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卷一百六十 志第一百十三 選舉六

Volume 160 Treatises 113: Selection and appointment of Officials 6

Chapter 160 of 宋史 · History of Song
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1
Selection and Appointment, Part Six. (Guarantee and Vouching; Performance Assessment)
2
The system of vouching for officials. Registry assignments followed fixed formulas bound by statute. Statute could enforce uniformity but not pick talent, so promotions and dismissals followed prescribed categories while officials were still held responsible for vouching for those they recommended. Any change of rank or seniority depended on whether one had sponsors, as the basis for eligibility; For especially important or specialized posts, separate rules were often improvised. Special edicts regularly directed chief ministers, regional inspectors, and prefects to recommend those they knew locally, commending their talent and vouching for their competence. From court attendants and censorial staffs down to fiscal and military offices, appointments were sometimes made by recommendation as well, so the process was not wholly rigid.
3
使使
Early in the dynasty, vouching carried no fixed restrictions. In Jianlong 3, an edict first required court officials and Hanlin scholars each to nominate one person suitable for staff, magistrate, or registrar posts, with full particulars and without exempting relatives. Soon recommenders often abused the system through connections. Edict drafter Gao Xi proposed allowing denunciations: if proven, incumbent officials would be promoted, non-officials would receive appointments, or cash rewards would be given; if false, the accuser would face reciprocal punishment." Thereafter, Tao Gu and others were sometimes specially tasked to recommend candidates for deputy commissioner posts, or Hanlin scholars and court officials were ordered to nominate capital officials, staff, and county appointees eligible for promotion to court rank. When frontier governors recommended chief secretaries who often skipped seniority rules, an edict required two terms of literary service before such recommendations could be submitted. Circuit commissioners and observation commissioners were also told to choose two subordinates of outstanding talent and solid character; defense and training commissioners one each; send them to court for evaluation of ability and achievement before appointment. Anyone promoted on recommendation had the sponsor's name recorded on the appointment commission; if the appointee later failed to match the recommendation, the sponsor was punished as well.
4
使簿
Taizong was especially demanding of prefects and governors. Circuit envoys were to find locally renowned administrators and scholars; prefects were to nominate upright, capable subordinates by name, summon them to court by express courier, and appoint them county magistrates. Subordinate judicial aides were also reviewed, and those who were honest, prudent, and skilled at investigation were recommended. In Yongxi 2, responsibility for nominating officials eligible for court-rank promotion was first assigned to Hanlin scholars and officials of the Secretariat, Chancellery, Censorate, and Department of State Affairs.
5
使 使
In Chunhua 3, every official from the chief councilors down to the vice censor-in-chief was told to nominate one court official as transport commissioner. The edict declared that the state sought capable administrators for this post, which combined fiscal transport with provincial inspection and bore directly on popular welfare. To guard against empty claims of merit, actual performance had to be required. Transport commissioners who reformed local administration, corrected wrongful cases, moved grain and funds, ranked highest in performance, or instituted measures that genuinely benefited the people were to report at year's end. Only truly exceptional cases could be reported in detail. Another edict excluded already-promoted officials of the Three Departments and Three Institutes from nomination; only talented officials serving outside whom the court did not yet know could be recommended. Officials inside and outside the capital were first told that if a nominee later misbehaved, confessing the error would spare them joint punishment.
6
殿 西使
In his spare time from governing, Taizong would review registers of prestigious Secretariat and drafting-office officials, pick those of proven moral reputation, and order them all to submit nominations. Nominees' titles, residences, and full records of past performance ratings had to be reported without concealment. Accurate recommendations brought rewards; unverified ones brought punishment. He once told his chief ministers, "Gentlemen and petty men pursue different paths. The gentleman is cautious, honest even in private, and never compromises his integrity; the petty man may speak eloquently of loyalty but acts perversely, takes bribes in office, and fears no punishment. Take Xue Zhizhou, who as attendant censor governed Wu through bribery and endless exactions; the region was famous for silk, and locals called him 'Commissioner Luo'—that tells you what his rule was like. Your job is to select talent. Having court officials nominate candidates is already a secondary measure; if you do not scrutinize the nominators themselves, how will you find the right people?" Palace attendant Liu Wenzhi once reported eight Two-Zhe officials—Gao Fuzhi, Li Yizhi, Ai Zhongru, Mei Xun, Gao Ding, Gao Yiqing, Jiang Yu, and Qi Lun—as outstanding administrators, and each received an imperial commendation. The emperor said, "Everyone Wenzhi recommended is a capable official." Wenzhi was specially promoted to deputy commissioner of the Western Capital workshops.
7
沿
During Xianping, Secretariat director Chen Pengnian asked to revive the Tang practice of nominating one's own successor. Feng Zheng and Chen Yaosou of the Privy Council were ordered to study the proposal. Feng Zheng and others reported that under the old Tang rule, regular court officials and prestigious seventh-rank officials and above, within three days of appointment, submitted at the Four Directions Hostel a memorial nominating a successor. The memorial went to the Secretariat and Chancellery; when a post fell vacant, the most frequently recommended candidate was appointed. Because ranks and institutions had changed, they proposed that sixth-rank officials in the Secretariat, Chancellery, Censorate, and Department of State Affairs and fourth-rank officials in other agencies, after appointment, submit a successor nomination at the Gate of Audience before entering to give thanks. Officials outside the capital had three months after appointment to send the memorial by courier. The rule was then codified.
8
Early in Zhenzong's reign, recommendation edicts were issued repeatedly, but no permanent system existed yet. In Dazhong Xiangfu 2, an edict required newly appointed staff and county officials to complete three terms and six evaluations before they could be nominated. In the third year a permanent system was established:
9
使 使西仿 使
Each year, Hanlin scholars and other regular court officials were to nominate one outside capital official, third-rank envoy, staff member, or county official, stating suitable posts, with the Gate of Audience and Censorate tallying totals at year's end. Failure to submit nominations was to be reported for punishment. Winter departures also required nominations before the farewell audience. Deputy commissioners, drafting officials, and honored-rank officials who had served on the northwest frontier, in Sichuan or Guang, as regional controllers, or in popular-facing posts followed the same rule. Transport deputies, judicial inspectors, prefects, and vice-prefects could nominate any number of subordinates with full records of service; if no one qualified or excess was evident, they still had to explain, without evasion. Reports had to reach the capital by the twenty-fifth day of the second month of the following year; late arrivals were reported to the Directorate of Memorials and punished like failure to submit evaluation records.
10
使使 使 使 使
Deputy commissioners of the Three Departments nominated capital officials and envoys serving in the capital. The Secretariat kept two annual registers of nominees, listing names and titles, past merits and faults, sponsors, and recommendation counts. One copy stayed at the Secretariat; the other was sent to the inner court on the first day of the fifth month. The following year the registers still tracked past performance and sponsor counts; envoys were registered at the Privy Council. Officials of the Secretariat, Chancellery, Department of State Affairs, and Censorate returning from missions had to report on the performance of officials they encountered and in neighboring prefectures. Transport deputies, judicial inspectors, prefects, and vice-prefects coming to court had to report on subordinates' performance in their former jurisdictions and could also report on neighboring or passed-through counties; they had to file at the Gate of Audience before audience.
11
When the court needed talent or wanted to address local abuses or urgent tasks, it appointed from the registers those with many sponsors and strong evaluations whose qualifications fit, listing every sponsor on the commission. Successful performance brought special promotion; failure, even without dismissal, meant transfer to idle or remote posts. When a sponsor's three nominees all performed well, the Secretariat and Privy Council were to list their names for imperial reward. If all three nominees failed, even without dismissal the sponsor was reported to the throne for demotion. Mixed results were offset against one another.
