1
蔣琬字公琰，零陵湘鄉人也。 弱冠與外弟泉陵劉敏懼知名。 琬以州書佐隨先主入蜀，除廣都長。 先主嘗因遊觀奄至廣都，見琬眾事不理，時又沉醉，先主大怒，將加罪戮。 軍師將軍諸葛亮請曰：「蔣琬，社稷之器，非百里之才也。 其為政以安民為本，不以修飾為先，願主公重加察之。」 先主雅敬亮，乃不加罪，倉卒但免官而已。 琬見推之後，夜夢有—牛頭在門前，流血滂沱，意甚惡之，呼問占夢趙直。 直曰：「夫見血者，事分明也。 牛角及鼻，『公』字之象，君位必當至公，大吉之征也。」 頃之，為什邡令。 先主為漢中王，琬人為尚書郎。
Jiang Wan, courtesy name Gongyan, came from Xiangxiang in Lingling Commandery. While still young he won local fame alongside his cousin Liu Min of Quanling. He entered Shu as a provincial clerk under Liu Bei and was named magistrate of Guangdu. Liu Bei came to Guangdu on a tour, found Jiang Wan drunk and neglecting his duties, and was ready to execute him. Zhuge Liang intervened: "Jiang Wan is material for the empire, not a petty county magistrate. He rules by putting the people at ease, not by polished appearances—please look again, my lord." Liu Bei yielded to Zhuge Liang and spared him—stripping him of office alone. After his promotion Jiang Wan dreamed of a bloody ox head at his gate and consulted Zhao Zhi about it. Zhi said, "Seeing blood means affairs are clear-cut. Horns and snout sketch the word ‘duke’—you are destined for high, impartial office; most auspicious." Soon he was appointed magistrate of Shifang. When Liu Bei took the title King of Hanzhong, Jiang Wan became a secretary in the imperial secretariat.
2
建興元年，丞相亮開府，辟琬為東曹掾。 舉茂才，琬固讓劉邕、陰化、龐延、廖淳，亮教答曰：「思惟背親捨德，以殄百姓，眾人既不隱於心，實又使遠近不解其義，是以君宜顯其功舉，以明此選之清重也。」 遷為參軍。 五年，亮住漢中，琬與長史張裔統留府事。 八年，代裔為長史，加撫軍將軍。 亮數外出，琬常足食足兵以相供給。 亮每言：「公琰托志忠雅，當與吾共贊王業者也。」 密表後主曰：「臣若不幸，後事宜以付琬。」
In Jianxing 1 (223 CE) Chancellor Zhuge Liang opened his headquarters and appointed Jiang Wan clerk of the eastern bureau. Nominated as "abundant talent," Jiang Wan insisted the honor go to Liu Yong, Yin Hua, Pang Yan, or Liao Chun. Zhuge Liang answered: "If worthy men hid their light and turned their backs on the people, neither the court nor the countryside would understand—accept the nomination and show how seriously this selection is taken." He was promoted to army adviser. In the fifth year (227 CE) Zhuge Liang moved to Hanzhong; Jiang Wan and chief clerk Zhang Yi ran the rear headquarters. In the eighth year he succeeded Zhang Yi as chief clerk and received the title general who stabilizes the army. Whenever Zhuge Liang marched out, Jiang Wan kept grain and weapons flowing without fail. Zhuge Liang often said, "Gongyan is loyal and cultivated—he is the man to help me sustain the kingly enterprise." He secretly memorialized the emperor: "If I die, let Jiang Wan carry what follows."
3
亮卒，以琬為尚書令，俄而加行都護、假節、領益州刺史、遷大將軍、錄尚書事、封安陽亭侯。 時新喪元帥，遠近危悚。 琬出類拔萃，處群僚之右，既無戚容，又無喜色，神守舉止，有如平日，由是眾望漸服。 延熙元年，詔琬曰：「寇難未弭，曹睿驕凶，遼東三郡勞其暴虐，遂相糾結，與之離隔。 睿大興眾役，還相攻伐。 囊秦之亡，勝、廣首難，今有此變，斯乃天時。 君其治嚴，總帥諸軍屯任漢中，須吳舉動，東西掎角，以乘其畔。」 又命琬開府，明年就加為大司馬。
After Zhuge Liang's death Jiang Wan became director of the masters, soon acting protector-general with credential staff and concurrent inspector of Yi—then grand general with authority over the masters and village marquis of Anyang. The empire had just lost its commander; fear ran from the capital to the frontier. Jiang Wan towered above his peers yet showed neither grief nor elation—bearing exactly as before—until expectation across the court turned to trust. In Yanxi 1 (238 CE) an edict told Jiang Wan: "The foe remains; Cao Rui is arrogant and cruel—the three Liaodong commanderies suffer his tyranny and have broken away from Wei. Cao Rui has drafted vast labor levies and turned armies against his own people. When Qin fell, Chen Sheng and Wu Guang struck first—today's revolt is Heaven's opening. Train your troops hard, command the armies from Hanzhong, watch Wu's moves, and pinch Wei east and west when opportunity ripens." He authorized Jiang Wan to open his own headquarters; the next year he added the title grand marshal.
4
東曹掾楊戲索性簡略，琬與言論，時不應答。 或欲構戲於琬，曰：「公與戲語而不見應，戲之慢上，不亦甚乎!」琬曰：「人心不同，各如其面； 面從後言，古人之所誡也。 戲欲贊吾是耶，則非其本心，欲反吾言，則顯吾之非，是以默然，是戲之快也。」 又督農楊敏曾毀琬，曰：「作事憒憒； 誠非及前人。」 或以白琬，主者請推治敏。 琬曰：「吾實不如前人，無可推也。」 主者重據聽不推，則乞問其憒憒之狀。 琬曰：「苟其不如，則事不當理，事不當理，則憒憒矣。 復何問邪?」後敏坐事系獄，眾人猶懼其必死。 琬心無適莫，得免重罪。 其好惡存道，皆此類也。
Yang Xi of the Eastern Bureau was blunt and sparing of words; he often failed to reply when Jiang Wan spoke to him. Some tried to poison Jiang Wan against Yang Xi: "He ignores you—is that not gross insolence?" Jiang Wan replied: "Every mind is different, like every face; to agree to one’s face and gossip behind one’s back is what the classics condemn. If he praised me he would flatter against his conscience; if he contradicted me he would expose my faults—so he stayed silent. That is Yang Xi’s honesty." Also agricultural overseer Yang Min once slandered Wan, saying, "His conduct is muddled; swearing he fell short of his predecessors." When word reached Jiang Wan, his clerks wanted Yang Min prosecuted. Jiang Wan said: "He is right—I am no match for Zhuge Liang; there is nothing to investigate." They pressed again: if there would be no trial, at least ask what ‘muddled’ meant. Jiang Wan answered: "If I fall short, my government must be confused—that is all ‘muddled’ means. Why ask more?" Later Yang Min ran afoul of the law; people assumed Jiang Wan would let him hang." Jiang Wan bore him no grudge, and Yang Min escaped the gravest penalty. His sense of justice ran this way in every case.
