his bedside; he pleaded that he had earned no title and asked to surrender his rank and fief, but the court refused. In 269, after I had finished my stint as rectifier of my commandery and took leave to return home, I visited Qiao Zhou to bid farewell. Zhou spoke to me saying: 'Formerly Confucius at seventy-two, Liu Xiang, Yang Xiong at seventy-one then died; now my years pass seventy; perhaps I admire Confucius' surviving wind, can with Liu, Yang share the track—fear not beyond the next year, certainly then long depart, not again meet.' I suspect he divined his end and framed it in those words. In the autumn of 270 he was named gentleman attendant at leisure but was too ill to take office; he died that winter. 〈The Jin Yang qiu records an edict saying: 'I greatly mourn him; grant court robes one set, clothes one suit, cash one hundred fifty thousand.' Zhou's son Xi submitted saying: Zhou at end entrusted Xi saying: 'Long held illness, never had audience; if state's grace grants court robes and clothes, do not use them on the body. I am to lie in my old grave; the way is rough, so prepare a light coffin in advance. When laying-out and encoffining already finished, submit return what was granted." The court took back the clothes but paid for the coffin.〉 His writings, including the finalized Fa xun, Discourses on the Five Classics, Examination of Ancient History, and similar works, numbered more than a hundred. 〈The Yi bu ji jiu zhuan states: Inspector of Yi Province Dong Rong painted Zhou's likeness at the provincial school, ordered staff aide Li Tong to eulogize saying: 'Stately Marquis of Qiao, loves antiquity and transmits Ru learning, treasures the Way and embraces truth, mirrors the age's fullness and emptiness; elegant name and fair traces, from first to last are written. Our ruler honors the worthy and praises without stint; he follows the sages of old and sets their images in paint. O posterity, take this shining example as your mirror.'"〉"
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孫譙秀
His grandson Qiao Xiu.
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周三子，熙、賢、同，少子同頗好周業，亦以忠篤質素為行，舉孝廉，除錫令、東宮洗馬，召不就。 〈周長子熙。 熙子秀，字元彥。 《晉陽秋》曰：秀性清靜，不交於世，知將大亂，豫絕人事，從兄弟及諸親裡不與相見。 州郡辟命，及李雄盜蜀，安車徵秀，又雄叔父驤、驤子壽辟命，皆不應。 常冠鹿皮，躬耕山藪。 永和三年，安西將軍桓溫平蜀，表薦秀曰：「臣聞大樸既虧，則高尚之標顯； 道喪時昏，則忠貞之義彰。 故有洗耳投淵以振玄邈之風，亦有秉心矯跡以惇在三之節。 是以上代之君，莫不崇重斯軌，所以篤俗訓民，靜一流競。 伏惟大晉應符禦世，運無常通，時有屯蹇，神州丘墟，三方圮裂，兔罝絕響於中林，白駒無聞於空谷，斯有識之所悼心，大雅之所嘆息者也。 陛下聖德嗣興，方恢天緒。 臣昔奉役，有事西土，鯨鯢既縣，思宣大化； 訪諸故老，搜楊潛逸，庶武羅於羿、浞之墟，想王蠋於亡齊之境。 竊聞巴西譙秀，植操貞固，抱德肥遁，揚清渭波。 於時皇極遘道消之會，羣黎蹈顛沛之艱，中華有顧瞻之哀，幽谷無遷喬之望； 凶命屢招，姦威仍偪，身寄虎吻，危同朝露，而能抗節玉立，誓不降辱，杜門絕跡，不面偽庭，進免龔勝亡身之禍，退無薛方詭之譏； 雖園、綺之棲商、洛，管寧之默遼海，方之於秀，殆無以過。 於今西土，以為美談。 夫旌德禮賢，化道之所先，崇表殊節，聖哲之上務。 方今六合未康，豺狼當路，遺黎偷薄，義聲弗聞，益宜振起道義之徒，以敦流遁之弊。 若秀蒙薄帛之徵，足以鎮靜頹風，軌訓囂俗； 幽遐仰流，九服知化矣。」 及蕭敬叛亂，避難宕渠川中，鄉人宗族馮依者以百數。 秀年八十，眾人以其薦老，欲代之負擔，秀拒曰：「各有老弱，當先營救。 吾氣力自足堪此，不以垂朽之年累諸君也。」 後十餘年，卒於家。〉
Qiao Zhou had three sons—Xi, Xian, and Tong. The youngest, Tong, followed his father’s studies and was known for steadfast simplicity; nominated filial and incorrupt, he was named magistrate of Xi and groom of the eastern palace but declined appointment when summoned. 〈Qiao Zhou’s eldest son was Xi. Xi’s son Xiu bore the courtesy name Yuanyan. The Jin Yang qiu says Xiu was reclusive, foresaw turmoil, and cut ties—even with cousins and neighbors he would not meet. He ignored summons from local authorities; when Li Xiong seized Shu, Li sent a carriage for him, as did Li’s uncle Li Xiang and cousin Li Shou—he answered none of them. He wore a deerskin cap and farmed the mountain wilds with his own hands. In the third year of Yonghe, General Who Guards the West Huan Wen pacified Shu, memorial recommended Xiu saying: 'Your subject has heard: when great simplicity is already damaged, then the mark of the lofty shines; When the Way wanes and the times grow dark, loyalty and integrity shine the brighter. Hence some washed their ears and leapt into rivers to revive a transcendent ethos, while others set their hearts and deeds to honor the threefold bond of kin and ruler. Past kings all honored this path to steady custom, teach the people, and calm reckless striving. Great Jin rules by mandate, yet fortune turns; the heartland lies in ruins and the realm is torn; worthy men no longer answer the hunt or emerge from seclusion—this grieves every thoughtful mind and every voice of conscience. Your Majesty’s sacred virtue renews the line of Heaven and widens its design. When I campaigned in the west and the rebels were executed, I sought to spread your transforming influence; I consulted elders and sought hidden worthies, hoping to find a Wu Luo amid the ruins of tyranny and a Wang Zhuo for a fallen state. I hear that Qiao Xiu of Baxi is steadfast in principle, lives by virtue in withdrawal, and keeps his purity unsullied as the Wei. When the throne faltered and the Way waned, the people suffered exile; the