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卷一百八十五 志第一百三十八 食貨下七

Volume 185 Treatises 138: Finance and Economics 2g

Chapter 185 of 宋史 · History of Song
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1
Finance and Economics 7 — Wine Monopoly, Mines, Smelting, Alum, and Incense
2
Wine. Under the Song monopoly on intoxicants, every prefectural seat had government brewing offices; in counties, towns, villages, and hamlets private brewing might be allowed subject to a fixed annual levy, but wherever untapped revenue remained local authorities usually petitioned for state monopoly sales. In the three metropolitan capitals the state produced distiller's yeast, which private brewers could purchase for cash.
3
西使 使
Chen, Hua, Cai, Ying, Sui, Ying [Jingzhou], Deng, Jin, Fang prefectures and Xinyang Military District had long been exempt from the monopoly. Early in the Taiping Xingguo era (976–984), Jingxi transport commissioner Cheng Neng petitioned to bring these regions under monopoly control. Officials were posted to bureaus everywhere; tenant grain in rice and wheat was requisitioned for brewing, and government funds covered fuel and staff wages. Annual returns proved meager, yet supervising clerks still chased paper surpluses; fermentation was poor and the wine often thin and sour. Households were assessed by size and compelled to purchase for weddings and funerals, to the people's great distress. In lean years, when prices were high, the operation barely covered its costs. Emperor Taizong recognized these abuses. In 994 (Chunhua 5) he ordered private brewing under license, with the statutory payment to the state cut by two-thirds to ease compliance. Applicants had their assets reviewed; local magistrates and leading families stood as joint guarantors, with shared liability if quotas later went unmet. That year, at 472 low-yield districts, licensed private sale was introduced; elsewhere the state sold yeast and collected payment directly. Afterward few people took up the licenses, and government brewing still predominated.
4
西 使 使
Shaanxi was under the monopoly, yet much revenue still went uncaptured. In 1002 (Xianping 5), Revenue Bureau vice commissioner Li Shiheng petitioned to raise levies to help frontier costs, adding more than 110,000 strings of cash per year. The Two Zhe circuits had once licensed private operators to run the monopoly. Early in the Yongxi era (984–987), widespread illicit brewing led to lifting the ban; the wine levy was then folded into the two-tax rolls like the yeast fee. In 985 an edict declared: "When officials proposed ending Hangzhou's wine monopoly, wealthy clans seized the trade while poor households still paid annual assessments. A measure meant to help the people became harassment instead. The monopoly on wine should be restored and the apportioned levy abolished." In 1020 (Tianxi 4), transport vice commissioner Fang Zhongxun reported: "This circuit's wine quota stands at 140,000 strings, yet considerable revenue remains untapped." The annual levy was raised by 98,000 strings.
5
便 西
Sichuan followed the old system, with yeast prices set high. In 969 (Kaibao 2) an edict cut the price by one-fifth. Monopoly brewing was soon extended widely, but memorialists repeatedly protested its drawbacks. In 982 (Taiping Xingguo 7) the monopoly was withdrawn and yeast sales resumed under the old rules. Thereafter only Kui, Da, Kai, Shi, Lu, Qian, Fu, Li, Wei, Liangshan, Yun'an, Hedong's Lin and Fu, Jing-Hu's Chen, Fujian's Fu, Quan, Ting, Zhang and Xinghua, and all of Guangnan East and West remained exempt from the monopoly.
6
西
From spring through autumn, wine was sold as soon as fermentation finished — called "small wine," priced from 5 to 30 cash in twenty-six grades; Winter brews were steamed and held until summer — called "large wine," from 8 to 48 cash in twenty-three grades. Grains used — japonica, glutinous rice, millet, broomcorn, wheat, and so on — together with yeast recipes and wine styles, all followed local soil and water conditions. Grain for official brewing in the prefectures had to be bought at regular market rates; granary stocks could not be used. Brewers and corvée workers who would normally receive grain rations were paid in cash. Official yeast was made at the rate of one dou of wheat to six jin four liang of yeast. Yeast prices: 155 cash per jin in the Eastern and Southern Capitals, 150 in the Western Capital.
7
使 使
Late in the Xianping era, Jiang-Huai commissioners raised monopoly revenues in ways that proved burdensome and exacting. In 1005 (Jingde 2) an edict barred further monopoly increases; commissioners were thereafter forbidden to oversee the wine monopoly concurrently. In 1007 another edict forbade officials at court and in the provinces from proposing levy increases to win favor and rewards. Early in the Tianxi era, Academician Zhang Shide, on mission to Huainan, proposed abolishing rural wine franchises with low annual quotas." The court approved.
8
In 996 (Zhidao 2), the two capitals and prefectures collected monopoly revenues of 1,214,000+ strings in copper cash, about 1,565,000 strings in iron cash, and 480,000+ strings from yeast sales in the capital. By the end of the Tianxi era, monopoly revenues had risen by 7,796,000 strings in copper cash, 1,354,000 in iron cash, and 391,000 from yeast sales.
9
西
Early in the Later Han of the Five Dynasties, illicit yeast production was punished by public execution; under the Later Zhou, amounts up to five jin carried the death penalty. In 961 (Jianlong 2), finding Zhou penalties too harsh, capital punishment was limited to fifteen jin of illicit yeast or three dou of illicit wine brought into cities; lesser amounts received graded sentences; buyers of illicit wine or yeast received sentences half as severe as producers. In 962 prohibitions on wine and yeast were reissued. Private manufacture: twenty jin in cities or thirty jin in the countryside meant execution; carrying illicit wine within fifty li of the capital or twenty li of the Western Capital and prefectural seats: five dou or more meant death; beyond those limits, one shi of illicit wine brought into an official sales zone meant execution. In 966 (Qiande 4) penalties were eased below Jianlong levels: death applied only at fifty jin or more in cities, one hundred jin in the countryside, two to three shi of illicit wine in restricted zones, or four to five shi near official sales offices. As the law grew milder, violations became rare.
10
In 989 (Duangong 2) licensed brewers who bought yeast and sold wine faced the same ten-li restriction around county towns as the twenty-li rule around prefectural seats. After the Tiansheng era, Beijing followed the three-capital yeast rules; official wine and yeast sales were bounded by territories with penalties for encroachment. Exempt regions largely matched those of early Song, with Yongxing, Datong, Maozhou in Sichuan, and Fushun added.
