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卷一百七十四 志第一百二十七 食貨上二

Volume 174 Treatises 127: Finance and Economics 1b

Chapter 174 of 宋史 · History of Song
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1
Finance and Economics, Part Two Section heading: Square Fields and Land Tax.〉
2
西
The Square Fields system began because Emperor Shenzong was troubled by unequal land taxes. In Xining 5 the law was revised, and the Directorate of Agriculture was ordered to issue the 《Treatises and Formulas on Equal Taxation》 empire-wide. Each field square was one thousand paces on every side, equivalent to 41 qing, 66 mu, and 160 paces. Every ninth month, magistrates and assistants divided and measured the land, classifying plots by terrain and marking soil types by color—red silt, black clay, loam, and the like. Once measurement was finished, soil was graded in five ranks from fertility and color, and tax rates were set accordingly. Work had to be completed by the third month of the next year. Results were posted for public review; if no disputes arose within one season, household registers linked to village rolls were issued as official land certificates.
3
滿
Under equalized taxation, each county was capped at its existing rent and tax totals. Officials had once rounded up odd fractions—charging a full sheng when less than ten ge of rice was due, or a full cun when silk fell short of ten fen—and such practices could no longer be used to inflate assessments beyond the old quotas. Barren saline land, communal woodlands, ponds, ditches, roads, and grave sites that served public use were all exempt from tax.
4
簿 仿 西
At each corner of a measured square, officials raised an earthen marker and planted locally suitable trees to bound the plot. Records included square registers, village rolls, tithing placards, and household placards. Household divisions, mortgages, sales, and transfers were all recorded in county ledgers and official contracts based on the newly measured fields. Once the regulations were in place, Wang Man, assistant magistrate of Juye in Jizhou, was named instruction officer and piloted the system in the Jingdong Circuit; other circuits then followed suit. In the sixth year, an edict held that five soil grades might not suffice; prefectures and counties were to classify land according to local conditions in as many grades as needed for fair taxation, without being limited to five. In the seventh year, four officials were chosen from Jingdong's seventeen prefectures; each oversaw assigned squares and toured the counties on three-year terms. Each square had two senior and three junior tithing heads who assembled local households to confirm boundaries; Square Fields officers inspected soil quality, and heads and households jointly finalized the assessment. In all circuits and the Kaifeng metropolitan area, counties with autumn crop losses of thirty percent or more were temporarily exempted; elsewhere work waited until the farming slack season. The Hebei West Circuit supervisory office asked that counties with disaster losses under ten percent not be exempted from the program.
5
In the fifth year of Yuanfeng, Kaifeng Prefecture reported that under Square Fields policy the most unevenly taxed counties were to be done first—five per prefecture, no more than two per year. With nineteen counties in the metropolitan area, completion would take ten years at that pace. It asked to measure five counties each year instead. The request was approved. Thereafter the work proceeded only in good harvest years during the farming slack season, and mountainous counties sometimes participated and sometimes did not. In the eighth year, learning that officials were harassing the populace, the emperor ordered the system suspended. By then, land squared and entered in the registers reportedly totaled 2,484,349 qing empire-wide.
6
使貿調 西
In Chongning 3, Chief Minister Cai Jing and others argued that ever since private land trade was allowed, the wealthy had inflated prices for profit while the poor had shifted tax burdens to sell quickly, leaving the empire's tax system chronically unequal. Emperor Shenzong had studied Square Fields carefully, enacted the law, and created registers so that boundaries, acreage, elevation, and dimensions could no longer be concealed. Household placards recorded dues down to the smallest measures of grain and cloth. In sales and purchases, commoners could no longer hide their tricks. In assessment and collection, clerks could no longer practice fraud. The records still exist and the system can be revived. An edict ordered circuit ever-normal granary supervisors to train officials in the law and instruct prefectures and counties to implement it in good harvest years, beginning with the Jingxi and Jingbei circuits. In the fourth year, one additional instruction officer was assigned per three counties, and two inspection officers per circuit. Soon afterward, an edict capped added instruction officers at three per circuit and ended dedicated inspection posts, requiring supervisors to appoint inspectors from existing circuit officials. In the fifth year, Square Fields was abolished by edict. In Daguan 2 the system was revived by edict; in Daguan 4 it was abolished again, and taxes reverted to pre-square assessment rules. In the eleventh month, an edict declared that Square Fields officials had not only inflated land taxes but also measured barren hills and charged for fodder, driving households to abandon their livelihoods. Supervisory officials were ordered to correct all abuses and restore former standards.
7
西 便
In Zhenghe 3, the Hebei West ever-normal granary office reported that local soil types numbered at least a hundred, yet equalized taxation used only ten grades. First-grade land paid the full rate, yet on fertile soil even that was considered too light. Tenth-grade land was taxed at only one-tenth; much of it was barren saline soil, and though the levy was small, it was still felt as burdensome. Land excluded from the grades could accumulate to a full qing yet be valued only at one hundred to five hundred cash for brush and weeds—less burdensome than tenth-grade land, which paid no tax at all. Once graded, any cultivable plot owed one-tenth per mu, yet poor soil and brushland were taxed the same as better plots within the grade—making the burden lighter on the rich and heavier on the poor. They proposed retaining the ten soil grades but subdividing tenth-grade land into upper, middle, and lower thirds with converted acreage to equalize assessments. For example, ten mu of upper tenth-grade land would convert to one mu of first-grade assessment, yielding an effective rate of eleven-tenths without altering the original tax schedule. Middle tenth-grade land would require fifteen mu, and lower tenth-grade land twenty mu, to equal one mu of upper-tier assessment, so that burdens would be balanced across grades. An edict ordered all circuits to adopt the reform. In the fifth year, tea planters' hillside gardens in Fujian and Lizhou were exempted from measurement and equalized taxation, as with salt fields.
8
使
In Xuanhe 1, an official reported that measurement officers refused to travel the land themselves and delegated rope surveys, boundary markers, and soil inspection entirely to clerks. The censorate received complaints that in Ruijin County, Qianzhou, more than two hundred mu had been recorded as twenty, and two qing ninety-six mu as seventeen. In Huichang County, Qianzhou, rent of thirteen cash had been raised to two strings two hundred, and rent of twenty-seven cash to one string four hundred fifty. An edict directed ever-normal granary commissioners to investigate. In the second year, the system was abolished by edict. Prefects and magistrates were to encourage people displaced by land measurement to return to their occupations. Abandoned land was to be opened for tenant cultivation. Henceforth no agency could propose reviving Square Fields. Where land had already been measured, taxes could no longer be disputed and were to be paid at former quotas. Returning refugees were granted remission of all prior tax arrears.
9
調使
Since the Jianzhong reform of 780, Tang had replaced the zu-yong-diao system with the two-tax system: summer dues by the sixth month, autumn dues by the eleventh, with envoys sent on separate routes to set rates. Its abuses included premature collection, harsh levies, quota inflation, and multiplying exactions—reaching their worst under the Five Dynasties.
10
綿 使
Song annual levies fell into five categories: public-field tax on state land rented to cultivators. Private-field tax on land held exclusively by commoners. Urban tax, including residence and land taxes in cities and towns. Poll tax, the annual head-tax in cash and grain paid by commoners. Miscellaneous commutations such as ox hides, silk, and salt, delivered in whatever form local production allowed. Annual levy goods fell into four categories: grain, silks, metals, and local products. Grains comprised seven types: millet, rice, wheat, broomcorn millet, panicled millet, beans, and miscellaneous seeds. Silks comprised ten types: gauze, damask, silk, fine gauze, coarse silk, silk fabric, miscellaneous folded goods, silk thread, cotton, and cloth and hemp. Metals comprised four types: gold, silver, iron and tin, and copper and iron currency. Local products comprised six types: livestock; ivory, hides, and feathers; tea and salt; bamboo, timber, hemp, grass, and fodder; fruit, medicine, oil, paper, fuel, charcoal, lacquer, and wax; and miscellaneous goods. Though deliveries had fixed destinations, surplus regions could supply deficient ones by shifting goods from place to place or from near to far—called "branch transfer." Though dues were nominally fixed in kind, payments were often converted to equivalent values in other goods—called "commutation." Payment deadlines were adjusted to early or late harvests to ease the burden on the populace. Prefectures submitted annual household registers listing all members; males counted as adult laborers at twenty and as aged at sixty. Forced commutation of unsuitable goods not native to a region was prohibited.