heartland mourned its fate and no recluse thought of leaving the hills for office; Though death beckoned and tyrants pressed, his life hung by a thread like dew at dawn, he held his integrity like jade, refused humiliation, shut his door, shunned the usurper’s court—thus he escaped Gong Sheng’s fate and incurred none of the mockery aimed at Xue Fang’s compromise; Compared with the Four Haos at Shang and Luo or Guan Ning’s silence by the sea, Qiao Xiu stands second to none. In the west today his story is told with admiration. Honoring virtue and welcoming the worthy come first in governing; lifting up uncommon integrity is the foremost duty of a sage ruler. The realm is still unsettled, the ruthless hold the roads, the people are demoralized, and little is heard of righteousness; the court should rouse men of principle to counter the rush into withdrawal. If Xiu were summoned with modest silks, it would steady a failing ethos and set a standard for a restless age; Remote regions look up to the current; the nine domains will know transformation." When Xiao Jing rose in revolt, he took refuge in the Dangqu river country; hundreds of clansmen and neighbors rallied to him. At eighty the party wished to carry his pack for him, but he refused: 'Every family has frail members—tend to them first. My strength is still equal to the road; I will not burden you with these failing years.' He died at home more than a decade later.〉
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郤正字令先，河南偃師人也。 祖父儉，靈帝末為益州刺史，為盜賊所殺。 會天下大亂，故正父揖因留蜀。 揖為將軍孟達都督，隨達降魏，為中書令史。 正本名纂。 少以父死母嫁，單煢雙立，而安貧好學，博覽墳籍。 弱冠能屬文，入為秘書吏，轉為令史，遷郎，至令。 性淡於榮利，而尤耽意文章，自司馬、王、揚、班、傅、張、蔡之儔遺文篇賦，及當世美書善論，益部有者，則鑽鑿推求，略皆寓目。 自在內職，與宦人黃皓比屋周旋，經三十年。 皓從微至貴，操弄威權，正既不為皓所愛，亦不為皓所憎，是以宮不過六百石，而免於憂患。
Xi Zheng, courtesy name Lingxian, was a native of Yanshi in Henan. His grandfather Xi Jian served as inspector of Yi under Emperor Ling and was killed by bandits. When the empire fell into chaos, his father Xi Yi stayed in Shu. Xi Yi was area commander under General Meng Da and followed him into Wei service as a clerk in the secretariat. Zheng had originally been named Zuan. Orphaned by his father’s death and his mother’s remarriage, he grew up alone yet poor, studious, and widely read in the classics. At coming of age he could write; he entered the palace secretariat as a clerk, rose to document clerk, gentleman, and finally director. He cared little for rank or gain but devoured literature, hunting down every essay and fu from Sima Xiangru through Cai Yong and every notable work current in Yi that he could find. For thirty years in inner service he worked next door to the eunuch Huang Hao. As Huang Hao rose from obscurity to wield power, Zheng was neither favored nor hated by him, so his rank never rose above six hundred shi but he escaped harm.
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依則先儒，假文見意，號曰：《釋譏》，其文繼於崔駰《達旨》。 其辭曰：
Following the example of earlier scholars, he used literary form to set forth his meaning in a work titled Explaining Ridicule, modeled on Cui Yan’s Articulating the Aim. It reads:
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或有譏余者曰：『聞之前記，夫事與時並，名與功偕，然則名之與事，前哲之急務也。 是故創製作範，匪時不立，流稱垂名，匪功不記，名必須功而乃顯，事亦俟時以行止，身沒名滅，君子所恥。 是以達人研道，探頤索微，觀天運之符表，考人事之盛衰，辯者馳說，智者應機，謀夫演略，武士奮威，雲合霧集，風激電飛，量時揆宜，用取世資，小屈大申，存公忽私，雖尺枉而尋直，終揚光以發輝也。 今三方鼎跱，九有未乂，悠悠四海，嬰丁禍敗，嗟道義之沉塞，愍生民之顛沛，此誠聖賢拯救之秋，烈士樹功之會也。 吾子以高朗之才，珪璋之質，兼覽博窺，留心道術，無遠不致，無幽不悉； 挺身取命，幹茲奧秘，躊躇紫闥，喉舌是執，九考不移，有入無出， 〈《尚書》曰：三載考績，三考黜陟幽明。 九考則二十七年。〉 究古今之真偽，計時務得失。 雖時獻一策，偶進一言，釋彼官責，慰此素餐，固未能輸竭忠款，盡瀝胸肝，排方入直，惠彼黎元，俾吾徒草鄙並有聞焉也。 盍亦綏衡綏轡，回軌易塗，輿安駕肆，思馬斯徂，審歷揭以投濟，要夷庚之赫憮，播秋蘭以芳世，副吾徒之彼圖，不亦盛與！』 余聞而歎曰：『嗚呼，有若雲乎邪！ 夫人心不同，實若其面，子雖光麗，既美且艷，管窺筐舉，守厥所見，未可以言八紘之形埒，信萬事之精練也。』 或人率爾，仰而揚衡曰：『是何言與！ 是何言與！』
Someone mocked me: 'The old books say that deeds ride the times and reputation rides merit; for the wise of old, name and achievement were everything.' Institutions take shape only when the moment is right; fame endures only when tied to real deeds; when life ends and the name vanishes, the gentleman counts it shame. The adept probes principle, reads heaven’s signs and human fortune, while debaters, strategists, and warriors surge like storm clouds; they seize the moment, bend a little to win much, set the public good above private ease—a short crook may yield a long straight, and their light shines forth at last. The three powers stand like a tripod, the nine domains are still unsettled, and the people are caught in ruin; with the Way blocked and folk in misery, this is the very hour for sages to save the age and for heroes to win their fame. You have a brilliant mind and jade-like gifts, read widely, and master every branch of learning, high or low; you stepped forward to take office, mastered its deepest workings, lingered at the purple portals as voice of the court, passed review after review without wavering, and have entered the inner circle without stepping back out— 〈The Documents says that merit was reviewed every three years and that three such rounds decided promotion or demotion. Nine rounds of review mean twenty-seven years.〉 