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卷一百八十六 志第一百三十九 食貨下八

Volume 186 Treatises 139: Finance and Economics 2h

Chapter 186 of 宋史 · History of Song
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1
Finance and Economics, Part 8: Commercial Taxes, the Market Purchase System, Balanced Transport, Border Markets, and Maritime Trade Regulations
2
Commercial tax offices were set up in every prefecture and county, and in some cases at passes and market towns as well. Larger stations had officials appointed solely to supervise them, while smaller ones were overseen concurrently by magistrates and their assistants. In the prefectures as well, chief military inspectors and prison wardens were directed to share in the administration. Goods carried by traveling merchants were subject to a "transit tax" of twenty cash per thousand. Goods sold by resident merchants in the market were subject to a "residence tax" of thirty cash per thousand—roughly the standard rate. However, there were no fixed rules nationwide; the list of taxable goods varied with local conditions. Officials were forbidden to break open travelers' baggage unless goods or currency liable to taxation were involved. Petty dealings by street vendors, medicinal herbs brought by Lingnan merchants, and household-woven silks not offered for market sale were all exempt from taxation. The roster of regularly taxed commodities was itemized by the authorities, promulgated empire-wide, and posted on boards in government offices so that all would observe it. If taxable goods were deliberately concealed and seized by officials, one-third of the goods was confiscated and half of that share was given to whoever reported the offense. Merchants who traded without using official routes were subject to punishment. Where the government required certain commodities, a tenth was levied, called the "withholding tax."
3
便
From the Tang, when military governors often acted on their own authority and kept levy profits for themselves, through the Five Dynasties, when rival states increasingly squeezed the populace to finance themselves, commercial taxation grew especially heavy. When the Song dynasty was founded, edicts to lighten taxation were issued in every region they brought under control, and officials were repeatedly warned not to harass the people or inflate revenues to court imperial favor. In 1013, taxes on agricultural tools were abolished throughout the empire.
4
Ferry crossings in the prefectures had long been subject to tolls; even when drought forced relocation of crossings to bridges, officials still demanded reimbursement from those responsible. Early in the reign, tolls were abolished at thirty-nine dry crossings in six Hebei prefectures, and when floods rose the people were allowed to operate ferries without paying tolls. Thereafter, many similar levies were waived by imperial grace. Taxes on orange groves, fish ponds, water mills, communal wine, lotus roots, poultry, shellfish, firewood, ground-rent stalls, dried ox bones, irrigation works, and the like—all legacies of the former states—were repeatedly abolished by imperial edict. Grain boats on the Yellow River had also been taxed; after three years this levy was finally ended.
5
西
From the Tiansheng era onward, as state expenditures grew, some proposed taxing copper cash to bolster the treasury. Emperor Renzong said, "Money is meant to circulate throughout the realm and balance abundance and scarcity—how can we tax it?" One day the palace produced a length of Shu silk ruined by repeated stampings of sealing vermilion, and the emperor accordingly ordered tax offices empire-wide not to deface merchants' goods and textiles. In 1040, when western frontier military costs ran short, some localities expanded their lists of taxable goods; once the court learned of this, it ordered all such increases repealed. Edicts soon followed urging restraint and forbidding searches of travelers' families; plow oxen were exempted in famine years; water districts sometimes saw taxes on reeds, fish, fruit, and melons relaxed; and refugees crossing rivers were also exempted. Concealing taxable goods without reporting remained punishable under the old law, and informants were still rewarded; but proceedings were allowed only when the goods were actually present, to prevent false denunciation. When annual tax quotas proved too high or too low, the court repeatedly ordered adjustments, and imperial remissions over the years were beyond counting.
6
During the Huangyou era (1049–1054), annual commercial tax revenue reached 7,863,900 strings of cash. After the Jiayou era, when the tea monopoly was relaxed, prefectures and counties along trade routes collected transit taxes instead. By the Zhiping era, annual receipts had risen by more than 600,000 strings, of which tea duties alone contributed 498,600.
7
西貿 滿
From the Xining reforms onward, people in the Hebei, Hedong, and Shaanxi circuits who transported rent grain and tax goods to the frontier for official trade were exempt from commercial tax; refugees from Hebei returning to farming were also exempt from transit duties along the route. Later, when harvests improved and officials feared lost revenue, the exemptions were revoked. In 1072, the capital commercial tax office was placed under the Market Purchase Commission. In 1074, dozens of capital gate levies were cut, and amounts under thirty cash were waived entirely. Previously all twenty outer city gates had been assigned revenue targets; now they were graded by traffic volume, with rewards and penalties tied to seizure records; when drought struck, that easing order was reissued.
8
In 1078, in coastal prefectures, commercial taxes on bamboo, timber, fish, fruit, charcoal, and foil amounting to less than one hundred cash were abolished. In 1079, Li Xian, commissioner for frontier finances on the Xining Circuit, was impeached for imposing a monopoly on local commerce without authorization. The agency overseeing the Luo–Bian canal proposed stacking yards at Sizhou where goods would enter government warehouses before shipment to the capital, with a modest boat duty charged. The following year an edict designated the Shuncheng granary outside Tongjin Water Gate near the capital as the site. Carrying taxed merchandise into the Bian on unauthorized boats was subject to denunciation; even voluntary payment of duties did not spare violators penalties for clandestine transport. Daily necessities not intended for trade—waste materials, firewood, grass, bamboo, and timber—were exempt from the ban. The Qiongzhou administration reported: "In Hainan, taxes were assessed by measuring a ship's dimensions, a method called 'graded assessment. The method used three grades, so that ships of similar size could pay ten times as much in tax. Goods from Quanzhou, Fuzhou, the two Zhe circuits, Hunan, and Guangdong were mostly gold, silver, and silks worth as much as ten thousand strings; Ships from Gaozhou and Huazhou carried only rice sacks, pottery, and livestock worth a hundredth as much, yet were taxed by hull measurement alone. Merchants from Gaozhou and Huazhou therefore stopped coming, and Hainan was left short of grain and cattle. We ask that hereafter tax be assessed on the value and quantity of goods, that officials issue certificates permitting sale within the circuit, and that informants be rewarded with a share of the ship's cargo." The court approved the proposal. In 1083, the Jingdong transport commissioner Wu Juhou reported: "Merchants owe regular taxes of more than 76,000 strings and penalty taxes at double rate of more than 152,000 strings." The court remitted the penalty taxes and required payment of regular taxes only, with three years allowed for amounts under one hundred strings and five years for larger sums.