11
調
Since the Five Dynasties, officials had routinely surveyed visible cultivated land to set annual rent. Officials exploited the practice for fraud, taxes fell unevenly, commoners lost their livelihoods, and much land lay fallow. When Taizu ascended the throne, he permitted land reclamation and forbade prefectures and counties from intrusive surveys, fixing quotas only on land already under cultivation. Officials were dispatched to oversee capital granaries and to collect rent and taxes in the circuits; those who inflated receipts were punished, and those who over-collected sometimes faced execution.
12
綿 滿滿
Formerly, after tax collection prefectures ordered counties to send clerks to reconcile receipts; county clerks extorted village heads to bribe prefectural staff, who in turn passed the burden to commoners. In Jianlong 4, an edict prohibited the practice. Prefectures were forbidden to record fractional units on rent registers; cash had to be in whole strings, silk in whole chi, grain in whole sheng, floss in whole liang, fuel in whole bundles, and gold and silver in standard cash amounts. Shortfalls under half a bolt of silk fabric or one bolt of silk could be paid in cash by measured length; combining partial dues from several households into one bolt was forbidden as too burdensome. When commoners delivered summer tax, assistant magistrates had once deployed bowmen to patrol key roads; learning this harassed the people, the court abolished the practice and left escort duty to village elders and militia.
13
Prefectural tax registers were inspected by recording secretaries and overseen by judicial administrators. Powerful households were listed on separate registers supervised by vice-prefects, and both taxes had to be paid in full half a month before the three deadlines. Before each year's two tax collections, counties compiled registers listing households, summer and autumn assessments, acreage, mulberry yields, and attached dues; prefectures reviewed, sealed, and stored them, issuing stamped copies to magistrates. Summer tax registers were compiled from the first day of the first month, autumn registers from the first day of the fourth month, each within forty-five days.
14
In Kaifeng Prefecture and seventy other prefectures, summer tax collection formerly ran from the fifteenth day of the fifth month through the thirtieth day of the seventh month. In Hebei and Hedong, where the climate was later, collection ran from the fifteenth day of the fifth month through the fifth day of the eighth month. In Yingzhou and twelve other prefectures, plus Huainan, Jiangnan, the two Zhe circuits, Fujian, Guangnan, Jinghu, and Sichuan, collection ran from the first day of the fifth month through the fifteenth day of the seventh month. Autumn tax collection ran from the first day of the ninth month through the fifteenth day of the twelfth month; later an extra month was often allowed, and deadlines were adjusted for intercalary months and regional differences in harvest and sericulture. Because Hebei and Hedong autumn taxes were largely shipped to border prefectures, an extra month beyond the usual deadline was regularly granted. In Jiangnan, the two Zhe circuits, Jinghu, Guangnan, and Fujian, where japonica rice ripened only after frost, rent collection began on the first day of the tenth month. Collecting officials faced graded penalties for shortfalls beyond the deadline. Completion before the deadline brought accelerated promotion. Commoners in rent arrears beyond the deadline could give surety and return home to settle; they could not be imprisoned. In central China, one ox hide was due for every twenty shi of rent, valued at one thousand cash. Sichuan still followed the old rule that all hides from dead oxen and donkeys went to the state; an edict abolished this and set one ox hide per two hundred shi of rent, valued at one thousand five hundred cash.
15
西使
In Taiping Xingguo 2, the Jiangxi transport commissioner reported that the circuit had little mulberry and sericulture while gold prices were relatively low. Under the current commutation system, undervaluing silk hurt commoners while overvaluing gold hurt the treasury. Top-grade gold had been assessed at twenty thousand cash per liang; he asked that it be reassessed at eight thousand. Top-grade silk had been assessed at one thousand cash per bolt; he proposed raising it to thirteen hundred, with other grades adjusted proportionally. The request was approved.
16
使 西使
In Xianping 3, Chen Jing—Vice Minister of Justice and Institute Historian—was appointed Equal-Fields Commissioner for the capital region. He could select metropolitan officials himself, set taxes county by county at original quotas, and was forbidden to collect any surplus. Fugitive households were listed on separate rolls, and local prefectures were instructed to induce them to return to farming. Mulberry quotas were no longer uniformly assessed, and households were broadly ordered to plant more mulberry trees. Before long it was reported that residents, misunderstanding the court's intent, were cutting down mulberry trees; the policy was immediately canceled. In the sixth year, after dismissing Guangnan West transport commissioner Feng Lian, a memorial stated: In Lian, Heng, Bin, and Bai prefectures, farmers who had cleared land had never paid taxes; officials had been ordered to investigate and collect full standard rent. The emperor replied: "Frontier subjects deserve lighter corvée and tax burdens." He immediately ordered the measure halted. Yuanzhou prefect He Meng proposed commuting the prefecture's two seasonal land taxes into gold. Emperor Zhenzong said: "At that rate, agriculture would disappear entirely." The request was denied.
17
Early in the Dazhong Xiangfu era, after years of good harvests had filled frontier granaries, Hebei circuits were allowed to pay taxes locally rather than ship them elsewhere. In the second year, the court issued the 《Regulations on Rewards for Administrative and County Officials Who Recruited Households》. Formerly, counties whose clerks added registered households were promoted in rank and their officials received higher salaries. Some counties even split tenant households into primary ones—adding names to the register without increasing revenue. In the fourth year, an edict banned the practice. Early in Yongxi, the court had required Jinghu and related circuits to pay the adult poll tax, exempting minors, the elderly, and the disabled. Now the court also abolished the legacy poll taxes in Liangzhe, Fujian, Jinghu, and Guangnan—450,400 strings per year. In the ninth year, edicts limited tax redirection to no more than two transfers and allowed millet, wheat, buckwheat, and beans to be commuted for one another.
18
綿
Annual levies were measured in shi for grain, strings of cash for money, bolts for cloth, taels for gold, silver, and silk floss, bundles for straw and firewood, and appropriate units for all other goods. By the end of the Zhidao era, the total reached 70,893,000 units. In Tianxi 5, revenue had risen and fallen in various categories compared with Zhidao, totaling 64,530,000. Conversions and cross-region deliveries varied according to immediate need.
19
西宿
From its conquest of rival states, the Song placed popular welfare first. Dynasty after dynasty canceled obscure petty levies, and not even a bolt of silk or a peck of grain was knowingly added to the burden. Flood, drought, or corvée duty routinely brought remissions and deferred installments—hardly a year passed without relief—and deferred payments were canceled again whenever famine followed. Yet land registers were never systematically maintained, fields changed hands freely, households were undercounted, and consolidation fraud went unchecked—so tax income remained thinner than in earlier dynasties. Ding Wei once observed that effective tax rates ranged from one-twentieth to one-thirtieth of yield. Upon Renzong's accession, he first eased land taxes in the capital region, decreeing that households below the third grade need not ship payments long distances. Hezhong Prefecture and Tong and Hua prefectures asked to be exempt from tax redirection. When the emperor consulted his ministers, they replied: "Troops remain stationed on the western frontier; without redirecting local taxes, the army would go hungry." A special edict ordered a measured reduction in redirected deliveries.
20
使 使
In Fuzhou the Wang clan once held more than a thousand qing of land known as the "Official Estate." Since Taiping Xingguo, farmers had been given leases to cultivate it and pay annual rent. The transport commissioner Fang Zhongxun proposed: "This is public land; selling it would yield a substantial profit." The court sent Vice Director of Colonization Xing Weiqing to manage the sale, which brought in more than 350,000 strings. Leaseholders were granted a one-third reduction, payable over three years. Supervising Censor Zhu Jian argued that the scheme harmed commoners and should not proceed. When the three-year term expired, more than 128,000 strings remained unpaid; the court remitted the entire balance. Later edicts ended all duplicate taxation of public land. During Tiansheng, Beizhou reported: "When households split, they were routinely hit with an extra levy called a 'penalty tax'—a practice unknown elsewhere." An edict abolished the levy. Thereafter, whenever local officials reported obscure or petty taxes, remissions became frequent.
21
沿 便
Since Tang times, beyond standard land tax, officials collected other goods and converted them into levies known as "miscellaneous conversions" or "supplementary deliveries." The items were countless and varied. Each year officials appended new items to the tax rolls, exploiting every loophole—a perennial grievance for taxpayers. During Mingdao, after the emperor performed the ceremonial plowing, he ordered the Three Departments to consolidate levies by category. All separate items were abolished and combined into a single levy, with summer and autumn payments distinguished only as coarse or fine grade—a reform the people welcomed.