You weigh truth and falsehood across the ages and judge the gains and losses of the present hour. Even if you only offer a plan now and then or a word when chance allows, enough to meet your office and quiet a guilty conscience, you have hardly poured out your whole loyalty, laid bare your heart, cleared every obstacle for the straight path, or blessed the common people so that humble folk like us might share your renown. Why not slacken the reins, change course, ride in comfort and let your horses turn homeward, ford only where the depth is sure, aim for the open high road, sow your virtue like autumn orchids through the world, and answer our hopes in grand style—is that not a finer thing! Hearing this, I sighed: Alas—how insubstantial as a cloud! Hearts differ as faces do; bright as your speech is, it is still peering through a tube or scooping with a basket—clinging to one narrow view hardly maps the whole realm or proves mastery of every affair. The man flushed, threw back his head, and cried: What talk is this! "What sort of words is this!'
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余應之曰：「虞帝以面從為戒，孔聖以悅己為尤。 若子之言，良我所思，將為吾子論而釋之。 昔在鴻荒，朦昧肇初，三皇應菉，五帝承符，爰暨夏、商，前典攸書。 姬衰道缺，霸者冀扶，嬴氏慘虐，吞嚼八區，於是從橫雲起，狙詐如星，奇衺蠭動，智故萌生； 或飾真以仇偽，或挾邪以干榮，或詭道以要上，或鬻技以自矜； 背正崇邪，棄直就佞，忠無定分，義無常經。 故鞅法窮而慝作，斯義敗而姦成，呂門大而宗滅，韓辯立而身刑。 夫何故哉？ 利回其心，寵耀其目，赫赫龍章，鑠鑠車服。 偷幸苟得，如反如仄，淫邪荒迷，恣睢自極，和鸞未調而身在轅側，庭寧未踐而櫟折榱覆。 天收其精，地縮其澤，人吊其躬，鬼芟其額。 初升高岡，終隕幽壑，朝含榮潤，夕為枯魄。 是以賢人君子，深圖遠慮，畏彼咎戾，超然高舉，寧曳屬於塗中，穢濁世之休譽。 彼豈輕主慢民，而忽於時務哉？ 蓋《易》著行止之戒，《詩》有靖恭之歎，乃神之聽之而道使之然也。 自我大漢，應天順民，政治之隆，皓若陽春，俯憲坤典，仰式乾文。 播皇澤以熙世，揚茂化之酢醇，君臣覆度，各守厥真，上垂詢納之弘，下有匡救之責，士無虛華之寵，民有一行之跡，粲乎亹亹，尚此忠益。 然而道有隆窳，物有興廢，有聲有寂，有光有翳。 朱陽否於素秋，玄陰抑於孟春，羲和逝而望舒系，運氣匿而耀靈陳。 沖、質不永，桓、靈墜敗，英雄雲布，豪傑蓋世，家挾殊議，人懷異計。 故從橫者欻披其胸。 狙詐者暫吐其舌也。
I answered him saying: 'The Yu Emperor took face-following as a warning; the Kong sage took pleasing oneself as fault. Your words are much on my mind; let me set out my answer for you. In primordial chaos, before light broke, the Three Sovereigns answered heaven’s signs and the Five Emperors received the mandate; down through Xia and Shang the old texts record it. When the house of Zhou waned and the Way faltered, hegemons strove to shore it up; the Qin tyrants devoured the realm, alliance and defiance swirled like clouds, treachery glittered like stars, perverse schemes swarmed, and cunning multiplied; some masked truth to attack pretense, some peddled vice for favor, some used crooked means to sway their lords, some hawked tricks to puff themselves up; straight paths were spurned for crooked ones, loyalty lost its measure, and duty its steady rule. Shang Yang’s laws ran their course and wickedness flourished; Li Si’s “righteousness” collapsed into villainy; the Lü clan rose high and was wiped out; Han Fei won fame with his rhetoric yet died by the headsman’s blade. Why? Gain twisted their hearts, favor dazzled their eyes, and the glitter of rank and equipage blinded them. They grasped at luck and ill-gotten gain, wallowed in license, and rushed to extremes—the carriage bells were not yet tuned when they lay crushed beside the axle; they never reached the quiet court before the roof beam snapped and the rafters fell. Heaven withdrew their spirit, earth withheld its bounty, men mourned their corpses, and spirits mowed them down. They climbed high at dawn and fell into the pit by dusk—flush with honor in the morning, a dry husk by night. Hence the wise planned far ahead, dreaded such ruin, and rose above the world—rather drag their tails in the mire than chase the age’s hollow praise. Did they despise ruler and people or scorn the tasks of the hour? The Changes warns when to act and when to stop; the Odes sighs over quiet reverence—the spirits hear, and the Way ordains such restraint. Our mighty Han answered Heaven and served the people; its government shone like spring; it took earth’s pattern below and heaven’s pattern above. Imperial grace warmed the world and fine instruction spread; ruler and minister each kept their station—high policy welcomed counsel, officials bore duty to set things right; scholars shunned empty honors, commoners kept to plain conduct; all strove in loyal service. Yet the Way waxes and wanes, things rise and fall, sound yields to silence, and light to shadow. The yang sun can wane in bright autumn, yin can lift in early spring; the charioteer of day gives way to the moon’s reins; fortune hides and the bright spirit shows itself in turn. The child emperors died young; Huan and Ling brought ruin; heroes and champions filled the land, each household with its own doctrine and each man his own design. Alliance-mongers laid bare their breasts in haste. Deceivers flicked out their tongues for a moment.
