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北郊祈穀五方帝感生帝
The Northern Suburb; Praying for Grain; the Five-Direction Emperors; the Life-Generating Emperor
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北郊。 宋初，方丘在宮城之北十四里，以夏至祭皇地祇。 別為壇於北郊，以孟冬祭神州地祇。 建隆以來，迭奉四祖崇配二壇。 太平興國以後，但以宣祖、太祖更配。 真宗乃乙太宗配方丘，宣祖配神州地祇。 皇祐初，禮官言：「皇地祇壇四角再成，面廣四丈九尺，東西四丈六尺。 上成高四尺五寸，下成高五尺，方五丈三尺，陛廣三尺五寸，卑陋不應典禮。 請如唐制增廣之。」 五年，諸壇皆改。 嘉祐配位七十一，加羊、豕各五。 慶曆用犢、羊、豕各一。 既而諫官司馬光奏：「大行請諡於南郊，而皇地祇止於望告，失尊卑之序。」 下禮院，定非次祭告皇地祇，請差官詣北郊行事。 其神州之壇，方三丈一尺，皇祐增高三尺，廣四十八步，內壝四面以青繩代之。 仍遣內臣降香，有司攝事如儀。
The Northern Suburb. In the early Song, the square mound altar stood fourteen li north of the palace city; at the summer solstice the court sacrificed to Imperial Earth there. Another altar was set up at the northern suburb, where in mid-winter they sacrificed to the Earth Spirit of the Divine Land. From the Jianlong era onward, four ancestors had in turn been elevated as correlates at the two altars. After Taiping Xingguo, only Xuānzǔ and Tàizǔ served alternately as correlates. Emperor Zhenzong then assigned Taizong as correlate at the square mound altar and Xuānzǔ as correlate for the Earth Spirit of the Divine Land. Early in Huangyou, ritual officials reported: "The altar to Imperial Earth has four corners and two tiers; its face measures four zhang nine chi across, and four zhang six chi from east to west. The upper tier stands four chi five cun high, the lower five chi; the platform is five zhang three chi square, with steps only three chi five cun wide—too mean for canonical ritual. They asked that it be enlarged to match Tang practice." In the fifth year, all the altars were rebuilt. Under Jiayou there were seventy-one correlate positions, with five sheep and five pigs added to the offerings. Under Qingli the offerings were one calf, one sheep, and one pig each. Later the remonstrator Sima Guang submitted: "The late emperor's posthumous title was sought at the southern suburb, while Imperial Earth received only a prospect sacrifice—this inverts the proper order of honor." The case went to the Ritual Academy, which scheduled an extraordinary announcement to Imperial Earth and requested an official be sent to the northern suburb to conduct the rite. The altar for the Divine Land was a square three zhang one chi across; in Huangyou its height was raised three chi and its breadth set at forty-eight paces, with green cord marking the inner enclosure on all four sides. A palace eunuch was still sent to deliver incense, while the relevant offices conducted the rite by proxy as prescribed.
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三年，翰林學士張璪言：「先王順陰陽之義，以冬至祀天，夏至祀地，此萬世不可易之理。 議者乃欲改用他月，無所據依。 必不得已，宜即郊祀之歲，於夏至之日，盛禮容，具樂舞，遣塚宰攝事。 雖未能皆當於禮，庶幾先王之遺意猶存焉。」 於是禮官請如璪議，設宮架樂、文武二舞，改制樂章，用竹冊匏爵，增配帝犢及捧俎分獻官，廣壇壝齋宮，修儀注上之。 既而曾肇言：「今冬至若罷合祭，則夏至又以有司攝事，則不復有親祭地祇之時，于父天母地之義若有隆殺。 請遇親祀南郊之歲，以夏至日備禮躬款北郊，以存事地之義。」 四年四月，乃詔：「親祀北郊，並依南郊之儀，有故不行，即以上公攝事。」 六年，禮部、太常寺上親祀儀並如南郊； 其攝事唯改舞名及不備官，其籩豆、樂架、玉幣之數，盡如親祠。 是歲十一月甲辰冬至，祀昊天上帝，以太祖配，始罷合祭，不設皇地祇位。
In the third year, Hanlin Academician Zhang Suo argued: "Former kings honored yin and yang by sacrificing to Heaven at the winter solstice and to Earth at the summer solstice—a principle that must never be changed. Proponents of change wanted other months, yet nothing in precedent supports that. If no alternative remains, then in a suburban-sacrifice year, on the summer solstice, with full ceremonial display, music, and dance, let the chief minister officiate by proxy. Even if not every detail matches ritual, something of the former kings' intent might yet be preserved." The ritual offices then adopted Suo's plan: palace-frame music and civil and military dances, revised hymns, bamboo tablets and gourd goblets, an added imperial calf as correlate and officers to present the offerings, enlarged altar, enclosure, and fasting palace, with revised regulations submitted to the throne. Later Zeng Zhao warned: "If combined sacrifice is ended at the winter solstice and summer solstice rites are again left to officials, the emperor will never personally sacrifice to Earth—the honor shown Father Heaven and Mother Earth will be uneven. He asked that in years of personal southern-suburb sacrifice, on the summer solstice the emperor perform the full rites in person at the northern suburb, preserving the duty owed to Earth." In the fourth month of the fourth year an edict declared: "Personal sacrifice at the northern suburb shall follow southern-suburb practice; if circumstances prevent it, a senior duke shall officiate." In the sixth year the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices submitted personal-sacrifice regulations matching the southern suburb; proxy rites differed only in dance names and incomplete staffing; counts of offering vessels, music frames, and jade and silk matched personal sacrifice exactly. That winter solstice, eleventh month, day jiachen, they sacrificed to August Heaven with Taizu as correlate, ending combined sacrifice for the first time and omitting a place for Imperial Earth.