22
簿 簿 簿 簿 簿
Each county kept tax registers renewed annually in a "provisional ledger" used for mid-year collection. In leap years a separate "permanent ledger" was compiled and kept in official archives. Early in Tiansheng, critics called the permanent ledger useless and its fees a burden on taxpayers; it was abolished. In Jingyou 1, Attendant Censor Han Du warned: "Tax revenue is complex nationwide, yet only a single collection ledger survives. If it is lost, revenue figures cannot be audited. He asked that the permanent ledger be restored." An edict ordered the ledger compiled once every two leap years. By the Qingli era the old practice was restored.
23
Concerned about local tax and corvée burdens, the court ordered every circuit to report figures so the chief ministers could jointly decide reductions. Another edict declared: "Tax registers are riddled with fraud—false records, flight, evasion through land transfers, and occupation of public land without payment. Magistrates who uncover such abuses and increase revenue shall be rewarded in proportion to the gain." Remonstrance Official Wang Su soon followed up: "Land taxes vary unevenly nationwide; please equalize them." Ouyang Xiu added: "Secretariat Director Sun Lin and Court of Judicial Review Director Guo Zi once surveyed farmland in Feixiang County, Mozhou, using the thousand-pace square-field method. Both should be empowered to carry this work forward." The Three Departments agreed and proposed equalizing the most uneven districts in Bozhou, Shou, Cai, and Ru prefectures. Guo Zi was then sent to Caizhou. Guo Zi first surveyed one county, registering more than 26,930 qing of land and equalizing tax burdens among local households. Guo Zi soon reported that widespread abandoned land made complete surveying impossible, and the court, wary of overburdening the populace, abandoned the project.
24
西 西 便 西
Military campaigns in Shaanxi and Hedong drove frequent tax redirection, and officials added overland transport surcharges that people could not bear. In the fifth year, Shaanxi was granted a special remission, and future collection was forbidden. Hedong received the same order shortly afterward. Transport commissioners were further instructed: "Post redirected-delivery and conversion plans six months in advance. Anyone inconvenienced may petition, and responsible officials shall decide." In Huangyou, an edict fixed Guangxi tribute cloth at two hundred cash per bolt. We hear officials have been cutting the price on their own, crushing distant subjects. Restore the original rate." Prefectures habitually reported good rains and bumper harvests early each year, then withheld disaster reports—so tax remissions were rare. The court issued stern admonitions. Land taxes in Kaifeng counties were cut to thirty percent of old quotas and written into law.
25
Redirected delivery and commutation weighed heaviest on the poor. Early in Jingyou, ninth-grade households were exempted; later solitary households were exempted as well. An amnesty edict then charged transport commissioners to trim abuses and file itemized reports at year's end. Later amnesties repeated the command: commutation must use fair valuation and must not harm farmers. Long afterward, another edict complained: "We hear that across the circuits, commuted taxes are often converted again into other goods or marked up in price, crushing honest farmers. Repeated edicts have failed to restrain them. Henceforth, any such abuse must be reported immediately by the prefect." Yet revenue officials remained fixated on extraction, and few heeded the emperor's intent.
26
Hu, Guang, Fujian, and Zhejiang had long collected annual poll taxes in cash and rice. During Dazhong Xiangfu the cash component was abolished, but rice payments continued. Not until Tiansheng were poll taxes in Wu and Xiu prefectures fully abolished. Later Pang Ji proposed abolishing poll rice in Zhang, Quan, and Xinghua—but the responsible offices refused. In Huangyou 3, the emperor ordered the Three Departments to cut poll rice in Chen, Yong, and Guiyang to the lowest annual figure, saving more than 100,000 shi per year. Zhang, Quan, and Xinghua soon received proportional reductions as well. In Jiayou 4, transport commissioners were ordered to fix poll rice, cash, silk, and miscellaneous levies in Chen, Yong, Guiyang, Heng, and Dao: the landless were fully exempt, landholders paid half. Even when new adult males were registered, no additional levies could be imposed. Guangnan still paid some poll taxes, and transport commissioners were ordered to report figures for reduction. Thereafter the burden was negligible.
27
便
After Guo Zi's equal-tax reforms were abandoned, critics charged that the court had spared short-term hardship at the cost of long-term fiscal soundness. By Huangyou, cultivated land had grown by more than 417,000 qing since Jingde, yet grain tax receipts had fallen by more than 718,000 shi—the cost of unequal land taxation. Later Cangzhou prefect Tian Jing equalized land in Wudi, and Bozhou prefect Cai Ting did the same in Liaocheng and Gaotang. Wudi gained 1,152 units of grain and cloth, Liaocheng and Gaotang 14,847—but Cangzhou residents found the changes burdensome, and the court restored the old rates. In Jiayou 5, the court again ordered equalization and dispatched officials circuit by circuit. Secretariat Director Gao Ben, among them, argued equalization was impossible, and the effort stopped after only a few prefectures.
28
便
Jingde revenue totaled 49,169,900; by Huangyou it had risen by 4,418,665; by Zhiping by another 14,179,364. Amnesty remissions—including write-offs for flight and extinct households—totaled 6,829,700 in Jingde, 338,457 in Huangyou, and 12,298,700 in Zhiping. Annual disaster remissions were not included in these totals.
29
使宿 便
Emperor Shenzong focused on agricultural taxation. Hu and Guang had long paid annual poll rice; though repeatedly cut since Dazhong Xiangfu, the burden remained uneven. In Xining 4, Vice Director of Colonization Zhou Zhichun was sent to Guangdong to survey and equalize the levy. In the third year of Yuanfeng, an edict required every circuit to report the dates of redirected deliveries and tax conversions to the Central Secretariat. In Xining 8, an edict had required tax redirection plans for the two seasonal land taxes to be posted six months before collection so households could prepare without sudden hardship. Because officials routinely missed deadlines, the requirement was restated in the third year of Yuanfeng. Local officials also sometimes required cash payments called "commuted peck fees," while cheap state grain purchases often hurt farmers. Tax registers in Hainan's four prefectures and military commissions were incomplete. Officials routinely inflated or cut entries and shifted obligations onto other households, leaving substitute payers unable to clear their names. Each year the ding-tax rice owed by Qiong Prefecture and Changhua Military Commission had to be shipped to distant Zhuyai Military Commission—a burden the people bitterly resented. At this point the court adopted the recommendations of investigation commissioner Zhu Chuping and others, auditing the four prefectures' and military commissions' old tax quotas and retaining only the legitimate amounts; for the two prefectures' ding-tax rice they required only cash payment at Zhuyai, where grain could be purchased locally, to spare the people further hardship.
30
使 簿 使 使
Li Cong, acting commissioner of the Ministry of Revenue, was sent to investigate tax and corvée evasion. In the Jiang and Zhe circuits he found more than 401,300 escaped households and reported the figures in a memorial. The following year Cong was appointed vice transport commissioner of Huainan. Across both circuits he recovered more than 475,900 cases of total evasion, false names tied to tenant fraud, unregistered households, and missing adult males, along with more than 922,200 units of regular taxes and accumulated arrears in strings, shi, bolts, and taels. Cong had offered rewards reckoned in tens of thousands of strings and shi to bait the officials under him, and the resulting increases were so vast that the people of all three circuits suffered heavily. Tang Prefecture raised levies as well, and public unrest spread. In the sixth year Censor Zhai Si said: "When Zhao Shangkuan was prefect of Tang, he encouraged reclamation and kept taxes light. Many refugees settled on their own land, and only four mu in every hundred were taxed. Taxes were low and people paid willingly, until almost no land within the prefecture lay fallow. I now hear the transport commissioner has raised the taxable quota on newly opened land from four mu per hundred to twenty, and I fear this will drive people to flee again. I ask that Your Majesty warn the commissioners and adjust the burden to give the people relief. The emperor, whenever flood or drought struck, promptly remitted or deferred land taxes; and through amnesties granted remissions and payment deferrals almost without pause; whenever tax deliveries to distant regions fell unevenly, the court sent investigators—a practice that became routine.
31
便
When Emperor Zhezong succeeded, Empress Dowager Xuanren shared power and pursued policies to ease the people's burden, granting wide reductions wherever arrears existed. Because accumulated arrears nationwide had grown tangled in category and law, Wang Yansou, prefect of Kaifeng, proposed a collection schedule by household grade in units of one hundred strings. Zhang Wenzong, magistrate of Zou in Yanzhou, argued that plan was unworkable, so the court set a one-tenth rate, allowing one-tenth of each summer and autumn quota to be paid annually—the ten-installment-over-five-years method.