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今天綱已綴，德樹西鄰，丕顯祖之宏規，縻好爵於士人，興五教以訓俗，豐九德濟民，肅明祀以礿祭，幾皇道以輔真。 雖跱者未一，偽者未分，聖人垂戒，蓋均無貧； 故君臣協美於朝，黎庶欣戴於野，動若重規，靜若疊矩。 濟濟偉彥，元凱之倫也，有過必知，顏子之仁也．侃侃庶政，冉、季之治也，鷹揚鷙騰，伊、望之事也； 總羣俊之上略，含薛氏之三計，敷張、陳之秘策，故力徵以勤世，援化英而不遑，豈暇修枯籜於榛穢哉！ 然吾不才，在朝累紀，托身所天，心焉是恃。 樂滄海之廣深，歎篙岳之高跱，聞仲尼之贊商，感鄉校之益己，彼平仲之和羹，亦近可而替否； 故矇冒瞽說，時有攸獻，譬遒人之有採於市閭，遊童之吟詠乎疆畔，庶以增廣福祥，輸力規諫。 若其合也，則以暗協明，進應靈符； 如其違也，自我常分，退守己愚。 進退任數，不矯不誣，循性樂天，夫何恨諸？ 此其所既入不出，有而若無者也。 狹屈氏之常醒，濁漁父之必醉，溷柳季之卑等辱，編夷、叔之高懟。 合不以得，違以不失，得不克詘，失不慘悸。 不樂前以顧軒，不就後以慮輊，不鬻譽以乾澤，不辭愆以忌絀。 何責之釋？ 何餐之卹？ 何方之排？ 何直之入？ 九考不移，固其所執也。 方今朝士山積，髦俊成羣，猶鱗介之潛乎巨海，毛羽之集乎鄧林，游禽逝不為之鮮，浮魴臻不為之殷。 且陽靈幽於唐葉，陰精應於商時，陽盱請而洪災息，桑林禱而甘澤滋。 〈《淮南子》曰：禹為水，以身請於陽盱之河，湯苦旱，以身禱於桑林之際，聖人之憂民，如此其明也。 《呂氏春秋》曰：昔殷湯克夏桀而天下大旱，三年不收，湯乃以身禱於桑林曰：「余一人有罪，無及萬方，萬方有罪，在余一人，無以一人之不敏，使上帝毀傷民之大命。」 湯於是剪其髮，攦其爪，自以為犧牲，用祈福於上帝。 民乃甚悅。 雨乃大至。〉 行止有道，啟塞有期。 我師遺訓，不怨不尤，委命恭己，我又何辭？ 辭窮路單，將反初節，綜墳典之流勞，尋孔氏之遺藝，綴微辭以存道，儘先軌而投制，題叔肸之優遊，美疏氏之遐逝，收止足以言歸，泛皓然以容裔，欣環堵以恬娛，免咎悔於斯世，顧茲心之未泰，懼末塗之泥滯，仍求激而增憤，肆中懷以告誓。 昔九方考精於至貴，秦牙沈思於殊形； 〈《淮南子》曰：秦穆公謂伯樂曰：「子之年長矣，子姓有可使求馬者乎？」 對曰：「良馬者，可以形容筋骨相也。 相天下之馬者，若滅若沒，若失若亡，其一若此馬者，絕塵卻轍。 臣之子皆下才也，可告以良馬而不可告以天下之馬。 天下之馬，臣有所與共儋纏採薪九方堙，此其相馬，非臣之下也，請見之。」 穆公見之，使之求馬，三月而反，報曰：「已得馬矣，在於沙丘。」 穆公曰：「何馬也？」 對曰：「牝而黃。」 使人往取之，牡而驪。 穆公不悅，召伯樂而問之曰：「敗矣，子之所使求馬者也！ 毛物牝牡尚弗能知，又何馬之能知？」 伯樂喟然太息曰：「一至此乎！ 是乃所以千萬 （里） 臣而無數者也。 若堙之所觀者天機也，得其精而忘其粗，在其內而忘其外，見其所見而不見其所不見，視其所視而遺其所不視，若彼之所相者，乃有貴乎馬者。」 馬至，而果天下之馬也。 淮南子又曰：伯樂、寒風、秦牙、葛青，所相各異，其知馬一也； 蓋九方觀其精，秦牙察其形。〉 薛燭察寶以飛譽， 〈《越絕書》曰：昔越王句踐有寶劍五枚，聞於天下。 客有能相劍者名薛燭，王召而問之：「吾有寶劍五，請以示子。」 乃取豪曹、臣闕，薛燭曰：「皆非也。」 又取純鉤、湛盧，燭曰：「觀其劍鈔，爛爛如列宿之行，觀其光，渾渾如水之將溢於塘，觀其文，渙渙如冰將釋，此所謂純鉤邪？」 王曰：「是也。」 王曰：「客有直之者，有市之鄉三，駿馬千匹，千戶之都二，可乎？」 薛燭曰：「不可。 當造此劍之時，赤堇之山破而出錫，若邪之谿涸而出銅，雨師掃灑，雷公擊鼓，太一下觀，天精下之，歐冶乃因天之精，悉其伎巧，一曰純鉤，二曰湛盧。 今赤堇之山已合，若邪之谿深而不測，歐冶子已死，雖傾城量金，珠玉竭河，獨不得此一物。 有市之鄉三，駿馬千匹，千戶之都二，亦何足言與！」〉 瓠梁托弦以流聲； 〈《淮南子》曰：瓠巴鼓瑟而鱘魚聽之。 又曰：瓠梁之歌可隨也，而以歌者不可為也。〉 齊隸拊髀以濟文， 〈臣松之曰：按此謂孟嘗君田文下坐客，能作雞鳴以濟其厄者也。 凡作雞鳴，必先拊髀，以傚雞之拊翼也。〉 楚客潛寇以保荊： 〈《淮南子》曰：楚將子發好求技道之士。 楚有善為偷者，往見曰：「聞君求技道之士，臣偷也，原以技備一卒。」 子發聞之，衣不及帶，冠不暇正，出見而禮之。 左右諫曰：「偷者，天下之盜也，何為禮之？」 君曰：「此非左右之所得與。」 後無幾何，齊興兵伐楚。 子發將師以當之，兵三卻。 楚賢大夫皆盡其計而悉其誠，齊師愈強。 於是卒偷進請曰：「臣有薄技，原為君行之。」 君曰「諾」。 偷即夜出，解齊將軍之帳，而獻之子發。 子發使人歸之，曰：「卒有出採薪者，得將軍之帳，使使歸於執事。」 明日又復往取枕，子發又使歸之。 明日又復往取簪，子發又使歸之。 齊師聞之大駭，將軍與軍吏謀曰：「今日不去，楚軍恐取吾頭矣！」 即旋師而去。〉 雍門援琴而挾說， 〈桓譚《新論》曰：雍門周以琴見，孟嘗君曰：「先生鼓琴，亦能令文悲乎？」 對曰：「臣之所能令悲者，先貴而後賤，昔富而今貧，擯壓窮巷，不交四鄰； 不若身材高妙，懷質抱真，逢讒罹謗，怨結而不得信； 不若交歡而結愛，無怨而生離，遠赴絕國，無相見期； 不若幼無父母，壯無妻兒，出以野澤為鄰，入用堀穴為家，困於朝夕，無所假貸：若此人者，但聞飛烏之號，秋風鳴條，則傷心矣，臣一為之援琴而長太息，未有不淒惻而涕泣者也。 今若足下，居則廣廈高堂，連闥洞房，下羅帷，來清風； 倡優在前，諂諛侍側，揚激楚，舞鄭妾，流聲以娛耳，練色以淫目； 水戲則舫龍舟，建羽旗，鼓釣乎不測之淵； 野遊則登平原，馳廣囿，強弩下高鳥，勇士格猛獸； 置酒娛樂，沈醉忘歸：方此之時，視天地曾不若一指，雖有善鼓琴，未能足下也。」 孟嘗君曰：「固然！」 雍門周曰：「然臣竊為足下有所常悲。 夫角帝而困秦者君也，連五國而伐楚者又君也。 天下未嘗無事，不從即衡； 從成則楚王，衡成則秦帝。 夫以秦、楚之強而報弱薛，猶磨蕭斧而伐朝菌也，有識之士，莫不為足下寒心。 天道不常盛，寒暑更進退，千秋萬歲之後，宗廟必不血食； 高台既已傾，曲池又已平，墳墓生荊棘，狐狸穴其中，遊兒牧豎躑躅其足而歌其上曰：『孟嘗君之尊貴，亦猶若是乎！』」 於是孟嘗君喟然太息，涕淚承睫而未下。 雍門周引琴而鼓之，徐動宮徵，叩角羽，終而成曲，孟嘗君遂歔欷而就之曰：「先生鼓琴，令文立若亡國之人也。」〉 韓哀秉轡而馳名； 〈《呂氏春秋》曰：韓哀作禦。 王褒聖主得賢臣頌曰：及至駕齧膝，參乘旦，王良執靶，韓哀附輿，縱馳騁騖，忽如景靡，過都越國，蹶如歷塊，追奔電，逐遺風，周流八極，萬里一息，何其遼哉！ 人馬相得也。〉 盧敖翱翔乎玄闕，若士竦身於雲清。 〈《淮南子》曰：盧敖遊乎北海，經乎太陰，入乎玄闕，至於蒙轂之上，見一士焉，深目而玄準，戾頸而鳶肩，豐上而殺下，軒軒然方迎風而舞，顧見盧敖慢然下其臂，遯逃乎碑下。 盧敖俯而視之，方卷龜殼而食合梨。 盧敖乃與之語曰：「惟敖為背羣離黨，窮觀於六合之外者，非敖而已乎！ 敖幼而好遊，長不喻解，周行四極，惟北陰之不闚，今卒睹夫子於是，子殆可與敖為交乎！」 若士者蠤然而笑曰：「嘻乎！ 子中州民，寧肯而遠至此？ 此猶光乎日月而戴列星，陰陽之所行，四時之所生，此其比夫不名之地，猶突奧也。 若我南游乎罔{罒良}之野，北息於沈墨之鄉，西窮冥冥之黨，東貫鴻濛之光，此其下無地而上無天，聽焉無聞，視焉則眴，此其外猶有沈沈之汜，其餘一舉而千萬里，吾猶未能之在。 今子遊始至於此，乃語窮觀，豈不亦遠哉！ 然子處矣，吾與汗漫期於九垓之上，吾不可以久。」 若士舉臂而竦身，遂入雲中。 盧敖仰而視之，弗見乃止，曰：「吾比夫子也，猶黃鵠之與壤蟲，終日行不離咫尺，自以為遠，不亦悲哉！」〉 余實不能齊技於數子，故乃靜然守己而自寧。」
Heaven’s net is whole again, virtue rises from the western court, the grand design of the founding ancestors shines, fine titles bind the gentry, the five teachings instruct custom, the nine virtues enrich the people, sacrifices are ordered in the spring rite, and the royal Way draws near to uphold the true. Though factions still stand apart and the false are not yet sifted out, the sage’s warning holds: share alike and none need be poor; So ruler and minister work in harmony at court and the people gladly support them in the fields—motion like nested compasses, rest like stacked squares. The court teems with talents like the