5
琬以為昔諸葛亮數窺秦川，道險運艱，競不能克，不若乘水東下。 乃多作舟船，欲由漢、沔襲魏興、上庸。 會舊疾連動，未時得行。 而眾論鹹謂如不克捷，還路甚難，非長策也。 於是遣尚書令費禕、中監軍姜維等喻指。 琬承命上疏曰：
Jiang Wan judged Zhuge Liang’s thrusts toward Qinchuan too costly; he preferred to strike east along the Han waters. He built a fleet to sail down the Han and strike Wei’s Xingfang and Shangyong. Old illnesses flared and delayed the expedition. Court opinion warned that retreat would be perilous if the attack failed—a poor long-term plan. He sent Fei Yi, Jiang Wei, and others to explain his reasoning to the court. Jiang Wan then memorialized:
6
芟穢弭難，臣職是掌。 自臣奉辭漢中，已經六年，臣既闇弱，加嬰疾疢，規方無成，夙夜憂慘。 今魏跨帶九州，根蒂滋蔓，平除未易。 若東西並力，首尾掎角。 雖未能速得如志，且當分裂蠶食，先摧其支黨。 然吳期二三，連不克果，俯仰惟艱，實忘寢食。 輒與費禕等議，以涼州胡塞之要，進退有資，賊之所惜； 且羌、胡乃心思漢如渴。 又昔偏軍人羌，郭淮破走，算其長短，以為事首，宜以姜維為涼州刺史。 若維征行，銜持河右，臣當帥軍為維鎮繼。 今涪水陸四通，惟急是應。 若東北有虞，赴之不難。
Rooting out rebels and easing crises is the duty I bear. Six years have passed since I left Hanzhong; I am dull by nature and plagued by sickness, so my designs have come to nothing—I fret day and night. Wei today spans the realm; its power runs deep—destroying it will not be swift. If Shu and Wu strike together, we catch Wei between hammer and anvil. Even if total victory tarries, we can still gnaw at its borders and cut away its allies first. Wu has missed joint deadlines again and again; every reversal tortures me—I hardly eat or sleep. Fei Yi and I concluded that Liangzhou’s frontier is vital ground—easy to supply and hard for Wei to abandon; moreover Qiang and Hu tribes thirst for the Han cause. Our columns once pierced the Qiang lands and routed Guo Huai—weighing costs and gains, the first step is to name Jiang Wei Inspector of Liangzhou. When Jiang Wei advances to anchor the west of the Yellow River, I will follow with an army to sustain him. Fu lies at a hub where land and water meet—we can rush reinforcements anywhere. Should trouble flare in the northeast, relief can reach it quickly.
7
由是琬遂還住涪。 疾轉增劇，至九年卒，謚曰恭。
Jiang Wan therefore moved his headquarters back to Fu. His illness worsened; he died in the ninth year of Yanxi (246), posthumously titled Marquis Gong.
8
子斌嗣，為綏武將軍、漢城護軍。 魏大將軍鐘會至漢城，與斌書曰：「巴蜀賢智文武之士多矣，至於足下、諸葛思遠，譬諸草木，吾氣類也。 桑梓之敬，古今所敦。 西到，欲奉瞻尊大君公侯墓，當灑掃墳塋，奉祠致敬。 願告其所在！」 斌答書曰：「知惟臭味意眷之隆，雅托通流，未拒來謂也。 亡考昔遭疾疢，亡於涪縣，卜雲其吉，遂安厝之。 知君西邁，乃欲屈駕修敬墳墓。 視予猶父，顏子之仁也，聞命感愴，以增情思。」 會得斌書報，嘉歎意義，及至涪如其書雲。 後主既降鄧艾，斌詣會於涪，待以交友之禮。 隨會至成都，為亂兵所殺。 斌弟顯，為太子僕。 會亦愛其才學，與斌同時死。
His son Jiang Bin inherited the rank as General Who Pacifies Might and Protector of Hanzhong. When Zhong Hui’s army reached Hanzhong, he wrote Jiang Bin: "Shu is full of talent—yet you and Zhuge Zhan, like plants beside me, seem true kin. Revering a man’s home soil is a duty honored in every age. I am moving west and wish to sweep your fathers’ graves and leave offerings—pray tell me where they lie! Tell me where they rest!" Jiang Bin replied: "I feel the kindness of your message and accept your friendly tone. My father died of illness in Fu; the omens favored burial there, so he lies in that soil. Learning that you journey west to honor his tomb humbles me. You treat me like a son—this is kindness worthy of Yan Hui’s praise—your words stir deep emotion." Zhong Hui cherished the letter and, arriving at Fu, did exactly as promised. After Liu Shan yielded to Deng Ai, Jiang Bin met Zhong Hui at Fu and was received as a friend. He followed Zhong Hui to Chengdu and died in the soldiers’ riot. His younger brother Jiang Xian served as steward to the heir apparent. Zhong Hui admired his scholarship as well; he perished alongside Jiang Bin.
9
劉敏，左護軍、揚威將軍，與鎮北大將軍王平懼鎮漢巾。 魏遣大將軍曹爽襲蜀時，時議者或謂但可守城，不出拒敵，必自引退。 敏以為男女布野，農谷棲畝，若聽敵人，則大事去矣。 遂帥所領與平據興勢，多張旗幟，彌亙百餘里。 會大將軍費禕從成都至，魏軍即退。 敏以功封雲亭侯。
Liu Min, General Who Displays Might and Protector of the Left, jointly held Hanzhong with Wang Ping (the text miswrites ‘scarf’ for ‘middle’). When Cao Shuang invaded, some urged staying behind walls—the enemy would retreat on their own. Liu Min argued that peasants and grain lay exposed in the fields—pure defense would surrender everything. He marched with Wang Ping to Xingshi, planting banners along a hundred li of ridgeline. When Fei Yi brought reinforcements from Chengdu, the Wei army withdrew. Liu Min earned the village marquisate of Yun for this feat.