12
使 使使使殿使 使
In Tiansheng 6, an edict required the Court of Judicial Review to nominate regular capital officials in criminal-law offices as detailed deliberation officers; and the Court of the Imperial Clan's adjudication officers and the Ministry of Justice's review officers were to be staff and county officials versed in law. Those who volunteered for the statute examination needed five evaluations and a sponsor before testing. The exam included three statute questions, two commentary questions, and two minor case judgments; passing all counted as a middle grade. Recommendations for promotion did not yet follow a fixed routine. When the Directorate of Education lacked lecturers, transport commissioners were ordered to recommend scholars versed in the classics; when the court wanted exceptional appointments, intimates were sometimes told to nominate court officials who had served as vice-prefects without corruption and could handle demanding posts; for key frontier posts, military commissioners down to gate envoys, military prefects, regional controllers, and department commissioners were sometimes told to recommend brave officials of palace-direct rank and above, or officials from the Three Departments commissioner down to Tianzhang Pavilion awaiting drafting were ordered to submit names. When the frontier was threatened, transport commissioners and judicial inspectors were ordered to recommend subordinates capable of generalship; for Three-Circuit prefects, vice-prefects, and magistrates, intimates were told to recommend honest, capable officials without regard to seniority rules. Scholars, fiscal experts, and legal specialists were recommended according to whatever the court needed at the time.
13
使 使
After Tiansheng, promotions became so numerous that intimates were warned not to nominate officials without an edict. An edict also warned against using nominations for private favoritism. Once an appointee had become a circuit envoy, the sponsor could not nominate again; failed recommendations were overlooked if the nominee was already promoted. Voluntary confession of inaccuracy carried no penalty. Initially, candidates with four evaluations and four sponsors could pass review and become capital officials; then an edict raised the requirement to six evaluations and five sponsors, including a circuit envoy from one's jurisdiction. Censor Wang Duan argued, "Under the law, two sponsors made one eligible for magistrate. Without fault as magistrate, one advanced to functional official or governing magistrate; and again without fault, one could become a capital official. Thus two sponsors effectively vouched for three terms of service. The court initially had no comparative review; anyone who happened to avoid censure was promoted on faith. Mediocre officials could thus advance themselves, and if the practice continued unreformed, the harm would only deepen." A rule was then fixed: magistrates nominated on recommendation could advance only if sponsored again during their term; otherwise they followed the regular selection track without premature promotion.
14
使使 使 使
New restrictions were added: regular court officials already assigned outside posts could not submit nominations. Only capital officials currently serving as prefect or vice-prefect, court-rank military directors and deputy commissioners and above, and certain capital outer officials with comparable experience could nominate; the flowing inner selection office made final rulings. Annual nomination quotas were set for civil officials from awaiting drafting to attendant censor and military officials from observation commissioner to deputy commissioner, each with graded limits; and nominees needed sponsorship from a supervising commissioner, chief official, or inspector in their jurisdiction before review. Nominees also had to complete one evaluation after taking office before they could be recommended. Miscellaneous-affairs censors and observation commissioners and above could nominate no more than two capital officials per year, and regular court officials could not nominate again—thus reducing the volume of nominations. Supervising commissioners' magistrate nomination quotas were set according to how many prefectures they oversaw and how demanding those posts were; nominations outside one's jurisdiction were forbidden. Later the requirement was raised to three sponsors. As official redundancy worsened, vouching and recommendation rules were generally loose at first and grew stricter over time.
15
使 滿 使滿 滿
Under Yingzong, Vice Censor-in-Chief Jia An observed that capital officials at minister and director rank numbered more than 2,800, while more than 250 candidates awaiting Ministry of Personnel review had not yet been granted audience. Compared with the previous reign, during Tiansheng the rules were still simple: candidates advanced after four evaluations, and circuit envoys faced no quota on subordinate nominations; and capital censorial officials and court officials who had served as prefect or vice-prefect could nominate even people outside their jurisdictions. In those days only a few dozen men a year passed merit review for promotion; as length-of-service scrutiny grew heavier, prefects were allotted nomination slots scaled to the number of counties they governed, and officials who merely attended court regularly could no longer put forward candidates. The rules grew ever more elaborate and promotions multiplied, yet no one yet had to queue for an imperial audience after merit review. During Huangyou, quotas were first imposed on recommendations from circuit supervisors; regulations tightened, and the backlog awaiting merit review already stood at sixty or seventy men. Huangyou was only a decade ago, yet the ranks had already tripled. Once the rules were lax and the lists short; now the rules are strict and the lists long—how did this come about? The cause was the annual nomination quotas: officials were expected to use every slot whether or not merit justified it. A prefect allowed five nominations who filled none by year's end was thought to have slighted every subordinate. Nominators feared blame if they held back and dared not leave quotas empty, so recommendations multiplied and able, honest men were drowned out among the unworthy. An explicit decree should tell the empire to nominate only when talent warrants it, not to meet a fixed count. The emperor took this advice and promulgated an edict to that effect. Annual nomination rights for capital officials were cut by one third across the central and provincial bureaucracy. For lower-rank posts, three sponsors still sufficed for lawful promotion when a term ended. The aim was to shrink the nominating pool and thereby curb the swelling ranks of capital officials.
16
使
Cai Kang, chief of the Ministry of Personnel's internal selection bureau, argued: "At two years of audiences to clear the backlog, nearly nineteen hundred men are nominated each year; the more nominees, the larger the merit-review queues. Posts now outnumber openings three to one; unless the system is adjusted, filling offices will only grow harder. I propose abolishing the annual nomination privilege of supervising censors, regional commissioners, and higher ranks." The court agreed. Nomination quotas shrank still further thereafter. Custom had required newly appointed grand councillors to name three men they knew, as a test of their judgment. Patronage and personal appeals soon displaced merit, and nominations were not always disinterested. A fourth-year edict required the Secretariat and Privy Council to specify each nominee's strengths and suitable duties, matching the emperor's aim of appointing the right man to the right post.
17
使
Shenzong's accession ended the Two Departments' entry nomination custom. Recommendation had long governed both promotion of local appointees and advancement of capital officials, each under its own rules. The Xining reforms refined the scheme: every nomination carried a quota, categories were staggered across the year, and the code grew elaborate. Sixteen-circuit judicial intendants received fixed annual quotas for capital officials and county magistrates. Imperial inspection commissioners were likewise empowered to nominate. Local appointees posted to the capital had once been barred from nominating; now a bureau with six such subordinates could put forward three names a year. Seeing that nominations were too often bought by favor, the emperor scrapped open recommendation and imposed uniform promotion tables. Every nomination statute, central and local, was repealed and the Ministry of Personnel with the Review Board told to draft new selection rules.
18
Early Yuanyou: remonstrator Wang Yansou complained that fixed tables showed service records but not ability, and the whole bureaucracy felt the loss. Officials therefore invented a workaround to advance men they already trusted—the so-called 'stepping pursuit and petitioned appointment' procedure. 'Stepping pursuit' was recommendation in all but name—and a graceless name for identifying able men. How can sound governance deny a responsible officer the right to name people he knows?" The central and provincial nomination laws were restored.