11
After long peace the population swelled, and ever more grain went into brewing. Early in the Qianxing era critics noted that wine revenues on every circuit rose month on month without limit — contrary to the ancient ideal of curbing communal drinking and teaching thrift." An edict followed: villages might not add new wine stations; existing licensed operators were given three-year terms; others might not raise levies to expand sales; operators who wished to raise their own quotas had to show officials that future yields would cover the increase before petitioning the court." Censor-in-chief Yan Shu then petitioned to forbid levy increases at low-margin wine stations.
12
便 使 西
In 1029 (Tiansheng 7) an edict declared that households buying wine for weddings and funerals should not face forced quotas. Yet in Jiang-Huai, Jing-Hu, and the Two Zhe circuits wine franchisees often bullied commoners, issuing purchase orders and forcing excess sales. The practice was strictly forbidden; violators could be reported, with informants recruited to take over franchises." Early in the Qingli era (1041–1048) the Three Departments reported that the Shaanxi campaign had strained military funds and that wine monopoly revenues were especially needed. They asked to rank supervising officials by annual yields and reward those who increased revenues." Xiao Dingji, Wang Qi, and others were then ordered to assess the policy's costs and benefits.
13
When wine stations missed quotas, counties often forced yamen runners or ward-and-tithing groups to make up the shortfall; during the Jiayou and Zhiping eras repeated edicts forbade the practice. In 1067 (Zhiping 4) an imperial autograph remitted 160,000 strings of yeast debt owed by capital brewers and forbade the forced sales recently imposed at new Jiangnan wine stations. In the Huangyou era annual wine and yeast revenues totaled 14,986,196 strings; by Zhiping they had fallen by 2,123,703; Huangyou also brought in gold, silk, fodder, timber, and similar goods worth 4,000,760; by Zhiping that in-kind revenue had risen by 1,991,975.
14
西使
In 1070 (Xining 3) an edict forbade prefectures from exchanging wine gifts on holidays. Earlier, Weizhou prefect Cai Ting reported that Shaanxi officials exchanged brewed "public-service wine" along routes spanning more than twenty post stations, burdening transport." The court forbade the practice. Now Capital Office director Shen Xingfu reported that Mozhou prefect Chai Yifan had sent more than 900 bottles of wine to other prefectures using over 100 corvée laborers." The ban was therefore extended empire-wide.
15
祿 使 便 使
In 1071 the Three Departments levied a tax of 50 cash per 1,000 on wine and yeast franchise purchases, reserving the proceeds for clerks' salaries. In the sixth month Statutes Office reviser Zhou Zhiru explained that capital yeast-yard brewers missed revenue targets because excess yeast produced excess wine, depressing prices and eroding household profits. The remedy was to cut volume and raise prices so supply stayed limited yet sold through — sparing households spoilage losses while preserving state quotas. He proposed a fixed quota of 1.8 million jin, with an extra 150,000 jin in intercalary years. The old price was 168 cash per jin, reckoned at 85 per hundred-weight; he asked to raise it to 200, using round hundred-weight units for easier accounting." In 1074 prefectures previously barred from brewing were allowed to do so at 100 strings of public-service funds per 1,000 shi, with excess treated as a regulatory violation. Capital brewers consumed 300,000 shi of glutinous rice yearly. In 1076 Jiang-Zhe flood losses drove rice prices up; officials were sent to growing regions to advance cash, with grain to be delivered after harvest. Soon the scheme was canceled; capital brewers were to use equal parts newly purchased and existing grain stocks.
16
In 1078 capital brewers' yeast fees were raised while the annual yeast quota was cut by 300,000 jin, with an extra 10,000 jin in intercalary years. In 1079 an edict set the capital yeast quota at 1.2 million jin at 250 cash per jin, with prices to revert to the old rate once sales hit the former quota. Brewers' debts for spent grain and glutinous rice were spread over two years in installments, and 100,000 jin of unclaimed yeast quota was remitted." Since the 1071 capital yeast reform, many brewers could not meet payments despite repeated quota suspensions, a cut to 1.5 million jin, and a price of 240 cash per jin — arrears persisted. Bi Zhongyan and Zhou Zhiru were ordered to review the system. They proposed cutting quotas, raising prices, dividing supply among seventy shops with daily payments due within the year, and double penalties for monthly shortfalls; informant rewards were established for off-season brewing, unauthorized vessel sizes, and private yeast." The reforms took effect, with a modest price reduction. In 1080 installment payments on old yeast debts and double penalties were extended six months, with one-third of unpaid penalties remitted." In 1082 clansmen living outside the capital might brew wine only through elders of their former palace compounds or close kin. Ten wine stations were added in Qianyou County, Yongxing. Brewers' spent-grain and glutinous-rice debts were spread over three years with extended monthly terms; in-term penalty interest was canceled; one-third of double yeast penalties was remitted and poorer households received an additional ten-percent reduction.
17
沿 使 西沿
In 1086 provisions on circuit commissioners selling wine and gift exchanges along the three frontier circuits were removed. In 1095 Left Office remonstrator Zhai Si urged restoring Xining brewing quotas in all non-border prefectures. An edict ordered prefectures that had not brewed before 1072, or had public-service funds but no wine supply, to follow Xining statute quotas. Reductions were capped at 100 shi; prefectures already below quota were unchanged; extraordinary gift supplies were forbidden." Later, because border wine-office revenues in Shaanxi fell short, non-commandery border prefectures set brewing quotas by regulation, and frontier generals and stockades could brew only through official offices.
18
In 1103 Lianshui prefect Qian Jingyun, building a school, asked to fund it from vinegar-franchise receipts. The Ever-Normal office was to confirm no harm to public funds, with other circuits allowed to follow suit. Earlier, Yuanyou officials had sought to end the vinegar monopoly, but the Revenue Ministry noted that no prohibition statute existed. Later Zhai Si had proposed routing vinegar-workshop daily surpluses to the Ever-Normal fund; Jingyun's petition now required the Ever-Normal office to assess it. In the tenth month official wine prices on all circuits were raised two cash in upper-tier markets and one in middle and lower tiers to fund schools, with the remainder for transport commissioners.