10
費禕字文偉，江夏鄳人也。 〈鄳音盲。〉 少孤，依族父伯仁。 伯仁姑，益州牧劉璋之母也。 璋遣使迎仁，仁將禕遊學入蜀。 會先主定蜀，禕遂留益土，與汝南許叔龍、南郡董允齊名。 時許靖喪子，允與禕欲共會其葬所。 允白父和請車，和遣開後鹿車給之。 允有難載之色．禕便從前先上。 及於喪所，諸葛亮及諸貴人悉集，車乘甚鮮，允猶神色未泰，而禕晏然自若。 持車人還，和問之，知其如此，乃謂允曰：「吾常疑汝於文偉優劣未別也。 而今而後，吾意了矣。」
Fei Yi, courtesy name Wenwei, came from Mei in Jiangxia. < Phonetic note: the place name Mei is pronounced like ‘mang.’ > Orphaned young, he was raised by his uncle Fei Boren. Fei Boren’s aunt was Liu Zhang’s mother. Liu Zhang summoned Boren, who brought the young Fei Yi to Shu to study. When Liu Bei took Yi Province, Fei Yi stayed on, winning equal renown with Xu Shulong and Dong Yun. When Xu Jing’s son died, Dong Yun and Fei Yi meant to attend the funeral together. Dong Yun asked his father Dong He for a vehicle; Dong He sent a one-ox cart from the household. Dong Yun blushed at the humble cart, but Fei Yi climbed in without hesitation. At the gathering Zhuge Liang and the notables arrived in fine carriages; Dong Yun looked ill at ease, but Fei Yi was perfectly composed. When the driver reported back, Dong He said to his son, "I used to wonder whether you or Fei Yi was the better man. Now I know."
11
先主立太子，禕與允為舍人，遷庶子。 後主踐位，為黃門侍郎。 丞相亮南征還，群僚於數十里逢迎，年位多在禕右，而亮特命禕同載，由是眾人莫不易觀。 亮以初從南歸，以禕為昭信校尉使吳。 孫權性既滑稽，嘲啁無方，諸葛恪、羊誖等才博果辯，論難鋒至，禕辭順義篤，據理以答，終不能屈。 〈祎别传曰：孙权每别酌好酒以饮祎，视其已醉，然后问以国事，并论当世之务，辞难累至。 祎辄辞以醉，退而撰次所问，事事条答，无所遗失。〉 權甚器之，謂禕曰：「君天下淑德，必當股肱蜀朝，恐不能數來也。」 〈祎别传曰：权乃以手中常所执宝刀赠之，祎答曰：“臣以不才，何以堪明命？ 然刀所以讨不庭、禁暴乱者也，但原大王勉建功业，同奖汉室，臣虽闇弱，终不负东顾。”〉 還，遷為侍中。 亮住北住漢中，請禕為參軍。 以奉使稱旨，頻煩至吳。
Liu Bei named the crown prince and made Fei Yi and Dong Yun his attendants, later promoting them to junior mentors. When Liu Shan took the throne, Fei Yi became a gentleman of the Yellow Gates. When Zhuge Liang returned from the south, officials welcomed him for miles; though many outranked Fei Yi, Zhuge Liang seated him in his own carriage—everyone suddenly saw him differently. On that first return Zhuge Liang named Fei Yi Colonel of Shining Trust and sent him as envoy to Wu. Sun Quan loved banter; Zhuge Ke and others pressed Fei Yi with sharp debate, but he answered calmly on principle and could not be cornered. < The supplemental biography states that Sun Quan plied Fei Yi with wine until he seemed drunk, then questioned him on state affairs—layer after layer of challenges. Fei Yi pleaded drunkenness, went home, wrote out every question, and answered them point by point without omission.> Sun Quan respected him deeply: "You are a paragon of virtue—you will anchor the Shu court; I doubt we shall see you often." < It adds that Sun Quan gave him his personal treasure sword; Fei Yi replied, I lack ability—how could I accept such an honor? Yet a sword is meant to chastise rebels—I pray you aid the Han house; though I am dull, I will not betray your trust looking eastward. On his return he was promoted to palace attendant. Zhuge Liang garrisoned Hanzhong and appointed Fei Yi army adviser. His missions pleased both courts, so he shuttled often to Wu.
12
建興八年，轉為中護軍，後又為司馬。 值軍師魏延與長史楊儀相憎惡。 每至並坐爭論，延或舉刀擬儀，儀泣涕橫集。 禕常入其坐間，諫喻分別，終亮之世。 各盡延、儀之用者，禕匡救之力也。 亮卒，禕為後軍師。 頃之，代蔣琬為尚書令。 〈祎别传曰：于时军国多事，公务烦猥，祎识悟过人，每省读书记，举目暂视，已究其意旨，其速数倍於人，终亦不忘。 常以朝晡听事，其间接纳宾客，饮食嬉戏，加之博弈，每尽人之欢，事亦不废。 董允代祎为尚书令，欲斅祎之所行，旬日之中，事多愆滞。 允乃叹曰：“人才力相县若此甚远，此非吾之所及也。 听事终日，犹有不暇尔。”〉 琬自漢中還涪，禕遷大將軍，錄尚書事。
In Jianxing 8 (230) he became Protector of the Army, then marshal. Army Adviser Wei Yan and Chief Clerk Yang Yi hated each other bitterly. When they shared a tent Wei Yan threatened Yang Yi with his blade while Yang Yi wept. Fei Yi stepped between them with counsel for the rest of Zhuge Liang’s life. That both men served their roles until Zhuge Liang died owed much to Fei Yi’s mediation. After Zhuge Liang’s death Fei Yi became Rear Commander. Soon he succeeded Jiang Wan as Director of the Imperial Secretariat. < It notes that while military and civil business swamped the court, Fei Yi read memorials at a glance and forgot nothing. He held court mornings and afternoons, yet still feasted guests, played chess, and kept every document current. Dong Yun took Fei Yi’s place as Director but tried to copy his routine; within days the paperwork piled up. Dong Yun sighed: The gap between his vigor and mine is immense—I cannot match him. Even listening to petitions from dawn to dusk I cannot finish everything. After Jiang Wan withdrew from Hanzhong to Fu, Fei Yi became Grand General with supervisory authority over the secretariat.