19
Once Sima Guang took office as chief councillor, he submitted a memorial:
20
退 使
Good government rests on appointing the right people. Talents differ: even the sages Gao Yao, Kui, Ji, and Qi each mastered a single charge—no one should be expected to excel at everything. Confucius ranked disciples in four kinds of excellence; the Han drew talent through many channels. Fixate on faults and the throne will find no one fit to serve; Match the man to the task and no worthy need be wasted. As chancellor I must choose officials, yet I cannot know every capable man—especially the modest, the obscure, the poor, and the withdrawn. Rely only on my own circle and I invite charges of favoritism; follow seniority alone and many will lack real ability. Let senior officers each nominate men they know; only then can selection be truly fair and no talent left undiscovered.
21
便 祿殿
I ask the throne to create ten nomination categories. First: men of upright character fit to be moral exemplars, (Incumbent and private citizens alike may be nominated.) Second: men of firm integrity fit for remonstrance and memorial duties, (Incumbent officials only.) Third: men of outstanding wisdom and courage fit for military command, (Incumbent civil and military officials.) Fourth: fair and discerning men fit for circuit supervision, (Nominees must rank at prefect or higher.) Fifth: classical scholars fit to lecture at court, (Incumbent and private citizens alike.) Sixth: broadly learned men fit to serve as advisers, (Same as above.) Seventh: accomplished writers fit for literary and historical work, (Same as above.) Eighth: magistrates who hear cases impartially and establish the facts, (Incumbent officials only.) Ninth: fiscal administrators who serve both the state and the people, (Incumbent officials only.) Tenth: legal experts able to adjudicate petitions and disputed cases. (Same as above.) Every year, active officials from ministers through drafting and remonstrance posts, stipendiary ranks from Grand Preceptor down to Grandee of the Palace, and honorary titles from Grand Academician down to Attendant Drafting must each nominate three men across the ten categories, file sworn guarantees, and have the names recorded at the Secretariat. When talent is needed, the chief ministers would consult the register, note each man's nominated category, try him on the task at hand, and enter any success back into the record. Vacancies at court or in the provinces would be filled from men who had proved themselves, matched to the appropriate category. Patents of appointment would list the sponsors; if the appointee failed in office, the nominators would answer for a wrongful recommendation. The point was to make every sponsor careful and every nominee genuinely able.
22
使
Guang added: "Only eight or nine men govern the realm; apart from personal ties, how can they know who is fit? That invites nepotism and narrows the field far too much to tap the empire's full talent. Rumors of praise and blame are endlessly unreliable. Better sworn, accountable nomination than idle gossip. Hence the ten categories—including 'fair and discerning men fit for circuit supervision.' Favoritism will occur; but if sponsors face punishment when nominees fail, they will not nominate lightly." The throne approved the entire proposal.
23
殿
In the second year, remonstrator Lu Tao argued that prefects govern vast territories and countless lives, yet promotion rested on seniority: two terms as deputy prefect plus three sponsors usually secured the office. Three or four prefectures in ten were thus ill served, and half the realm's people suffered under unfit magistrates. Let senior officials at court and in the provinces each year name three men fit for prefect, weighing merit over mere rank, so that able governors might be found." An edict followed: Attendant Drafting and Grandee of the Palace and above, at court and in the provinces, would each year nominate one man with two terms as deputy prefect fit for a prefecture, recorded at the Ministry of Personnel. When the Three Frontier Circuits or four-county prefectures lacked a magistrate, the post would first go to a man of qualifying rank, then to registered nominees.
24
Soon remonstrator Han Chuan objected: under the new rule, even men with top fiscal ratings were passed over without a sponsor—nomination had become the gate to trust. Yet such grandees mostly lived in the capital, and those who lobbied and cultivated patrons won the nominations. Remote officials with long, distinguished prefectural service and top evaluations, lacking a patron, were ranked below deputy prefect and shut out of the frontier circuits and major prefectures. Classifying prefectures as light or heavy by county count was also inadequate. Workload, not county count, determines difficulty: some many-county posts are quiet, some single-county posts demanding. Let actual performance ratings govern assignment by universal rule, not the number of counties." The Ministry of Personnel was ordered to draft legislation and report back. In time the annual lists piled up until the Ministry had no posts to award. In the fourth year the annual nomination rule for grandees and above was abolished; nominations thereafter required an explicit imperial order.
25
In Shaosheng's first year, Right Department Remonstrator Zhu Bo reported that newly appointed candidates, however able, could not by law be nominated for capital rank. Men with pull, he said, would exhaust quotas for staff and county magistrate nominations, then pursue additional slots for rank-change nominations. An edict ordered that only after three full terms of service and attainment of staff or recorder rank might sponsors nominate a man for promotion to capital status.
26
便
Earlier, Shenzong had abolished most nomination routes, yet the system for appointing censorial investigators survived. In the second year of Xining, Wang Anshi argued that censorial nomination rules were so tight that worthy men rarely emerged. The emperor asked: "Do the chief ministers truly dread capable censors?" The Secretariat then submitted the full text of the old regulations. Wang Anshi explained: "Under the old rules, anyone the chief ministers sponsored was barred from the censorate. Ministers would nominate men they feared, then silence them—such was the law's flaw." The emperor abolished the old rules and entrusted nominations solely to the vice censor-in-chief, with modestly eased qualifications. Zhao Bian objected that appointing capital officials fell short of proper form, and leaving out the miscellaneous-affairs censor to rely on the vice censor-in-chief alone broke precedent. The emperor replied: "Tang appointed the commoner Ma Zhou—why shouldn't capital officials serve? The miscellaneous-affairs post is subordinate; authority should rest with the chief." Attending censor Liu Shu countered that under the old system nominees had to hold capital court rank and deputy-prefect seniority. Academicians, bureau vice commissioners, and the miscellaneous-affairs censor rotated nominations; for each vacancy two names went up and one was chosen. Concentrating power in the vice censor-in-chief, he warned, invited favoritism and sacrificed public justice to private partiality; or allowed powerful ministers to plant allies who usurped the throne's authority—a grave abuse. The emperor refused to listen. After the reform, editorial assistants Cheng Hao, Wang Zishao, and Xie Jingfu of the Regulatory Commission, nominated by Vice Censor-in-Chief Lu Gongzhu, were appointed acting investigating censors as provisional vice directors of the crown prince's household.
27
殿
When Empress Dowager Xuanren regained authority, Fan Chunren was made Remonstrance Grandee, Tang Shuwen and Su Zhe department remonstrators, and Zhu Guangting and Fan Zuyu correcting remonstrators. Zhang Dun objected: "By precedent remonstrators were drawn from recommendations among attendant ministers before chief ministers memorialized; were these appointments made through court favorites?" The empress dowager answered that the grand ministers themselves had proposed the appointments, not her inner circle. Zhang Dun pressed on: "Censors and remonstrators exist to check ministers who overstep the law. Precedent required that when a chief minister took office, any relative or former protégé serving in the censorate be transferred away to prevent the blocking of scrutiny. With the emperor still a child and the grand empress dowager sharing rule, such precedent must stand." Lu Gongzhu therefore stepped back from Fan Zuyu, while Han Zong and Sima Guang recused themselves over Fan Chunren. Guang argued: "Chunren and Zuyu belong in remonstrance posts; I should step aside rather than block able men because they are kin." Zhang Dun replied: "You three may be impartial, but a future schemer in power could cite this case to pack the censorate and deafen the throne—hardly a blessing for the realm. Fan Chunren and Fan Zuyu offered to take other posts and urged that attendant ministers and above retain the right to nominate remonstrators." An edict followed: ministers, vice ministers, draft-receivers, remonstrance grandees, the vice censor-in-chief, and attendants would each nominate two remonstrators; Fan Chunren became Attendant of the Hall of Heavenly Writings and Fan Zuyu an editorial assistant. Later, department remonstrators, correcting remonstrators, palace censors, and investigating censors were all required to meet capital court and deputy-prefect seniority.