9
In 1086, the Ministry of Revenue asked that the capital commercial tax office adopt the 1085 revenue of 552,261 strings as its new annual quota, effective the following year. In 1088, the quota was reset to the Tiansheng-era level, because the Ministry's method of averaging five years of increases had set targets too high for revenue to meet, prompting critics to demand revision. In 1092, the system of contracting out local-product tax stations was abolished empire-wide. Initially the Jiangnan circuit ended contracting, but the Hedong transport commission reported that official salt revenue had risen by more than 30,000 strings compared with 1091, and the practice was extended to all circuits.
10
In 1093, the capacity-surplus tax on grain merchants shipping rice to the capital for sale was temporarily waived. Previously, in 1073, when Suzhou and Huzhou had bumper harvests and grain sold for one-fifteenth the price in Huainan, merchant ships stayed away because of the capacity-surplus tax, and a temporary waiver had been ordered. The relief applied only locally and was never made permanent law. When the Bian and Si stacking-yard regulations took effect, no additional grain boats were permitted, and the capacity-surplus tax was raised by one-third. At this point Su Shi argued: "The law exempts grain from taxation; I ask that the capacity-surplus levy be abolished and the Tiansheng-era exemption restored." The Secretariat soon added that grain in the capital was costly and that prices should be stabilized, and the tax was temporarily waived again. Later, during Emperor Huizong's Xuanhe reign, the tax was waived more than once to relieve disaster-stricken regions and supply the capital, then soon restored; only for the two Zhe circuits and northeastern salt regions, at the Salt Commission's request, was the levy permanently discontinued.
11
When Emperor Zhezong came to the throne, the Guiding Luo goods depot was abolished. In 1097, Lan Congxi, commissioner of the Capital Office, sought to revive the system, proposing stacking yards at Sizhou and Luokou in the capital and restoration of the flour market and livestock pens. The proposal was referred to the Secretariat and eventually shelved. At this point Wang Xian, commissioner of Bian River embankments, revived the proposal and asked to borrow transport vessels from Wenzhou and Mingzhou. Vice Minister Zheng Jin of the Palace Storehouse was ordered to review the plan jointly. The following year an edict finally ordered that it not be carried out. In 1111, the Ministry of Revenue was ordered to average five years of tax receipts empire-wide into moderate quotas, post them on boards in every circuit, and revise them roughly every ten years; officials who added tax categories or over-collected were to be prosecuted for violating regulations.
12
In 1107, contracts for pawned sales of livestock and vehicles without official seals were given a further hundred-day grace period exempt from penalty tax. In 1108, an edict exempted at all capital gates taxes on everyday goods such as clothing, grain, poultry, fish, produce, fuel, and pottery; at year's end the remitted amounts were calculated and reimbursed from the Daguan treasury. In 1120, commercial trade conducted by Daoist temples, Buddhist monasteries, and officials' households was ordered searched at passes and ferries and taxed under the Yuanfeng regulations, with annual reports to transport commissions for imperial approval. Under the Yuanfu regulations, ranked officials' household goods for personal use had been tax-exempt. By the Jianzhong Jingguo era, horses, cattle, and pack animals no longer qualified as personal-use goods, yet many officials had turned to private trade; temples and monasteries often held special tax exemptions—all shipping goods by boat—hence this edict. Transport commissioner Liu Jiji raised tribute goods; in the two Zhe circuits, Huainan, and elsewhere an extra tenth was added to regular taxes to cover expenses; In 1121, an edict abolished the surcharge. Anyone bringing silkworms, farm tools, or plow oxen to the two Zhe circuits and Jiangdong received a one-year tax exemption certificate. In 1122, all recent tax increases in every circuit were ordered diverted to the Tribute Service. In 1125, after poor harvests when goods were scarce and food costly, taxes on oil, charcoal, flour, cloth, and cotton in the capital and surrounding circuits, along with capacity-surplus levies, were all temporarily waived. Jingdong Ever-Normal commissioner Yang Lian reported: "Cattle are costly in this circuit and much land lies fallow; I ask that merchants bringing cattle here continue to receive tax exemption certificates until the supply is restored in two years." The court approved.
13
In 1126 an edict declared: "Prices in the capital remain unsettled; all commercial taxes are temporarily waived for one more year." Officials argued: "Under ancestral regulations and the Zhenghe reforms, tax-station quotas were set by comparing five years of receipts; when all years rose, the middle figure was taken; when all fell, the highest was taken—making quotas attainable and trade unimpeded. Recently transport commissions have ignored this method, raising quotas without ever lowering them, driving prices up while official revenue falls ever further short. We ask that judicial commissioners in every circuit order prefectures to reset quotas according to the old law." The court approved.
14
In 1127, Emperor Gaozong exempted merchants bringing goods to the capital from taxation. The following year another edict punished anyone who under-taxed grain and fodder brought to the capital; ravaged prefectures were exempted from taxes on timber and building materials; northerners who defected and those restoring farms on the two Huai were also exempted from road duties. In 1133, after a fire in Lin'an, taxes on timber were waived. Yet the capital was not yet secure and warfare continued; taxes were sometimes added across the realm, including sea-ship duties at Jiangwan and Pukou, and even government trading ventures were taxed; yet lenient measures also appeared in turn, abolishing newly added tax stations, remote mountain market towns, and prefectures not yet fully administered. Because the tax net was too dense, 134 stations were merged, 9 abolished, and 5 transit taxes waived; taxes on cattle, rice, firewood, flour, and other daily necessities were all ended.
15
貿
Emperor Xiaozong carried forward his predecessor's policy, fully implementing all tax reductions Gaozong had begun; and because prices in Lin'an remained unsettled, half of the 1180 commercial taxes were waived. From the Guang and Ning reigns onward, commercial taxes were also waived repeatedly—for a year, five months, or three months at a time. Timber taxes were likewise waived whenever fire broke out. Under the Guang and Ning emperors, tax quotas in the prefectures were repeatedly reduced. Yet even as lenient edicts were repeatedly issued and market duties repeatedly waived, greedy officials seized every opportunity and invented countless harsh exactions. They set up private tax stations, taxing strings of cash, piculs of rice, bundles of firewood, and vegetables, arbitrarily employing inspections and erecting special barriers to collect dues. Empty markets were taxed, empty boats were taxed; grain was counted as wine, clothing as cloth—all were taxed. Scholar-officials' luggage was searched and trunks opened on the pretext of illicit trade. In extreme cases poor villagers trading trifles were accused of tax evasion and immediately punished. Even travelers carrying nothing were forced to pay a hundred cash; when they tried to detour around barriers, they were intercepted and hectored; if they had goods, portions were seized as reward money, double fines imposed, and they went home with emptied purses. Onlookers groaned, calling the stations great and small execution grounds; officials preyed on the people like enemies, and the abuses were beyond counting.