13
延熙七年，魏軍次於興勢，假禕節，率眾往御之。 光祿大夫來敏至禕許別，求共圍棋。 於時羽檄交馳，人馬擐甲，嚴駕已訖。 禕與敏留意對戲，色無厭倦。 敏曰：「向聊觀試君耳!君信可人，必能辦賊者也。」 禕至，敵遂退，封成鄉侯。 〈殷基通语曰：司马懿诛曹爽，祎设甲乙论平其是非。 甲以为曹爽兄弟凡品庸人，苟以宗子枝属，得蒙顾命之任，而骄奢僭逸，交非其人，私树朋党，谋以乱国。 懿奋诛讨，一朝殄尽，此所以称其任，副士民之望也。 乙以为懿感曹仲付己不一，岂爽与相干？ 事势不专，以此阴成疵瑕。 初无忠告侃尔之训，一朝屠戮，攙其不意，岂大人经国笃本之事乎！ 若爽信有谋主之心，大逆已构，而发兵之日，更以芳委爽兄弟。 懿父子从后闭门举兵，蹙而向芳，必无悉宁，忠臣为君深虑之谓乎？ 以此推之，爽无大恶明矣。 若懿以爽奢僭，废之刑之可也，灭其尺口，被以不义，绝子丹血食，及何晏子魏之亲甥，亦与同戮，为僭滥不当矣。〉 琬固讓州職，禕復領益州刺史。 禕當國功名，略與琬比。 〈祎别传曰：祎雅性谦素，家不积财。 兒子皆令布衣素食，出入不从车骑，无异凡人。〉 十一年，出住漢中，自琬及禕，雖自身在外，慶賞刑威，皆遙先咨斷然，後乃行。 其推任如此。 後十四年夏，還成都，成都望氣者雲都邑無宰相位，故冬復比屯漢壽。
In Yanxi 7 (244), when Wei halted at Xingshi, Fei Yi took the imperial baton and marched to meet them. Grand Mentor Lai Min visited Fei Yi before departure and challenged him to a game of weiqi. Feather reports flew while troops stood harnessed and armed. Fei Yi gave the board his full attention without betraying anxiety. Lai Min said: "I only tested you—you have the steel nerves needed against the enemy." Fei Yi reached the front and the Wei army withdrew; he received the village marquisate of Cheng. < Yin Ji records that after Sima Yi killed Cao Shuang, Fei Yi wrote an A-side/B-side essay debating the deed. Side A: Cao Shuang’s faction were mediocre men lifted only by blood ties; they wasted power on favorites until treason loomed. Sima Yi struck decisively and cleared them in a day—matching duty and popular expectation. Side B: Sima Yi nursed private resentment—Cao Shuang was not the sole culprit. Shared authority let grudges fester unseen. He offered no warning, then slaughtered them overnight—hardly the steady hand of a chief minister. If treason were real, why did he leave the emperor in Cao Shuang’s hands when mobilizing? The Simas barred the palace and turned arms on the sovereign—was that loyal foresight? On this reading Cao Shuang’s guilt was hardly proven. Executing the entire clan and collateral kin—including He Yan—went beyond justice.> Jiang Wan declined the governorship of Yi; Fei Yi reassumed it. As steward of Shu his stature rivaled Jiang Wan’s. < It adds that Fei Yi lived modestly and kept little treasure. He made his sons dress like commoners and travel without escort.> In Yanxi 11 (248) he moved to Hanzhong; even away from Chengdu he and Jiang Wan still settled rewards and punishments by courier before execution. The court trusted them that completely. Soothsayers claimed Chengdu held no seat for a chief minister, so he wintered again at Hanshou.
14
延熙十五年，命禕開府。 十六年歲首大會，魏降人郭循在坐。 禕歡飲沉醉，為循手刃所害，謚曰敬侯。 子承嗣，為黃門侍郎，承弟恭，尚公主。 〈祎别传曰：恭为尚书郎，显名当世，早卒。〉 禕長女配太子璿為妃。
In 252 he received authority to maintain a full general’s staff. At the 253 New Year court, the Wei turncoat Guo Xiu was present. Fei Yi drank himself senseless and Guo Xiu stabbed him; he was posthumously titled Marquis Jing. His son Fei Cheng became a Yellow Gates gentleman; younger brother Fei Gong married an imperial princess. < It notes Fei Gong shone as a secretary but died young.> Fei Yi’s eldest daughter became consort to Crown Prince Liu Xuan.
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姜維，字伯約，天水冀人也。 少孤，與母居，好鄭氏學。 〈《傅子》曰：维为人好立功名，阴养死士，不脩布衣之业。〉 仕郡上計掾，州闢為從事。 以父冏昔為郡功曹，值羌、戎叛亂，身衛郡將，沒於戰場，賜維官中郎，參本郡軍事。 建興六年，丞相諸葛亮軍向祁山，時天水太守適出案行。 維及功曹梁緒、主簿尹賞、主記梁虔等從行。 太守聞蜀軍垂至而諸縣響應，疑維等皆有異心，於是夜亡保上邽。 維等覺太守去，追遲，至城門，城門已閉，不納。 維等相率還冀，冀亦不入維。 維等乃俱詣諸葛亮。 會馬謖敗於街亭。 亮拔將西縣千餘家及維等還，故維遂與母相失。 〈《魏略》曰：天水太守马遵将维及诸官属随雍州刺史郭淮偶自西至洛门案行，会闻亮已到祁山，淮顾遵曰：“是欲不善！” 遂驱东还上邽。 遵念所治冀县界在西偏，又恐吏民乐乱，遂亦随淮去。 时维谓遵曰：“明府当还冀。” 遵谓维等曰：“卿诸人 （回） 复信，皆贼也。” 各自行。 维亦无如遵何，而家在冀，遂与郡吏上官子脩等还冀。 冀中吏民见维等大喜，便推令见亮。 二人不获已，乃共诣亮。 亮见，大悦。 未及遣迎冀中人，会亮前锋为张郃、费繇等所破，遂将维等卻缩。 维不得还，遂入蜀。 诸军攻冀，皆得维母妻子，亦以维本无去意，故不没其家，但系保官以延之。 此语与本传不同。〉 亮辟維為倉曹掾，加奉義將軍，封當陽亭侯，時年二十七。 亮與留府長史張裔、參軍蔣琬書曰：「姜伯約忠勤時事，思慮精密，考其所有，永南、季常諸人不如也。 其人，涼州上士也。」 又曰：「須先教中虎步兵五六千人。 姜伯約甚敏於軍事，既有膽義，深解兵意。 此人心存漢室而才兼於人，畢教軍事，當遣詣宮，覲見主上。」 〈孙盛杂记曰：初，姜维诣亮，与母相失，复得母书，令求当归。 维曰：“良田百顷，不在一亩，但有远志，不在当归也。”〉 後遷中監軍、征西將軍。
Jiang Wei, courtesy name Boyue, came from Ji in Tianshui. Orphaned young, he lived with his mother and studied Zheng Xuan’s classical scholarship. < Fu Xuan claims Jiang Wei schemed for glory and kept a retinue of fighting men.> He rose to county accountant and then provincial attendant. His father Jiang Jiong died defending the prefect against Qiang rebels; Jiang Wei received a cadet’s rank and a place on the staff. In 228 Zhuge Liang marched on Qi—Tianshui’s prefect was away on circuit. Jiang Wei rode with Liang Xu, Yin Shang, Liang Qian, and the staff. The prefect feared collaboration with Shu and fled overnight to Shanggui. They caught up too late; the city gates shut them out. They rode to Ji, but Ji refused them too. They went together to Zhuge Liang. Ma Su had just been crushed at Jieting. Zhuge Liang evacuated Xixian and brought Jiang Wei along—parting him from his mother. < The Wei Lue adds another flight from Tianshui: Ma Zun was west of Luomen with Guo Huai when news of Zhuge Liang arrived—Guo Huai cried trouble. They galloped back toward