28
殿
In Yuanyou's sixth year, Vice Censor-in-Chief Zheng Yong noted that traditionally censorial vacancies were filled by self-nomination within the bureau, to keep titles honest and duties fulfilled. Under the new system, he argued, the vice censor-in-chief shared nomination with the two departments—but provincial secretariat staff who sat in on central policy should not nominate themselves, which was neither precedent nor free of conflict. He asked that nominations be confined to the censorate itself, with dismissal statutes for any hint of favoritism. An edict assigned the vice censor-in-chief two palace censor nominations, the Hanlin academician and Secretariat drafter two investigating censors each, and the Draft Receiving Office two as well. Zheng Yong added that censorial posts demanded undivided responsibility. Too many outside nominations, he warned, betrayed the purpose of the censorate. The throne then ordered the vice censor-in-chief to nominate two additional investigating censors. In the eighth year, attending censor Yang Wei argued that censors were the sovereign's eyes and ears. Chief ministers must not control their appointment, he said—yet provincial secretariat staff were doing exactly that. The earlier order was withdrawn.
29
使西
Military nominations followed set forms: some listed specific posts; others cited general martial merit for roster placement; higher categories included men "of strategy and courage fit to command troops" or "skilled in warfare fit for frontier trust." Frontier-critical posts were assigned through the Bureau of Military Affairs; other appointments went through the Western Bureau for Reviewing Officials and the Three Classes Bureau by roster. Later reforms came and went, but the balance of nomination emphasis and the bureaus handling appointments largely followed this framework.
30
使使
After Jianyan's wars began, attendant ministers, circuit supervisors, and prefects were sent to seek extraordinary talent inside and outside the court—men languishing as commoners or low officials—and local governments were to escort nominees to the mobile court. The throne also invited self-nomination at the Gate for men of "loyalty and breadth fit for distant service" or "wisdom and courage fit to command armies," regardless of rank; the able were assessed and enrolled by the Imperial Camp Bureau. Other orders directed lower officials to nominate capable men inside and outside government, including commoners and recluses, for elevation as chief advisors to the state; attendants were to propose censorial and remonstrance candidates, county magistrates, or members of the imperial clan; regional inspectors, men of loyalty able to recover lost lands and defend the dynasty; commanders and local magistrates, civil and military officers under their jurisdiction with strategy or proven martial skill; and to seek descendants of founding ministers and of families who had died loyal since the Restoration. In the fourth year, with many court ranks unfilled, an edict required censorial remonstrators and section chiefs and above to nominate two men each, with chief ministers sharing in selection. Exiled attendants abroad without serious faults but proven in office and learning were also eligible for recall and promotion.
31
使 使
In Shaoxing's second year a court minister observed that even amid celebrated generals, humble ranks still hid extraordinary men. He urged wider nomination and consultation on plans to recover the north. The emperor agreed. Observation commissioners and above were ordered to nominate two potential generals each for the Bureau of Military Affairs to register. Because long separation from the Central Plains had left many exiled scholar-officials in the southeast without patrons and stalled in rank, attendants were told to search them out and report. In the third year Sima Guang's ten nomination categories were restored; five envoys were sent through the circuits to seek officials of clean integrity fit to model conduct for magistrates and people. Their nominees were recorded to await end of term, then summoned for audience and promotion, to reward capable magistrates. The old succession rule returned: within three days of taking office an attendant must nominate a successor; the Secretariat and Chancellery kept a register and advanced the most strongly backed name when posts fell vacant. Military officials, like civil ones, were to nominate one capable successor each.
32
使
In the fifth year investigating censors through attendants were told to nominate men with distinguished county records for circuit supervisor and prefect posts, without quota, to fill vacancies as they arose; Up to twenty nominees fit for large counties, seniority notwithstanding. In the tenth year, with talent concentrated in the two Zhe circuits after the crossing but subordinate nomination quotas tight, circuit envoys were granted five rank-change nominations per year. In the fourteenth year prefects completing their terms were required each to nominate one county magistrate from their circuit.
33
便 殿
In the twenty-second year Right Remonstrance Grandee Lin Dacheng recalled that early in the dynasty every attending official could nominate freely, without jurisdictional limits or quotas. After the crossing, special favors had let some advance by army service, others by capturing bandits, others by imperial audience. Now that peace had returned and offices were guarded jealously, only the nomination track rewarded the greedy and restless while quiet merit languished. He proposed scaling quotas to length of service: one fewer nomination per extra term served, four sponsors after ten evaluations, three after twelve, two after fifteen. Reduced quotas would require actual county service, not sinecure shrine posts. Offenses that deferred selection would still incur the usual penalties. Men meeting this standard would be blameless veterans—poor, seasoned scholars content with modest advancement. He asked that agencies draft regulations to curb the scramble for office. In the twenty-fifth year attendants were ordered to nominate distinguished prefects and deputy prefects for circuit supervisor vacancies; sponsors would vouch for nominees for life and share punishment if they proved corrupt or incompetent.
34
使使 便
In the twenty-ninth year Wen Renzi proposed that officials with ten or more evaluations and clean records might advance a grade even without enough nomination dossiers. If that seemed too loose, he suggested caps based on the Ministry's yearly promotion averages, weighing nominations and seniority together. The proposal was referred to Hong Zun, Wang Xiliang, and others, who objected: "Our nomination law demands six evaluations to delay advancement until merit is proved, and five sponsors to multiply accountability. Wen Renzi's plan, they warned, would let the connected grab the next vacancy and the mediocre coast to capital rank after a decade in office. That was their first objection. Easing quotas for men without dossiers would slight those who earned nominations through merit. That was their second objection. Easier capital rank would cascade to bureau posts and widen hereditary privilege—hardly a cure for the glut of officials. That was their third objection. Ancestral laws without grave harm should not be lightly revised; yet this would overturn two centuries of settled practice overnight. That was their fourth objection. They recommended leaving the law unchanged." Wen Renzi's proposal was dropped.
35
滿 簿退
In the thirtieth year, amid heavy military nominations, unified commanders recommended by chief ministers gained one rank; recommendations for officers below commander rank were registered by the two administrations. Right Correcting Remonstrator He Pu complained that though attendants nominally recommended county magistrates, able candidates were barred from large counties and merely listed by name. Talent should not be bound by rank—why distinguish large and small counties for able magistrates? Nominations were for ability, not title. Appoint nominees regardless of county difficulty, review annually, and within ten years the realm would abound in worthy magistrates. An edict ordered that nominated prefects and magistrates fill vacancies in order as they arose; Those already assigned would await imperial instruction at term's end. The emperor told his ministers: "I keep a book of talent; when any of you recommend someone, I note the name afterward. When I need to appoint someone, I look him up—and every choice proves apt."
36
使使 使使
Xiaozong ordered officials at court and in the provinces to nominate men fit for circuit and prefectural posts from among serving, idle, and waiting appointees. Nominees were ranked by seniority into two lists—ready now and ready later—registered at the Three Departments, and charted for promotion decisions. Because military talent was still underused, five nomination categories were created—grand strategist, balanced commander, battlefield champion, trusted frontier defender, and weapons specialist—and every observation commissioner or higher who had earned military merit was to put forward three names in each. Five civil categories—ritual expert, seasoned administrator, fiscal manager, model of integrity, and diplomatic spokesman—were assigned to observation commissioners and higher without military-merit backgrounds. Sponsors had to cite concrete achievements by category and were forbidden to invent encomiums.