16
The Market Purchase system was modeled on the Han Equalization policy, intended to stabilize prices and keep commerce flowing. Its abuse was that the government itself became a trading quarter, appropriating brokers' profits while the people could not bear the harassment.
17
貿 便
In 1070, Wang Shao, staff officer of the Baoping military commission, proposed frontier market purchase and asked to borrow government funds as capital. The Qinfeng frontier commission was ordered to supply goods in exchange for Sichuan paper notes, and Wang Shao was appointed to manage market purchase affairs for the circuit. When they proposed moving the office to Guwei, Li Ruoyu and others argued that stockpiling goods would provoke the tribes and disrupt private horse trade at Qinzhou—it should not be done. Wen Yanbo, Zeng Gongliang, and Feng Jing all agreed; Han Jiang also opposed leaving Qinzhou; only Wang Anshi said, "I cannot judge the merits of market purchase at Guwei, but if Li Ruoyu is right, there is nothing to fear." In the seventh month the transport commission was ordered to review the plan, and Chen Shengzhi was consulted again. Shengzhi said Guwei lay at the extreme frontier and feared provoking Qiang ambitions. Anshi replied: "Wealthy tribal households today often hoard two or three hundred thousand strings of cash without fear of robbery—has imperial authority truly weakened so far? If we wish to win over the raw Qiang, we must extend our reach and draw our response closer. Guwei's frontier stockade is well placed for contact; as merchants gather and settlers increase, we can establish a garrison, add troops, and post capable commanders—thus extending our reach. When tribes can trade with the government, frontier people will no longer be in debt, winning their loyalty; profits can fund the army and open new land for future garrisons." Wang Anshi was then in power, urgently prioritizing finance and military reform; his market purchase idea had appeared as early as his 1069 proposal for balanced transport and equalization. Wang Shao catered to his aims and Anshi strongly backed him; despite objections from Li Ruoyu, Chen Shengzhi, and Han Jiang, the policy could not be reversed. In 1072, an edict ordered funds from the inner treasury and established a Market Purchase office in the capital.
18
使 使
Earlier, a man named Wei Jizong, calling himself a commoner, memorialized: "In the capital prices fluctuate wildly—the rich can corner markets and the poor can be aided; only then can the realm be governed. Today wealthy clans exploit the people's distress for several-fold profit; wealth concentrates in their hands while state revenues suffer. I ask to borrow funds from the monopoly goods office, establish an Ever-Normal Market Purchase bureau, appoint capable financial officials, and employ reliable merchants to trade. They should track market prices, buying when prices are low and selling when high, collecting surplus profit for the treasury." The Secretariat then proposed establishing Market Purchase officials in the capital. Marketable goods and those unsold among the people were to be bought at fair prices; those wishing to exchange for government goods were permitted. Merchants wishing to buy from the government received loans against collateral, due within a set term—interest of one part in eleven per half year, doubled for a full year. All agencies' apportioned requisitions were to be supplied from it. Lü Jiawen was appointed commissioner, with one million strings from the inner treasury and 870,000 from Jingdong as capital. The Three Departments proposed regulations including prosecution of monopolists who obstructed the new law; the emperor deleted that clause.
19
西
In the seventh month the Monopoly Goods Office became the western lower division of Market Purchase and the Market Purchase office the eastern upper division; the capital commercial tax office and miscellaneous purchase and sales yards were placed under it. Another 500,000 in cash and silks was granted to establish an office at Zhentao Army. Market Purchase regulations were extremely petty, and complaints along the roads were widespread. The emperor told Anshi to clarify the facts, citing sales of ice and combs among other complaints; Anshi defended them all. Later the emperor said again, "Market Purchase in fruit is too trivial—should we abolish it?" Anshi replied, "Legislation should be judged by whether it harms people, not abolished for being trivial." Thereafter sixty types of tribute goods such as rush mats and yellow reeds from the prefectures were priced and bought from willing sellers for official use.
20
祿
In 1073, Sun Di of the capital Market Purchase office was ordered with the two Zhe and Huaidong transport commissions to report on establishing Market Purchase at Hangzhou. Later 200,000 strings repaid to the inner treasury by the upper division were lent as capital. Five hundred monk certificates were granted to the Kuizhou transport commission; Market Purchase was established at Qianzhou, supervised by circuit officials past and present under the prefect or vice-prefect. The capital Market Purchase office and Kaifeng registrar were ordered to review guild practices; their proposal: "Assess guild profits, collect exemption fees to pay clerks, and remit goods supplied to government. Palace requisitions were all routed through the miscellaneous sales and purchase offices. A market office was established to assess prices; all government agencies seeking price references were to rely on it." The court approved. The capital Market Purchase commissioner was renamed Director of the Market Purchase Bureau, with all prefectural offices subordinate to it. Li Qi of the Three Departments was also ordered to review establishing Market Purchase at Chengdu.
21
使
In 1074 the emperor discussed Chengdu Market Purchase with his chief ministers. Feng Jing said, "Monopolizing market goods once caused Wang Xiaobo's rebellion; today there is much complaint about Market Purchase." Anshi replied, "That was because famine victims were numerous and officials failed to relieve them—they banded together as robbers, nothing more." The emperor asked, "Has Li Qi departed?" Anshi said, "Not yet. But I guarantee Market Purchase cannot cause disorder." The emperor still feared alarming the people of Shu; Anshi said, "We have already sent an envoy—if we stop now, will we not be mocked throughout the realm?" And the matter rested there. Yet afterward Li Qi and his colleagues' review was finally cancelled.