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哲宗初立，未遑親祀，有司攝事如元豐儀。 元祐五年夏至，祭皇地祇，命尚書右丞許將攝事。 將言：「王者父天母地，三歲冬至，天子親祠，遍享宗廟，祀天圜丘，而夏至方澤之祭，乃止遣上公，則皇地祇遂永不在親祠之典，此大闕禮也。 望博詔儒臣，講求典故，明正祀典，為萬世法。」 禮部尚書趙彥若請依元豐所定，郊祀之歲，親祀方丘及攝事，已合禮之正，更不須聚議。 禮部郎中崔公度請用陳薦議，仍合祭天地，從祀百神。 復詔尚書、侍郎、兩省及侍從、台諫、禮官集議。 於是翰林學士顧臨等八人，請合祭如故事，俟將來親祠北郊，則合祭可罷。 宋興，一祖六宗，皆合祭天地，其不合祭者，惟元豐六年一郊爾。 去所易而就所難，虛地祇之大祭，失今不定，後必悔之。 吏部侍郎范純禮等二十二人，皆主北郊之議。 中書舍人孔武仲又請以孟冬純陰之月，詣北郊親祠，如神州地祇之祭。 彭汝礪、曾肇復上疏論合祭之非。 文多不載。
When Zhezong first took the throne he had not yet sacrificed in person; officials conducted the rites by proxy under Yuanfeng practice. At the summer solstice in Yuanyou 5 they sacrificed to Imperial Earth, with Vice Director Xu Jiang officiating by proxy. Jiang argued: "A king has Heaven for father and Earth for mother. Every three years at the winter solstice the Son of Heaven sacrifices in person, feasting the ancestral temples and Heaven at the round mound—yet at the summer solstice square-marsh rite only a senior duke is sent, so Imperial Earth is permanently shut out of personal sacrifice. This is a grave lapse in ritual. He urged a broad summons of scholars to examine precedents, rectify the sacrificial canon, and set a standard for all time." Minister of Rites Zhao Yanruo urged adherence to Yuanfeng: in suburban-sacrifice years, personal square-mound sacrifice with proxy backup already matched proper ritual and needed no further debate. Section Director Cui Gongdu favored Chen Jian's plan to continue combined sacrifice to Heaven and Earth with the hundred spirits in attendance. The court again ordered directors, vice directors, both secretariats, attendants, censors, and ritual officers to deliberate jointly. Hanlin Academician Gu Lin and seven colleagues asked to keep combined sacrifice as before until the emperor could personally sacrifice at the northern suburb, after which it might be ended. Since the Song rose, one founder and six emperors had all combined Heaven and Earth; only the sixth year of Yuanfeng had seen a single suburban rite without combination. To abandon the easy course for the hard, to hollow out Earth's great sacrifice, and to leave the question unsettled now would surely invite regret later. Vice Minister Fan Chunli and twenty-one others all favored the northern-suburb plan. Drafting Attendant Kong Wuzhong further proposed that in mid-winter, the month of pure yin, the emperor sacrifice in person at the northern suburb, as for the Earth Spirit of the Divine Land. Peng Ruli and Zeng Zhao again memorialized against combined sacrifice. Most of their texts are not recorded here.
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九月，三省上顧臨等議。 太皇太后曰：「宜依仁宗皇帝故事。」 呂大防言：「諸儒獻議，欲南郊不設皇地祇位，於祖宗之制未睹其可。」 範百祿以「圜丘無祭地之禮，《記》曰：'有其廢之，莫可舉也。 '先帝所廢，稽古據經，未可輕改。」 大防又言：「先帝因禮文所建議，遂令諸儒定北郊祀地之禮，然未經親行。 今皇帝臨禦之始，當親見天地，而獨不設地祇位，恐亦未安。 況祖宗以恩霈四方，慶賚將士，非三歲一行，則國力有限。 今日宜為勉行權制，俟北郊議定及太廟享禮，行之未晚。」 太皇太后以大防之言為是。 而蘇頌、鄭雍皆以「古者人君嗣位之初，必郊見天地。 今皇帝初郊而不祀地，恐未合古。」 乃下詔曰：「國家郊廟特祀，祖宗以來命官攝事，惟三歲一親郊，則先享清廟，冬至合祭天地於圜丘。 元豐間，有司援周制，以合祭不應古義，先帝乃詔定親祀北郊之儀，未之及行。 是歲，郊祀不設皇地祇位，而宗廟之享率如權制。 朕方修郊見天地之始，其冬至日南郊，宜依熙寧十年故事，設皇地祇位以嚴並況之儀。 厥後躬行方澤之祀，則修元豐六年五月之制。 俟郊禮畢，集官詳議典禮以聞。」 十一月冬至，親祠南郊，遂合祭天地，而詔罷飲福宴。
In the ninth month the Three Departments reported Gu Lin's group's recommendation. The Grand Empress Dowager said: "Follow Emperor Renzong's precedent." Lü Dagfang objected: "Scholars want no place for Imperial Earth at the southern suburb—I see no precedent among our ancestors for that." Fan Bailu cited that "the round mound has no Earth sacrifice; the Record says, 'What has been abolished cannot be revived. What the late emperor ended, grounded in antiquity and canon, must not be lightly reversed." Dagfang added: "On the Ritual Text Office's advice the late emperor had scholars fix northern-suburb Earth sacrifice, yet he never performed it himself. At the start of his reign the emperor should behold Heaven and Earth in person; to omit Earth's place alone may also be unsettling. Moreover, our ancestors showered grace on the realm and rewarded troops; without a three-year cycle, state resources cannot bear the cost. For now an expedient should suffice; once northern-suburb policy and ancestral-temple feasting are settled, reform will not be too late." The Grand Empress Dowager agreed with Dagfang. Su Song and Zheng Yong both noted that "in antiquity a new ruler had to sacrifice at the suburbs and behold Heaven and Earth. For the emperor's first suburban rite to omit Earth may not match antiquity." An edict followed: "For suburban and temple rites our ancestors usually appointed proxies; only every three years does the emperor sacrifice in person—first at the Pure Temple, then at the winter solstice combining Heaven and Earth at the round mound. In Yuanfeng officials cited Zhou practice, arguing combined sacrifice violated antiquity; the late emperor ordered northern-suburb personal sacrifice fixed, but never carried it out. That year suburban sacrifice omitted Imperial Earth, while ancestral-temple feasting largely followed expedient practice. As I begin restoring suburban communion with Heaven and Earth, this winter solstice at the southern suburb should follow Xining 10 and include Imperial Earth to preserve the solemn joint rite. When I later perform the square-marsh sacrifice in person, I shall follow the sixth year of Yuanfeng, fifth month. After suburban rites conclude, officials shall deliberate canonical ritual in detail and report." That winter solstice he sacrificed in person at the southern suburb, combining Heaven and Earth, and abolished the blessing-feast banquet by edict.