32
西使 便
Shaanxi transport commissioner Lü Taizhong required farming households subject to branch transfer to pay eighteen cash per dou in transport fees. Censors impeached him, and the case was referred to the judicial-intendancy commission to investigate and equalize the lighter and heavier grades of burden. By tax household grade, first- and second-grade households were redirected up to three hundred li, third- and fourth-grade up to two hundred li, and fifth-grade up to one hundred li. Those who preferred paying route transport fees instead of redirecting goods were likewise divided into three grades as appropriate, according to convenience. For Hedong grain and fodder supporting the army, branch transfer could not exceed three hundred li. Commutation was waived where crop loss exceeded fifty percent; otherwise commutation followed the old rules.
33
During Shaosheng an edict once ruled that where prefectures and counties used full cash and reduced-percent cash inconsistently in valuing goods, commutation should use the middle rate. Soon, because local market appraisals varied too widely for a uniform law, the court ordered the old practice restored. Memorialists argued: "To keep people from fleeing, the state should stockpile grain; and to stockpile grain, it should expand commuted payment together with state grain purchase and release. The Ever-Normal Granaries already allow commuted payment, but because only the middle price is used, people are reluctant to pay in kind. If commutation followed equitable purchase at actual market price, the people would not be harmed."
34
便
In Chongning 2, after a good harvest across the circuits, the court imposed premium commuted payment and restored branch transfer, commutation, assessed extractions, and assigned purchases under the Xining rules, allowing arrears and fractional taxes to be paid in grain, beans, or cloth. In Daguan 2 an edict declared: "Nationwide rent, levies, allocations, branch transfers, and conversions must burden the wealthy before the poor and proceed from near to far. Transport officials have lately failed in duty, causing unequal burdens and harming the people. Let this be established as law. Branch transfer had originally served frontier supply; interior circuits seldom used it. When it was applied, people could choose according to cost: some delivered goods in kind at the transfer point, others paid transport fees in their home district. Commutation was to be calculated from the middle market price appraised in the first ten days of the payment month, adjusted for the year's harvest to set high or low values so officials could not manipulate the rate. In the seventh month an edict said: "We hear negligent officials are forcing deadlines before silkworms are reeled or crops harvested, with tax runners pressing people on every side until they have nowhere to turn. From now on, officials who demand early payment shall be punished one grade more severely; and those who drive people to flee shall be punished still more severely. Formerly, amnesty remissions of levies rarely exceeded thirty percent. In the fourth year an edict remitted all arrears more than five years old where the household no longer existed.
35
西
Jingxi Circuit had never used branch transfer, but in Chongning transport officials suddenly told the people: "Branch transfer should be uniform everywhere, so you are now exempt; but overland transport fees must still be paid." Thereafter this became an annual charge. Transport fees reached fifty-six cash per dou—under Yuanfeng already equal to the regular tax—yet repeated commutation drove them several times higher. People sold oxen and property and still could not keep up, while transport commissioners claimed credit for efficient collection until critics denounced the abuse at length. In Zhenghe 1 an edict exempted overland transport fees owed under branch transfer when the amount was less than one dou. Soon another edict exempted all fifth-grade households whose tax fell below one dou from branch transfer entirely.
36
Household registers nationwide were largely false. Though the court had instituted comparative audits, year-end reconciliations, and rewards and punishments for concealed omissions, when Cai You and others calculated De and Ba prefectures at barely three households for every four persons, the fraud needed no audit to be obvious. An edict then required judicial-intendancy and Ever-Normal Granary commissions on every circuit to review and certify household reports. Yet the abuse was never corrected, and rent and taxes could not be equalized.
37
西使 西退
By then internal and external expenses were outrunning revenue. Palace eunuch Yang Jian, who oversaw imperial garden works, heard that land in Ruzhou could be turned into rice paddies; the court acted on the suggestion and established the Rice Field Office. The scheme spread to the capital region and was renamed Public Fields. From Xiang and Tang in the south to Mianchi in the west and beyond the Yellow River in the north, any farmland exceeding the area on the original deed was charged Public Field fees. Late in Zhenghe the court also established a Construction Office under the same Public Fields scheme. In time the rear-garden and construction Public Fields were merged into the Western Capital Office, which absorbed wilderness and abandoned land across Shandong and Hebei together with rent from river-bank retreat lands—all under palace eunuch control. More than 34,300 qing were seized, and beyond Public Field fees people could no longer pay their regular taxes.
38
In Chonghe 1 a memorialist argued: "When goods are plentiful and cheap, commutation at low appraisal lets people deliver more to the state at little cost—a benefit to both public and private interests. But prefecture and county officials looked only at local shortages, not at what people actually possessed, demanding goods they did not have at limitless cost. Branch transfer, in principle, should move goods from abundance to scarcity. Wealthy families and bribed officials reversed the flow from scarcity to abundance, bringing lightweight goods and paying at low appraisal to double their profit; while poor households, exempt from branch transfer, faced high appraisals plus transport fees and thus paid more than the wealthy. They fell into arrears and were hounded by tax collectors. The court issued a warning edict.
39
西退 使
Early in Xuanhe, chief clerks failed at tax collection and rent arrears mounted. Transport commissioners were ordered to inspect prefects and vice-prefects for diligence and report directly to the Palace Domestic Service. In western Zhejiang, abandoned fields, wilderness, grassland, reed flats, and lake retreat lands were all registered, leased out, and taxed to fund imperial tribute expenses. The court established an office called "Arrangements for Waterworks and Farmland" and even circuit commissioners personally oversaw imperial-front rent and levies.
40
西西
In the third year critics described commutation abuses in western Shu: "Originally three hundred cash in tax commuted to one bolt of silk, and ten bundles of fodder counted as twenty cash. Now the circuit no longer accepts silk in kind. Each bolt commutes to 150 bundles of fodder at 150 cash per bundle, turning a 300-cash tax into 23,000 cash owed. Eastern Shu fared no better. Goods were still redirected to new frontier granaries, and many people were ruined. In the seventh year critics added: "Through illegal commutation, silk was converted to cash and cash to wheat. Cash valued against silk doubled the silk burden; wheat valued against cash doubled the cash burden. Each conversion piled on the last, leaving people no recourse."
41
使 使
Since Zhiping, Tang, Deng, Xiang, Ru, and other prefectures had steadily expanded reclamation, but no fixed tax quotas had been set. Under Yuanfeng newly reclaimed land was taxed in five grades; Yuanyou 1 abolished the rule. In Daguan 3, at the request of vice transport commissioner Zhang Huizhi, the Yuanfeng system was restored, only to be abolished again after protests. In Zhenghe 3 transport commissioner Wang Shan again reported lost rent and levies. The court restored the Yuanfeng rule, commuted only to current cash, and collected 300,000 strings. When Emperor Qinzong succeeded, an edict remitted the levy. Rent and tax had long carried added wastage allowances—declared markup at the transport level, hidden markup at the prefecture and county level, and surcharge fees at every granary upon receipt. After Xining these fees were collected together at delivery and steadily increased until they were all abolished at this time.
42
On gengyin day in the fifth month of Jianyan 1, Gaozong ordered both taxes restored to the old rules and remitted all rent arrears, deferred levies, and Yingtian Prefecture's summer tax. On gengzi day an edict remitted summer and autumn taxes and apportioned surcharges for families taken captive.
43
使 西
In the fifth month of Shaoxing 1 an edict said: "The people are exhausted and local officials abuse their power. A standard form is now sent to every circuit: any levy forced on the people for military deadlines must list actual costs and local capacity, inform the public, and never exceed authorized quotas. In the eighth month Daguan-era tax quotas were cut by one-third. In the eleventh month critics said: "Forced extractions in western Zhejiang have left farmers and merchants barely able to live. If they sold land to pay, no one would buy; If they abandoned everything and fled, creditors seized their wives and children. Officials deceived one another while the people had nowhere to turn. Greedy officials kept the profit while public resentment fell on Your Majesty. I ask that forced extraction be punished severely and corruption dealt with harshly. The court ordered transport offices to investigate and report. In the first month of the second year Chen Ruxi, prefect of Shaoxing, was demoted to Zhangzhou for unauthorized extractions. In the fourth month, after the bandit Fan Ruwei in Jian was suppressed, an edict remitted the circuit's two taxes and summer corvée fees for the year. Gaozong then wrote by hand: "I hear local officials limit remissions to thirty percent as if that were the law. That does not reflect my intent to show mercy. Let all be remitted through amnesty. In the eleventh month the court burned local remission ledgers so the people would trust the relief. In the second month of the fifth year an edict ordered every circuit's transport office to report increased rent collections to the Ministry of Revenue for reward or punishment.