Shanggui. Ma Zun feared unrest in his western districts and fled with Guo Huai. Jiang Wei urged Ma Zun to return and hold Ji. Ma Zun told them, You people— (text breaks mid-clause) —if you defect to the enemy you are traitors every one. Then each rode his separate path. Powerless to sway Ma Zun, Jiang Wei headed home to Ji with staff officer Shangguan Zixiu. The people of Ji welcomed them and urged them to meet Zhuge Liang. With little choice both men presented themselves to Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang received them gladly. Before Ji could be secured the vanguard fell to Zhang He—Zhuge Liang had to pull Jiang Wei back. Cut off from Wei, Jiang Wei entered Shu. Wei besieged Ji and took his family but did not execute them, hoping to lure him back. This variant differs from the standard account.> Zhuge Liang made him Granary Clerk, General Who Upholds Righteousness, and Village Marquis of Dangyang—at twenty-seven. He wrote Zhang Yi and Jiang Wan: "Jiang Wei is meticulous and loyal—Yongnan and Jichang cannot compare. He is the finest talent of the northwest." Also said: "Must first drill central tiger infantry five or six thousand. He is bold in war and grasps how soldiers think. His heart is Han’s—once trained, bring him to audience." < Sun Sheng adds that his mother wrote demanding he return. He answered with a pun: ‘far ambition,’ not ‘return home.’ He rose to Central Inspector and General Who Campaigns West.
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十二年，亮卒，維還成都，為右監軍、輔漢將軍，統諸軍，進封平襄侯。 延熙元年，隨大將軍蔣琬住漢中。 琬既遷大司馬。 以維為司馬，數率偏軍西入。 六年，遷鎮西大將軍，領涼州刺史。 十年，遷衛將軍，與大將軍費禕共錄尚書事。 是歲，漢山平康夷反，維率眾討定之。 又出隴西、南安、金城界，與魏大將軍郭淮、夏侯霸等戰於洮西。 胡王治無戴等舉部落降，維將還安處之。 十二年，假維節復出西平，不克而還。 維自以練西方風俗，兼負其才武，欲誘諸羌、胡以為羽翼，謂自隴以西可斷而有也。 每欲興軍大舉，費禕常裁製不從，與其兵不過萬人。 〈《汉晋春秋》曰：费祎谓维曰：“吾等不如丞相亦已远矣； 丞相犹不能定中夏，况吾等乎！ 且不如保国治民，敬守社稷，如其功业，以俟能者，无以为希冀徼倖而决成败於一举。 若不如志，悔之无及。”〉
In the twelfth year (234 CE), after Zhuge Liang died, Jiang Wei returned to Chengdu as right army supervisor and general who assists Han, commanding the hosts; he was advanced to marquis of Pingxiang. In Yanxi 1 he accompanied Grand General Jiang Wan to Hanzhong. Jiang Wan had by then become grand marshal. He made Jiang Wei his chief of staff, who repeatedly led flanking columns westward. In the sixth year (243 CE) he became general who guards the west with concurrent appointment as inspector of Liangzhou. In the tenth year (247 CE) he became general of the guards and shared authority over the masters with Grand General Fei Yi. That year the Pingkang Yi of Hanshan rebelled; Jiang Wei led troops and crushed them. He campaigned through Longxi, Nan'an, and Jincheng and fought Wei generals Guo Huai and Xiahou Ba west of the Tao River. The Qiang chieftain Zhi Wudai and his people surrendered; Jiang Wei escorted them back and settled them safely. In the twelfth year (249 CE) Jiang Wei received credential staff and marched on Xiping again, failed to take it, and withdrew. Jiang Wei knew the western frontier and trusted his skill at arms; he meant to win the Qiang and Hu as allies and carve out everything west of Long Mountain. Whenever he sought a major campaign Fei Yi checked him and sent fewer than ten thousand men. 〈The Han Jin Chunqiu records Fei Yi telling Jiang Wei, We fall far short of the Chancellor; even he could not pacify the Central Plains—how can we! Better guard the realm and tend the people, honor the altars, leave grand achievement to worthier men—do not gamble everything on one reckless stroke. Fail and remorse will come too late.
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十六年春，禕卒。 夏，維率數萬人出石營，經董亭，圍南安。 魏雍州刺史陳泰解圍至洛門，維糧盡退還。 明年，加督中外軍事。 復出隴西，守狄道長李簡舉城降。 進圍襄武，與魏將徐質交鋒，斬首破敵，魏軍敗退。 維乘勝多所降下，拔河間狄道、臨洮三縣民還。 後十八年，復與車騎將軍夏侯霸等俱出狄道，大破魏雍州刺史王經於洮西，經眾死者數萬人。 經退保狄道城，維圍之。 魏徵西將軍陳泰進兵解圍，維卻住鐘題。
In the spring of 253 Fei Yi died. That summer Jiang Wei marched from Shiying through Dongting to besiege Nan'an. Chen Tai relieved Nan'an at Luomen; Jiang Wei ran out of supplies and retreated. The next year he gained overall military command. He struck Longxi again; Li Jian of Didao surrendered the town. At Xiangwu he crushed Xu Zhi and drove Wei back. He followed up with evacuating river-district residents from Didao and Lintao. In 255 he and Xiahou Ba smashed Wang Jing’s army on the Tao—tens of thousands fell. Wang Jing fled into Didao; Jiang Wei besieged him. Chen Tai lifted the siege; Jiang Wei withdrew to Zhongti.
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十九年春，就遷維為大將軍。 更整勒戎馬，與鎮西大將軍胡濟期會上邽。 濟失誓不至，故維為魏大將鄧艾所破於段谷，星散流離，死者甚眾。 眾庶由是怨讟，而隴已西亦騷動不寧。 維謝過引負，求自貶削。 為後將軍，行大將軍事。
In 256 spring he became Grand General. He mustered troops to meet Hu Ji at Shanggui. Hu Ji failed to appear; Deng Ai routed Jiang Wei at Duangu with heavy losses. Soldiers cursed him and Longxi grew restless. He owned the defeat and asked to be stripped of rank. He served as Rear General while conducting Grand General business.