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八年，禮部尚書蘇軾復陳合祭六議，令禮官集議以聞。 已而下詔依元祐七年故事，合祭天地於南郊，仍罷集議。 紹聖元年，以右正言張商英言：「先帝制詳定禮文所，謂合祭非古，據經而正之。 元祐之臣，乃復行合祭，請再下禮官議。」 御史中丞黃履謂：「南郊合祭，因王莽諂事元後，遂躋地位，同席共牢。 迨先帝親郊，大臣以宣仁同政，復用莽意合祀，瀆亂典禮。」 帝以詢輔臣，章惇曰：「北郊止可謂之社。」 黃履曰：「郊者，交於神明之義，所以天地皆稱郊。 社者，土之神爾，豈有祭大祇亦可謂之壯乎？」 乃以履奏送禮部、太常寺。 權禮部侍郎盛陶、太常丞王誼等言：「宜用先帝北郊儀注，以時躬行，罷合祭禮。」 已而三省言：「合祭既非禮典，但盛夏祭地祇，必難親行。」 詔令兩省、台諫、禮官同議，可親祀北郊，然後罷合祭之禮。 曾布、錢勰、範純禮、韓宗師、王古、井亮采、常安民、李琮、虞策、劉定、傅楫、黃裳、豐稷、葉祖洽等言，互有是否。 蔡京、林希、蔡六、黃履、吳安持、晁端彥、翟思、郭知章、劉拯、黃慶基、董敦逸等請罷合祭。 詔從之。 然北郊親祀，終帝之世未克舉雲。
In the eighth year Minister Su Shi again submitted six arguments on combined sacrifice and ordered ritual officers to deliberate and report. Soon an edict followed Yuanyou 7, combining Heaven and Earth at the southern suburb, and ended further debate. In Shaosheng 1, Right Remonstrator Zhang Shangying argued: "The late emperor's Detailed Ritual Text Office held combined sacrifice uncanonical and corrected it by the classics. Yuanyou ministers have restored combined sacrifice; ritual officers should deliberate again." Censor-in-Chief Huang Lü said: "Southern-suburb combined sacrifice began when Wang Mang flattered Empress Yuan, elevating her to share mat and victim with Heaven. When the late emperor sacrificed in person, ministers citing Empress Xuanren's co-rule revived Mang's combined sacrifice and profaned canonical ritual." The emperor consulted his chief ministers; Zhang Dun said: "The northern suburb can only be called the community altar." Huang Lü replied: "Suburban sacrifice means communion with the spirits; that is why both Heaven and Earth are called suburban rites. The community altar is merely the spirit of soil—how can sacrifice to the Great Spirit also be called a suburban rite?" Lü's memorial was forwarded to the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Acting Vice Minister Sheng Tao, Sacrifices Aide Wang Yi, and others urged use of the late emperor's northern-suburb regulations, personal performance at the proper season, and abolition of combined sacrifice." The Three Departments added: "Combined sacrifice is uncanonical, yet midsummer Earth sacrifice would be difficult to perform in person." An edict ordered both secretariats, censors, and ritual officers to agree: end combined sacrifice only after personal northern-suburb sacrifice is feasible. Zeng Bu, Qian Wei, Fan Chunli, Han Zongshi, Wang Gu, Jing Liangcai, Chang Anmin, Li Cong, Yu Ce, Liu Ding, Fu Ji, Huang Shang, Feng Ji, Ye Zuqia, and others divided for and against. Cai Jing, Lin Xi, Cai Liu, Huang Lü, Wu Anchi, Chao Duanyan, Zhai Si, Guo Zhizhang, Liu Zheng, Huang Qingji, Dong Dunyi, and others urged abolishing combined sacrifice. The edict followed them. Yet personal northern-suburb sacrifice was never achieved in that emperor's lifetime.
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建中靖國元年，命禮部、太常寺詳定北郊儀制。 殿中侍御史彭汝霖又請改合祭之禮，韓忠彥以為不可。 曾布力主北郊之說，帝亦然之，遂罷合祭。
In Jianzhong Jingguo 1 the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices were ordered to finalize northern-suburb ritual. Palace Attendant Peng Rulin again sought to change combined sacrifice; Han Zhongyan opposed it. Zeng Bu strongly favored the northern-suburb plan; the emperor agreed, and combined sacrifice ended.
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政和三年，詔禮制局議方壇制度。 是歲，新壇成。 初，元豐三年七月，詔改北郊圜壇為方丘。 六年，命禮部、太常定北郊壇制。 哲宗紹聖三年，權尚書侍郎黃裳等言：「南郊青城至壇所五百一十八步，自瑞聖園至皇地祇壇之東壇五百五十六步，相去不遠。 其壇系國初所建，神靈顧享已久。 元豐間，有司請地祇、神州並為方壇，壇之外為坎，詔止改圜壇為方。 請下有司，比類南郊增飾制度，除治四面，稍令低下，以應澤中之制。」 詔禮部再為詳定，指畫興築。 至是，禮制局言：「方壇舊制三成，第一成高三尺，第二成、第三成皆高二尺五寸，上廣八丈，下廣十有六丈。 夫圜壇既則象於乾，則方壇當效法於坤。 今議方壇定為再成，一成廣三十六丈，再成廣二十四丈，每成崇十有八尺，積三十六尺，其廣與崇皆得六六之數，以坤用六故也。 為四陛，陛為級一百四十有四，所謂坤之策百四十有四者也。 為再壝，壝二十有四步，取坤之策二十有四也。 成與壝俱再，則兩地之義也。」 齋宮大內門曰廣禋，東偏門曰東秩，西偏門曰西平，正東門曰含光，正西門曰咸亨，正北門曰至順，南內大殿門曰厚德，東曰左景華，西曰右景華，正殿曰厚德，便殿曰受福、曰坤珍、曰道光，亭曰承休，後又增四角樓為定式。
In Zhenghe 3 the Ritual Regulations Bureau was ordered to deliberate the square-altar system. That year the new altar was completed. Earlier, in the third year of Yuanfeng, seventh month, an edict ordered the northern-suburb round altar changed to a square mound. In the sixth year the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices were ordered to fix the northern-suburb altar system. In Zhezong's Shaosheng 3, Acting Vice Director Huang Shang and others noted: "From the southern-suburb Green City to the altar is 518 paces; from Ruisheng Garden to the eastern Imperial Earth altar is 556 paces—not far apart. That altar dates to the dynasty's founding; the spirits have long received offerings there. In Yuanfeng officials proposed square altars for Earth Spirit and Divine Land with pits outside; the edict ordered only conversion of the round altar to square. They asked subordinate offices, following southern-suburb precedent, to enhance the design, clear all four sides, and lower it slightly to match marsh-altar regulations." The Ministry of Rites was again ordered to finalize details and direct construction. Then the Ritual Regulations Bureau reported: "The old square altar had three tiers—the first three chi high, the second and third each two chi five cun; the top eight zhang wide, the base sixteen. If the round altar models Qian, the square altar should model Kun. They proposed two tiers: the first 36 zhang wide, the second 24; each 18 chi high, 36 chi total—breadth and height both yielding six-six, since Kun uses six. Four stairways with 144 steps—the Kun tally of 144. Two enclosures of 24 paces each—again Kun's tally of 24. Doubled tiers and enclosures express the duality of Earth." The fasting palace gates were named Broad Sacrifice (main inner), East Order and West Peace (side gates), Containing Light (east), All-Pervading (west), Utmost Compliance (north), and Thick Virtue (south inner hall); east and west wings were Left and Right Splendid Bloom; the main hall Thick Virtue; side halls Received Blessings, Kun Treasure, and Way's Radiance; the pavilion Received Rest; corner towers were later added as standard.