22
使 西
In the third month Zeng Bu, acting Three Departments commissioner, and Hanlin academician Lü Huiqing were ordered jointly to investigate Market Purchase. Earlier the emperor had handed Bu a personal edict saying Market Purchase harmed common people's livelihoods and provoked widespread outcry. Bu cited supervisor Wei Jizong, charging that Lü Jiawen inflated interest to win rewards, seized all merchants possessed, demanded what shops lacked, bought cheap and sold dear, and amassed profits—using government power to monopolize trade. Wang Anshi submitted a full rebuttal. Huiqing was then ordered to join Bu in the investigation. The emperor soon sent Bu another personal note ordering an audience; Bu submitted merchants' complaints and detailed Huiqing's deceit, saying, "Since entering court I have always wished to govern by the kingly way; today Market Purchase's cruelty rivals the Tang jianjia and chumo exactions. Jiawen reported, 'Officials were recently sent to sell tea in Hunan, salt in Shaanxi, and yarn in the two Zhe circuits—none dared yet calculate interest.' Such governance, I believe, is unknown not only in the age of Yao and Shun but in every decadent age since Qin and Han." In the fourth month Bu again argued that Xue Xiang had wrongly punished tea brokers; the emperor sighed in sympathy; and said the Three Departments' punishments of merchants were mostly excessive; yet the emperor still insisted on proceeding. But Anshi insisted Huiqing must stay—likely plotting to change the outcome. The emperor was doubtful and therefore kept the matter with Bu.
23
便使
When the Secretariat finished its report, the emperor discussed Market Purchase and said, "We established this to benefit the people through equalization; now it does the opposite, driving middle and lower classes from their livelihoods—the law must be amended." He ordered Lü Jiawen and Wu Anchi with Han Wei and Sun Yong to review merchants' payment of transit exemption fees. Vice Grand Councillor Feng Jing said, "Kaifeng's Xiangfu county lends money to the people in seven or eight categories—with interest, collateral in silver, silk, grain, and provisions for emergencies and funerals. At first people eagerly borrowed; once debts accumulated, repayment became truly difficult." The emperor said, "How can our people live in peace like this?" Bu and Huiqing were then investigating Market Purchase, meeting the emperor every few days. The emperor at first sided with Bu; then, at Huiqing's request, detained Wei Jizong at Kaifeng prefecture. Bu and Huiqing then questioned merchants again at the Eastern Hall; their complaints were unchanged. Anshi then earnestly requested to leave office and brought Huiqing into power.
24
殿
Chuzhou Market Purchase commissioner Jiang Zhiqi reported: "Supervisor Wang Jingzhang illegally seized merchants' goods, fabricated central purchases, used false names to buy grain, and paid interest under the table as 'dry interest'; he also blocked merchants from reaching other prefectures and created many obstructions." The emperor told his ministers, "Jingzhang broke the law and harmed people—he should be punished at once." Lü Huiqing had already joined the government, but the Market Purchase investigation was unfinished; when urged to complete it, Huiqing asked the Secretariat to gather all case records and report discrepancies. Two days later Bu reported at Yanhe Hall, summarizing his prior statements and comparing Zhiping and Xining revenue figures. The emperor, concerned that annual expenses were growing, ordered Bu to send his report to the Secretariat. In the fifth month Zhang Dun and Zeng Xiaokuan at the Armaments Directorate were ordered to interrogate Bu's investigation; the accounts office tallied revenues that differed from Bu's figures; Lü Jiawen was also punished because the miscellaneous purchase office had accepted unrecorded monthly interest—all received differentiated penalties for collective fault. Soon Bu was dismissed and sent to a prefecture, as was Jiawen; Wei Jizong was stripped of rank and suspended. Bu had actually helped establish Market Purchase in the first place. Later sensing the emperor's doubts, he hurriedly prosecuted Jiawen; Huiqing's old grudge against Bu ensured his downfall, while Market Purchase continued unchanged.
25
使
Three Departments commissioner Zhang Dun asked to borrow five million strings from the inner treasury for Market Purchase agents to bid on four routes, buying salt certificates and grain when prices were low. Two million strings were lent by edict. In 1075 Lü Jiawen was restored as Market Purchase commissioner. In the second month Market Purchase bureaus were established at Fengxiang, Daming, Zhending, Yongxing, Ansujun, and the prefectures of Qin, Ying, Ding, Yue, and Zhen. 100,000 strings from Huizhou's Fumin prison funded Guangzhou Market Purchase; 300,000 from the Ministry of Agriculture funded Yunzhou Market Purchase. In 1076 another 150,000 strings in goods from the capital Market Purchase bureau were sent to the Xihe bureau. In the ninth month the Secretariat reported: "Market Purchase interest and market-rate revenues totaled more than 1,332,000 strings. Jiawen, Anchi, and others received differentiated imperial rewards by edict. Thereafter, accounts were reconciled every two years. In the tenth year (1077), the capital for the upper circuit was capped at seven million strings of cash, with any shortfall made up from annual interest receipts. Loans from the inner treasury were repaid at twenty thousand strings per year from interest earnings.
26
貿
In 1078, at the request of chief superintendent Wang Juqing, borrowers of Market Purchase capital were allowed to pledge gold, silk, and similar goods as collateral. Interest was capped at twelve per thousand per annum, calculated monthly for loans under a year; applicants could take the full amount in cash or accept a mixed payment in cash and goods. The Market Purchase Bureau proposed sending officials to trade state goods in the circuits: tours of one hundred thousand strings or more had a two-year deadline, two hundred thousand or more had three years. Officials who returned thirty percent profit received preferment by year of seniority; eighty percent counted toward tenure qualification. Those who missed their targets received no reward, and official salaries and allowances on such tours were withdrawn.
27
In 1079, Li Xian, commissioner for Xijing frontier finances, reported that Tibetan merchants and their brokers were dealing privately, routing goods through other roads to evade taxes before they reached Qinzhou. The court then set up five Market Purchase offices in Qinzhou, Xihe, Minzhou, and Tongyuan—recruiting brokers to channel Tibetan goods into official markets at regulated prices—and allowed informants against private trade, paying rewards of double the amount reported. For debtors who had pledged homes and land for Market Purchase loans and fallen long in arrears, property was appraised at true value and sold under the same rules used for workshops and ferry concessions. When the principal had not yet been repaid, the state collected rent and interest on the property; the capital Market Purchase office followed the same practice.