37
仿 西
In Longxing 2 a court official argued that the dynasty treated civil and military service as one career path: martial men with literary skill could transfer to civil rank, and civil men with strategic talent could take military-right posts on the frontier. Civil and military careers were temperamentally opposed. A civil officer commanding troops without taking a military commission would find his habits clash with theirs and meet men who refused to obey. With war still unsettled and recovery urgent, he urged a broad search for men of talent and strategic skill fit to command borders and armies, reinstating the old exchange appointments. The court agreed. After Qiandao the court also sought sons of great commanders who inherited martial prowess, military-examination graduates, and men of unmatched fighting skill for staff and field commands. A court official then said: "The empire fields nearly a million troops from the Huai coast to Sichuan. Able commanders sit not among the senior ranks but among the junior ones, and the court neither stirs their ambition nor showcases their ability. Civil officials with three sponsors won seniority promotion and reappointment; with five they changed rank—yet military men had no equivalent. An old saying held: 'When heaven's signs go awry, raise a scholar to chancellor; when barbarians rebel, pluck a soldier to be general.' Army commanders equivalent to circuit commissioners should each year nominate two military men, and those equivalent to prefects one. Men combining wisdom and courage ranked first; those who comforted troops well or showed courage alone ranked next. Rank would not matter—from general to private—and the worthy would be generously promoted. If a nominee failed in battle, his sponsor would share the penalty, as with a civil official convicted of embezzlement. The emperor approved and codified the proposal.
38
In the third year Zhao Xiong, Minister of Rites, asked attendants, remonstrators, and the Two Departments to nominate prefects from magistrate rank upward and circuit commissioners from deputy-prefect rank upward, reviving Han-style open recommendation subject to Three Department review. The throne agreed: five mixed nominations yearly at court and in the provinces, with five or more guarantors signing jointly. The emperor said: "Nomination should find talent, yet I fear it also feeds lobbying and the scramble for office. Gong Maoliang replied: "Even the Three Dynasties' best institutions had flaws. If we want worthy circuit commissioners and prefects, how else can we learn of them without nomination? The emperor answered: "Under mixed nomination, consensus and Secretariat review precede appointment—that is still broad search and careful choice."
39
Personnel proposed that military-examination and specially nominated martial appointees serving as patrol, garrison, custodial, and fort officers, after six evaluations and four sponsors including one circuit commissioner, might advance under the civil promotion rules to posts governing the people. Primary and secondary commanders with two terms and two sponsors, one a circuit commissioner, would likewise advance. Promotion to secondary commander equaled a civil officer's first deputy-prefect appointment; a second step to primary commander equaled a second deputy-prefect term; advancement to route deputy commander equaled a first prefect appointment; and small-prefecture military controller equaled a second prefect term. Xiaozong, finding capital nominations excessive, cut recommendation quotas by one third for ministry heads and deputies, Right Section revenue clerks, and similar posts; Rites and Education heads and deputies were halved again beyond that; former chief ministers lost two slots each year; and transport, judicial, fiscal, tea-and-horse, coinage, pacification, and readiness commissioners plus every route's prefectures and armies by one fourth. The rolls of registered officials grew leaner.
40
Under Guangzong critics said nominations had grown so numerous that the court distrusted them, good men were lost among opportunists, and rules were needed. Military governors and circuit commissioners were forbidden to nominate alone. Nomination often found talent, yet men without clean reputations were praised as incorrupt, strangers as intimates, and illiterates as writers. Officials were told to nominate when worthy men existed and leave quotas blank otherwise; egregious false nominations would be investigated.
41
滿
Jiatai 2 required documented achievements in every nomination, curbing reckless sponsorship somewhat. Jiading 12 ordered circuit commissioners and prefects to nominate successors known through ten categories of governing merit, filing open memorials for registry and review. At term's end, men with many nominations and proven records were promoted.
42
沿
Early in the dynasty local chiefs could directly commission subordinates for minor posts. The Xining reforms ended the practice and returned appointments to the Selection Board. Important posts—frontier officers, river anti-bandit duty, heavy-tax stations—soon regained special nomination laws, so direct commissioning never fully disappeared. Outside normal rules, schemers often abused the privilege for private gain. From Yuanyou onward the system was toggled on and off repeatedly. With an impartial mind, appointing known men could be an excellent method; but favoritism brought patronage, bribery, and wasted talent. Was it not better to leave all to the Selection Board under uniform public law?
43
使 使 使 西 使 簿
Early in Jianyan, Hebei pacification, Hedong readiness, and pacification commissioners were empowered to commission staff and aides; the mobile court's Five Armies and imperial-camp commanders did likewise. With prefectures shattered and officials scattered, agencies filled vacancies by letting men take office first and receive credentials later. Prefects and commanders then swapped staff under war exigency, even appointing unrehabilitated convicts and selectees who had never reported to Personnel. Alarmed, the court ordered a cleanup: men must return to the board for regular assignment. Only Shaanxi's five routes and the Two He, Two Huai, and Jingdong readiness and pacification staffs kept commissioning rights; other routes lost them. In the fourth year regional pacification commissioners were created with authority to commission county and prefectural officials in their jurisdictions. Critics said distant peoples deserved proper governance and care. In Xia Prefecture's four counties, magistrates drawn from soldiers or clerks and tax supervisors from gate attendants had harmed the people. Vacancies in Xia, Jiangling, Jingmen, and Gong'an were therefore referred to the pacification commission for nomination. The Censorate was again allowed to appoint registrars and above as recorders and reviewing judges regardless of seniority.
44
使 祿 祿 退
Shaoxing 2 brought complaints that governors and commissioners commissioned staff who seized board assignments the court could not revoke, often as supernumeraries without duties. From commissioners to clerks, a prefecture might hold eight or nine military officers and a revenue station six or seven custodians—several times former levels. Idle posts on heavy salaries burdened the people. Cut the posts, they urged, or pay them from temple stipends instead. Henceforth commissioned men with processed credentials could not block the next assignment by clinging to old posts. In the sixth year pacification staffs could commission their own aides; capital officials served two-year terms, with extensions requiring imperial approval. Some wartime commissions had lasted ten years; the rule addressed that abuse. In the twenty-sixth year assigned magistrates and chiefs could no longer commission subordinates.
45
At Xiaozong's accession, special-law commissioning continued where statutes allowed. Qiandao 9 barred circuit commissioners and military governors from creating new commissions without statute; commissions could not seize filled posts, on pain of censorial investigation. Chunxi 3 required extreme-frontier magistrate and chief vacancies to be filled by the home prefect's nomination, not provisional acting appointments; capable acting officials beloved by the people could be specially commissioned regardless of formal barriers. Chunxi 7 barred commissioning for men who had not passed the board, served a term, or completed initial rank change—codified as law.
46
西滿 滿 滿滿
Lizong's Baqing 2 required Guangnan East and West deputy prefects, staff, and instructors—never commissionable by law—to have vacancies listed before incumbents' terms ended. Without a successor, Personnel would post the vacancy; after three months unfilled, the route would be notified. Capital-rank posts below deputy prefect were filled by agency nomination. Selectee posts followed transport-commission assignment. Magistrates with less than three years and deputies with less than two evaluations could not seek early commissioning elsewhere. Agency staff could not commission independently; if a chief post stayed empty, a deputy might act temporarily but needed court approval to commission. Chunyou 11, enforcing selection law strictly, forbade commissioners and prefects from commissioning relatives. Selectees lacking evaluations or three sponsors, and grain-purchase appointees even with evaluations and sponsors, could not be commissioned as magistrates. Baoyou 3 warned that illegal commissioning by circuit commissioners and commanders would demote both sponsor and appointee.