9
其神位，崇甯初，禮部員外郎陳暘言：「五行於四時，有帝以為之主，必有神以為之佐。 今五行之帝既從享于南郊第一成，則五行之神亦當列於北郊第一成。 天莫尊於上帝，而五帝次之； 地莫尊於大祇，而嶽帝次之，今尚與四鎮、海瀆並列，請升之于第一成。」 至是，議禮局上《新儀》：皇地祇位於壇上北方南向，席以稿秸； 太祖皇帝位於壇上東方西向，席以蒲越。 木神勾芒、東嶽於壇第一龕，東鎮、海瀆於第二龕，東山林、川澤於壇下，東丘陵、墳衍、原隰於內壝之內，皆在卯階之北，以南為上。 神州地祇、火神祝融、南嶽於壇第一龕，南鎮、海瀆於第二龕，南山林、川澤於壇下，南丘陵、墳衍、原隰於內壝之內，皆在午階之東，以西為上。 土神後土、中嶽於壇第一龕，中鎮於第二龕，中山林、川澤於壇下，中丘陵、墳衍、原隰於內壝之內，皆在午階之西，以西為上。 金神蓐收、西嶽於壇第一龕，西鎮、海瀆於第二龕，昆侖西山林、川澤於壇下，西丘陵、墳衍、原隰於內壝之內，皆在酉階之南，以北為上。 水神玄冥、北嶽於壇第一龕，北鎮、海瀆於第二龕，北山林、川澤於壇下，北丘陵、墳衍、原隰於內壝之內，皆在子階之西，以東為上。 神州地祇席以稿秸，余以莞席，皆內向。 其餘並如元豐儀壇壝之制。 其位板之制，上帝位板長三尺，取參天之數； 厚九寸，取幹元用九之數； 廣尺二寸，取天之備數； 書徽號以蒼色，取蒼璧之義。 皇地祇位板長二尺，取兩地之數； 厚六寸，取坤元用六之數； 廣一尺，取地之成數； 書徽號以黃色，取黃琮之義。 皆以金飾。 配位板各如天地之制。
On spirit placements, early in Chongning Section Director Chen Yang argued: "For the Five Phases through the four seasons, each has an emperor as lord and a spirit as assistant. Since the Five-Phase emperors already attend at the southern suburb's first tier, the Five-Phase spirits should be arrayed at the northern suburb's first tier as well. In Heaven nothing ranks above August Heaven; the Five Emperors come next; On Earth nothing ranks above the Great Spirit; the mountain emperors come next, yet they still stand with the four guardian mountains and sea and river spirits—we ask that they be raised to the first tier." Then the Ritual Deliberation Bureau submitted the New Regulations: Imperial Earth on the altar's north side, facing south, seated on straw mats; Emperor Taizu on the east side of the altar, facing west, on rush mats. Wood Spirit Goumang and the Eastern Peak in the first niche; the Eastern Guardian Mountain and sea and river spirits in the second; eastern mountains, forests, and waters below the altar; eastern hills, mounds, and lowlands within the inner enclosure—all north of the mao steps, ranked toward the south. Earth Spirit of the Divine Land, Fire Spirit Zhurong, and the Southern Peak in the first niche; the Southern Guardian Mountain and sea and river spirits in the second; southern mountains, forests, and waters below; southern hills and lowlands within the inner enclosure—all east of the wu steps, ranked toward the west. Earth Spirit Houtu and the Central Peak in the first niche; the Central Guardian Mountain in the second; central mountains, forests, and waters below; central hills and lowlands within the inner enclosure—all west of the wu steps, ranked toward the west. Metal Spirit Rushou and the Western Peak in the first niche; the Western Guardian Mountain and sea and river spirits in the second; Kunlun and western mountains, forests, and waters below; western hills and lowlands within the inner enclosure—all south of the you steps, ranked toward the north. Water Spirit Xuanming and the Northern Peak in the first niche; the Northern Guardian Mountain and sea and river spirits in the second; northern mountains, forests, and waters below; northern hills and lowlands within the inner enclosure—all west of the zi steps, ranked toward the east. The Earth Spirit of the Divine Land sat on straw mats; the others on rush mats, all facing inward. Everything else followed Yuanfeng altar and enclosure regulations. Position boards: August Heaven's was three chi long—the number of reaching Heaven; nine cun thick—Qian's number nine; one chi two cun wide—Heaven's complete number; titles inscribed in azure, matching the azure bi. Imperial Earth's board was two chi long—the number of the two earths; six cun thick—Kun's number six; one chi wide—Earth's complete number; titles inscribed in yellow, matching the yellow cong. All were gilt. Correlate boards matched Heaven and Earth's dimensions.
10
又言：「《大禮格》，皇地祇玉用黃琮，神州地祇、五嶽以兩圭有邸。 今請二者並施於皇地祇，求神以黃琮，薦獻以兩圭有邸。 神州惟用圭邸，餘不用。 玉琮之制，當用坤數，宜廣六寸，為八方而不剡； 兩圭之長宜共五寸，並宿一邸，色與琮同。 牲幣如之。」 又言：「常祭，地祗、配位各用冰鑒一； 今親祀，盛暑，請增正配及從祀位冰鑒四十一。」 並從之。
They also cited the Great Ritual Standards: Imperial Earth used a yellow cong; the Earth Spirit of the Divine Land and the Five Peaks used paired gui with bases. They asked that both apply to Imperial Earth: the yellow cong to seek the spirit, paired gui with bases for presentation. The Divine Land used only the gui base; the others did not. The jade cong should follow Kun's numbers: six cun wide, eight-sided and uncarved; the paired gui five cun long together, housed in one base, matching the cong's color. Victims and silks followed the same rule." They also noted: "At regular sacrifice Earth Spirit and correlates each had one ice mirror; for this personal midsummer sacrifice, they asked for forty-one ice mirrors at principal, correlate, and attendant positions." All were approved.
11
四年五月夏至，親祭地于方澤，以皇弟燕王俁為亞獻，趙王亻思為終獻。 皇帝散齋七日於別殿，致齋七日於內殿，一日于齋宮。 前一日告配太祖室，其有司陳設及皇帝行事，並如郊祀之儀。 是後七年，至宣和二年、五年，親祀者凡四。
At the summer solstice in the fifth month of the fourth year the emperor sacrificed to Earth in person at the square marsh, with his brother Prince Yan You as secondary offering and Prince Zhao [Si] as final offering. The emperor fasted in seclusion seven days in a side hall, seven days in the inner palace, and one day in the fasting palace. The day before he announced Taizu as correlate; officials' arrangements and the emperor's actions followed suburban-sacrifice practice. Over the next seven years, through Xuanhe 2 and 5, he sacrificed in person four times in all.
12
高宗紹興初，惟用酒脯鹿ＭＺ，行一獻禮。 二年，太常少卿程瑀言：「皇地祇，當一依祀天儀式。」 詔從之。 又言：「國朝祀皇地祇，設位於壇之北方南向。 政和四年，設于南方北向。 今北面望祭，北向為難，且於經典無據。 請仍南向。」
Early in Gaozong's Shaoxing reign they offered only wine, dried meats, and venison in a single-presentation rite. In the second year Vice Director Cheng Yu argued: "Imperial Earth should follow Heaven-sacrifice regulations entirely." The edict agreed. He also noted: "Our dynasty places Imperial Earth on the altar's north side, facing south. In Zhenghe 4 it was placed on the south side, facing north. Sacrificing northward from the north is awkward and lacks canonical support. He asked that it face south again."