19
In 1110, at the Two Zhe transport commissioner's request, a separate quota was set for official spent-grain sales revenue. Another edict required separate granary officers to oversee grain entering and leaving monopoly brewing pools in every prefecture. Vinegar could not be sold more than five li beyond a prefectural seat; the ban applied to counties, market towns, and villages alike. All proceeds went to the transport commission, while revenues previously assigned to the Ever-Normal Granaries were left unchanged.
20
使
In 1112, Huainan dispatch deputy commissioner Dong Zhengfeng reported: "Hangzhou's metropolitan wine bureau led every circuit in revenue. Before the Zhiping era it yielded three hundred thousand strings a year; now it brings in barely two hundred thousand. He asked that the bureau be split into three offices and two new comparison bureaus be set up without increasing staff, soldiers, or artisans, and that every prefecture in the circuit establish comparable offices for revenue auditing." The court approved. In 1114 the Two Zhe transport commission likewise petitioned for comparison bureaus, fixed brewing quotas and profit targets, and tied rewards and penalties to gains or shortfalls. An edict ordered: "Bureaus with two officials were to be split into two offices; those with three were to add a fourth office. No bureau, however many officials it had, could exceed four offices. Bureaus with many officials but modest revenues were allowed to keep their existing arrangements." That year, mash-and-yeast revenues from Hunan wine bureaus were reassigned to the intendant's office, with a three-cash surcharge per jin to pay direct-transport grain convoys and boat crews. Rules were set for recruiting brewers from the Clear-Service corvee militia whenever posts fell vacant. Clear Service referred to men selected and registered by the prefecture for yeast-kneading and brewing work; vacancies were filled by recruitment.
21
After the court fled south across the Yangzi, army upkeep forced repeated levy increases under a tangle of new names. Some revenues were managed by circuit intendant offices, some by transport commissions, and some by fiscal management bureaus — all to keep military funds from running dry. In 1129, Zhao Kai, overall director of Sichuan finances, overhauled the wine monopoly. Starting in Chengdu, he ended direct government supply of wine, converted former leased franchises into separate-brewing sites under official supervision, and required households to deliver rice and brew under state license — thirty cash per hu plus a twenty-two-cash surcharge. The following year the system spread across all four Sichuan circuits, with annual revenue rising to more than 6.9 million strings. Four hundred government brewing vats were established; private shops were excluded. Southeast wine quotas climbed steadily thereafter. In 1130, with rice and yeast prices high, the court raised upper-grade wine twenty cash per sheng and lower-grade wine eighteen, to revert once grain and yeast prices normalized.
22
In 1131, Two Zhe wine franchises were assessed an additional five percent of net profit on their lease payments, sent quarterly to the Ministry of Revenue. Wine prices were raised again — twenty cash per sheng for upper grades and ten for lower grades. Where prefectures and garrisons lost money on wine sales, prices were raised as needed; one third went to prefectural funds, one third to transport accounts, and one third to fiscal management offices. Previously wine prices had been fixed, and any increase required central approval. Thereafter prefectures and counties began raising prices on their own, and wine prices ceased to be uniform. In 1135, every prefecture was ordered to add five cash per sheng to all grades of wine, with the revenue assigned to fiscal management offices. In 1136, quotas were set from the median annual yield of the three years after 1132; any surplus was reserved for prefectural and county expenses. One hundred seven Sichuan wine posts at prefectures, garrisons, counties, and market towns were eliminated, along with every office whose wine revenue was negligible.
23
使
In 1137, following a proposal by Minister of Revenue Zhang Yi and others, an Army-Support wine warehouse was established at the court in exile. Sichuan commissioner Hu Shijiang set up Clear-Wine bureaus at Chengdu, Tongchuan, Zi, Pu, and Guang'an, leasing them to private operators for more than forty-eight thousand strings annually. After Zhao Kai introduced the separate-vat system, revenue rose to more than 146,000 strings, (Shaoxing 1.) When Hu Shijiang switched to direct official supervision, receipts doubled again and eventually reached more than 548,000 strings, (Shaoxing 25.) While outlying towns and privately leased franchises brought in another 390,000 strings. (Chunxi 2.) When the separate-vat system was first introduced, households brewed and sold at divided vats within official bureaus; the state measured incoming rice and collected the levy — a burden the public had not yet felt. Over time, when brewing revenues fell short, households that had delivered rice were forced to cover the deficit. Officials stopped verifying grain deliveries and simply collected cash — and the public began to feel the strain.
24
綿綿
In 1140, the Army-Support wine planning office was abolished and its staff transferred to the Ministry of Revenue. A left-section bureau director took concurrent charge under the title Inspector of Army-Support Wine Warehouses, working jointly with the circuit transport commissioner. In 1145, the wine monopoly in the Kuizhou circuit was lifted. Eleven warehouses north and south of the capital were combined into Army-Support and Merit-Reward wine stores, placed under the Left and Right Secretariat offices. In 1147, Sichuan Clear-Wine supervisory posts were cut back to two at Chengdu and one each at Xingyuan, Suining, Han, Mian, Qiong, Shu, Peng, Jian, Guo, the Fushun supervisorate, and the counties of Han and Mian prefectures.
25
便
In 1151, an edict restored the previous reward scales for supervisors of army-leased wine franchises. (For franchises yielding forty thousand or thirty thousand strings and above: doubling revenue shortened merit review by one year; tripling by two years; quadrupling by three years; quintupling by four years. For franchises of twenty thousand or ten thousand strings and above: doubling revenue cut merit review by three seasons; tripling by one year; quadrupling by three years. For franchises of seven thousand strings and above: doubling raised rank by three seasons; tripling shortened review by one year; quadrupling by eighteen months; quintupling by two years. For franchises below seven thousand strings: increases of ten thousand strings shortened review by one year; twenty thousand by two years; thirty thousand by three years; forty thousand by four years.) In 1155, commissioned brewing by circuit transport commissions was abolished. In 1157, with the separate-vat system burdening the public, franchises were opened to competitive lease to ease the hardship. Direct official supervision was abolished, then later reinstated.