47
滿 簿
Performance Evaluation. Early Song followed the old rule: civil and military attendants advanced when monthly duty evaluations were complete. Taizu called time-served promotion false measure and abolished it. He created the Court of Evaluating Officials to assess performance at court and in the provinces. Capital officials faced imperial merit review at term's end; without achievement they did not rise. Later statutes required five years for civil officials and seven for military men, free of embezzlement, before promotion. After embezzlement, civil officials waited seven years and military ten, pending Secretariat and Privy Council approval. Seven-rank selectees advanced by evaluation and seniority when blameless or meritorious—called seniority promotion. Evaluation counted one year per mark for internal and external selectees; incomplete years did not count. Before completing three evaluations and rotation, a fourth year counted as a fourth mark; prior marks could not be reused. The first rule rewarded prefects and magistrates with superior marks for a ten-percent household increase and demoted them one grade for a ten-percent decline. Jianlong 3 added that tax shortfalls over ten percent or statutory neglect in office lowered evaluations like population loss. Personnel's Southern Section, citing Zhou precedent, proposed recording household and tax gains at handover: below one thousand households, every hundred gained shortened promotion by one cycle; three cycles or more earned the magistrate ceremonial robes and the recorder a rank step. Officials who brought back runaway or displaced households received the same rewards.
48
殿殿
That year counties first appointed police captains and issued bandit-capture regulations with three twenty-day deadlines. Captures within those limits earned graded rewards for magistrate and captain alike. Failure after all three deadlines cost the captain one month's pay and the magistrate half as much. Three demerits for a captain or four for a magistrate each meant one inferior performance mark; three such marks suspended an official from duty. Magistrates and captains who fought bandits and took every fugitive were awarded crimson robes and promotion. In Qiande 4, an edict promised one shortened promotion cycle and a rank step to magistrates and assistants who rallied the people, spurred farming, and raised registered households and tax yields above prior quotas.
49
簿滿殿 殿 便 滿使 使
Taizong threw himself into reform, sending inspectors through every prefecture and county to audit local officials. Gao Pi, legal aide in the Henan prefectural office, and others were dismissed for failing their duties. Another edict required circuit envoys to inspect local officials and rank them in three grades: outstanding governance at the top, adequate performance in the middle, and slack or worthless administration at the bottom. Findings were reported at the end of each year. Earlier, prefectural staff and county magistrates, registrars, and captains all received sealed performance forms from the Ministry of Revenue's southern bureau. Prefectural and county chiefs recorded merit and misconduct, and at term's end the files went to the authorities for superior-or-inferior ratings. An edict directed the responsible agencies to clarify the rules and end the separate credentials some prefectures had issued independently. Dong Chun, chief of the Ministry of Personnel's southern section, reported: "Offices often leave gaps when annotating performance records. One omitted entry costs a magistrate one inferior mark; three omissions cost a rank step." Thereafter functional officials received southern-section booklets like county officers, while prefects, deputy prefects, and capital officials serving in the provinces received imperial seal papers on which to record performance. Jiang Yuanzhen was then prefect of Baizhou, where his plain, honest rule made life noticeably easier for the people. When his term ended, locals repeatedly petitioned the provincial envoys to keep him; eighteen years passed before he was finally replaced. Yao Yigong, an honest and capable man, governed Xucheng in Yan Prefecture without resorting to the lash, and the county prospered under him. Early in Chunhua, investigation envoys reported both cases to the throne. Imperial commendations followed: Jiang Yuanzhen received thirty bolts of silk and fifty shi of grain; Yao Yigong received matching robes, a silver belt, and fifty bolts of silk.
50
In the fourth year, separate merit-review offices were established for the first time. The Bureau for Examination of Officials took capital officials; the Performance Assessment Institute took staff and local officials; the Assignment Bureau was abolished and folded into the examination bureau. An edict declared that when a county or prefecture showed exceptional governance—officials and people in awe, honest administration, sharp handling of affairs, falling lawsuits, full granaries, suppressed banditry, and a clean jurisdiction—the circuit transport commissioner should report the names by express relay so the official could come to court, answer in person, and receive honors. Greedy or worthless officials who let lawsuits drag on, violated regulations, or presided over rising crime and disorder were likewise to be reported and punished with demotion or dismissal."
51
調 殿 使
Hanlin academician Qian Ruoshui and privy council direct academician Liu Changyan were made co-directors of the Bureau for Examination of Officials to weigh merit and fault and determine promotions and demotions. Su Yijian, Hanlin academician and chief of the Flow Within Selection Board, and drafting specialist Wang Dan and others were also put in charge of the Performance Assessment Institute, underscoring the post's importance. The Flow Within Selection Board handled routine candidate appointments. The Performance Assessment Institute handled memorial nominees and officials with markedly superior or inferior records. The next year the emperor personally chose more than thirty capital officials and wrote admonitions on their seal papers: "Merit may be recorded only by diligent governance, care for the people, upholding the law, and rooting out wrongdoing." He also told Qian Ruoshui, "Officials may misunderstand the phrase 'uphold law and eliminate wrongdoers' and cause trouble. Tell them: 'The key to eliminating wrongdoing is upholding the law.' At the start of Zhidao, the Performance Assessment Institute was abolished and merged into the Flow Within Selection Board." In the second year, inspection envoys reviewed circuit chiefs. Eight were found fair in office and genuinely benevolent toward the people, and each received an imperial letter of praise.
52
殿
When Zhenzong ascended the throne, he ordered the Bureau for Examination of Officials to rate capital officials and promote them through imperial audience and merit review. Imperial audience and merit review for capital officials began at this point. Previously, grace celebrations often brought automatic sequential promotion to the whole bureaucracy. The emperor ended that practice, allowing merit honors, rank steps, titles, and fiefs only through the suburban sacrifice grace. Noting which officials enjoyed public renown, the emperor selected twenty-four men, including Bian Su of the Ministry of Justice, for a second audience to judge speech, bearing, and literary skill; all were promoted preferentially. Early in Jingde, each circuit was ordered to classify its officials in three grades: top for the public-spirited, diligent, honest, capable, and genuinely helpful to the people; middle for the competent but not notably honest, or honest but not notably effective; bottom for the timid, greedy, and base.
53
使 鹿
Renzong was especially sympathetic to lower officials. Because candidates with private offenses had not yet passed merit review, he told close advisers: "Do not treat missed gate ceremonies or impropriety at imperial audience as punishable offenses." He also said, "Prefectural and county posts rank low, yet superiors often seize on petty matters and stretch the law to block advancement; this grieves me deeply." Chief councilor Wang Zeng replied, "If Your Majesty weighs each case at audience and promotes deserving men even modestly, no capable official need remain stuck in the ranks." Later among the candidates was Wang Deshuo, captain of Shulu County. He had few faults, the strongest written evaluations, and no sponsors at all. Seeing that he was orphaned and poor, the emperor specially promoted him to aide in the Court of the Grand Judicatory. During Tiansheng, an edict declared that civil and military officials could not advance out of cycle without merit, virtue, or a record of good conduct; those dismissed abruptly could not use rank transfer with attached titles as precedent. For officials of the two departments and above, the old rule of promotion every four years was replaced by submission of full records for imperial decision. Capital officials due for merit review who had private offenses or past misconduct were to be reported with the severity of the case, their record of achievement, and the number of sponsors, then await imperial decision; those without private offenses who had top evaluations and sponsors were promoted in regular order. Officials who volunteered to manage material affairs in the capital were reviewed every five years, without restriction by nomination or selection rules. Good governance and exceptional achievement brought promotion scaled to the deed; candidates followed the same rule. It was also decreed that warehouse supervisors moving into posts dealing directly with the people advanced next to deputy prefect, and deputy prefects to prefect, only with sponsors. Without enough sponsors, no one could be promoted across grades.