13
淳熙中，朱熹為先朝南北郊之辯曰：「《禮》'郊特牲而社稷太牢'，《書》'用牲于郊，牛二'及'社於新邑'，此明驗也。 本朝初分南北郊，後復合而為一。 《周禮》亦只說祀昊天上帝，不說祀後土，故先儒言無北郊，祭社即是祭地。 古者天地未必合祭，日月、山川、百神亦無一時合祭共用之禮。 古之時，禮數簡而儀從省，必是天子躬親行事，豈有祭天卻將上下百神重遝累積並作一祭耶？ 且郊壇陛級兩邊上下，皆是神位，中間恐不可行。 或問：郊祀後稷以配天，宗祀文王以配上帝，帝即是天，天即是帝，卻分祭，何也？ 曰：為壇而祭，故謂之天，祭於屋下而以神祇祭之，故謂之帝。」
During Chunxi, Zhu Xi debated the former court's northern and southern suburbs: "The Rites say 'a special victim at the suburb but the great victim at the altars of soil and grain'; the Documents say 'victims at the suburb, two oxen' and 'the community altar at the new city'—clear proof. Our dynasty first separated northern and southern suburbs, then later merged them. The Rites of Zhou mention only August Heaven, not Queen Earth; former scholars therefore held there is no northern suburb—community-altar sacrifice is Earth sacrifice. In antiquity Heaven and Earth were not necessarily combined; sun, moon, mountains, rivers, and the hundred spirits had no single rite combining them with shared offerings. Ancient ritual was simple and retinues spare; the Son of Heaven acted in person—how could Heaven sacrifice heap upper and lower spirits into one rite? Moreover, spirit positions line both sides of the altar steps—the center could hardly be walked. Someone asked: suburban sacrifice pairs Houji with Heaven; temple sacrifice pairs King Wen with August Heaven—Emperor is Heaven and Heaven is Emperor, yet the rites differ—why? He answered: sacrifice on an altar is called Heaven; sacrifice under a roof, treating the spirit as such, is called Emperor."
14
祈穀、雩祀。 宋之祀天者凡四：孟春祈谷，孟夏大雩，皆於圜丘或別立壇。 季秋大饗明堂。 惟冬至之郊，則三歲一舉，合祭天地焉。 開寶中，太祖幸西京，以四月有事南郊，躬行大雩之禮。 淳化、至道，太宗亦以正月躬行祈穀之祀，悉如圜丘之禮。
Praying for Grain; Rain-Prayer Sacrifice. Song sacrifice to Heaven falls into four kinds: spring grain-prayer and summer great rain-prayer, both at the round mound or a separate altar. In late autumn, the great feast at the Bright Hall. Only the winter-solstice suburban rite, every three years, combines Heaven and Earth. During Kaibao, Taizu visited the Western Capital and in the fourth month personally performed the great rain-prayer rite at the southern suburb. Under Chunhua and Zhidao, Taizong also performed grain-prayer in person in the first month, following round-mound practice.
15
景德三年，龍圖閣待制陳彭年言：「伏睹畫日，來年正月三日上辛祈穀，至十日始立春。 按《月令》，正月元日注為祈穀，郊祀昊天上帝。 《春秋傳》曰：'啟蟄而郊，郊而後耕。 '蓋春氣初至，農事方興，郊祀昊天，以祈嘉穀，當在建寅之月，迎春之後。 自晉泰始二年，始用上辛，不擇立春之先後。 齊永明元年，立春前郊，議欲遷日，王儉曰：'宋景平元年、元嘉六年並立春前郊。 '遂不遷日。 吳操之云：'應在立春前。 '然則左氏所記，乃三代彝章； 王儉所言，乃後世變禮。 來年正月十日立春，三日祈穀，斯則襲王儉之末議，違左氏之明文。 望以立春後上辛行祈穀禮。」 因詔有司詳定諸祠祭祀。 有司言：「今年四月五日，雩祀上帝，十三日立夏祀赤帝。 按《月令》：'立夏之日，天子迎夏于南郊。 '《注》云：'為祀赤帝於南郊。 '又云：'是月也，大雩。 '《注》云：'《春秋傳》曰：龍見而雩。 '龍星謂角、亢也，立夏後，昏見於東方。 按《五禮精義》云：'自周以來，歲星差度，今之龍見或在五月，以祈甘雨，于時已晚，但四月上旬卜日。 '今則惟用改朔，不待得節，祭于立夏之前，殊違舊禮之意。 苟或龍見於仲夏，雩祀于季春，相去遼闊，于禮未周。 欲請並于立夏後卜日，如立夏在三月，則待改朔。」
In Jingde 3, Dragon Diagram Attendant Chen Pengnian reported: "The schedule sets grain-prayer on the third day of next year's first month, an upper xin day, while Beginning of Spring falls only on the tenth. The Monthly Ordinances mark the first day of the first month for grain-prayer and suburban sacrifice to August Heaven. The Spring and Autumn Commentary says: 'When insects stir, suburban sacrifice; after suburban sacrifice, then plowing. Spring qi is just arriving and farming begins; suburban sacrifice to August Heaven for fine grain belongs in the jianyin month, after welcoming spring. From Jin the second year of Taishi they used the upper xin day without regard to Beginning of Spring. In Qi Yongming 1, with suburban sacrifice before Beginning of Spring, some wanted to move the date; Wang Jian cited Song Jingping 1 and Yuanjia 6, both before Beginning of Spring. So the date was not changed. Wu Caozhi said it should fall before Beginning of Spring. What Master Zuo recorded is the Three Dynasties' constant rule; Wang Jian's view is a later alteration. Next year Beginning of Spring falls on the tenth but grain-prayer on the third—this follows Wang Jian's lesser view and violates Master Zuo's explicit text. He asked that grain-prayer be held on the upper xin day after Beginning of Spring." An edict then ordered officials to fix all shrine sacrifices in detail. Officials reported: "This year rain-prayer to August Heaven falls on the fifth of the fourth month; Red Emperor sacrifice on the thirteenth, Beginning of Summer. The Monthly Ordinances say: 'On Beginning of Summer the Son of Heaven welcomes summer at the southern suburb. The commentary explains this as sacrifice to the Red Emperor at the southern suburb. It also says: in this month, the great rain prayer. The commentary cites the Spring and Autumn Commentary: when the dragon appears, rain prayer. The dragon star is Horn and Neck; after Beginning of Summer it appears at dusk in the east. The Essential Meaning of the Five Rites notes: 'Since Zhou the annual star has drifted; the dragon may appear in the fifth month now—too late for sweet rain—so only the first ten days of the fourth month are used to choose a date. Today they rely only on calendar reform, not waiting for the season, sacrificing before Beginning of Summer—far from old ritual intent. If the dragon appears in midsummer but rain prayer falls in late spring, the gap is too wide for proper ritual. They asked that both rites choose dates after Beginning of Summer; if Beginning of Summer falls in the third month, wait for the calendar reform."
16
初，祈穀、大雩，皆親祀上帝。 由熙甯迄靖康，惟有司攝事而已。 元豐中，禮官言：「慶曆大雩宗祀之儀，皆用犢、羊、豕各一，唯祈穀均祀昊天上帝止用犢一。 請依雩祀、大享明堂牲牢儀，用犢、羊、豕各一。」
Initially both grain-prayer and great rain-prayer were personal sacrifices to August Heaven. From Xining through Jingkang only officials performed by proxy. In Yuanfeng ritual officers noted: "Qingli great rain-prayer and temple rites each used one calf, sheep, and pig; only grain-prayer to August Heaven used a single calf. They asked to match rain-prayer and Bright Hall feast practice: one calf, sheep, and pig each."
17
四年十月，詳定郊廟奉祀禮文所言：「近詔宗祀明堂以配上帝，其餘從祀群神悉罷。 今祈穀、大雩猶循舊制，皆群神從祀，恐與詔旨相戾。 請孟春祈谷、孟夏大雩，惟祀上帝，乙太宗皇帝配，余從祀群神悉罷。」 又請改築雩壇于國南門，以嚴祀事。 並從之。
In the tenth month of the fourth year the Detailed Suburban and Temple Sacrificial Ritual Text Office reported: "A recent edict paired Bright Hall temple sacrifice with August Heaven and ended all other attendant spirits. Grain-prayer and great rain-prayer still follow the old system with attendant spirits—likely conflicting with the edict. They asked that spring grain-prayer and summer great rain-prayer sacrifice only to August Heaven with Taizong as correlate, ending all other attendants." They also asked to rebuild the rain-prayer altar at the south gate to dignify the rite. All were approved.