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二十年，魏徵東大將軍諸葛誕反於淮南，分關中兵東下。 維欲乘虛向秦川，復率數萬人出駱谷，逕至沈嶺。 時長城積穀甚多而守兵乃少，聞維方到眾皆惶懼。 魏大將軍司馬望拒之，鄧艾亦自隴右，皆軍於長城。 維前住芒水，皆倚山為營。 望、艾傍渭堅圍，維數下挑戰，望、艾不應。 景耀元年，維聞誕破敗，乃還成都。 復拜大將軍。
In the twentieth year (257 CE) Wei's eastern campaign general Zhuge Dan rebelled in Huainan; Wei stripped Guanzhong to march east. Jiang Wei meant to exploit the gap toward Qinchuan; he led tens of thousands through Luogu Valley straight to Shen Ridge. Changcheng held huge grain stores but few defenders; when Jiang Wei arrived they panicked. Wei Grand General Sima Wang blocked him; Deng Ai came from Longyou—both camped at Changcheng. Jiang Wei advanced to the Mang River and entrenched along the hills. Sima Wang and Deng Ai hugged the Wei River in tight defense; Jiang Wei challenged again and again—they refused battle. In Jingyao 1 (258 CE), hearing Zhuge Dan had fallen, Jiang Wei withdrew to Chengdu. He was again appointed grand general.
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初，先主留魏延鎮漢中，皆實兵諸圍以御外敵。 敵若來攻，使不得人。 及興勢之役，王平捍拒曹爽，皆承此制。 維建議，以為錯守諸圍，雖合《周易》「重門」之義，然適可禦敵，不獲大利。 不若使聞敵至，諸圍皆斂兵聚谷，退就漢、樂二城。 使敵不得入平，臣重關鎮守以捍之。 有事之日，令遊軍並進以伺其虛。 敵攻關不克，野無散谷，千里縣糧，自然疲乏。 引退之日，然後諸城並出，與遊軍並力搏之，此殄敵之術也。 於是令督漢中胡濟卻住漢壽，監軍王含守樂城，護軍蔣斌守漢城，又於西安、建威、武衛、石門、武城、建昌、臨遠皆立圍守。
Liu Bei left Wei Yan in Hanzhong with strong garrisons on every pass. The aim was to stop invaders at the mountains. Wang Ping followed the same layered defense at Xingshi. Jiang Wei argued that scattered stockades, though like the Yijing’s ‘double gates,’ only ward off raids without winning decisive gains. Better to concentrate grain and men in Hanxing and Lecheng when enemies approach. Seal the exits so Wei cannot pour onto the plain. Send mobile columns to strike any gap. If they cannot storm the passes they starve on long supply lines. When they retreat, sally from every fort—annihilation tactics. Hu Ji pulled back to Hanshou; Wang Han held Lecheng; Jiang Bin held Hanxing; new posts ringed the frontier.
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五年，維率眾出漢。 侯和為鄧艾所破，還住沓中。 維本羈旅托國，累年攻戰，功績不立。 而宦官黃皓等弄權於內，右大將軍閻宇與皓協比，而皓陰欲廢維樹宇。 維亦疑之，故自危懼，不復還成都。 〈《华阳国志》曰； 维恶黄皓恣擅，启后主欲杀之。 后主曰：“皓趋走小臣耳，往董允切齿，吾常恨之，君何足介意！” 维见皓枝附叶连，惧於失言，逊辞而出。 后主敕皓诣维陈谢。 维说皓求沓中种麦，以避内逼耳。〉 六年，維表後主：「聞鐘會治兵關中，欲規進取，宜並遣張翼、廖化詣督堵軍分護陽安關口、陰平橋頭，以防未然。」 皓徵信鬼巫，謂敌終不自致。 啟後主寢其事，而群臣不知。 及鐘會將向駱谷，鄧艾將入沓中。 然後乃遣右車騎廖化詣沓中為維援，左車騎張翼、輔國大將軍董厥等詣陽安關口以為諸圍外助。 比至陰平，聞魏將諸葛緒向建威，故住待之。 月餘，維為鄧艾所摧，還住陰平。 鐘會攻圍漢、樂二城，遣別將進攻關口，蔣舒開城出降，傅僉格鬥而死。 〈汉晋春秋曰：蒋舒将出降，乃诡谓傅佥曰：“今贼至不击而闭城自守，非良图也。” 佥曰：“受命保城，惟全为功，今违命出战，若丧师负国，死无益矣。” 舒曰：“子以保城获全为功，我以出战克敌为功，请各行其志。” 遂率众出。 佥谓其战也，至阴平，以降胡烈。 烈乘虚袭城，佥格斗而死，魏人义之。 蜀记曰：蒋舒为武兴督，在事无称。 蜀命人代之，因留舒助汉中守。 舒恨，故开城出降。〉 會攻樂城，不能克。 聞關口已下，長驅而前，翼、厥甫至漢壽，維、化亦捨陰平而退。 適與翼、厥合，皆退保劍閣以拒會。 會與維書曰：「公侯以文武之德，懷邁世之略，功濟巴、漢、聲暢華夏，遠近莫不歸名。 每惟疇昔，嘗同大化，吳札、鄭喬，能喻斯好。」 維不答書，列營守險。 會不能克，糧運縣遠，將議還歸。 而鄧艾自陰平由景谷道傍入，遂破諸葛瞻於綿竹。 後主請降於艾，艾前據成都。 維等初聞瞻破，或聞後主欲固守成都，或聞欲東入吳，或聞欲南人建寧。 於是引軍由廣漢、郪道以審虛實。 尋被後主敕令乃投戈放甲，詣會於涪軍前，將士鹹怒，拔刀斫石。 〈干宝《晋纪》云：会谓维曰； “来何迟也？” 维正色流涕曰：“今日见此为速矣！” 会甚奇之。〉
In the fifth year of the Jingyao era (262) he led the army out from Hanzhong. Deng Ai scattered him at Hehe; Jiang Wei fell back to Tazhong. A northerner serving Shu, he campaigned endlessly with little to show for it. Court eunuch Huang Hao meddled at court; Yan Yu curried favor with him while Huang schemed to replace Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei feared court intrigue and stayed away from Chengdu. < The Huayang Guo Zhi relates: Jiang Wei denounced Huang Hao’s excess and asked Liu Shan to execute him. Liu Shan dismissed him: "Huang Hao is a mere runner—Dong Yun hated him too, yet I kept him—why fuss?" Seeing Huang Hao’s network, Jiang Wei held his tongue and withdrew politely. Liu Shan sent Huang Hao to apologize to Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei asked leave to grow grain at Tazhong and escape court cabals.