54
In Qingli 3, on the memorial of chief minister Fan Zhongyan and others, merit review required five sponsors of clear reputation before any official from court rank up to director or vice minister could be promoted. Later Liu Yuanyu, head of the Remonstrance Institute, argued that the rule only fed scrambling for office and did nothing for integrity; it was abolished.
55
In the eighth year, close ministers were ordered to discuss current affairs. Hanlin academician Zhang Fangping said, "Under the founding emperors, civil and military officials had no fixed merit-review years and no fixed promotion sequence. Men of real ability rose quickly from low posts; men without it might hold one office for more than ten years without moving. Warehouse supervisors, magistrates, deputy prefects, and prefects alike might serve several terms without promotion. Everyone pushed himself then; without real achievement, no one expected advancement. After Xiangfu the court grew lenient: warehouse supervisor to magistrate, magistrate to deputy prefect, deputy prefect to prefect—each after two terms; three years in office routinely earned merit review. When the previous reign first instituted this, no harm was yet visible. Over time it became routine; everyone treated promotion as an entitlement, worthy or not, and no one knew what to strive for. I ask Your Majesty to reform the system so that merit review and promotion require real achievement; or, when an imperial selection names guarantors, grant promotion at once; if there is no achievement and no guarantors, extend the interval further. Guarantors must be men of clear reputation and real judgment, charged with recommending officials. Then ministers would recommend men of clear reputation, and those men would recommend officials who govern the people. Fill each vacancy only with as many nominees as posts require, and the court will show that it urgently seeks talent and cares for the people."
56
In Jiayou 6 an edict declared, "In well-governed ages of old, local officials often lived up to their titles and the people were secure in their work. Today the paths to talent are broad and the standards detailed, yet officials often fail in duty and fall short of what governing the people requires. Is talent truly so scarce, or has the age changed so much? Surely it is because men cannot long remain in office. Capable men may wish to benefit the people, remove harm, suppress wrong, and encourage good, but without time they do nothing; and with no time, they cannot finish what they begin. Henceforth, magistrates and prefects who governed cleanly, achieved outstanding results, and genuinely benefited the people could serve a second term when the circuit or prefecture jointly guaranteed them, reported their record, and the Secretariat and Chancellery verified the facts."
57
殿使
In Zhiping 3, under Yingzong, the Performance Assessment Institute reported that Li Tian, prefect of Cizhou, had received two consecutive inferior evaluations. He was demoted to supervisor of the Zibo salt and wine tax office. Demotion for inferior evaluations began with Li Tian. Performance records: formerly, in setting superior-and-inferior rating rules, transport commissioners down to prefects all fell under the Performance Assessment Institute, which relied solely on grades assigned by circuit supervisors; when circuit supervisors themselves were assessed, their judgment of subordinates' ability was combined with investigation of conduct and talent into one evaluation—and all were marked middle, with no high or low distinction.
58
簿 殿退
When Shenzong ascended the throne, every post had an evaluation, and every evaluation had to rest on fact. Circuit supervisors who submitted magistrate evaluations without assigning grades faced extended years and reduced rank steps; those with outstanding records received rank increases, gold and silk, and imperial letters of praise. For circuit supervisors and above, the vice censor-in-chief and attendant censors conducted the review. A magistrate's top marks came from fair adjudication, undisturbed tax collection, equitable corvée and suppressed banditry, encouragement of farming and sericulture, relief for the hungry and poor, waterworks repair, growth in household registers, and orderly account books; pure, careful, fair, and diligent conduct counted as good; and conduct in office fixed upper, middle, and lower grades. Officials of especially exceptional ability or failure were placed in separate superior and inferior grades; each year their cases went up for reward or punishment by edict. Those in the separate superior or inferior grades faced especially sharp rewards or punishments. Soon afterward, circuit chiefs without markedly good or bad records no longer needed separate superior or inferior grades; only upper, middle, and lower distinctions were reported. At that time every civil and military office, inside and outside the capital, was assessed through its supervising agency, and the Secretariat kept registers of all results. At year's end, when appointments or dismissals were made, the registers were checked and the most extreme cases chosen for promotion or removal.
59
使 使 殿簿滿
In Xining 5 the Performance Assessment Institute was abolished. Inspectors were sent out from time to time to report official evaluations in the prefectures and counties they reached. Prefects and deputy prefects reported to the Secretariat; magistrates to the Ministry of Revenue; each entry was registered for cross-checking. Only court attendants sent out to govern prefectures were exempt from the evaluation law; the court judged their governance directly. In the first year of Yuanfeng, an edict divided rewards for meritorious achievement into five grades, and responsible offices advanced recipients according to grade. First grade: capital officials and palace commissioners of all ranks advanced one full rank; deep-seniority candidates became capital officials, shallow-seniority ones advanced two rank steps. Second grade: rank steps increased or merit-review years reduced according to office. Only military achievement and bandit capture could move a reward to the next grade. For capital officials from the third grade down, rewards diminished by degree. If one man earned two rewards, the grades could be combined for promotion. In the third year, an edict declared that Censorate inspectors in the six sections would be rated superior or inferior by how many offices they impeached for delay, violation, and dereliction; the Secretariat would keep a register updated in timely fashion, and at term's end imperial decision would govern promotion or dismissal.
60
殿 仿 仿
Early in Yuanyou, Vice Censor-in-Chief Liu Zhe said, "Lately the court has stressed matching names to reality and pursued comprehensive verification; below, officials have answered with harshness; When the court emphasized moral instruction and broad magnanimity, subordinates answered with careless slackness. Several circuit commissioners had recently been prosecuted for nothing more than extortion that harmed the people; but the obtuse overcorrected and sought to treat lax indulgence as genuine calm. He asked that circuit performance review be formally instituted, ranking officials by regular tax receipts gained or lost, the diligence of prefectures and counties, the correctness of criminal adjudication, and the people's welfare, then using those rankings at year's end for promotion and punishment. Wen Yanbo also submitted a memorial: "The Tang Six Codes prescribe examining candidates awaiting appointment under three headings—virtue, capability, and meritorious service—to distinguish the able from the unable. Today's selection rules are many, but a recommender or military merit still rank highest. Yet recommenders can be bought and martial credit can be fabricated—how can such credentials alone be trusted? He proposed that officials rank candidates under the three headings, send the results to the Secretariat and Chancellery for review, summon those who qualified for audience with the emperor, and decide who stayed or went. The throne ordered senior courtiers to debate the matter; they recommended applying the Yuanfeng assessment statutes to rank officials for promotion and removal, capped at five per year. Later the dynasty established county magistrate assessments with the categories "Four Virtues" and "Five Supreme Achievements," revised circuit and transport assessment standards, and applied a five-tier system for reducing years of seniority review to prefects and magistrates. Early in Yuanyou, performance reviews had been instituted for bureau directors in the Ministries of Personnel, Revenue, and Justice. During Chongning, petitioners asked to imitate Zhou practice by having heads of ministries, directorates, commissions, and the Six Bureaus assess their staffs at year's end, verify their accomplishments, and after three years compare diligence and impose rewards or penalties.