18
五年七月，禮部言：「雩壇當立於圜丘之左巳地，其高一丈，廣輪四丈，周十二丈，四出陛，為三壝，各二十五步，周垣四門，一如郊壇之制。」 從之。 大觀四年二月，禮局議以立春後上辛祈穀，詔：「以今歲孟春上辛在醜，次辛在亥，遇醜不祈而祈於亥，非禮也。」 乃不果行。
In the seventh month of the fifth year the Ministry of Rites specified: "The rain-prayer altar should stand si of the round mound: one zhang high, four zhang across, twelve zhang around, four outward stairways, three enclosures of twenty-five paces, and a walled perimeter with four gates—matching the suburban altar." Approved. In Daguan 4, second month, the Ritual Bureau proposed grain-prayer on the upper xin after Beginning of Spring; an edict ruled: "This year the first upper xin falls in chou and the next in hai—skipping chou for hai is uncanonical." So it was not held.
19
政和《祈穀儀》：前期降禦劄，以來年正月上辛祈穀，祀上帝。 前祀十日，太宰讀誓於朝堂，刑部尚書蒞之； 少宰讀誓于太廟齋房，刑部侍郎蒞之。 皇帝散齋七日，致齋三日。 前祀一日，服通天冠、絳紗袍，乘玉輅，詣青城。 祀日，自齋殿服通天冠、絳紗袍，乘輿至大次，服袞冕，執圭，入正門，宮架《儀安》之樂作。 禮儀使奏請行事，宮架作《景安》之樂，《帝臨降康》之舞六成，止。 太常升煙，禮儀使奉請再拜。 盥洗，升壇上，登歌《嘉安》之樂作。 皇帝搢大圭，執鎮圭，詣上帝神位前，北向，奠鎮圭於繅藉，執大圭，俯伏，興。 又奏請搢大圭，跪，受玉幣。 尊訖，詣太宗神位前，東向，尊幣如上儀，登歌作《仁安》之樂。 皇帝降階，有司進熟，禮儀使奏請執大圭，升壇，登歌《歆安》之樂作。 皇帝詣上帝神位前酌獻，執爵祭酒，讀冊文訖，奏請皇帝再拜。 詣太宗神位前酌獻，並如上儀，登歌作《紹安》之樂。 皇帝降階，入小次，文舞退，武舞進，宮架《容安》之樂作。 亞獻酌獻，宮架作《隆安》之樂，《神保錫羨》之舞。 終獻如之。 禮儀使奏請皇帝詣飲福位，宮架《禧安》之樂作。 皇帝受爵。 又請再拜。 有司徹俎，登歌《成安》之樂作。 送神，宮架《景安》之樂作。 皇帝詣望燎位。 禮畢，還大次。 雩祀上帝儀亦如之。 惟太宗神位奠幣作《獻安》之樂，酌獻作《感安之樂》。
Zhenghe grain-prayer regulations: beforehand an imperial directive scheduled next year's upper xin in the first month for grain-prayer to August Heaven. Ten days before, the Grand Steward read the oath in the court hall, with the Minister of Justice presiding; the Junior Steward read it in the Ancestral Temple fasting chamber, with the Vice Minister of Justice presiding. The emperor fasted in seclusion seven days and in strict seclusion three days. The day before, wearing the communication-with-Heaven cap and crimson gauze robe, he rode the jade chariot to the Green City. On the sacrifice day he left the fasting hall in cap and crimson robe, rode to the great tent, donned dragon robe and coronet, took the gui, entered the main gate, and palace-frame music "Rite's Peace" sounded. The ritual commissioner opened the rite; palace-frame "Scene's Peace" played and the dance "The Emperor Descends in Blessing" ran six sections, then stopped. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices raised the smoke offering; the ritual commissioner called for a second bow. He washed, ascended the altar, and ascending hymn "Fine Peace" was performed. The emperor inserted the great gui, took the securing gui, approached August Heaven's spirit position facing north, placed the securing gui on the silk mat, took the great gui, prostrated, and rose. They called for him to insert the great gui, kneel, and receive the jade and silk. When that was done he went before Taizong's spirit position facing east, presented silks as above, and ascending hymn "Benevolence's Peace" was performed. The emperor descended; officials brought the cooked offerings; the ritual commissioner called for the great gui; he ascended the altar as ascending hymn "Joy's Peace" sounded. He poured the offering before August Heaven, libated with the goblet, finished reading the text, and was called to bow again. He did the same before Taizong, with ascending hymn "Continuing Peace." The emperor descended into the side tent; civil dancers withdrew and military dancers advanced to palace-frame "Accommodation's Peace." The secondary offering poured the libation to palace-frame "Lofty Peace" and the dance "The Spirits Grant Blessings." The final offering did the same. The ritual commissioner led him to the blessing-drinking station as palace-frame "Felicity's Peace" played. The emperor received the goblet. He was called to bow again. Officials cleared the trays as ascending hymn "Completion's Peace" sounded. As the spirits were dismissed, palace-frame "Scene's Peace" played. The emperor went to the watching-the-burning station. When the rite ended he returned to the great tent. Rain-prayer to August Heaven followed the same regulations. Only at Taizong's position did silk presentation use "Presentation's Peace" and libation "Gratitude's Peace."
20
南渡後，以四祀二在南郊圜壇，二在城西惠照院齋宮。 紹興十四年始具樂舞，用政和儀，增籩豆之數。 乾道五年，太常少卿林栗乞四祭並即圜壇，禮部侍郎鄭聞謂：「明堂當從屋祭，不當在壇。 有司攝事，當於望祭殿行禮。」 從之。 淳熙十六年，光宗受禪，始奉高宗配焉。
After the southward relocation, two of the four sacrifices were held at the southern-suburb round mound and two at the Huizhao Courtyard fasting palace west of the city. In Shaoxing 14 they first added music and dance under Zhenghe regulations, increasing offering vessels. In Qiandao 5, Vice Director Lin Li asked to hold all four sacrifices at the round mound; Vice Minister Zheng Wen replied: "The Bright Hall should follow house sacrifice, not an altar. When officials officiate by proxy, the rite should be at the prospect-sacrifice hall." Approved. In Chunxi 16, when Guangzong received the throne, he first paired Gaozong as correlate.