28
貿 貿 便
In 1080, an edict exempted all Exemption-fee payers whose monthly installment fell below a hundred cash—8,654 people in all were relieved. In the ninth month, Wang Juqing again memorialized: "The Market Purchase system has three parts: mutual-guarantee lending is the first; pledged loans secured by gold and silver contracts are the second; and government trading and transshipment of goods is the third. Of the three, only the guarantee-lending program had run longest and bad debt had kept mounting. Lending had been suspended the year before, yet goods trading continued unchanged. He asked that annual lending be capped at about two million strings, that established customers alone receive loans to keep the pool revolving, and that new customers be limited to collateral loans and official trade. The emperor ordered the Secretariat to draft regulations and report back. The Secretariat then proposed: in the capital, established merchants might borrow under the gather-and-release system, with total outstanding debt capped at three million strings; in the circuits, at one-fourth of that amount. The emperor approved as proposed. That year the Xijing frontier finances office totaled interest since its founding: 414,626 strings and shi in early Yuanfeng, 684,099 the following year. In 1081, following Jia Qing's proposal, four pawn offices were established inside and outside the inner and outer city walls under appointed managers, replacing the inconvenient pawn counters attached to the upper Market Purchase circuit.
29
退
In 1082, an edict gave inner and outer Market Purchase debtors three years to repay in equal monthly installments and canceled all penalty interest due within that period. Earlier, while Wang Anli served in Kaifeng, debtors of Market Purchase loans had repeatedly brought suit in his court. Once in office, Wang Anli told the emperor, "Under the Market Purchase system interest revenue keeps rising, but borrowers who miss payment deadlines face penalty interest until the common people are driven to destitution. I beg that Your Majesty issue an edict remitting these penalties." The emperor replied, "No minister has raised this with me before. Let the people repay on schedule and forgive their penalty interest." When Wang Anli withdrew, he annotated the draft edict to add the words "throughout the realm." Cai Que objected: "The emperor's command made no distinction between capital and provinces. Do you mean to broaden the edict?" Wang Anli answered, "I am not adding only 'inner' either." The wording was added in the end. In the eighth month, a state trading office for porcelain kilns was established at Jingdezhen in Raozhou.
30
貿
In 1083, Lanzhou gained an additional Market Purchase office to promote trade between Tibetans and Han Chinese. In 1084, the lower Market Purchase circuit was renamed the Monopoly Goods Bureau. Prefectures were to set prices every ten days, report through the supervisory commission to subordinate counties, and recruit merchants to trade with collateral or cash—interest capped at twenty per thousand. An edict required each circuit to keep half its Ever-Normal treasury funds and allocate twenty percent for Market Purchase pawn offices. Since 1082 Jia Qing had used price stabilization and gold and silver collateral to run pawn offices in the metropolitan counties, extending the practice to the circuits the next year with capital from Ever-Normal funds, Market Purchase lending, and surplus funds—one hundred thousand strings in each of the five major circuits, fifty thousand in the rest. The present edict reaffirmed that policy. Goods suitable for resale but without collateral might still be sold off. In 1085, Market Purchase pawn offices in garrison towns were abolished. In the eighth month, an edict preserved pawn offices in counties where low interest genuinely relieved the poor; all other pawn offices and county-level Market Purchase bureaus were shut down.
31
便
In 1086, supervisors of Market Purchase and workshop franchises inside and outside the capital were allowed to offset interest and penalty payments against principal; debts satisfied to the official capital were forgiven. In 1097, the Three Departments observed that Market Purchase, created under Xining, had been entirely dismantled under Yuanyou in a way that betrayed the law's original purpose. The Finance Ministry and Palace Storehouse were ordered to study restoration: Market Purchase offices would trade only in cash at no more than twenty per thousand interest, with lending prohibited. In 1100, Market Purchase bureaus became Equilibrium bureaus, and the related sections in the Finance Ministry and Palace Storehouse were renamed accordingly. The Ministry of Revenue reported that Equilibrium staff consumed too much in salaries, that dispatched buyers disrupted markets abroad, and that recent official coal sales had driven prices sharply up—all to the public's detriment. The edict abolished the Equilibrium bureaus and official coal sales; remaining stock was to be liquidated for paper money and returned to the treasuries that had supplied the funds.
32
In 1102, the Finance Ministry ruled that Equilibrium funds and goods could not be reallocated to other agencies. In 1103, the Equilibrium service was split into northern and southern bureaus with officials assigned as before. Year-end reviews governed rewards and penalties under the encouragement-and-restraint rules. In 1106, counties that still ran Market Purchase were tiered by annual profit after expenses: a thousand strings or more warranted a dedicated supervisor; five hundred or more, a depot officer's concurrent duty; below that, closure. Earlier edicts had required full Market Purchase and pawn offices in capital counties of ten thousand households or more and at strategic posts on the routes. Smaller counties, non-critical stations, and market towns with existing garrison officers were to combine the duties under one Yuanyou-era supervisor as Jia Qing had arranged. The Finance Ministry now reviewed and memorialized again, and the plan was carried out. In 1128, critics said the offices cost more than they earned; they were abolished and their funds sent to the Left Treasury, while pawn offices alone were kept.
33
In 1131, Exemption fees and designated-supplier obligations were ended statewide; serving officials had to buy at market rates, with violations punished as theft. In 1134, the Liangzhe transport commission demanded for Wuzhou imperial furnaces coal with walnut grain pattern and hawk-dove coloration; prefect Wang Juzheng objected. The emperor said, "In midwinter one lights a brazier for warmth—who cares about the pattern on the coal? He ordered the requirement canceled and forbade similar demands henceforth. In 1143, Exemption fees were remitted in Leizhou, Huazhou, Gaozhou, Rongzhou, Yizhou, Lianzhou, Yongzhou, Qinzhou, Hezhou, and Guizhou. In 1144, the two counties of Kaizhou in the Kuai region, being exceptionally remote, had their Exemption fees cut by half. In 1145, after Han Xin, prefect of Hanyang, warned that any circuit collecting more than one cash above the fixed Exemption fee would be charged under the law against unauthorized levies. In 1147, one-third of current Exemption fees owed by the people was remitted. The 1149 southern suburban amnesty canceled all outstanding Exemption fees. Every subsequent amnesty did the same. In 1155, current Exemption fees were abolished and lower officials were forbidden to requisition goods locally, because the practice had hurt peddlers and burdened the countryside.
34
In 1174, the Market Magistrate bureau was abolished. Broker-guarantee fees in Lin'an and its counties were cut by half. In 1180, circuit broker-guarantee fees were likewise cut by fifty percent.
35
In 1209, officials reported that in the capital, shops supplying government purchases could not obtain payment. All unpaid Lin'an purchase debts were to be settled at once; thereafter cash on delivery was mandatory, with appeals to the Censorate for violations.