44
西
In the eighth month of the sixth year the court prepaid half of Jiang and Zhe's next-year summer silk tax and required all of it paid in rice: Two-Zhe silk and satin at seven thousand each, Jiangnan at six thousand five hundred, with each bolt reckoned at two shi of rice. In the ninth month Wang Jin of the Right Remonstrance Bureau reported that wealthy monasteries often had patrons reclassify them as funerary cloisters to evade levies, shifting the burden onto poorer households. The court ordered the Ministry of Revenue to enforce a strict ban. In the twelfth month an edict granted two further years of rent and tax relief to devastated prefectures and counties in Huai West. On the wushen day that month Gaozong issued an edict: "The cost of keeping armies comes entirely from the people, and my people are sorely burdened; yet officials show no concern, using military supply as a pretext for limitless exactions. I am deeply grieved. Intendants and prefects are the men I rely on to care for the people. If they pay no heed, whom can I trust? Let each of you perform your duties diligently, investigate officials who extort or take bribes, and report them for prosecution. If you shield wrongdoers and fail to act, I will show you no mercy. That year Li Dai, transport commissioner for Two Zhe, drew more than 228,000 strings in surplus annual funds from Wuzhou, Xiuzhou, Huzhou, and Pingjiang and forwarded them on the schedule for converted-silk payments. This thereafter became standard practice.
45
便
In the third month of the seventh year an edict remitted all tax arrears before Shaoxing 5 in counties and prefectures where the court had sojourned or traveled. In the seventh month an edict exempted tenants of government land in newly recovered prefectures and garrisons from paying regular land tax in addition to rent. Note: tax applied to owned land and rent to leased land; they had not been collected together until Liu Yu combined them. The old rule was now restored.〉 In the ninth year newly recovered prefectures and garrisons received three years' relief from land tax, rent, local tribute, and grand-ceremony silver and silk, and five years' relief from corvée. When Liu Yu first seized power he had even private vegetable plots taxed three seasons a year. Remonstration commissioner Fang Tingshi reported the hardship, and attendant scribe Cheng Kejun said: "The people of Henan have long endured Liu Yu's oppressive levies, taxed down to scraps of cotton and stripped even of fruit and vegetables. The court then ordered newly recovered prefectures and counties to burn Liu Yu's harsh tax regulations in the public streets.
46
使 使 使
In the thirteenth year Han Shizhong, pacification commissioner of Huai East, offered to surrender all back taxes owed on his granted and private lands; the court praised and accepted his request. Earlier Zhang Jun, controller of the Shenwu Right Army, had asked exemption from equitable purchase and special levies on property he had acquired, and the court had granted it. Later the Three Departments argued: "With war continuing and expenses vast, Your Majesty had officials and meritorious families share levies equally with common households to ease the people's burden and spread the cost fairly. If Zhang Jun alone is exempt, his share must fall on everyone else—making the people pay his taxes for him. There are many great generals besides Zhang Jun. If each cites his example, how can any refusal be made? We ask that the earlier edict be revoked. The court agreed. Some years later Zhang Jun again sought exemption from his annual equitable-purchase silk quota. The Three Departments proposed granting him five thousand bolts of silk each year to avoid creating a precedent. The emperor showed him the proposal and said: "I would not begrudge the silk, but I fear public opinion would not tolerate it. Zhang Jun, alarmed, firmly declined the grant.
47
簿
In the fifteenth year the Ministry of Revenue ruled: "By law, goods delivered to the state require four receipt slips, Called the household chao, kept by the taxpayer as proof; the county chao sent to the county office to cancel the register; the supervisor chao held by the receiving official; and the retained chao filed in the warehouse. These four copies guarded against forgery and loss.) If county chao were lost or destroyed, the supervisor and retained copies were used to cancel the record; officials who seized household chao or forced households to prove payment again would be beaten with the staff."
48
綿 西 使
In the twenty-third year Huang Ziyou, prefect of Chizhou, reported that Qingyang County's seed tax was seven or eight times higher than elsewhere because Southern Tang had made it Song Qiqiu's fief at three dou per mu, a rate that later became fixed. The court reduced the seed tax by twenty-five percent and rent grain by twenty percent. At the time Two-Zhe prefectures and counties owed six kinds of dues—cotton, silk, tax silk, tea silk, miscellaneous cash, and grain—all commuted to cash at market rates, while grain and wheat were also assessed separately; some households paid four or five dou per mu. In Jing West, land consolidation had raised rents above former levels. Hunan had native-household fees, hemp conversion fees, vinegar-interest fees, and yeast-license fees under many different names. Jingnan had once registered one hundred thousand households, but since the rebellions the region was nearly depopulated. Officials eager to please the court claimed refugees had returned and set an annual quota of 120,000 strings, then raised it year after year until arrears exceeded 200,000 strings. Cao Yong, vice minister of revenue, pressed collection relentlessly. After Qin Hui returned as chief councilor he had secretly ordered circuits to raise taxes by seventy or eighty percent, crushing the people and causing widespread starvation—all of it Qin Hui's work.
49
使
In the twenty-sixth year Gentlemen for Court Discussion Lu Chong had memorialized on local abuses: "In my former county of Yixing alone, transport-plan receipts under various categories—ding salt, workshop profits, rent-land fees, and rent-silk and rent-ramie fees—totaled barely fifteen thousand strings a year. Yet disbursements—for the main army, tribute, grain purchases, shipbuilding, military supplies, Tian Shen Festival silver and silk, and the like—came to more than thirty-four thousand strings. On top of that came salaries for resident and sojourning officials, travel vouchers for passing troops, and miscellaneous prefectural and county demands for arrears—hardly a day passed without new exactions. Magistrates who tried to be lenient but were poor collectors were quickly removed for incompetence; those who pleased superiors through harsh exaction were praised as effective. Magistrates thus lived in fear for revenue alone, with no time to enforce Your Majesty's relief edicts or carry out benevolent governance. Vice Minister of Personnel Xu Xinggu replied: "More than two hundred county and prefectural posts now stand vacant because officials fear punishment for failing to meet revenue targets. If surplus-revenue tributes were abolished, accumulated arrears forgiven, local chiefs carefully chosen, and intendants warned to enforce relief, officials and people alike would be at ease. The court ordered these measures carried out.
50
西 使 西西
In the twenty-ninth year, hearing of banditry in Jiangxi, the emperor told his chief ministers: "Light corvée and low taxes are what keep people from turning to banditry. Floods and droughts come every year and cannot be prevented. If we refuse relief and only press collection, is that how we keep people from becoming bandits? He then ordered all circuits to remit more than 3.97 million strings in accumulated public debts before Shaoxing 27, along with debts owed by officials of fourth rank and below. In the ninth month an edict remitted all rent and tax in Two Zhe and Jiang East and West after flooding, and in Zhe East and Jiang East and West after crop damage from leaf-borers. Thereafter flood, drought, and war brought periodic remissions and reductions, not all of which are recorded here.