eight worthies of Yao’s age; faults are known at once, as with Yan Hui’s candor; government runs firm and clear as under Ran and Ji; hawklike vigor matches the deeds of Yi Yin and Lü Wang; They marshal the best minds, hold Xue Gong’s three counsels, and deploy the secret designs of Zhang Liang and Chen Ping—so busy driving the age forward they have no time to fuss over dead husks in the brambles! I am untalented yet have served at court for years, my life lodged with my sovereign, my heart set on that alone. I delight in the vast sea, marvel at Mount Song’s height, recall Confucius’s praise of the Shang, and feel how the village school helped me; like Yan Ying’s harmonizing stew, one may be near enough to judge what is fit and what is not; So I risk blind words at times, like a herald gathering songs in the lanes or children humming at the field’s edge—hoping to add some blessing and lend my feeble voice to remonstrance. If they fit the moment, my dim words may chime with bright policy and answer heaven’s signs; if not, I fall back on my proper lot and keep my own foolish peace. I advance or withdraw as fate allows, neither forcing nor deceiving; following my nature and accepting Heaven—what is there to resent? This is what is meant by entering and not leaving—holding office yet seeming not to hold it. I reject Qu Yuan’s endless vigil and the fisherman’s counsel to drown care in wine; I do not confuse Liuxia Hui’s patient low station with Boyi and Shuqi’s lofty umbrage. In success I do not cling to profit; in setback I do not cling to loss—gain cannot bend me, loss cannot terrify me. I do not preen over what lies ahead nor brood on what trails behind; I hawk no praise for favor and shun no fault from fear of demotion. What charge must I clear? What salary shames my conscience? What crooked corner must I elbow aside? What straight gate must I force my way into? Through nine rounds of review I have not wavered—that is the grip I keep. The court teems with talent like shells in the deep sea or birds in the magic grove—one more arrival neither thins nor crowds the press. The bright sun once hid in Tang’s age and yin answered in Shang’s; Yu offered himself at the Yangxu River and the flood stilled; Tang prayed in the mulberry grove and sweet rain fell. 〈The Huainanzi says Yu threw himself on the waters at the Yangxu River and Tang prayed in person at the mulberry grove—so plainly did sages grieve for the people. The Lüshi chunqiu states: Formerly Yin Tang overcame Xia Jie yet the realm great drought, three years no harvest; Tang then with body prayed at mulberry grove saying: 'I alone have guilt—let it not reach the myriad regions; the myriad regions have guilt—it rests in me alone; do not because one man's dullness make High Lord destroy and wound the people's great mandate.' He cut his hair and nails and offered himself as a victim to seek Heaven’s blessing. The people rejoiced greatly. Then the rains came in torrents.〉 Going and staying follow the Way; opening and closing have their season. Our teacher left us: blame no one, bow to fate, and cultivate the self—what answer need I add? My words are spent and the road bare; I will return to my first resolve, review the classics and Confucius’s arts, string modest lines to keep the Way, follow ancient models and accept restraint, praise Shu Xi’s ease and the Su elders’ withdrawal, know when enough is enough and turn homeward, drift in broad clarity, find quiet joy within humble walls, and escape blame in this world—yet my heart is not at ease, I fear sticking in the mud at the end, so I press on in sharper vexation and lay bare my breast in this vow. Once Jiufang Yan read the inner worth of horses and Qin Ya pondered their outward form; 〈The Huainanzi states: Duke Mu of Qin said to Bole: 'Your years are long; among your sons and kin is there one who can be sent to seek horses?' He answered saying: 'A fine horse—one