36
In 1239, officials reported: "Agencies now pay official schedule prices, while shops reckon at market rates—so merchants receive barely twenty or thirty percent of fair value. Payment is delayed for months or years while clerks and runners extort without limit; debts become outright confiscation. Some merchants move away or change trades to escape. Even vegetables, fish, and meat—the petty goods of hawkers who live on pennies a day—are seized at official prices. They toil all day yet never recover principal or profit. Traveling merchants stop coming; livelihoods are cut off. We beg a special edict that every prefecture and county purchase at market price; and that use of official schedule prices be forbidden, violations punished as graft." The court agreed.
37
使便
Balanced Transport was meant to move goods throughout the empire, regulating abundance and scarcity so that suppliers were unburdened and surplus and shortage could be actively redressed.
38
便 使 使 便 便 使 使
In 1069, the Fiscal Reform Commission reported: "National revenue is exhausted. Controllers are trapped in obsolete rules; capital and provinces do not coordinate, and surplus and deficit are never balanced. Each circuit's annual tribute quota is fixed. In good years convenient routes could yield more than the quota, but the surplus could not be retained; in lean years when goods were dear, delivery was hard yet shortfall was not permitted. Remote regions pay multiples while the capital sells at half price, leaving great merchants alone to profit from public and private distress and monopolize the power to manipulate prices. The Dispatch Commissioner already oversees tax intake from the six circuits and manages tea, salt, alum, and wine levies on which military stores and the civil budget largely depend. He should be given capital, informed of every circuit's resources, and empowered to shift funds where needed. All tribute goods—whether purchased or levied—might be procured where cheap rather than dear and nearby rather than distant. Foreknowing the capital treasury's annual outlays and reserves, he could stockpile and trade flexibly until orders came from above. The state would gradually reclaim control over supply and demand, ease transport, cut costs, lift excessive levies, and relieve farmers. Thus the treasury might be filled without exhausting the people. The commission was ordered to draft regulations. Xue Xiang, the Dispatch Commissioner, was placed in charge of Balanced Transport and price stabilization, with five million strings from the inner treasury and three million shi of tribute grain. Critics feared disruption, and opposition was widespread. Once in charge, Xue requested staff; Shenzong let him choose his own aides. He appointed Liu Chen, Wei Qi, Sun Gui, Zhang Muzhi, and Chen Qian as deputies and required agencies to submit the six circuits' annual tribute quotas, capital expenditures, and reserves—every figure needed for yearly planning. The emperor approved.
39
使
In the eighth month, Attending Censor Liu Qi and trainee Attending Censor Qian Yi memorialized: "Xue Xiang is unworthy. Lending him state funds to trade at will may bring revenue but will only strip merchants of their profits." Liu Qi and Qian Yi were both demoted for their remonstrance. Su Zhe of the commission staff wrote: "Under Emperor Wu, wars abroad and palaces at home exhausted the treasury. He adopted the merchant Sang Hongyang's scheme—buy cheap, sell dear—called Balanced Transport. Though marketed as adding no levies while filling the state, the method was unsound. Officials preyed on it; extortion deepened daily and the people bore the wound. After Emperor Zhao's accession, scholars denounced the policy; Huo Guang followed the people's wish and abolished it; the realm's hearts returned and peace followed. Now the policy revives amid widespread outcry that its harms will surely exceed those of Han times. Why? Among today's revenue-minded officials, none approaches Sang Hongyang in ability or design; yet the court has torn down the guardrails and turned them loose to chase profit alone, and the damage will surely prove beyond reckoning." Su Zhe too was dismissed from office.
40
使 便 簿祿 使
Then Fan Chunren, head of the Remonstrance Bureau, said, "Xue Xiang is sly and harsh—he must not serve as transport commissioner. A sovereign should promote agriculture and thrift, not profit." Fan Chunren was removed from the remonstrance post. Li Chang again attacked Balanced Transport as unworkable. Su Shi, acting Kaifeng investigator, said, "Balanced Transport shifts goods from dear to cheap markets and favors the near over the far— yet it staffs a vast bureaucracy and spends heavily in cash, so great merchants hang back in suspicion: though buying and selling are not named outright, exchange is authorized—and once the state trades, who has ever heard of it not competing with merchants for profit? Commerce runs on tangled, delicate practice: buyers pay in advance, sellers collect later, parties help one another through twists of credit—and doubled returns come from that art. Now the state erects offices and clerks first; ledgers and salaries already swell the cost—goods won't move without quality, deals won't close without bribes. Official purchase prices must exceed private ones; when the state sells, the old abuses return—how can merchants still earn? The court ignored these concerns and handed over five million strings of cash. Once that money is spent, it may never come back. Even if the scheme yields a little, the loss in commercial tax revenue will surely be far greater."
41
使
The emperor was still swayed by Wang Anshi's views, and none of these remonstrances took effect. Xue Xiang was made a Tianzhang Pavilion academician; Vice Minister of Rites Luo Zheng was dispatched with a personal edict: "In governance, finance comes first—managing revenue is urgent. We entrust you with the southeast's revenue so you may master its ebb and flow—when to gather and when to release. Your loyalty runs deep; you have led the work forward and carried out Our intent to real results—We commend you warmly. In your memorial you fear rumor may sow doubt—Our resolve is not stone, easily shifted. Press on with force, finish without fatigue, and fulfill Our intent." Yet Balanced Transport never came to fruition.
42
貿西
Mutual border markets and maritime trade regulations began in early Han, when frontier trade with Nanyue opened and the mutual-market system took shape. Later Han traded with the Wuhuan, Northern Chanyu, and Xianbei; Northern Wei set mutual markets on the southern frontier; Sui and Tang extended trade into the northwest. The Kaiyuan code codified the articles; Later Tang followed the same pattern. Koryŏ, the Uyghurs, Heishui Mohe, and others likewise traded native products with China.