21
五方帝。 宋因前代之制，冬至祀昊天上帝於圜丘，以五方帝、日、月、五星以下諸神從祀。 又以四郊迎氣及土王日專祀五方帝，以五人帝配，五官、三辰、七宿從祀。 各建壇於國門之外：青帝之壇，其崇七尺，方六步四尺； 赤帝之壇，其崇六尺，東西六步三尺，南北六步二尺； 黃帝之壇，其崇四尺，方七步； 白帝之壇，其崇七尺，方七步； 黑帝之壇，其崇五尺，方三步七尺。 天聖中，詔太常葺四郊宮，少府監遣吏齎祭服就給祠官，光祿進胙，監祭封題。 慶曆用羊、豕各一，正位大尊、著尊各二，不用犧尊，增山罍為二，壇上簠、簋、俎各增為二。 皇祐定壇如唐《郊祀錄》，各廣四丈，其崇用五行八七五九六為尺數。 嘉祐加羊、豕各二。
The Five-Direction Emperors. The Song followed earlier practice: at the winter solstice they sacrificed to August Heaven at the round mound, with the Five-Direction Emperors, sun, moon, five planets, and lesser spirits in attendance. They also welcomed the seasonal qi at the four suburbs and on Earth King day sacrificed specially to the Five-Direction Emperors, with the Five Human Emperors as correlates and the five officers, three chronograms, and seven lodges attending. Each had an altar outside the state gate: the Green Emperor's stood seven chi high, six paces four chi square; the Red Emperor's six chi high, six paces three chi by six paces two chi; the Yellow Emperor's four chi high, seven paces square; the White Emperor's seven chi high, seven paces square; the Black Emperor's five chi high, three paces seven chi square. In Tiansheng the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was ordered to repair the four-suburb halls; the Palace Storehouse sent clerks with robes for sacrifice officers; the Director of Food delivered portions; supervising sacrificers sealed and labeled them. Under Qingli they used one sheep and one pig; the principal position had two great and two displayed wine vessels, no sacrificial zun; mountain urns were doubled; grain vessels and meat trays on the altar were doubled. In Huangyou altars followed the Tang Record of Suburban Sacrifice, each four zhang wide, with heights keyed to the Five Phases numbers eight, seven, five, nine, and six. Under Jiayou they added two sheep and two pigs.
22
元祐六年，知開封府範百祿言：「每歲迎氣於四郊，祀五帝，配以五神，國之大祠也。 古者天子皆親帥三公、九卿、諸侯、大夫以虔恭重事，而導四時之和氣焉。 今吏部所差三獻皆常參官，其餘執事贊相之人皆班品卑下，不得視中祠行事者之例。 請下禮部與太常議，宜以公卿攝事。」 從之。
In Yuanyou 6, Capital Prefect Fan Bailu argued: "Welcoming the seasonal qi at the four suburbs each year and sacrificing to the Five Emperors with the five spirits is among the state's greatest rites. In antiquity the Son of Heaven personally led the Three Dukes, Nine Ministers, lords, and grandees in reverent performance, guiding the harmonious qi of the four seasons. Today the three presentations are assigned to routine court officials, and the assistants rank too low to match medium-sacrifice precedent. He asked the Ministry of Rites and Court of Imperial Sacrifices to agree that dukes and ministers should officiate." Approved.
23
景德中，南郊鹵簿使王欽若言：「五方帝位板如靈威仰、赤熛怒、含樞紐、白招拒、葉光紀，恐是五帝之名，理當恭避。」 禮官言：「《開寶通禮義纂》，五者皆是帝號。 《漢書注》自有名，即蒼帝靈符，赤帝文祖，白帝顯紀，黑帝玄矩，黃帝神鬥是也。 既為美稱，不煩回避。」 嘉祐元年，以集賢校理丁諷言，按《春秋文耀勾》為五帝之名，始下太常去之。
During Jingde, procession commissioner Wang Qinruo argued that boards bearing names like Spiritual Power Gazing Aloft and Red Blazing Anger were likely the Five Emperors' true names and should be respectfully avoided." Ritual officers cited the Kaibao Comprehensive Ritual Compendium: all five are imperial designations. The Book of Han commentary gives other names: Azure Emperor Spiritual Talisman, Red Emperor Literary Ancestor, White Emperor Manifest Record, Black Emperor Mysterious Square, and Yellow Emperor Spirit Dipper. As honorific titles, avoidance was unnecessary." In Jiayou 1, collation editor Ding Feng cited the Spring and Autumn Radiant Hook as giving the Five Emperors' names, and the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was ordered to remove them.
24
其祀儀：皇帝服袞冕，祀黑帝則服裘被袞。 配位，登歌作《承安》之樂，餘並如祈穀禮。 立春祀青帝，以帝太昊氏配，勾芒氏、歲星、三辰、七宿從祀。 勾芒位壇下卯階之南，歲星、析木、大火、壽星位壇下子階之東，西上。 角、亢、氐、房、心、尾、箕宿，位於壇下子階之西，東上。
Sacrifice regulations: the emperor wore dragon robe and coronet; for the Black Emperor he wore fur over the dragon robe. At the correlate position ascending hymn "Receiving Peace" was performed; the rest followed grain-prayer practice. At Beginning of Spring they sacrificed to the Green Emperor with Taihao as correlate; Goumang, the Year Star, three chronograms, and seven lodges attended. Goumang stood south of the mao steps; the Year Star, Split Wood, Great Fire, and Longevity Star east of the zi steps, ranked westward. The lodges Horn, Neck, Root, Room, Heart, Tail, and Winnowing Basket stood west of the zi steps, ranked eastward.
25
立夏祀赤帝，以帝神農氏配，祝融氏、熒惑、三辰、七宿從祀。 祝融位壇下卯階之南，熒惑、鶉首、鶉火、鶉尾位子階之東，西上。 井、鬼、柳、星、張、翼、軫宿，位於壇下子階之西，東上。
At Beginning of Summer they sacrificed to the Red Emperor with Shennong as correlate; Zhurong, Sparkling Deluder, three chronograms, and seven lodges attended. Zhurong stood south of the mao steps; Sparkling Deluder, Quail Head, Quail Fire, and Quail Tail at the zi steps, ranked westward. The lodges Well, Ghost, Willow, Star, Extended Net, Wings, and Chariot Pivot stood west of the zi steps, ranked eastward.
26
季夏祀黃帝，以黃帝氏配，後土、鎮星從祀。 後土位壇下卯階之南，鎮星位壇下子階之東。
In late summer they sacrificed to the Yellow Emperor with the Yellow Emperor as correlate; Houtu and the Quiescent Star attended. Houtu stood south of the mao steps; the Quiescent Star east of the zi steps.
27
立秋祀白帝，以帝少昊氏配，蓐收、太白、三辰、七宿從祀。 蓐收位壇下卯階之南，太白、大樑、降婁、實沈位壇下子階之東，西上。 奎、婁、胃、昴、畢、觜、參宿，位於子階之西，東上。
At Beginning of Autumn they sacrificed to the White Emperor with Shaohao as correlate; Rushou, Great White, three chronograms, and seven lodges attended. Rushou stood south of the mao steps; Great White, Great Bridge, Descending Harvest, and Real Sink east of the zi steps, ranked westward. The lodges Stride, Bond, Stomach, Hairy Head, Net, Turtle Beak, and Three Stars stood west of the zi steps, ranked eastward.