can by form appearance sinews bones inspect it. A horse of the finest breed seems to vanish and leave no clear outline; when one appears, it outruns the dust and erases its tracks. My sons are mediocre: they can spot a good horse but not a horse of the realm’s finest kind. As for the realm's horse, your subject has one who together with him carries loads and gathers firewood—Jiufang Yan—this one's inspecting horses is not below your subject; please see him." Duke Mu saw him, sent him to seek horses; three months then returned, reported saying: 'Already obtained horse; it is at Shaqiu.' Duke Mu said: 'What horse?' He answered saying: 'Female and yellow.' Men fetched it: it was a black stallion. Duke Mu was not pleased; summoned Bole and asked him saying: 'Ruined—he whom you sent to seek horses! Hair thing female male still not able to know—what then horse able to know?" Bole sighed greatly and said: 'Has it reached this! That is why he outranks countless ordinary agents like me put together. As for what Yan observes—it is heaven's pivot; obtaining its essence and forgetting its coarse, being in its inner and forgetting its outer; seeing what he sees and not seeing what he does not see; viewing what he views and losing what he does not view—as for that which he inspects, then there is something more precious than horse." When the horse arrived, it proved indeed a steed of the realm’s finest kind. The Huainanzi adds that Bole, Hanfeng, Qin Ya, and Ge Qing each judged horses differently yet understood horses in the same way; Jiufang read the spirit, Qin Ya the outward form.〉 Xue Zhu appraised a treasure and won sudden fame; 〈The Yue jue shu says King Goujian of Yue once owned five famous swords. A guest able to inspect swords named Xue Zhu; the king summoned and asked him: 'I have precious swords five—please to show you.' Then took Haocao, Juque; Xue Zhu said: 'Neither is it.' Again took Chungou, Zhanlu; Zhu said: 'Observe its sword's edge—brilliant as ranked stars' motion; observe its light—rolling as water about to overflow the pond; observe its pattern—dissolving as ice about to melt—this is what is called Chungou?' The king said: 'It is so.' The king said: 'If someone wished to purchase it—three market towns, a thousand swift horses, two thousand-household capitals—would it do?' Xue Zhu said: 'Not possible. When it was forged, Mount Chijing split to yield tin and the Ruoye stream ran dry to yield copper; spirits swept the way and thunder rolled while the Grand One looked on and heaven’s essence descended; Ou Yezi used that power to exhaust his art—thus Chungou and Zhanlu. Now the mountain has closed again, the stream runs too deep to fathom, and Ou Yezi is dead—though you razed cities and weighed out gold and emptied the river of pearls and jade, you could not win this blade alone. What are three towns, a thousand horses, or two cities compared with that!'"〉" Hu Liang drew sound from his strings; 〈The Huainanzi says that when Hu Ba played the se, the fish rose to listen. It also says one may follow Hu Liang’s songs, but no one can sing as he did.〉 a Qi groom slapped his thighs to save Lord Mengchang; 〈Pei Songzhi notes this is the low-born guest of Lord Mengchang who crowed like a cock to save him from peril. To crow like a cock one first slaps the thigh, mimicking the bird’s wing-beats.〉 