43
Early in the Song, following Zhou precedent, trade continued with Jiangnan. In 964 merchants were barred from crossing the Yangzi freely; three monopoly bureaus at Jian'an, Hanyang, and Qikou regulated exchange; officials who sent agents to trade in Jiangsu and Zhejiang had their goods seized. River folk and salt-furnace households could gather wood and fish; for sandals, mats, and similar goods the monopoly office issued permits to cross and sell. In 970 the Jian'an monopoly office was relocated to Yangzhou. After Jiangnan fell, the bureaus remained but managed only tea. In 971 Guangzhou gained a Maritime Trade Office; Hangzhou and Mingzhou followed. Peoples from Dashi, Gulu, Java, Champa, Brunei, the Philippines, Srivijaya, and beyond traded with China, paying in gold, silver, cash, lead, tin, colored silks, and porcelain for aromatics, ivory, coral, amber, pearls, steel, ray skin, tortoiseshell, agate, giant-clam shell, crystal, foreign cloth, eaglewood, sappanwood, and the like.
44
貿
Taizong placed a monopoly office in the capital and decreed that foreign aromatics and treasure reaching Guangzhou, Jiaozhi, the two Zhe circuits, and Quanzhou could not be traded privately outside the official warehouses. Later an edict ruled: "Henceforth only pearls, tortoiseshell, ivory, wootz steel, ray skin, coral, agate, and frankincense remain state monopolies; other aromatics, after official purchase, may be sold to private buyers."
45
貿滿
During Yongxi (984–987), eight palace eunuchs carried imperial letters, gold, and silks along four routes to invite southern maritime traders. Merchants sailing overseas had to obtain official permits from the Zhe maritime office; violators forfeited their cargo. In 1175 Guangzhou was ordered: beyond monopoly items, the state would buy only half of the best grade of other goods. As a rule, one-tenth of incoming cargo was levied first; payment varied with the weight and value of foreign goods, yielding yearly some five hundred thousand units by weight, strip, stalk, or piece. Early in Taiping Xingguo (976–978), private trade with foreigners was criminal from one hundred cash upward; at fifteen strings, offenders were tattooed and exiled to island penal colonies; larger cases went to the capital. In 994 the ban was tightened: four strings brought one year's penal servitude, rising to tattooing and assignment as corvée troops in the home prefecture at twenty strings.
46
Since the Tiansheng era (1023–1031), ivory, rhino horn, pearls, jade, aromatics, and treasure packed the treasuries; surpluses were traded for gold, silk, and grain, materially easing state spending. Official purchase volumes, however, fell slightly below Chunhua levels. Under Huangyou (1049–1053), annual intake of ivory, rhino horn, pearls, jade, and aromatics totaled over five hundred thirty thousand units. By the Zhiping era (1064–1067) the figure rose another hundred thousand.
47
使 殿
In 1072 the throne told Transport Commissioner Xue Xiang, "Of the southeast's revenue, maritime trade is a major share— remonstrators have urged opening an office at Quanzhou; investigate and draft the regulations. In 1074 storm-driven ships reaching any prefecture had to report at once to local authorities and proceed to the nearest maritime office for levy and shared purchase; vessels from Quanzhou and Fuzhou that had not yet been levied still had to report to the office for inspection. Guangzhou's maritime revenue then fell short by two hundred thousand strings; some blamed harassment by the Market Exchange Office, which kept merchants away—the investigating commission was ordered to inquire and report. Soon Lü Miao of the Market Exchange Office entered the maritime bureau and seized foreign merchants' goods by force; the investigating commission was ordered to prosecute him. In 1076 Hanlin compiler Cheng Shimeng proposed closing the Hangzhou and Mingzhou maritime offices and placing all trade under Guangzhou alone. Cheng Shimeng and the fiscal Three Departments were told to study the plan. That year the Hangzhou, Mingzhou, and Guangzhou offices recorded receipts of 541,073 units (strings, bolts, pounds, taels, lengths, pieces, and the like) in cash, grain, silver, aromatics, and drugs, and expenditures of 238,056 units.
48
In 1079 merchants sailing to Koryŏ with capital of five thousand strings or more were registered at Mingzhou; each year guarantors had to issue sailing permits—without one, smuggling penalties applied. Private trade had long been banned, yet it could not be stamped out; now that commerce with China had reopened, the rule was set forth in explicit form.
49
使西使 西 西
In 1080 the Secretariat reported that Guangzhou's maritime regulations had been revised and officials should be chosen to enforce them. Guangdong was assigned to Transport Commissioner Sun Jiong, Guangxi to Chen Qian, the two Zhe circuits to Vice Commissioner Zhou Zhiru, Fujian to Judge Wang Zijing—and the Guangdong commander's concurrent oversight was abolished. In 1082 Guangxi transport commissioner Wu Qian said, "Lei and Hua prefectures lie opposite Hainan, yet ships must travel some five thousand li to Guangzhou for sailing permits— allow Guangxi coastal counties to let local merchants carrying grain, cattle, wine, yellow croaker, and goods not subject to maritime levy sail without Guangzhou permits." Sun Jiong was ordered to study the proposal and put it into effect.
50
西 使
Mizhou prefect Fan E said, "Banqiao sits on the coast: to the east lie the two Guang, Fujian, Huai, and Zhe; to the west Jingdong, Hebei, and Hedong—merchants converge there, yet maritime profits stay in the hands of great wealthy houses— a Maritime Trade Office should be established in this prefecture and a collection depot at Banqiao town." In 1083 Metropolitan Transport Commissioner Wu Juho was ordered to draft a detailed report.
51
綿貿 使
In 1088 Fan E and others renewed their plea: "Merchants from the south, Fujian, Huai, and Zhe sail north to Jingdong, Hebei, and Hedong with cash and silk, while ivory, frankincense, and other restricted luxuries are still smuggled despite the monopoly— if Banqiao's maritime office operates, state stores will hold twice what Hangzhou and Mingzhou now gather. Ships could sail openly without fear of smuggling penalties, and tribute goods would escape the hazards of overland transport. The Mizhou Banqiao Maritime Trade Office was then established. The previous year a maritime office had also been added at Quanzhou.
52
Merchants sailing overseas had to declare cargo and destination to their prefecture and obtain guarantors; weapons, weapon-making materials, and contraband were forbidden—the state issued permits. Unauthorized entry by sea into border rivers or voyages to Koryŏ, Silla, or Deng-Lai brought penal servitude; penalties increased for the northern frontier.
53
貿 使
In 1102 the Hangzhou and Mingzhou maritime offices were restored with their former staffing. In 1104 foreign merchants traveling to other prefectures had to obtain passes from the maritime office, without contraband or suspicious companions. Earlier Guangzhou had allowed foreign merchants to reside and travel freely; Arab and other traders had petitioned to trade in other prefectures and Jingdong—hence the edict. Ships bound for Fujian or the two Zhe circuits received armed escorts from Guangzhou, as for overseas voyages. Guangzhou resold state-purchased goods at no more than two percent markup. In 1113, following Zhidao-era rules, prefects, vice-prefects, maritime staff, and envoys were forbidden to purchase foreign aromatics or restricted goods from merchants.