28
立冬祀黑帝，以帝高陽氏配，玄冥、辰星、三辰、七宿從祀。 玄冥位壇下卯階之南，辰星、諏訾、玄枵、星紀位子階之東，西上。 鬥、牛、女、虛、危、室、壁宿，位子階之西，東上。
At Beginning of Winter they sacrificed to the Black Emperor with Gaoyang as correlate; Xuanming, the Chronogram Star, three chronograms, and seven lodges attended. Xuanming stood south of the mao steps; the Chronogram Star, Zouzi, Dark Rooftree, and Star Record at the zi steps, ranked westward. The lodges Dipper, Ox, Girl, Void, Rooftop, Encampment, and Wall stood at the zi steps, ranked eastward.
29
紹興仍舊制，祀五帝於郊。
Under Shaoxing the old practice remained: the Five Emperors were sacrificed to at the suburbs.
30
乾興元年九月，太常丞同判禮院謝絳言：「伏睹本院與崇文院檢討官詳定，以宣祖配感生帝。 竊尋宣祖非受命開統，義或未安。 唐武德初，圜丘、方丘、雩祀並以景帝配，祈穀、大享並以元帝配。 太宗初，奉高祖配圜丘、明堂、北郊，元帝配感生帝。 高宗永徽二年，祀高祖于圜丘，祀太宗於明堂，兼感生帝作主。 又以景帝、元帝稱祖，萬代不遷，停配以符古義。 臣以為景帝厥初受封為唐始祖，蓋與宣祖不侔。 宣祖于唐，是為元帝之比。 唐有天下，裁越三世，而景、元二祖已停配典。 有宋受命，既自太祖，於今四聖，而宣祖侑祀未停，恐非往典之意。 請依永徽故事，停宣祖配，仍用太宗故事，宗祀真宗於明堂，兼感生帝作主。 若據鄭氏說，則曰五帝迭王，王者因所感別祭，尊於南郊，以祖配之。 今若不用武德、永徽故事，請以太祖兼配，正符鄭說。 詳鄭之意，非受命始封之祖不得配，故引周後稷配靈威仰之義為證。 惟太祖始造基業，躬受符命，配侑感帝，據理甚明。 如恐祠日相妨，當乙太宗配祈谷，太祖配雩祀，亦不失尊嚴之旨。 臣以為宣廟非惟不遷，而迭用配帝，于古為疑。 《禮》：'祖有功，宗有德。 '但非受命之祖，親盡必毀，況配享乎？」
In the ninth month of Qianxing 1, Sacrifices Aide and concurrent Ritual Academy judge Xie Jiang reported: "This office and Palace Library collation officers have fixed Emperor Xuānzǔ as correlate for the Life-Generating Emperor. Xuānzǔ did not receive the Mandate and found the succession—the pairing may not be proper. Early in Tang Wude, round mound, square mound, and rain prayer all paired Emperor Jing; grain-prayer and the great feast paired Emperor Yuan. Early in Taizong's reign, Gaozu correlated at round mound, Bright Hall, and northern suburb; Emperor Yuan correlated for the Life-Generating Emperor. In Gaozong's Yonghui 2, Gaozu was sacrificed to at the round mound and Taizong at the Bright Hall, with the Life-Generating Emperor as principal. Emperors Jing and Yuan were styled ancestors for all time, and their pairing was ended to match ancient principle. Emperor Jing was first enfeoffed as Tang's founding ancestor—not comparable to Xuānzǔ. Xuānzǔ in Tang corresponds to Emperor Yuan. Tang held the realm barely three generations before Jing and Yuan pairing ended. The Song Mandate began with Taizu; four sage emperors have reigned, yet Xuānzǔ's attendant sacrifice continues—likely not former canon. He asked to follow Yonghui precedent, end Xuānzǔ's pairing, and keep Taizong's precedent of temple sacrifice to Zhenzong at the Bright Hall with the Life-Generating Emperor as principal. Master Zheng held that the Five Emperors rule in turn; each king sacrifices separately to the power that moved him, honored at the southern suburb with an ancestor as correlate. If Wude and Yonghui precedents are set aside, Taizu should correlate—exactly matching Master Zheng. Master Zheng meant only a Mandate-receiving founding ancestor may correlate, citing Zhou's Houji paired with Spiritual Power Gazing Aloft. Only Taizu founded the enterprise and received the Mandate in person—pairing with the Life-Generating Emperor is clearly right. If sacrifice days conflict, Taizong could correlate for grain-prayer and Taizu for rain-prayer without loss of dignity. Xuānzǔ's temple should not only remain unmoved but also not rotate as correlate for different emperors—doubtful by antiquity's standards. The Rites say: 'An ancestor has merit; a temple-founder has virtue. Yet an ancestor without the Mandate, when kinship is exhausted, must be removed—how much more paired sacrifice?"
31
翰林承旨李維等議：「按《禮·祭法》正義曰：'郊，謂夏正建寅之月，祭感生帝於南郊。 '此則崇配之文也。 竊惟感帝比祈穀，禮秩差輕； 宣祖比太祖，功業有異。 今以太祖配祈谷，宣祖配感帝，稱情立文，於禮斯協。」 詔從所定。
Hanlin Commissioner Li Wei and others cited the Correct Meaning of Sacrifice Law: 'Suburban sacrifice is the jianyin month, sacrificing to the Life-Generating Emperor at the southern suburb. This is the language of elevated pairing. The Life-Generating Emperor ranks somewhat below grain-prayer; Xuānzǔ's achievements differ from Taizu's. Pairing Taizu with grain-prayer and Xuānzǔ with the Life-Generating Emperor fits both feeling and ritual." The edict adopted their decision.
32
其祀儀：皇帝散齋七日，致齋三日。 太史設帝位於壇上，北方南向，席以稿秸。 配帝位於壇上，東方西向，席以蒲越。 配位，奠幣，作《皇安》之樂，酌獻，作《肅安》之樂，余如祈穀祀上帝儀。
Sacrifice regulations: the emperor fasted in seclusion seven days and in strict seclusion three days. The Grand Astrologer placed the emperor's seat on the altar's north side, facing south, on straw mats. The correlate stood on the east side of the altar, facing west, on rush mats. At the correlate position silk presentation used "Imperial Peace" and libation "Solemn Peace"; the rest followed grain-prayer to August Heaven.
33
紹興十八年，臣僚言：「我朝祀赤帝為感生帝，世以僖祖配之。 祖宗以來，奉事尤謹，故子孫眾多，與天無極。 中興浸久，祀秩咸修。 惟感生帝，有司因循，尚淹小祀，寓於招提，酒脯而已。 宜詔有司升為大祀，庶幾天意潛孚，永錫蕃衍。」 詔禮官議之，遂躋大祀。 禮行三獻用籩豆十二，設登歌樂舞，望祭于齋宮。
In Shaoxing 18 officials reported: "Our dynasty sacrifices to the Red Emperor as the Life-Generating Emperor, with Emperor Xīzǔ as correlate for generations. Since our ancestors the rite has been especially careful, so descendants are countless as Heaven. The restoration has matured; sacrificial ranks are largely restored. Only the Life-Generating Emperor remains a minor rite in officials' routine, housed at a roadside shrine with wine and dried meats alone. Officials should elevate it to a great sacrifice so Heaven's favor may endure and descendants multiply forever." Ritual officers deliberated by edict, and it was promoted to a great sacrifice. The rite used three presentations and twelve offering vessels, with ascending hymn, music, and dance, and prospect sacrifice at the fasting palace.