61
In the first year of Daguang, an edict declared: "The state has nourished its people for nearly a century and a half. The population kept growing, yet household registers at the Ministry of Revenue never rose; prefectures and counties falsified records of coming-of-age and retirement, making taxes and labor duties uneven—all neglect by prefects and magistrates. The Performance Assessment Law should be enforced strictly. Yet assessment standards shifted with changing priorities, serving to guide and restrain officials. Items such as promoting education, reclaiming land, planting mulberries and jujubes, relief lending, burying the unclaimed dead, developing mines, obeying edicts, sponsoring Daoist clergy, collecting taxes promptly, and prosecuting corrupt officials were added as circumstances required; the underlying statute was never easy to keep fixed. Not every official who applied the rules was conscientious, and many falsified records through bribery and favor.
62
In the second year of Shaoxing, the court first ordered circuit commissioners and prefects to carry out performance assessment. Since prefectures and counties had suffered repeated warfare, the court also created separate prefect and magistrate assessments keyed to whether populations rose, divided into upper, middle, and lower tiers of three ranks each and entered in registers. Prefectural deputies reviewed county magistrates, circuit commissioners reviewed prefects, and the Merit Review Bureau compiled finished reports, compared results, and imposed rewards or penalties. In the fifth year, four assessment categories were established for county magistrates: correcting tax registers, organizing militia, promoting farming and silk production, and encouraging filial piety. After three years, those who met their targets were commended and rewarded; those without positive records were dismissed.
63
A court official submitted: "Effective prefect and magistrate government rests on seven duties: proclaiming edicts, improving local customs, promoting agriculture, settling lawsuits, managing finances, establishing schools, and keeping household registers accurate. Appoint the right man, and all seven will be achieved. Today's circuit commissioners are essentially the regional inspectors of old. Prefects and magistrates had grown corrupt in recent years, yet circuit commissioners rarely investigated them, and lax oversight worsened by the day. Vice Minister of Revenue Zhang Zhiyuan made the same argument. The throne then issued an edict warning circuit commissioners to scrutinize prefects and magistrates and bring formal charges when warranted. Shortly afterward, officials proposed longer terms for Jiang and Huai appointees with assessment of their performance. The emperor said: "When I served as supreme commander, I observed that even with three-year terms, county and prefectural officials spent the first year building authority, the second maintaining discipline, and the third currying favor in anticipation of departure. With terms now cut to two years, officials may wish to govern well but scarcely have time to do so. The proposal may be adopted. At that point circuit commissioners were evaluated yearly on fifteen criteria and county magistrates on the Four Virtues and Four Supreme Achievements; missing deadlines or falsifying records was penalized. Circuit commissioners were also required twice yearly to report to the provincial administration which county magistrates under them showed outstanding governance or were incompetent and negligent.
64
西 殿 使 西 使
In the thirteenth year, prefectures and counties on the Huaidong and Jingxi circuits were ordered to record each term's work on population growth, agricultural promotion, and water projects, with circuit commissioners verifying results at year's end. Prefects faced nine assessment criteria, vice-prefects fourteen, and magistrates and assistants progressively fewer. In the twenty-fifth year, because greedy local officials preyed on the people while circuit commissioners and prefects failed to investigate, circuit commissioners were directed to prosecute indulgent prefects, remonstrance officials to impeach negligent circuit commissioners, and yearly tallies of prosecutions became part of performance ranking. In the twenty-seventh year, Proofreader Chen Junqing argued: "In antiquity men often held one post for life; transferred elsewhere, they might never fully deploy their talents. Today circuit commissioners and military prefects trade smaller posts for larger ones and easier eastern circuits for harder western ones; Court officials likewise count the days until promotion, treating each post like a roadside inn. He asked that officials of proven ability receive rank increases or gold grants, or remain in post until their term ended before transfer. Let them serve long enough for diligence to be judged, then promote or remove them accordingly. Then men could settle into their roles and every task might be properly done. The throne ordered the Three Departments to carry out the proposal.
65
西 使 使
In the first year of Longxing, prefects and magistrates in Hunan and the Northern Route were graded on reclaimed land: up to one thousand mu brought varying reductions in years of seniority review, shortfalls brought extended review or demotion in rank. In the second year, border prefects and magistrates in Huainan, the Sichuan gorges, and Jingxi who best resettled refugees and restored agriculture were to be reported by their circuit commissioners. In the second year of Qiandao, a court official recalled: "At the dynasty's zenith there were separate assessments for capital officials and for staff and local appointees, later handled by the Appointment Review Bureau and Assessment Bureau, with the Secretariat or drafting academicians judging competence and imposing rewards or penalties. He asked that the old practice be restored whereby circuit commissioners and prefects, on taking formal leave at court, each receive a personal imperial ledger. They would list items such as how many talents they recommended, how they handled grain and funds, settled lawsuits, created benefits, or removed harms, giving each official concrete duties to pursue diligently. Each term incumbents would record accomplishments truthfully; on completing their tour they would present the ledger at audience, after which responsible officials would conduct a rigorous review. Officials of recognized merit would receive generous promotions; Those who performed poorly would be punished without mercy. Worthy men would serve diligently, and even middling officials would strive harder to do well. The emperor ordered lecturing officials to study assessment methods from prior reigns, debate them, and put them into practice.
66
沿使
In the second year of Chunxi, responding to a court memorial, each of the seven frontier circuits received one civil pacification commissioner to govern civilians and one military overall commander to manage troops. They divided responsibilities, reported separate achievements, served longer terms, and underwent yearly performance reviews. The first year judged planning, the second results, the third overall accomplishment, with serious deliberation over rewards and penalties. Performance fell into three grades: outstanding governance rated good, greed or incompetence bad, and neither merit nor fault middling. The emperor closely watched promotions and demotions, and no circuit dared defy the system. Deserving officials were promoted, while circuit commissioners and regional governors slow to investigate were promptly demoted. After more than ten years flaws appeared; the emperor told his chief ministers: "Good and bad ratings reflect personal bias too. When most offices rate someone good and one rates bad, the majority should prevail—but choosing circuit commissioners carefully and having remonstrance and censorial officials oversee them would help. Early in Guangzong's reign the order was revoked.
67
仿
Ningzong found provincial inspections too often governed by personal ties, so following older practice he established a separate assessment office in the Censorate that reported each official's actual performance at year's end for promotion or removal. When corrupt or inept officials were impeached by censorial and remonstrance officials, circuit commissioners and prefects who had sheltered them were punished as well.
68
In the third year of Xianchun under Duzong, the court drew on older rules: civil and military officials were judged first on public diligence and integrity; those who also performed their duties well ranked highest, those strong in only one virtue ranked middle, and those lacking reputation for integrity and guilty of poor governance ranked lowest. In essence the Censorate oversaw military commanders and circuit commissioners, circuit commissioners oversaw prefects and their deputies, and prefects and deputies oversaw county staff. Military commissions and major garrison camps fell under commandery-control offices; Where no commandery-control office existed, prefectural commanders and military controllers were overseen by the circuit commandery office. Prefectures on each circuit were apportioned among transport, intendant, and judicial intendant offices according to how many each circuit contained. Prefects and deputies assessed county staff monthly; circuit commissioners convened their prefects and deputies, commandery-control offices convened military offices and garrisons; following older practice they exchanged reports tallying arms, lawsuits, grain funds, official drafts, monopoly revenues, recruitment, and equipment, compiled registers the following month, and submitted them to the Censorate. After six months, results were compared with the prior three years and ranked in three grades: middling officials received no reward or penalty, superior ones might gain promotion or shortened seniority review, inferior ones demotion or extended review, each with its own gradations.
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