a Chu retainer stole among the foe to save the state: 〈The Huainanzi says General Zifa of Chu loved to recruit men of odd skills. Chu had one good at being a thief; went to see saying: 'Heard you seek men of skill and Way—your subject is a thief; wishes by skill to fill one soldier.' Zifa, hearing this, rushed out half-dressed and crooked-capped to receive him with full courtesy. Attendants remonstrated saying: 'A thief is the realm's robber—why honor him?' The lord said: 'This is not what attendants may join in.' Soon afterward Qi attacked Chu. Zifa led the army against them but was driven back three times. Chu’s wise ministers gave every plan and every ounce of zeal, yet Qi’s host grew stronger still. Thereupon the soldier-thief advanced and requested saying: 'Your subject has a slight skill; wishes to perform it for the lord.' The lord said: very well." That night the thief slipped into the camp, took down the Qi general’s tent, and brought it to Zifa. Zifa sent men to return it, saying: 'A soldier who went out gathering firewood obtained the general's tent; envoys send it back to the steward.' The next night he took the pillow; Zifa returned that too. The night after he took the hairpin, and again Zifa sent it back. The Qi army was terrified; the general and his officers said: if we do not withdraw today, Chu will have our heads tomorrow!' They broke camp and fled at once.〉 Yongmen Zhou took up his zither and pressed his argument; 〈Huan Tan's New Discourses states: Yongmen Zhou by qin had audience; Lord Mengchang said: 'Master, if you strum the qin, can you also make Wen sorrowful?' He answered saying: 'What your servant can make sorrowful: first noble then base, once rich now poor, pressed aside in poor lane, not mingling with four neighbors; or the man of fine presence and true heart who meets slander, is distrusted, and nurses a knot of wrong; or lovers parted though blameless, banished to distant lands with no hope of meeting; Or the childless orphan who dwells in the wilds and a burrow, pressed day and night with nowhere to turn—for such a one the cry of a bird or wind in the trees is grief enough; one touch of my zither and a long sigh, and none fail to weep. But you live in mansions and deep chambers hung with gauze, cooled by clear breezes; singers and sycophants attend you, the air rings with Chu airs and Zheng dancers, sound and color feast ear and eye; on the water you race dragon boats with feathered banners and angle the deep pools; in the field you gallop the open park, strike birds from the sky with strong crossbows, and pit brave men against beasts; Set wine pleasure music, sink drunk forget return: at this moment, view heaven and earth once not like one finger; although there is one good at strumming qin, cannot match you sir." Lord Mengchang said: 'Indeed so!' Yongmen Zhou said: 'Yet your servant privately for you sir has something constantly sorrowful. You rivaled the emperors and penned Qin; you linked five states and struck Chu. The realm is never still: without alliance there is defiance; alliance makes Chu king; defiance crowns Qin emperor. When Qin or Chu turns on feeble Xue, it is like whetting an ax on a morning mushroom—every thoughtful man shudders for you. Heaven’s way turns: cold and heat alternate; ages hence your line may no longer receive sacrifice; your high towers will fall and your pools fill in; brambles will choke the tombs and foxes lair there while herd boys tramp the ruins singing: was Lord Mengchang’s glory any different from this!' Mengchang gave a great sigh; tears welled in his eyes but did not fall. Zhou drew a slow melody across the modes until a full tune formed; Mengchang drew near weeping: your playing leaves me standing like a man of a fallen state.'"〉 Han Ai took the reins and won renown; 〈The Lüshi chunqiu credits Han Ai with inventing the charioteer’s art. Wang Bao’s hymn tells of pairing knee-nipping steeds with Wang Liang on the reins and Han Ai at the carriage—horses that flash like shadows, leap capitals in a stride, outrun lightning and wind, circle the eight extremes and breathe once in ten thousand li—how vast that span! Horse and rider were perfectly matched.〉 