51
使 簿 使 使
On wuyin day in the sixth month of the thirty-second year, Xiaozong's accession amnesty declared: "All government debts, house rents, land tax, equitable purchase, corvée fees, and workshop, ferry, and similar charges owed before Shaoxing 30 are remitted. Some circuits had preyed on the people in the name of tribute, burdening locals with local products. The Retired Emperor had already forbidden this. Henceforth prefectures and garrisons were to list tribute items only for offerings at the altars of Heaven and Earth, ancestral tombs, and delicacies for De Shou Palace; only chief local officials might present them, and all other tribute was abolished. Prefectures and counties that took more on this pretext would be punished for violating regulations. In the seventh month officials in counties that accepted tax and rent receipts without promptly canceling the register were punished; and officials who refused valid household chao and forced taxpayers to pay again were charged with violating regulations, without amnesty, and the rule was written into law. In the eighth month an edict declared: "When prefectures and counties collect autumn grain tax, officials often take illegal surcharges and commit fraud. These are hard times and revenues are short; though we cannot yet cut regular levies, how can we tolerate corrupt officials preying on the people again? From now on offending officials will face severe punishment and confiscation of property." Note: this was an early edict of Xiaozong.〉
52
In Qiandao 1 half of Xinghua Army's "surplus grain" levy was remitted. (Army commander Zhang Yundao had reported that since Jianyan 3, after meeting the army's autumn tax and yearly stores, a surplus of more than 24,400 shi of grain was sent to Fuzhou as "surplus grain. For forty years flood and drought had continued without any reduction," hence this order." In the eighth year even the remaining half was remitted.) In the sixth month of the third year half of the jinji tax and tribute in Xincheng County, Lin'an Prefecture, was reduced. Magistrate Geng Bing had reported that the Qian clan had long ago imposed an inflated jinji quota under that name. In the eleventh month arrears in Lin'an's subordinate counties for Qiandao 1—both taxes, workshop profits, converted-silk payments, and ding-exemption fees—were remitted. In the seventh year the Statutes Office revised the Law Against Soliciting at Grain-Tax Collection, Providing that receiving officials were punished one degree less than the offender, while prefectural and county chiefs who failed to detect the offense shared guilt.〉 Arrears owed by the top three household ranks and influential families were not remitted even by amnesty. In the eighth year more than 49,000 shi of additionally assessed seed grain in Shaoxing Prefecture was remitted.
53
西 使 使 退
In Chunxi 3 an official argued: "Hubei peasants occupy large tracts of government land and pay modest fixed dues, which some think too lenient. Deliberators now want to assess taxes on actual acreage and invite self-reporting. They forget that when the court conducted field surveys in earlier years, only the Two Huai, Jing West, and Hubei circuits were exempted. Those four frontier circuits are vast and sparsely settled. Even incentives to farm barely draw settlers. If every mu were taxed at full rate, who would migrate there to work the land for the state? In Hubei only Ding and Li, bordering Hunan, have somewhat more cleared land. From Jingnan through An, Fu, Yue, E, Han, and Mian, waterlogged wasteland stretches endlessly, population is thin, and settlers are mostly poor migrants from crowded Jiangnan districts who come with families to tenant land because acreage is ample and taxes light. If the deliberators' plan is adopted, the state will gain nothing while honest people face endless harassment. In my view the court should encourage opening new land, not threaten people with higher taxes. If fields are fully cleared and harvests grow, a good year would allow equitable purchase to fill frontier stores and save vast transport costs. I ask that the court follow the Shaoxing 16 edict: starting from a base of ten parts, increase the payment by one part each year; those unwilling to open land may surrender their fields for others to tenant. With a longer deadline and gradual increases, distant settlers could live securely—a great benefit to the whole circuit. The court ordered the Ministry of Revenue to consider the proposal.
54
In the fourth year an official reported: "Repeated amnesties have remitted accumulated arrears to relieve exhausted people, yet prefectures and counties fail to honor the imperial intent and even rename dues to collect them again. Transport offices should be instructed that remitted amounts must not be collected again from prefectures, prefectures must not pass them down to counties, and counties must cancel debt registers, record names and amounts, and notify the people. The court approved. In the eighth month of the fifth year an edict said: "In recent years harvests have been abundant and silk chests are full. I rejoice to share this prosperity with the realm, yet I remember that farmers and silk workers toil all year while low prices scarcely repay their labor. For prefectural and county land taxes, apart from fixed rules on silk and commodity conversion, dues owed in kind must not be forced into cash at inflated prices. Deliberate violations shall be punished to the full extent of the law. Lin'an Prefecture had the edict carved in stone and copies sent to every circuit. In the sixth year, Remonstrance Adviser Xie Kuoran reported: "Prefectures and counties levy illegal exactions and prey on the people more each day. Magistrates may bear the blame, but the real pressure comes from prefects. Magistrates were impeached, but prefects went unpunished. An edict declared: "Henceforth, whenever officials demand excess or seize goods arbitrarily, supervisory commissioners must investigate and impeach them all—do not fixate on petty cases while ignoring the major ones."
55
使
In the summer of the seventh year there was a severe drought. Zhu Xi, prefect of Nankang, submitted a sealed memorial in response to an imperial call: "The court now takes all receipts from the people's land taxes to supply the army, leaving prefectures and counties with no surplus. They therefore invent new dues to extract payment by stealth. The people are poor and taxes are heavy. Only by auditing military rolls, expanding garrison farms, and training militia can we gradually reduce idle garrison troops and trim what prefectures must supply the army. When prefectures and counties are gradually relieved, the court can ban harsh collection and demand leniency, so impoverished people may keep their livelihoods and avoid displacement. In the eighth year an edict ordered circuit supervisors and prefects to recommend officials whose tax collection did not harass the people and to impeach those whose practices harmed them. In the eleventh year the Ministry of Revenue reported that armies and prefectures across the circuits had inspected and remitted nearly 600,000 shi of drought-damaged grain. The emperor told Wang Huai: "If we order full verification everywhere, prefectures and counties may grow wary and stop remitting drought losses in future years. Only Ningguo reported the largest amount; let the transport commission verify that case and remit it."
56
使
In Shaoxi 1 an official argued: "In antiquity taxes were levied only on what people actually had; the state did not demand what they lacked. Today silk owed in kind is first converted to cash at twice the statutory rate, then converted again to silver at twice that rate. As silver rises in price, cash grows scarce, and grain becomes unsellable, people must sell grain cheaply yet pay conversion at inflated rates—so even bumper harvests become a curse. I ask that the throne instruct prefectures: officials who over-collect or over-convert should face severe penalties; when farmers cannot sell their grain, Ever-Normal Granaries should buy it locally and release it at fair prices in bad years. This would protect the people without harming the state. The court approved.
57
使使
Secretariat Director Yang Wanli reported: "Grain paid to the state is called seed tax. Formerly one bushel owed meant one bushel paid; now two must be paid for one. Silk paid to the state is land tax in kind. Formerly only standard silk was owed; now compulsory purchase is added on top. Formerly the state paid for compulsory purchases in cash or salt; now it pays nothing and converts the owed silk to cash at twice the appraised value. Formerly the labor-exemption fee matched the land tax at one cash per mu; now the quota rises every year with no end in sight. Grain has been doubled, silk multiplied several times over, cash several times again—and on top of that come monthly advance payments and ledger fees. Who knows how many times this exceeds the founders' levies, let alone Han and Tang practice? Even these figures cover only the southeast; the unnamed extra levies in Sichuan cannot even be calculated. If Your Majesty wishes to lighten taxes, spending must be cut first. Restrain spending and revenue can accumulate; with revenue accumulated the state is secure; when the state is secure taxes can fall; when taxes fall the people prosper; when the people prosper the realm is at peace. Otherwise, day after day and year after year, I cannot see where this will end." (At the time the new Jin emperor Shizong had just ascended the throne. Yang Wanli received envoys on the Huai frontier and heard that the Jin had remitted taxes on house gardens and foundations, abolished official village distilleries, cut salt prices, and waived field rent—empty boasts that reached our border. Hence his remarks at the rotating audience.) Closing bracket.〉
58
In the second year an edict declared: "In governing, nothing comes before caring for the people. Since my accession I have remitted heavy taxes, issued lenient policies, and sought peace and prosperity for the realm. Prefects and magistrates are the officials closest to the people. If they truly care for the people with benevolence and embody the throne's goodwill, government will be fair and lawsuits few. Yet I hear that officials rush collections ahead of schedule to meet quotas without asking whether the people can afford them; they hound taxpayers relentlessly and grind them down without regard for their welfare. Beyond balancing accounts they show no governance at all—far from what I expect of them. State finances have fixed needs and require sound management—not squeezing the people as a mark of ability. Understanding what comes first and what follows—this is what I value in local officials. Henceforth hold compassion in your hearts and the people's welfare as your duty, so they may live in peace—I will reward those who do."
59
西
In Qingyuan 2 an edict required Zhejiang East and West to convert summer tax and compulsory-purchase silk according to the Shaoxing 16 conversion rules. (Shaoxing 16 edict: for silk, thirty percent paid in cash and seventy percent in kind; for gauze silk, eighty percent in cash and twenty percent in kind.) Closing bracket.〉
60
仿
In Jiadao 2 an official reported: "Since Your Majesty's accession, tax-remission edicts have been issued every year, yet the people have received no real relief. Payments reach clerks and tax contractors early; when remission edicts arrive, only clerks' holdings are released and contractors' debts deferred—so despite imperial leniency, the people's cries of hardship continue. Han edicts relieving the people often cut the following year's land tax. The court should follow Han precedent: announce a major remission this year and apply the cut to next year's tax, so people know the amount in advance, clerks cannot cheat, and the benefit reaches them. The court approved.