26
使 殿 殿
In 1160, the Inspector and Planner of Army-Support Wine Warehouses was placed under the Ministry of Revenue. Soon afterward Vice Minister Shao Dashou and others reported: "Annual budgets depend on fiscal management offices, and revenue categories have multiplied. Circuits now lose two million strings a year because prefectures' public-service warehouses brew heavily and open separate retail shops, driving official wine bureaus to ruin." The court abolished separately established prefectural wine stores — army-grain wine warehouses, frontier-defense monthly stores, monthly stockpile stores, and the like — along with commissioned brewing at provincial bureaus and commanders' merit-purchase wine warehouses. Where revenues had not yet been assigned to fiscal management offices, fixed quotas were set and revenues reassigned to cover shortfalls. In 1161, Palace Guard commander Zhao Mi transferred sixty-six army wine franchises to the Ministry of Revenue, (See year 9.) When Prince of Tong'an Yang Cunzhong stepped down as Palace Guard commander, he likewise surrendered nine privately leased wine franchises; their combined annual profit exceeded six hundred thousand strings. Seven tenths went to the court in exile and three tenths to transport accounts. Since the wars began, field commanders had kept wine monopolies for themselves. Only then did the central treasury begin tapping those revenues to help meet routine expenses.
27
西 西
In 1165, sixty-four reward wine warehouses in eastern and western Zhe were assigned to the Three Guards. Their levies went to the Left Treasury South Storehouse; surplus funds paid annual army support and arms production. In 1166, an edict ordered: "All wine warehouses of the Lin'an pacification commission were to be transferred to Army Support; along with all Army-Support warehouses and Lin'an pacification commission wine bureaus, the Ministry of Revenue was to set quotas from the median annual yield of the previous three years." Daily sales reached ten thousand strings. Annual principal totaled 1.4 million strings, profit 1.6 million, yeast fees twenty thousand, and surplus presented to the Inner Treasury another two hundred thousand — later raised to five hundred thousand. In 1168, reward scales for franchise supervisors were established. In 1171, following a proposal by Huai West overall director Zhou Yan, four overall-director warehouses, five pacification-commission warehouses, eighteen supreme-command warehouses, one cavalry-command warehouse, and one new traveling-palace warehouse — twenty-nine in all — were placed on quotas based on the highest of three years' receipts; net profit from the new traveling-palace warehouse, after assigned payments and overhead, was divided in thirds, with one third sent to the Imperial Front wine warehouse; the office was titled Director of the Jiankang Ministry-of-Revenue Army-Support Wine Warehouse; new seals were cast and the warehouse renamed. In 1172, Changde prefect Liu Banghan reported: "The people of Hubei are crushed by wine franchises. Even the poorest families must pay ten thousand cash before they can hold a wedding or funeral." He cited the Qiandao Revised Statutes and Decrees and strictly enforced the ban on coerced purchases. In 1176 an edict declared: "Sichuan wine revenues, depressed by devalued assessments, may be cut by more than 473,500 strings. The Ministry of Rites was to issue 661 ordination certificates to cover this year's shortfall; next year the sum would be recovered from Sichuan's payments to the Huguang overall office."
28
In 1205, Lin'an prefect and concurrent Inspector of Army-Support and Merit-Reward Warehouses Zhao Shanfang and transport vice-commissioner Zhan Hui, who also directed Ministry-of-Revenue reward wine warehouses, petitioned to cut redundant staff by assigning concurrent duties to officials of various offices. The following year, with the Secretariat reporting shortfalls against quota, dedicated posts were restored.
29
When Zhao Kai first established separate brewing, it was meant to ease a temporary crisis. The system soon spread through the prefectures, and both army support and local budgets came to depend on it. Though the system was suspended, revived, expanded, and cut back in countless ways, it could never finally be abolished.
30
耀
Mines and smelting comprised 201 supervisory offices and sites for gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin. Gold came from Shang, Rao, She, and Fu prefectures and Nan'an Military District. Silver came from Feng, Jian, and Guiyang prefectures, with three supervisory offices; fifty-one sites in seventeen prefectures — Rao, Xin, Qian, Yue, Qu, Chu, Dao, Fu, Ting, Zhang, Nanjian, Shao, Guang, Ying, Lian, En, and Chun — and three military districts — Jianchang, Shaowu, and Nan'an; and three bureaus in Qin, Long, and Xingyuan prefectures. Copper came from thirty-five sites in Rao, Chu, Jian, Ying, Xin, Ting, Zhang, and Nanjian prefectures and Nan'an and Shaowu military districts; and one bureau in Zizhou. Iron came from four supervisory offices in Xu, Yan, and Xiang prefectures; twelve smelteries in Henan, Fengxiang, Tong, Guo, Yi, Qi, Huang, Yuan, and Ying prefectures and Xingguo Military District; twenty bureaus in Jin, Ci, Feng, Li, Dao, Qu, He, Mei, Shan, Yao, Fang, Qian, Ting, and Ji prefectures; and twenty-five sites in Xin, E, Lian, Jian, and Nanjian prefectures and Shaowu Military District. Lead came from thirty-six sites and bureaus in Yue, Jian, Lian, Ying, Chun, Shao, Qu, Ting, Zhang, and Nanjian prefectures and Nan'an and Shaowu military districts. Tin came from nine sites in Henan, Nankang, Qian, Dao, He, Chao, and Xun prefectures and Nan'an Military District. Mercury came from four sites in Qin, Jie, Shang, and Feng prefectures. Cinnabar came from three sites in Shang and Yi prefectures and the Fushun supervisorate.
31
In 970, an edict declared: "The ancients did not prize rare goods. Later dynasties taxed mountains and marshes, squeezing the top and grinding down the bottom. Whenever I reflect on this, I feel deep remorse. If I cannot leave gold untouched in the mountains, how can I bear to seize what belongs to the people? Henceforth the annual silver quota of the Guiyang supervisory office shall be cut by one third." Private casting of copper into Buddha images, pagodas, and ornamental figures was banned, and copper and iron were forbidden to cross the frontier.
32
西
In 996, officials reported: "Ding Prefecture's mountains hold rich silver deposits, and copper mines have reopened in Feng Prefecture. Smelting has yielded excellent ore in quantity. We ask that a government office be established to manage production." Emperor Taizong replied: "The earth does not hoard its treasures — they should be shared with the people." He refused. Beyond the eastern and western Sichuan wine and merchant-tax levies, half payable in silver and silk, officials proposed that two tenths be paid in gold. In 1006, an edict abolished the requirement because gold was not a local product.