Lu Ao soared to the Dark Gate while the recluse rose into the clear clouds; 〈The Huainanzi says Lu Ao roamed the northern dark, entered the Black Gate, and on Mount Menggu met a strange man—deep-set eyes, hooked nose, kite shoulders, narrow hips—who danced in the wind, then spied Ao, dropped his arms, and slipped behind a stone. Ao bent close and saw him curled in a turtle shell, eating a pear. Lu Ao then spoke with him saying: 'Only Ao is one who turned back from the flock left the party, exhausted viewing beyond the six directions' outside—is it not Ao alone! I have wandered since boyhood to the four limits but never pierced the northern gloom; to meet you here—may we be companions!' The Gentleman then smiled thinly and said: 'Ha! You are a man of the central plain—what brings you this far? Here you stand bathed in sun and moon and the march of the seasons—set beside the nameless regions this is still a kitchen corner. I have roamed south to Wangliang’s wastes, north to the land of ink-black dusk, west to utter dark, east through primordial gleam—where there is neither earth below nor sky above, where sound dies and sight reels—beyond that lie depths I have not reached in a single leap of a million li. You have only just arrived and call it the ends of sight—is that not presumptuous! Yet you stay; I with Vast Wanderer have tryst on nine heights' above—I cannot long remain." He raised his arms, sprang up, and vanished into the clouds. Ao stared upward until he lost sight, then sighed: beside him I am a mayfly to a swan—I walked all day within inches and thought myself far—how pitiful!'"〉 I truly cannot match those men in craft, so I keep still and find peace in myself.
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景耀六年，後主從譙周之計，遣使請降於鄧艾。 其書，正所造也。 明年正月，鐘會作亂成都，後主東遷洛陽，時擾攘倉卒。 蜀之大臣無冀從者，惟正及殿中督汝南張通，捨妻子單身隨侍。 後主賴正相導宜適，舉動無闕，乃慨然歎息，恨知正之晚，時論嘉之。 賜爵關內候。 泰始中，除安陽令，遷巴西太守。 泰始八年詔曰：「正昔在成都，顛沛守義，不違忠節，及見受用，盡心幹事，有治理之績，其以正為巴西太守。」 咸寧四年卒。 凡所著述詩論賦之屬，垂百篇。
In 263 the Later Lord followed Qiao Zhou’s counsel and sent envoys to surrender to Deng Ai. Xi Zheng had drafted that letter. The next New Year Zhong Hui mutinied at Chengdu; the Later Lord was moved east to Luoyang in uproar and haste. No Shu minister hoped to follow him except Zheng and the palace guard Zhang Tong of Runan, who left family and went alone in attendance. The Later Lord leaned on Zheng’s guidance in deportment and never misstepped; he sighed that he had known Zheng too late, and opinion praised Zheng. He was enfeoffed as marquis within the passes. During the Taishi era he became magistrate of Anyang and then governor of Baxi. In the eighth year of Taishi an edict said: 'Zheng formerly at Chengdu, in overturning preserved righteousness, did not violate loyal integrity; when received and employed, exhausted mind in managing affairs, had governance's traces—therefore make Zheng Administrator of Baxi.' He died in 278. His poems, treatises, and fu numbered nearly a hundred.
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評曰：杜微脩身隱靜，不役當世，庶幾夷、皓之槩。 周羣佔天有徵，杜瓊沈默慎密，諸生之純也。 許、孟、來、李，博涉多聞，尹默精於左氏，雖不以德業為稱，信皆一時之學士。 譙周詞理淵通，為世碩儒，有董、揚之規，郤正文辭燦爛，有張、蔡之風，加其行止，君子有取焉。 二子處晉事少，在蜀事多，故著於篇。 〈張璠以為譙周所陳降魏之策，蓋素料劉禪懦弱，心無害戾，故得行也。 如遇忿肆之人，雖無他算，然矜殉鄙恥，或發怒妄誅，以立一時之威，快其斯須之意者，此亦夷滅之禍云。〉」
The historian says Du Wei cultivated himself in reclusion, shunning office—almost in the mold of Boyi and the Four Haos. Zhou Qun’s astrology proved true; Du Qiong was silent and scrupulous—both were models of scholarly purity. Xu, Meng, Lai, and Li were widely read; Yin Mo mastered the Zuo commentary—though none were famed chiefly for moral achievement, all were leading scholars of their day. Qiao Zhou’s learning ran deep like Dong Zhongshu or Yang Xiong; Xi Zheng’s prose shone in the manner of Zhang Heng and Cai Yong—and their conduct gives the gentleman much to approve. Their careers in Jin were brief but their deeds in Shu were many, so they fill this chapter. 〈Zhang Fan held that Qiao Zhou’s plan to surrender worked because he had long judged Liu Shan timid and harmless of heart. Had they faced a violent, touchy ruler with no larger design, pride and shame might have provoked random executions to assert a moment’s power—then utter ruin would have followed.〉”