61
殿
In Chunyou 8 Supervising Censor Chen Qiulu, also lecturer at the Chongzheng Hall, reported: "Our dynasty is rich in benevolent measures, yet its fundamental institutions remain incomplete. Today's land tax system is inherited from the flawed Dali-era levy. Even regular taxes already burden the people—how much worse is advance collection? One year of advance collection is not enough—they advance two years, then three; three years' taxes are not enough—they advance four, then five. I hear that some prefectures and counties are already collecting taxes owed as far ahead as Chunyou 14. For a household farming a hundred mu, even if they sold all their hereditary land, could they meet several years of advance payments? What began as an expedient lets officials manipulate accounts, breeds collusion between superiors and subordinates, and exhausts both the state and the people. I believe the remedy has four main parts: adopt Xiahou Tuan's proposal to consolidate prefectures so magistrates may report directly to the throne; apply the Liu Song Yuanjia 6 term-limit law so magistrates can focus on governing the people; restore Taizu's practice of sending court officials to serve as magistrates, to increase their authority; follow Emperor Guangwu's example of promoting Zhuo Mao to the highest office, to inspire their ambition. Then fix field boundaries, clarify registers, curb wasteful spending, and stop arbitrary levies—advance collection can be abolished and the people's suffering eased."
62
殿西 漿
In Xianchun 10 Censors Chen Jian and Chen Guo reported: "The southeast is exhausted, the northwest frontier is in peril—this is the moment Zhuge Liang called one of survival or extinction. Yet noble mansions, consort clans, and imperial temples hold vast estates worth tens of millions of strings, all exempt from land taxes through invented categories. Prefectures starve for revenue, flog commoners, and drive families to sell wives and children—while great households dine in luxury and servants drink wine and eat meat; Buddhist temples live in idleness and ease, untouched by hardship. This was intolerable even in peaceful times—how much more so now? To ease the frontier crisis, the people must first be relieved; to relieve the people, prefectures and counties must be relieved—and that means regular taxes on mansions and temples cannot be left untouched. I ask that Your Majesty urgently discuss this with the chief ministers and put it into effect. The court approved.
63
調
In Jianyan 2 the deed registration stamp fee was restored and assigned to each circuit's penal-intendant office. In Shaoxing 2 forgery of deed margins was made punishable under military law. In the third month of the fifth year an edict set verification fees at ten cash per string of cash nationwide. Verification money was the deed registration stamp fee. Prefectural vice-prefects were first ordered to stamp and sell official deed paper; in land disputes, informal contracts would no longer be accepted. In the eleventh month, with revenues insufficient, an edict ordered prefectures to sell household deed registers and charge people according to their holdings. Harsh collection caused delays, so fixed rates were set: top urban and rural households paid thirty thousand cash; fifth-rank rural and ninth-rank urban households paid one thousand—six grades in all, with reduced rates for lower households in Fujian and Guangdong; payment was due within three months and sent to the temporary capital; where drought damage exceeded forty percent, special orders applied.
64
In the thirty-first year: previously, deed taxes on land sales were divided seventy percent to commissariat and general supplies offices and thirty percent to provincial accounts. Wang Zhiwang, director of Sichuan finance, asked to collect these funds locally for military use; the court approved. Dowries, wills, and burial plots all required stamped contracts and taxes; within a year more than 4.67 million strings were collected, excluding eight frontier counties granted remission and nineteen prefectures including Luzhou and Kuizhou that had not yet complied. In Qiandao 5 Revenue Minister Zeng Huai reported: "Sichuan collected several million strings under deadline; Wuzhou gathered more than 300,000—yet other circuits ignore the policy entirely." An edict ordered: "Households with informal contracts have three months to declare them and another hundred days to pay tax; vice-prefects must deposit the revenue in general supplies accounts. prefects and vice-prefects who forwarded 110,000 strings or more would be rewarded; those who failed to report or pay on time could be reported and punished by law. In Chunxi 6, when the Statutes Office submitted the Revised Chunxi Code with taxes on boat, donkey, camel, and horse contracts, the emperor ordered them removed, saying: "I fear future generations will say the state taxed boats and carts."
65
使 西便 西西 西 西 便
In Jianyan 3 Zhang Jun, commander of Sichuan and Shaanxi, appointed Zhao Kai, co-director of the Sichuan-Qin Tea and Horse Office, as army transport commissioner and director of Sichuan finance. Once western armies were stationed in Shu, the Yi and Li offices had already diverted tribute funds from the three supply routes. (Cloth and silk from Sichuan sent to Shaanxi, Hedong, and Jing West.) Closing bracket.〉 In the autumn of the fourth year all Ever-Normal Granary market funds accumulated since the Yuanfeng era were seized, (Funds sealed in storage since Yuanfeng.) Closing bracket.〉 next came the incentive-reward silk levy, (That year the first levy was 330,000 bolts, to be abolished once the frontier quieted. In Shaoxing 16 levies in Li and Kui were cut by 30,000 bolts; only East and West Sichuan's 300,000 bolts remain unchanged to this day.) Closing bracket.〉 next came appraisal and cash conversion of miscellaneous silk lots, (That is, tribute cloth from the three supply routes, 300,000 bolts per year. West Sichuan charged eleven strings per bolt, East Sichuan ten. From Shaoxing 25 through the start of Qingyuan, both circuits were cut to six strings per bolt.) Closing bracket.〉 next came cloth-appraisal charges, (In Chengdu, Chongqing, Peng, Han, Qiong, and Yongkang, since the Tiansheng era the government had purchased cloth at three hundred cash per bolt—a great convenience for the people—until payments ceased. By then the Pacification Commission required three strings of appraisal cash per bolt of cloth—over 700,000 bolts a year, worth more than two million strings. By the start of Qingyuan repeated cuts had reduced the sum to a little over 1.3 million strings.) Closing bracket.〉 next came accumulated principal and interest in Ever-Normal Granary accounts, (This was the Green Sprouts loan fund accumulated since the Xining and Yuanfeng eras. In Jianyan 1 Vice Director Yu Ruli of the Palace Department was sent to gather more than eight million strings; by then those funds were seized for the army.) Closing bracket.〉 next came the paired grain-purchase levy, (If a household owed one hundred shi in tax, another one hundred shi was levied for government purchase—hence the name "paired purchase.") Closing bracket.〉 and other assorted levies. (Such as wine and salt.) In all, beyond the former dynasty's regular taxes, annual revenue rose by 20.68 million strings—not counting tea. Thereafter army stores recovered somewhat, but the people of Shu began to feel the strain.
66
使使 使
In Shaoxing 5 Zhang Jun was recalled as Right Vice Director of the Ministry of Works; Xi Yi became Sichuan pacification and preparedness commissioner, and Zhao Kai became chief transport commissioner of Sichuan. Xi Yi frequently diverted military deadline funds; Zhao Kai appealed to court, and repeatedly expanded paper-note issues—yet army finances still ran short. In the sixth year Li Dai, academician of the Dragon Diagram Hall, replaced Zhao Kai as chief transport commissioner. Vice Director Feng Kangguo of the Justice Department said: "Sichuan is cramped and its people poor. Under the imperial ancestors, where regular taxes were heavy, commuted levies were lighter; where regular taxes were light, commuted levies were heavier—the two balanced each other, avoiding both over- and under-taxation. For more than a century the people lived in peace. In recent years transport and general-supplies offices have altered the old law, endlessly twisting commutation to maximize revenue—driving people to abandon their livelihoods and flee. I ask that these changes be abolished and the old system restored in full. The court granted the request and ordered censorial officials to investigate violations.