33
輿
During the Tiansheng era, gold mining at Deng and Lai yielded several thousand additional taels each year. Emperor Renzong ordered rewards for the officials involved. Chancellor Wang Zeng objected: "Heavy gold mining draws people away from farming — we should not encourage it." During the Jingyou era, famine struck Deng and Lai. The court temporarily lifted the gold ban and allowed private mining, restoring the prohibition once harvests recovered. By then the empire had enjoyed peace for generations. Popular taste grew ever more extravagant, and countless people lavished gold on clothing and vessels — no prohibition could check the trend. During the Jingyou and Qingli eras, the court repeatedly issued edicts reinforcing the ban; the full text appears in the Treatise on Carriages and Apparel. As a rule, mountain and marsh resources are finite. Deposits either burst forth and quickly run dry, or yield over years less than they cost to work. When annual quotas fell short, officials invariably pressed mine operators to make up the difference. Whenever Emperors Renzong and Yingzong issued amnesty edicts, they ordered local authorities to review idle smelteries — closing some, remitting operators' outstanding quotas for others. This became standard practice; When officials submitted requests of their own, the throne usually granted them without hesitation. Smelteries accordingly rose and fell unpredictably, and annual revenue fluctuated with them.
34
During the Huangyou era, annual output reached 10,095 taels of gold, 219,829 taels of silver, 5,100,834 catties of copper, 7,241,000 catties of iron, 98,151 catties of lead, 330,695 catties of tin, and 2,200 catties of mercury.
35
Subsequently, acting on amnesty orders or official petitions, more than a hundred smelteries were shut down. Deposits revived in time. By the Zhiping era, sixty-eight smelteries had been added or reopened, bringing the nationwide total to 271 mining and smelting sites: eleven gold works in Deng, Lai, Shang, Rao, Ting, and Nan'en; eighty-four silver works across twenty-three prefectures — Deng, Guo, Qin, Feng, Shang, Long, Yue, Qu, Rao, Xin, Qian, Chen, Heng, Zhang, Ting, Quan, Jian, Fu, Nanjian, Ying, Shao, Lian, and Chun — plus Nan'an, Jianchang, and Shaowu military prefectures and Guiyang Superintendency; forty-six copper works in Rao, Xin, Qian, Jian, Zhang, Ting, Nanjian, Quan, Shao, Ying, and Zi prefectures and Shaowu Military Prefecture; seventy-seven iron works across twenty-four prefectures — Deng, Lai, Xu, Yan, Feng, Xiang, Shan, Yi, Xing, Guo, Ci, Qian, Ji, Yuan, Xin, Li, Ting, Quan, Jian, Nanjian, Ying, Shao, Qu, He, and Zi — plus Xingguo and Shaowu military prefectures; thirty lead works in Yue, Qu, Xin, Ting, Nanjian, Ying, Shao, Chun, and Lian prefectures and Shaowu Military Prefecture; sixteen tin works in Shang, Guo, Qian, Dao, He, Chao, and Xun prefectures; Prefectural mercury and cinnabar works remained unchanged from the Zhidao and Tianxi eras, each staffed with appointed officials. That year compared with Huangyou, gold fell by 9,656 taels while silver rose by 95,384. Copper rose by 1.87 million catties, iron and tin yards by over a million, and lead by two million. Cinnabar output exceeded 2,800 catties. Only mercury showed no change.
36
In 1068, an edict declared: "Annual quotas owed by idle imperial treasure mines shall be remitted." In 1075, communities near mines and smelteries were ordered to pan, mine, and smelt collectively, with residents organized into mutual-responsibility groups; Offenses within a group or at mine sites — whether failing to report known violations or overlooking theft through negligence — were punished under the mutual-responsibility militia law.
37
In 1078, nationwide mine output totaled 10,710 taels of gold, 215,385 taels of silver, 14,605,969 catties of copper, 5,501,097 catties of iron, 9,197,335 catties of lead, 2,321,898 catties of tin, 3,356 catties of mercury, and 3,646 catties and 14 taels of cinnabar.
38
西
Earlier, in 1074, the Guangxi Frontier Commission reported: "The Tian region on Yong Prefecture's Right River yields gold from Dong territory. We request appointing Deng Pi to establish a gold field there." Within five years the field yielded gold worth 250,000 strings of cash, and Pi was promoted twice. In 1081, output proved too thin to sustain tribute payments, and the field was closed. Lead along the Qian–Ji prefectural border was fully banned. In 1084, Revenue Minister Wang Cun and others petitioned to restore the copper ban and received merit-review extensions of varying length. That year, 136 mining and smelting sites fell under the Bureau of Parks and Waterways.
39
西
In 1102, You Jing, commissioner for copper on the Jianghuai and other circuits, reported: "Xin Prefecture's two ancient vitriol-copper pits differ: leaching copper from vitriol solution requires little labor for great profit, but the water supply is finite; smelting from vitriol ore yields an inexhaustible supply but slender profit. Initially, capital outlays should be raised and interest charges lowered — fifty cash per catty of leached copper, eighty for smelted." The court accepted his proposal. Outside Sichuan, Shaanxi, and Jingxi, all circuit mines were placed under joint Ever-Normal Granary administration. Sites where profits were thin but official supervision costly could, under Yuanfu and Shaosheng quota rules, be franchised to the highest bidder. In 1107, Wangxi Gold Field in Hubei, yielding 1,000 taels annually, received an appointed supervisor. Guangdong transport commissioner Wang Jue reported that as former head of the Ever-Normal Granaries he had developed mountain and marsh resources: last year Censhui field's copper output exceeded its lease quota by 39,100 catties and surpassed the normal annual yield by 661,000 catties. He was accordingly promoted. That year, circuit intendants were ordered to register all mine and smeltery sites, keeping separate lists for inactive operations, and to note every closure, reopening, relocation, or merger for submission to the Bureau of Parks and Waterways.
40
西
In 1108, an edict declared: "Even after a gold or silver strike is reported and under official inspection, unauthorized mining shall be punished as theft. Mines not previously under magistrate or assistant magistrate supervision were placed under their joint oversight, with rewards and penalties one grade below regular officials." Where smelteries operated, magistrates were required to inspect them monthly. Critics argued that magistrates should disseminate imperial benevolence and administer taxes and justice, not chase revenue through mountain valleys — and the order was withdrawn. In the eighth month, the Shaanxi mining commission was merged into the transport commission.