> Sixth year—Wei memorialized the Later Lord: "I hear Zhong Hui trains troops in Guanzhong—intends to strike—we ought together dispatch Zhang Yi and Liao Hua to various supervisors to divide guard Yang'an pass and Yinping bridge—to guard before it happens." Huang Hao trusted sorcerers who swore the enemy would never march. Liu Shan buried the memorial; the court never heard of it. When Zhong Hui entered Lu Valley and Deng Ai struck Tazhong, relief came late: Liao Hua toward Tazhong, Zhang Yi and Dong Jue toward Yang’an. At Yinping he learned Zhuge Xu was aiming at Jianwei and paused. A month later Deng Ai broke him and he fell back to Yinping. Zhong Hui stormed Hanxing and Lecheng and sent a column at the pass—Jiang Shu surrendered while Fu Qian died fighting. < The Han–Jin Annals: Jiang Shu meant to defect and lied to Fu Qian: "Holding the gates without fighting helps no one." Fu Qian answered: "Our orders are to hold—sortie risks defeat and dishonors the realm." Jiang Shu said: "You call defense victory—I call a sortie victory—do as you believe." Then he marched out with his men. Fu Qian thought it a real attack; Jiang Shu slipped to Yinping and surrendered to Hu Lie. Hu Lie seized the open gate; Fu Qian fought to the death and earned Wei’s respect. The Shu Ji adds that Jiang Shu had performed poorly as Wuxing commander. Shu replaced him but kept him to help defend Hanzhong. Bitter at the snub, Jiang Shu opened the gates to the enemy.> Zhong Hui failed to storm Lecheng. When the pass fell Zhong Hui drove deep; Zhang Yi and Dong Jue had only reached Hanshou while Jiang Wei and Liao Hua quit Yinping. They united at Jiange and blocked Zhong Hui. Hui wrote Wei a letter, saying, "Lordship with civil and martial virtue—embracing transcendent age strategy—merit bridges Ba and Han—fame rings Huaxia—far and near none do not submit name. Each thinks on past days—once shared great transformation—Wu Zha, Zheng Qiao—can illustrate this friendship." Jiang Wei ignored the letter and manned the narrows. Zhong Hui stalled; supplies stretched thin and withdrawal loomed. Deng Ai cut through Yinping’s side valley and crushed Zhuge Zhan at Mianzhu. Liu Shan surrendered to Deng Ai, who marched into Chengdu. Rumors flew: Liu Shan might hold Chengdu, flee to Wu, or bolt south to Jianning. Jiang Wei marched through Guanghan toward Qi to learn the truth. Liu Shan’s order to disarm reached him at Fu; his troops wept and struck rocks with their swords. < Gan Bao’s Jin Annals: Zhong Hui asked Jiang Wei— "Why so late?" Jiang Wei answered through tears: "To meet this moment is soon enough!" Zhong Hui marveled at him.>
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會厚待維等，皆權還其印號節蓋。 會與維出則同輿，坐則同席，謂長史杜預曰：「以伯約比中土名士，公休、太初不能勝也。」 〈《世语》曰：时蜀官属皆天下英俊，无出维右。〉 會既構鄧艾，艾檻車征，因將維等詣成都，自稱益州牧以叛。 〈○《汉晋春秋》曰：会阴怀异图，维见而知其心，谓可构成扰乱以图克复也，乃诡说会曰：“闻君自淮南已来，算无遗策，晋道克昌，皆君之力。 今复定蜀，威德振世，民高其功，主畏其谋，欲以此安归乎！ 夫韩信不背汉於扰攘，以见疑於既平，大夫种不从范蠡於五湖，卒伏剑而妄死，彼岂闇主愚臣哉？ 利害使之然也。 今君大功既立，大德已著，何不法陶硃公泛舟绝迹，全功保身，登峨嵋之岭，而从赤松游乎？” 会曰：“君言远矣，我不能行，且为今之道，或未尽於此也。” 维曰：“其他则君智力之所能，无烦於老夫矣。” 由是情好欢甚。 ○《华阳国志》曰：维教会诛北来诸将，既死，徐欲杀会，尽坑魏兵，还复蜀祚，密书与后主曰：“原陛下忍数日之辱，臣欲使社稷危而复安，日月幽而复明。” ○孙盛《晋阳秋》曰：盛以永和初从安西将军平蜀，见诸故老，及姜维既降之后密与刘禅表疏，说欲伪服事锺会，因杀之以复蜀土，会事不捷，遂至泯灭，蜀人於今伤之。 盛以为古人云，非所困而困焉名必辱，非所据而据焉身必危，既辱且危，死其将至，其姜维之谓乎！ 邓艾之入江由，士众鲜少，维进不能奋节绵竹之下，退不能总帅五将，拥卫蜀主，思后图之计，而乃反覆於逆顺之间，希违情於难冀之会，以衰弱之国，而屡观兵於三秦，已灭之邦，冀理外之奇举，不亦闇哉！ ○臣松之以为盛之讥维，又为不当。 于时锺会大众既造剑阁，维与诸将列营守险，会不得进，已议还计，全蜀之功，几乎立矣。 但邓艾诡道傍入，出於其后，诸葛瞻既败，成都自溃。 维若回军救内，则会乘其背。 当时之势，焉得两济？ 而责维不能奋节绵竹，拥卫蜀主，非其理也。 会欲尽坑魏将以举大事，授维重兵，使为前驱。 若令魏将皆死，兵事在维手，杀会复蜀，不为难矣。 夫功成理外，然后为奇，不可以事有差牙，而抑谓不然。 设使田单之计，邂逅不会，复可谓之愚闇哉！〉 欲授維兵五萬人，使為前驅。 魏將士憤發，殺會及維，維妻子皆伏誅。 〈世语曰：维死时见剖，胆如 （斗） 大。〉
Zhong Hui honored Jiang Wei’s staff and returned their credentials. Hui with Wei—going out then same carriage—sitting then same mat—said to chief clerk Du Yu, "Comparing Boyue to central land famous scholars—Gongxiu, Taichu cannot surpass." < The Shiyu records that no Shu minister surpassed Jiang Wei.> Zhong Hui destroyed Deng Ai, hauled him east in a cage, marched on Chengdu with Jiang Wei, and styled himself governor of Yi with rebellious intent. < The Annals: Jiang Wei read Zhong Hui’s treason and flattered him: your campaigns since Huainan never fail. You have conquered Shu—your fame terrifies Luoyang; can you simply go home in peace? Han Xin and Wen Zhong fell once peace came—fortune and peril force such ends. Power twists fate so. Why not sail away like Fan Li while glory lasts and save your skin? Zhong Hui called the advice impractical for him. Jiang Wei said: "Leave the rest to you—I need not counsel that." They grew intimate. The Huayang Guo Zhi says Jiang Wei urged Zhong Hui to purge Wei officers, then wrote Liu Shan secretly promising to restore Shu. Sun Sheng, visiting Shu in Yonghe, heard elders mourn Jiang Wei’s failed plot to kill Zhong Hui. Sun Sheng