67
使 西 使使 便 使
In the third month of the seventh year Li Dai assigned army-support funds and grain among the four circuits' transport commissioners and refused to use tea monopoly revenue—a policy Shu did not accept. In the ninth month Zhang Jun was dismissed and Zhao Ding became Left Vice Director of the Ministry of Works. In the eleventh month Zhang Shen was placed in charge of Sichuan tea and horses, and Li Dai requested leave for temple service. In the second month of the eighth year Shen and Pacification Commission adviser Chen Yuanyou were both appointed vice transport commissioners of Sichuan. Xi Yi left office in mourning and Privy Council academician Hu Shijiang replaced him. In the tenth month Zhao Ding was dismissed and Qin Hui became sole chief councilor. In the ninth year peace was concluded with the Jin. Privy Council signatory Lou Zhao, returning from proclaiming the peace in Shaanxi, delivered four thousand taels of gold and two hundred thousand taels of silver to the Incentive-Reward Vault—all drawn from Shu. When Wu Jie died, Hu Shijiang became pacification vice commissioner and Personnel Minister Zhang Dao became prefect of Chengdu and circuit pacification commissioner. The emperor told his chief ministers: "Zhang Dao may be given discretionary authority. The arbitrary extractions Sichuan recently suffered should be reduced to relieve the people. From Zhang Dao onward, the Chengdu commander handled civil affairs. Hu Shijiang memorialized appointing Pacification Commission adviser Jing Du as vice transport commissioner of Sichuan.
68
In the first month of the eleventh year Zhao Kai died. Since the Jurchen invasion of Shaanxi and Shu, Zhao Kai had supplied the armies for ten years without shortage—the realm depended on him. Later finance chiefs changed often, but none dared alter Zhao Kai's system. Yet taxes on tea, salt, wine monopolies, and miscellaneous silk and cloth became Sichuan's permanent levies; though repeatedly cut, the burden persisted—and critics could not help blaming Zhao Kai as the originator.
69
使 使 使
In the tenth month Zheng Gangzhong became Sichuan-Shaanxi proclamation commissioner. In the twelfth year Hu Shijiang died and the office was retitled Pacification Commissioner. In the thirteenth year Zheng Gangzhong presented ten thousand taels of gold. In the first month of the fifteenth year Zheng Gangzhong memorialized cutting Chengdu Circuit's paired grain-purchase levy by one-third. In the fourth month the Sichuan chief transport commissioner was abolished and the post's duties transferred to the Pacification Commission. Zheng Gangzhong soon crossed Qin Hui, and the Sichuan General Supplies Office for funds and grain was established, with Palace Storehouse Vice Director Zhao Buqi appointed to head it. Zhao Buqi was reassigned to oversee Pacification Commission funds and grain for Sichuan. In the sixteenth year Zheng Gangzhong memorialized cutting the two Sichuan circuits' rice transport fees by 320,000 strings, incentive-reward silk by 20,000 bolts, and exempting newly added wine levies of 34,000 strings. Five hundred thousand strings of Sichuan general-control funds were allocated for frontier expenses. In the seventeenth year Revenue Vice Director Fu Xingzhong took charge of Pacification Commission funds and grain for Sichuan; Zheng Gangzhong was summoned to court; Zhao Buqi acted as Vice Director of Works; and Chengdu Prefect Li Qiu acted for the Pacification Commission.
70
Previously Zheng Gangzhong had memorialized: "This office's frontier reserve held 5,815,000 paper notes in annual receipts; if used to supply the annual budget, new levies could be cut proportionally and the people's burden eased. The court ordered Li Qiu and Fu Xingzhong to deliberate and reduce levies. Thereupon nominal collection quotas in Sichuan were cut by 2.85 million strings annually; cloth-appraisal charges in the two circuits by 365,000 strings; Kuilu salt levies by 76,000 strings; market and ferry profit taxes by more than 46,000 strings; and rice transport fees in the two circuits by 420,000 strings. The Pacification Commission's imperial-grant vault held one million shi of rice; Fu Xingzhong was ordered to reduce paired-purchase quotas proportionally.
71
使
In the eighteenth year the Sichuan Pacification Commission was abolished; Li Qiu became Sichuan pacification and preparedness commissioner and prefect of Chengdu; and Palace Storehouse Vice Director Wang Zhaosi was put in charge of Sichuan revenue, horses, funds, and grain. Pacification Commission imperial-grant funds—except for 200,000 strings withdrawn by the Preparedness Commission—were placed under the General Supplies Office. In the twenty-second year the General Supplies Office remitted arrears on appraised purchase principal before Shaoxing 17 across all circuits—more than 1.29 million strings, 98,700 shi of rice, and 14,000 bolts of damask and silk. Even after the peace treaty, annual levies had been cut by more than 4.62 million strings—yet the court still considered the burden heavy. In the twenty-fourth year Revenue Vice Director Zhong Shiming was sent with Sichuan's Preparedness and General Supplies offices to arrange relief for the people. In the twenty-fifth year, on Fu Xingzhong's advice, cuts were made in silk-appraisal charges in the two circuits by 280,000 strings, Tongchuan autumn-tax transport fees by 40,000 strings, Lilu levy transport fees by 120,000 strings, rice transport fees in the two circuits by 400,000 strings, excess salt-and-wine levies by 740,000 strings, and incentive-reward silk by more than 9,000 bolts—totaling more than 1.6 million strings; and 2.92 million strings in prefectural and county arrears on appraised purchase principal from Shaoxing 19–23 were remitted.
72
使
Though the court remitted old arrears, Fu Xingzhong's enforcement remained harsh—and the people of Shu resented him. Xiao Zhen was appointed Sichuan pacification and preparedness commissioner and prefect of Chengdu; Fu Xingzhong was transferred to superintend the Taiping Xingguo Palace in Jiangzhou. In the twenty-sixth year, because Shu had long borne the cost of supply, the emperor ordered Xiao Zhen, Tang Yonggong, Li Run, Xu Yin, and Wang Zhiwang to arrange relief—and Wang Zhiwang memorialized cutting Sichuan's tribute payments in half. In the twenty-seventh year, on Xiao Zhen's advice, paired grain-purchase rice in the three circuits was cut by more than 169,000 shi, Kuilu incentive-reward silk by 50,000 bolts, silk-appraisal charges in the two circuits by more than 280,000 strings, and miscellaneous commuted cloth in Tongchuan and Chengdu by 1,000 bolts; and tea quotas added by Han Qiu by more than 4.62 million jin were cut, along with more than 950,000 strings in nominal tea-office note interest.
73
Initially the old Pacification Commission at Lizhou held two million strings in reserve; the keeper secretly reported this to court, and the Preparedness Commission was ordered to seize the funds. Xiao Zhen said: "This reserve exists for flood, drought, and military emergencies—if crisis comes, will we again squeeze the people? Please leave half in reserve. That year Xiao Zhen died and Li Wenhui replaced him. In the twenty-eighth year Li Wenhui died and Editorial Director Wang Gangzhong replaced him. In the twenty-ninth year accumulated arrears on appraised purchase principal in Sichuan—3.4 million strings—were remitted.
74
退
In Qiandao 2 odd arrears on plain-contract stamp taxes—more than 370,000 strings—were remitted. In the third year embezzlements and accumulated public arrears from Shaoxing 19–32 under the Sichuan-Qin Tea and Horse offices—664,900-odd strings—were remitted. In the fourth year another edict remitted all Sichuan prefectures' army-support arrears from Shaoxing 31 through Longxing 2, including clawbacks for shortfalls and conversion deficits. Transport fees on regulated paired grain purchase owed by Chengdu households—350,000 strings—were remitted. In Chunxi 16 an edict declared: "Sichuan's annual payment of 1,356,000-odd strings to the Huguang General Supplies Office will be waived for three years beginning next year. Salt and wine quotas should be cut proportionally; the Preparedness and General Supplies offices, together with each circuit's transport and judicial-intendancy offices, should report item by item. The Huguang annual budget should be met from central funds."
75
In Shaoxi 3 rent and tax were remitted in Tongchuan prefectures and counties flooded the previous year; summer deliveries in Zi, Pu, Rong, and Xuzhou prefectures and Fushun Superintendency were likewise remitted. Soon another edict declared: "In drought-stricken prefectures and counties of this circuit, taxes paid by the government on the people's behalf and taxes already paid by the people shall all count toward this year's quota. In the fourth year miscellaneous silk-appraisal notes from Shaoxi 3 in the Chengdu and Tongchuan circuits—471,450-odd notes—and Tongchuan incentive-reward silk—166,975 bolts—were remitted. Another edict remitted Sichuan prefectural and county salt and wine quotas for another three years beginning the next year.
76
西
In Jiading 7 Sichuan prefectural and county salt and wine quotas were again remitted for three years, and the due payment to the Huguang General Supplies Office was likewise waived for three years. In the eleventh year Tianshui Army's rent, corvée, and apportioned levies for the year were remitted; Xihe Prefecture seven-tenths; Chengzhou six-tenths; Jiangli and Hechi counties five-tenths each—because they had endured warfare.
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