41
西 西 西 西 西 西
In 1109, the Department of State Affairs warned: "Shaanxi mines are already under special administration, but Sichuan gold and silver operations risk revenue loss through unchecked closures." The throne ordered the Shaanxi mining administrator to take charge of Sichuan operations as well. The Ministry of Works was ordered to keep annotated registers of all gold, silver, copper, lead, tin, iron, mercury, and cinnabar collected at mines, retiring half each year and forwarding updated records to the Department of State Affairs." Thereafter Revenue, Works, and the Department of State Affairs all maintained audit registers — but relying solely on ledger forms produced quotas without collections and collections without quotas. Assistant magistrates, mine supervisors, and responsible clerks were held liable, then pressed to make up accumulated annual shortfalls. In the ninth month, Shaanxi mining administrator Jiang Yi reported 1,600 taels of gold and varying amounts of other metals from circuit mines. The court ordered delivery to the Daguan West Treasury, promoted Jiang Yi, and shortened merit-review periods for his staff. In 1110, circuit intendants were to send officials with every assistant magistrate to survey mine profitability and prepare annotated maps. Intendants would verify and recommend awards proportional to findings; discrepancies or omissions would be punished after a second review. In 1112, Sichuan and Shaanxi each received dedicated mining administration offices. Mine administrator Liu Qi, who had developed gold production at Wan and Yong prefectures, yielded over 2,400 taels in a single year and received a special promotion. In the twelfth month, Guangdong's transport office reported: "This circuit's ninety-two iron mines yield over 2.89 million catties annually, with no use beyond copper leaching." The court ordered officials to buy it all for expanded leaching operations, funding purchases from departmental and Ever-Normal Granary accounts. The Department of State Affairs recommended: "Five circuits already have dedicated mining offices; Huainan, Hubei, Guangdong, and Guangxi are jointly managed by circuit intendants — the remaining circuits should follow suit." Transport commissioners in Jiangdong-West, Fujian, and the Two Zhes accordingly assumed mining oversight.
42
西西 西使 西 西
In 1113, Xu Yin, commissioner for the Southeast Nine Circuits' mines, argued: "Portents of peace fill the historical record without interruption. Rare finds from our circuit's mountains, marshes, and mines — extraordinary treasures or antique vessels — should be submitted to the Directorate of Books and Arts." Since early Zhenghe, Jingxi commissioner Wang Dan had reported crystal from Mount Taihe; Gui Prefecture prefect Wang Jue reported gold and "living-flower" gold fields at Zhenmen; Jingxi mining commissioner Wang Jingwen reported agate from Ru Prefecture's Qingling boundary. Later, over a thousand pits in Fan official Jie Biao's Huangzhou territory yielded raw and refined gold of four grades — 134 taels in all. Cai Jing had such finds announced to the Historiography Institute and led officials in congratulatory memorials — hence Yin's petition. Hebei, Jingdong-West, and Yin's nine circuits were reopening mines by fabricating strikes and pressuring local quotas. The Hebei mining commissioner was demoted, and integrity censor Zheng Chen with counterparts on every circuit were dispatched to investigate claimed benefits and abuses. In the eighth month, the Secretariat reported leaching operations underway. The court abolished Jingdong-West and Hebei mining commissions and the Southeast Nine Circuits post. In the eleventh month, the Department reported: "Xu Yin reserved southeastern black lead for coinage and converted the surplus into red lead powder for sale to cover expenses." Ever-Normal Granaries on all circuits were ordered to deliver 300,000 strings to the Daguan West Treasury; the rest of Yin's request was approved.
43
仿 貿 使貿 貿
The following year, iron on all circuits was monopolized along tea-and-salt lines: government smelters collected ore and issued permits for licensed trade. Thin ore veins could be privately franchised with capital advances, with a portion of output sold to the state; private trade was banned. Earlier, in 1083, Jingdong commissioner Wu Ju-hou reported: "Xu, Yun, Qing, and neighboring prefectures need large quantities of arms and tribute ironware, but the Liguo and Laiwu smelteries cannot meet demand. Government smelting, he argued, could multiply output several times over." The state thereafter monopolized iron, cast goods, and sold them to the public — until the Yuanyou reforms abolished the practice. Later, early in Daguan, Inner Palace envoy Pei Xuan, Jingyuan administrator, relayed Weizhou vice prefect Miao Chongshu's proposal: "At Shihe Iron Smeltery, where miners smelt privately and sell a portion to the state, private trade among miners should be banned. Farm tools and household wares would be government-cast; finished workshop goods would be surrendered to the state at fair price." Private trade was banned — except for farm tools and household wares. Government iron could be sold only to licensed casting shops.
44
貿
Early in Zhenghe, officials argued: "Salt and iron yield equal profit, yet while salt policy is fully enforced, iron commerce remains unregulated. They proposed seizing operators' unpaid debts, taking their smelted iron, casting it into goods, and selling them. Jingdong's two smelteries were especially productive; Hebei's Guzhen and other government works needed no subsidy; Hedong's iron and coal were richest of all. A government iron monopoly casting goods for one circuit — extending to Shaan and Yong — would yield broad revenue and curb illicit casting. With the Tangut Chashan smeltery now in Chinese hands, the Tanguts lacked iron for casting and reportedly traded salt for frontier iron coins. Government casting would make both iron and coin scarce, undermining their designs. They proposed monopolizing iron circuit-wide, establishing supervisory offices at the busiest sites — perhaps several dozen total — with remaining works as casting shops under chief supervisors or warehouse managers. All farm tools and wares would be government-cast and marked with serial numbers; after recovering capital, interest of twenty percent or more would be charged. Iron trade permits would circulate nationwide, with proceeds supporting paper-note reserves on three circuits." The Revenue Ministry was ordered to survey the proposal with transport commissioners on all circuits. The following year Guangdong petitioned to collect net profits at supervised sites under the old method, franchising thin veins without state monopoly — and the nationwide assessment was never carried out. Officials raised the matter again, tightening trade restrictions and fully monopolizing iron profits — though farm tools and wares remained privately cast, as before.
45
西
In the fourth month, Guangdong censor Huang Lie reported: "During Zhenghe, the Treasure Bureau set annual gold and silver quotas for Guang, Hui, Ying, Kang, Shao, and Xingqing — but thin veins and absent bidders let idle opportunists claim franchises in others' names, ravaging farmland and extorting locals." Zhenghe 6 quotas were abolished; viable old veins would continue under former levy arrangements." In the eleventh month, abolished circuit mining commissioners were restored; Jiangnan operations remained jointly managed by Jiangxi commissioner Liu Meng.