cited the Yijing: Jiang Wei courted ruin by overreaching. He faults Jiang Wei for neither saving Mianzhu nor the emperor yet gambling on wild stratagems. Pei Songzhi rejects Sun Sheng’s harsh verdict. Jiang Wei held Jiange until Zhong Hui nearly withdrew—Shu almost survived. Deng Ai slipped past him; Zhuge Zhan fell and Chengdu collapsed. Had Jiang Wei raced home Zhong Hui would have struck his rear. No force could cover both fronts. Blaming him for missing Mianzhu is unfair. Zhong Hui meant to slaughter Wei generals and gave Jiang Wei a leading role. Had the plot killed Zhong Hui, Shu might rise again. Genius lies in seizing the unlikely moment—small slips do not negate the gambit. Would Tian Dan be ‘foolish’ if his fire-ox ruse had failed?〉 Zhong Hui planned to give Jiang Wei fifty thousand men as van. Wei troops mutinied and killed both men; Jiang Wei’s family perished with them. < The Shiyu adds that when opened his gall was as large as a peck measure —enormous.>
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郤正著論論維曰：「姜伯約據上將之重，處群臣之右。 宅舍弊薄，資財無餘，側室無妾媵之褻，後庭無聲樂之娛。 衣服取供，輿馬取備，飲食節制，不奢不約，官給費用，隨手消盡； 察其所以然者，非以激貪厲濁，抑情自割也。 直謂如是為足，不在多求。 凡人之談，常譽成毀敗，扶高抑下，鹹以姜維投厝無所，身死宗滅，以是貶削，不復料擿，異乎《春秋》褒貶之義矣。 如姜維之樂學不倦，清素節約，自一時之儀表也。」 〈孙盛曰：异哉郤氏之论也！ 夫士虽百行，操业万殊，至於忠孝义节，百行之冠冕也。 姜维策名魏室，而外奔蜀朝，违君徇利，不可谓忠； 捐亲苟免，不可谓孝； 害加旧邦，不可谓义； 败不死难，不可谓节； 且德政未敷而疲民以逞，居御侮之任而致敌丧守，於夫智勇，莫可云也：凡斯六者，维无一焉。 实有魏之逋臣，亡国之乱相，而云人之仪表，斯亦惑矣。 纵维好书而微自藻洁，岂异夫盗者分财之义，而程、郑降阶之善也？ 臣松之以为郤正此论，取其可称，不谓维始终行事皆可准则也。 所云“一时仪表”，止在好学与俭素耳。 本传及魏略皆云维本无叛心，以急逼归蜀。 盛相讥贬，惟可责其背母。 餘既过苦，又非所以难郤正也。〉 維昔所俱至蜀，梁緒官至大鴻臚，尹賞執金吾，梁虔大長秋，皆先蜀亡沒。
Xi Zheng wrote a treatise discussing Wei, saying, "Jiang Boyue held highest general's weight—stood to the right of the host of ministers. He lived in a mean house, kept no concubines, and spent nothing on music. He dressed and traveled modestly, spent his salary as it came, and saved nothing. This was not posturing for reputation—he simply needed no more. He was content with little. People mock his fall, yet the Spring and Autumn Annals judge deeds, not outcomes alone. For love of learning and clean living he was a paragon of his time." 〈Sun Sheng retorts: Xi Zheng is wrong. Loyalty, filial piety, duty, and honor crown all other virtues. Jiang Wei served Wei, then ran to Shu—disloyal to his first master. He left his mother—unfilial. He warred on his native north—unrighteous. He did not die with his defeated state—lacking constancy. He exhausted Shu without governing well and lost every pass—wisdom and courage fail him on all six counts. He was a renegade and a traitor, not a paragon. Thrifty study cannot redeem those crimes—like praising a thief for sharing loot. Pei Songzhi: Xi Zheng meant only to praise study and thrift, not to bless every act. The 'paragon' line referred only to scholarship and simplicity. The standard histories say he had no treason in mind when he joined Shu—only force. Sun Sheng may rebuke him mainly for leaving his mother. The rest of Sheng’s attack overreaches.> Jiang Wei’s Tianshui colleagues—Liang Xu, Yin Shang, Liang Qian—rose high and died before the fall.
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评曰：蒋琬方整有威重，费祎宽济而博爱，咸承诸葛之成规，因循而不革，是以边境无虞，邦家和一，然犹未尽治小之宜，居静之理也。 〈臣松之以为蒋、费为相，克遵画一，未尝徇功妄动，有所亏丧，外卻骆谷之师，内保宁缉之实，治小之宜，居静之理，何以过於此哉！ 今讥其未尽而不著其事，故使览者不知所谓也。〉 姜维粗有文武，志立功名，而玩众黩旅，明断不周，终致陨毙。 老子有云：“治大国者犹烹小鲜。” 况於区区蕞尔，而可屡扰乎哉？ 〈干宝曰：姜维为蜀相，国亡主辱弗之死，而死於锺会之乱，惜哉！ 非死之难，处死之难也。 是以古之烈士，见危授命，投节如归，非不爱死也，固知命之不长而惧不得其所也。〉
The verdict: Jiang Wan and Fei Yi continued Zhuge Liang’s policy—calm borders and stable court—though critics say they never mastered ‘ruling a small state with a light touch.’ 〈Pei Songzhi: they repelled Cao Shuang and kept the peace—what better small-state policy? The text faults them without evidence.> Jiang Wei had talent and ambition but wasted his army and died for it. Laozi said that ruling a great kingdom is like frying a small fish—handle it gently. How much more must this hold for a pocket-sized realm that cannot endure endless meddling? < Gan Bao laments: Jiang Wei survived his sovereign’s shame yet died in Zhong Hui’s riot instead of with his king. The hardship lies not in dying but in choosing the proper death. Heroes of old faced doom with eyes open and threw away rank like old clothes—not because they despised life, but because they feared living without purpose.>