46
In 1119, placer gold at Shiquan Military Prefecture's Jiang Stream sandbars was opened to licensed panning along gold veins, with levies set as fixed quotas or fractional shares. In the tenth month, the supervisor at Xiang Prefecture's Anyang County Tongye Village copper works was reinstated. An earlier edict had kept only Xing Prefecture's Qicun and Ci Prefecture's Guzhen smelteries, closing all others — but the Ever-Normal Granaries noted Tongye Village's proximity to Hebei and strong profits, prompting reinstatement. In the sixth month, an edict lamented: "Mining profits were richest in the Two Guangs, yet recent revenue barely matched one-tenth of Xining–Yuanfeng levels. Transport commissioner Zheng Liang was charged with restructuring operations, setting permanent quotas based on peak Yuanfeng-era yields — without mining bureau involvement." At the time, nine circuits including Jiang, Huai, Jing, and Zhe operated 245 mines, 18 coin-casting offices, and annual quotas exceeding three million strings. In the fifth month, an edict restored Xining–Yuanfeng–Shaosheng rules for mines formerly under transport commissions; Chongning rules for mines placed under Ever-Normal Granaries after that era; Jianghuai circuit staffing would match Xining–Yuanfeng levels; other circuits' mining posts were abolished; the Secretariat would appoint circuit intendants."
47
After the Southern Crossing, mines rose and fell unpredictably, and annual revenue fluctuated widely. Below are appended 1,170 records of gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin smelteries' status in 1162, plus comparative revenue figures from the Coin-Casting Office in 1166:
48
西 西西 西西
Hunan, Guangdong, and Jiangdong-West gold works: 267 total, 142 closed; Hunan, Guangdong, Fujian, Zhedong, Guangxi, and Jiangdong-West silver works: 174 total, 84 closed; Tongchuan, Hunan, Lizhou, Guangdong, Zhedong, Guangxi, Jiangdong-West, and Fujian copper works: 109 total, 45 closed. Former quota: 7,507,260 catties annually; Qiandao intake: 263,160 catties.
49
西西西
Huai West, Kuizhou, Chengdu, Lizhou, Guangdong, Fujian, Zhedong, Guangxi, and Jiangdong-West iron works: 638 total, 251 closed; former quota 2,162,140 catties, Qiandao intake 880,300 catties.
50
西西
Huai West, Hunan, Guangdong, Fujian, Zhedong, and Jiangxi lead works: 52 total, 15 closed; former quota 3,213,620 catties, Qiandao intake 191,240 catties.
51
西
Hunan, Guangdong, and Jiangxi tin works: 118 total, 44 closed; former quota 761,200 catties, Qiandao intake 20,450 catties.
52
滿
In 1196, chief counselors reported: "Sealed silver reserves have fallen nearly 1.5 million short of late Chunxi levels. Exchange bureau revenue now falls below 300,000 annually, while ceremonies for the Three Palaces and imperial regalia cost some 400,000 — threatening further erosion of silver reserves. They proposed a provisional rule of thirds: one third paid in silver, two thirds in paper notes (huizi)." The emperor replied: "Very well."
53
In 1235 an amnesty decreed: "Where mines and smelteries were opened or closed on monastery, temple, shrine, or government grounds, on residential burial plots, or on grave groves and woodlands nearby, the law forbade private denunciations — and officials were forbidden to accept such cases. Officials were said to encourage denunciations for profit without verifying facts, causing widespread abuse. Households were henceforth allowed to appeal directly to higher authority; officials and plaintiffs alike would face severe statutory penalties. Where closed mines or exhausted veins led prefectures to force operators to report false quotas, the Commissioner for Minting was ordered to verify the figures and set them right."
54
Alum — under Tang, Jin Prefecture established the Pingyang Office to capture alum revenues. In 838 the Revenue Department petitioned to abolish the office, and alum hills reverted to local prefectural control. From the Five Dynasties onward the monopoly was revived with appointed officials; the Song kept the arrangement.
55
White alum came from Jin, Ci, and Fang prefectures, Wuwei Army, and Lingshi County in Fenzhou; green alum from Ci and Xi prefectures and Tongling in Chizhou. Each region had supervising officials; licensed cauldron households brewed alum for the state market. For alum from Jin, Fen, and Ci, one load equaled 140 jin and paid 60 strings of cash. In Xi Prefecture the load was 110 jin, with a payment of 800 strings. Bulk-sale prices for white alum: Jin Prefecture charged 21,500 cash per load; Ci Prefecture added another 1,500; Green alum: Fenzhou 24,500 cash per load; Cizhou added 500; Xizhou 4,600 per load. Retail white alum sold for 80 cash per jin in Fangzhou, 192 in Fenzhou, and 60 in Wuwei Army; Green alum sold for 70 cash per jin.
56
綿
Earlier, in 961, Left Remonstrance Grandee Liu Xigu was sent to Jin Prefecture to reorganize the alum monopoly. Merchants could deliver gold, silver, cloth, silk, cotton, tea, or cash and receive alum in return; annual revenue rose by 800,000 strings. Early in the Taiping Xingguo era, annual barter brought in more than 120,000 strings in cash, gold, and silver, and more than 30,000 strings' worth of tea. Early in the Duan Gong era, silver and silk amounted to more than 20,000 strings, and tea to 140,000. By then critics argued: "Alum ought to be paid for in ready cash, but merchants were bartering with stale tea — enriching powerful traders while doing nothing for the treasury. An edict limited future barter to gold, silver, and ready cash alone.
57
During the Zhidao era, white alum yielded 976,000 jin a year, green alum more than 405,000 jin, and sales revenue exceeded 170,000 strings. By the end of Zhenzong's reign, white alum had risen by more than 201,000 jin, green alum by more than 23,000 jin, and sales revenue by more than 69,000 strings. From the Tiansheng era onward, Jin and Ci recruited households to sell alum quarterly. Each batch filled one basin — as much as 1,500–1,600 jin or as little as 600–700. One quarter went to the state; the rest was bought at the official market. Wuwei Army likewise established an alum monopoly office; later households were allowed to brew alum themselves while the state ran sales depots. Private alum sales were banned under the same penalties as illicit tea. In 1028 an edict lifted the alum monopoly in both Shu circuits.
58
使
As Hedong alum stockpiles mounted, the state again accepted gold, silk, and fodder grain in payment. Fodder and grain were assessed at inflated values, so merchants profited from delivering goods in kind. At Lin Prefecture grain worth 100 cash per dou was assessed at 360. Alum leaving official stores was priced at 21,500 cash yet bought only six shi of grain — worth a mere 6,000 cash at market rates — while each load had already cost the state 60 strings in capital. The state held the monopoly in name only; in practice it made no profit. In 1061 payment in fodder and grain was abolished and cash payment restored. Alum was reckoned at 104 jin per load; payment at the Capital Monopoly Bureau was 107,000 cash; payment at Lin and Fu prefectures was reduced by another 3,000. Merchants could no longer capture the profit for themselves. During Huangyou, Jin and Ci delivered 2,273,800 jin of alum, exchanged for fodder and grain worth 136,600 strings; Wuwei Army alum sales brought in 33,100 strings. During Zhiping, Jin and Ci alum deliveries fell by 1,096,504 jin; Wuwei Army maintained a fixed annual alum quota under the transport commissioner, unchanged from Huangyou levels; Xi Prefecture now delivered 396,000 jin, likewise exchanged for cash to subsidize Hedong's annual grain purchases.
59
西 祿 西西
In 1068 the Hedong transport commission was ordered to recover untapped alum and salt revenues. Li Shizhong warned: "Three hundred jin of alum in government stores was efflorescing and losing salt; it risked becoming worthless scrap. An edict allowed merchants who delivered grain and fodder to be paid in alum. In 1070 the Luzhou jiaozi office was abolished because it interfered with grain deliveries and competitive bidding for alum and salt. Qing Prefecture prefect Wang Guangyuan argued: "In Hedong, alum is the richest revenue source. He asked that Hedong, Jingdong, Hebei, and Shaanxi each receive a separate alum code with dedicated intendant officials. The court sent Palace Provisioner Yang Pan to consult on the proposal and report back. Yang Pan reported: "Fangzhou produces alum, and though the state ran official markets, merchants sold mostly on the black market. He proposed licensing cauldron households within fixed quotas, bounded on the north by the Yellow River in Shaanxi, on the east by Tong Pass, and on the south by Jingxi, Jun, Fang, Xiang, Deng, Jin Prefecture, and Guanghua Army — with households bound to mutual surveillance. Cross-border private sales would be punished like illicit white alum; officials seizing contraband could further reduce weight for adulteration, as under existing white-alum law. The court approved.
60
From the opening of the Xining reforms, alum policy began to change. First-year revenue was 36,400-odd strings; after five years of growth the median for 1073 was taken and a new quota of 183,100-odd strings was set; By 1083 revenue reached 337,900 strings; Wuwei Army's annual quota was 1.5 million jin, requiring capital of 18,000 strings; From Zhiping through Yuanfeng those figures held steady.
61
仿
Initially, under the Xi and Feng reforms, the southeast's nine circuits sold alum directly under transport commission oversight. Yuanyou briefly opened alum to private trade; Shaosheng restored the Xi-Feng system. In 1107 quotas were set at 240,000 strings each for Hebei and Hedong and 90,000 for Huainan; official sales ended and merchant trade was allowed, with new intendants in Hedong, Hebei, and Huainan. Early in Zhenghe official sales resumed and private trade was abolished, restoring the earlier monopoly. Huainan's alum affairs office was dissolved and its work returned to the transport commission, with a tribute quota of 33,100 strings. In 1113 officials petitioned to cut Hebei, Hedong, and Huainan quotas by a combined 160,000 strings. In 1114 quotas were restored to Daguan levels. In 1115 green alum from Hebei and Hedong could be sold by licensed merchants in the southeast's nine circuits. Household stocks were registered as under open-trade rules; new permits allowed resale — broadly mirroring salt policy. Under Xuanhe, surplus-and-deficit comparisons tied to rewards and penalties were introduced but soon abolished for harassing the populace.
62
In 1129 finance commissioner Huang Qianhou petitioned to let merchants sell Huainan alum in the southeast circuits, pay at the court in exile, and collect alum at depots with official permits.
63
西
In 1141, following Han Qiu of the minting office, prices were set at 120 cash per jin for Qingdan alum in Fuzhou and 30 for native alum; Qianshan's superior product commanded 150 cash for Qingdan alum and 80 for yellow alum. In 1159 the Huai West intendant's office fixed the quota at 41,585 strings, the median annual alum revenue from 1154–1158. Other alum districts — Yongxing Depot in Liuyang, Tanzhou, and Censhui Depot in Shaozhou — likewise ran licensed depots with fixed annual deliveries. East of Zhangzhou alone, close to the coast in steep mountain country, alum could be mined — but outlaws from Chao, Mei, Ting, and Gan prefectures congregated there. Their chiefs styled themselves Great and Lesser Cave Lords; locals and itinerant traders alike were bandits.
64
Incense — after tea, salt, and alum, incense offered the broadest margins among Song monopolies, and so the state kept it under official control. In 1130 Quanzhou compulsorily purchased 86,780-odd jin of frankincense across thirteen grades. An edict sent the stock to the Monopoly Bureau for bundling and sale — 3,000 jin per overland convoy and 10,000 jin per river convoy.
65
In 1175 bandits rose in Chen and Gui prefectures, protesting forced frankincense purchases. An edict ordered: "All frankincense held in Hunan Circuit was to be sent to the Monopoly Bureau at the court in exile, exempt from forced requisition. In 1185 Monopoly Bureau frankincense was allocated to circuits for retail sale; every 10,000 strings realized was remitted to the Left Treasury's South Vault. In 1188 circuit distribution was deemed abusive; sales were restricted to competitive bidding at the Monopoly Bureau alone.
66
In 1192, with Fujian's maritime trade office falling short on frankincense deliveries, the court restored competitive purchasing. In 1207 competitive purchasing was halted. In 1219 officials argued that paying gold and silver for frankincense leaked precious metal to foreign traders; the court limited barter to silk, brocade, porcelain, lacquerware, and similar goods. Imports would be accepted in whatever quantity arrived; shortfalls were to be tolerated — frankincense need no longer be treated as indispensable.
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