54
In 1119 Xiuzhou dredged the Qinglong River mouth; with ships crowding the harbor, officials asked to restore dedicated supervisors. During Zhenghe an office had been set up at Huating, but after the estuary silted up foreign ships seldom called and county magistrates handled matters alone. Dedicated supervisors were now restored. In 1122, per Yuankeng rules, foreign tribute goods were to be sold locally by the maritime office, not forwarded to the capital—violators were prosecuted.
55
貿
Under Song Taizu the Khitan were allowed frontier trade but no official market agency existed. In 977 Zhen, Yi, Xiong, Ba, and Cang prefectures each gained monopoly bureaus trading aromatics, ivory, and tea with the Khitan. After the Fanyang campaign, trade was cut off. In 986 Hebei merchants were forbidden to trade with them. Years of campaigning had exhausted the people with supply lines stretching a thousand li, and Taizong himself had grown weary of war. In 988 an edict declared, "Heaven gave Us the mandate; We rule the central realm seeking only to curb violence—why would We crave endless war? The people of You and Ji are Our children; the frontier should be allowed mutual trade. Henceforth border garrisons must not raid at will." Soon the ban returned—violators faced death. Northern traders who slipped inland to sell were captured and executed wherever found. In 991 monopoly offices were restored at Xiong, Ba, Jingrong Army, and Yanmen Fort, with sappanwood added to the trade list—then soon abolished again.
56
貿 使 沿
In 1002 the Khitan sought to reopen the markets, but court debate cited their unreliability and refused. Xiongzhou prefect He Chengju pressed the case, and a market was allowed at Xiongzhou; in 1003 it was closed again. Early in the Jingde era (1004–1007) relations warmed, and the Khitan asked that merchants trade at the new frontier city. An edict allowed northern merchants to trade once they reached the border with goods in hand. In 1005 three monopoly markets were set at Xiong, Ba, and Ansujun; northern merchants using other routes were denied trade. Palace Board Vice Director Kong Kui and others were dispatched to the three markets with Transport Commissioner Liu Zong and local officials to set fair prices, paying the Khitan slightly above market rates. A fourth market was added at Guangxin Army, each run by a court-appointed commissioner with the vice-prefect as concurrent supervisor. In 1006 the court barred civilians from trading books at the border markets except for the Nine Classics and standard commentaries. State sales continued as before, with added silk, lacquerware, and polished rice; Khitan payments in silver, cloth, livestock, and camels yielded annual revenue exceeding four hundred thousand strings.
57
During the Tiansheng reign (1023–1032) Zhang Zhaoyuan, prefect of Xiongzhou, asked that border-trade silver be remitted yearly to court; Renzong replied, "Our forebears opened these markets to balance want and plenty, not to turn a profit. The request was denied. Throughout the reigns of Renzong and Yingzong the Khitan honored the treaty and frontier trade never lapsed.
58
貿 貿 簿
In 1075 the Market Exchange Office asked to borrow two hundred thousand strings' worth of ivory, rhinoceros horn, and pearls from the imperial treasury for border-market trade, promising full repayment the following year. The court approved the loan. In 1076 the state codified penalties and rewards for unauthorized trade with foreigners. Since 1067 the four Hebei border markets had been run by the Three Departments' procurement office, with Revenue Section clerks keeping the accounts. Smuggling had grown so widespread that the new statute was issued. Soon private sales of sulfur, saltpeter, and alum across the border were banned as well, with identical rules in Hedong. In 1078 the court again enforced the rule requiring informants and arrests for selling books to the Khitan frontier.
59
西
Since 1007 the Tanguts had traded at a licensed market in Bao'an: Song silk and brocade for livestock, jade, felt, and licorice; spices, ceramics, and ginger for wax, musk, wool, medicines, safflower, and plumes. Private dealings were allowed alongside the official exchange, and tribute envoys reaching the capital could trade at will.
60
西 西 西 使 西 西西貿
During Tiansheng two more Shaanxi markets opened, and Bingdai Circuit's request for additional harmonized-trade posts was granted. When Yuan Hao rebelled, the court severed frontier trade in Shaanxi and Hedong and closed the Bao'an market; commanders along the Shaanxi frontier were later forbidden to trade with allied Qiang tribes as well. Eventually Yuan Hao submitted and sent repeated embassies asking to reopen the markets. In 1046 markets were restored at Bao'an and Zhenrong. The Tanguts complained that herds brought to trade had no grazing ground, so the Bao'an market was relocated to Shunning Fort. Tangut traders soon stopped coming altogether. Early in the Jiayou era (1056–1063) Tanguts began farming disputed land along the Quye River; Bingzhou prefect Pang Ji argued, "Only by shutting down trade can we stop their steady push inward. This encroachment, I hear, is the work of the minister Wu Zang E Pang. Cut off trade and his own court will blame him; within a year or two we can negotiate from strength. The court agreed. At first only private trade along the four Shaanxi circuits was banned; soon every channel of exchange was closed.
61
西 貿 西 使 西
In 1067 the Hedong frontier command reported that the Tanguts were asking to reopen harmonized trade. After the Tanguts attacked Dashuncheng in Qingzhou, the court suspended annual gifts and strictly forbade any private border trade. Now, having submitted an apology, they were allowed to trade again. Two years later acculturated households in Jingyuan and civilians in Hedong and Shaanxi were forbidden to deal with the Tanguts. Two years later a Hui envoy negotiated reopening the markets, yet smuggling continued until the court banned trade on every frontier route. The Hedong transport office then asked to close Wubao and restore the old harmonized market at Ningxing. When Linzhou reported another Tangut petition, the court allowed copper and tin for horses only, banning fine silks and other goods they urgently needed. Annual horse purchases from the northwest are detailed in the Military Treatise.
62
使
In the third month of 1130 Pacification Commissioner Zhang Jun reported that Arab envoys had arrived bearing pearls, jade, and curios. The emperor said, "Under Huizong we traded Sichuan tea for pearls and jade instead of horses, neglected our defenses, and brought the dynasty to this pass. Why spend another few hundred thousand strings on trinkets when that silver could feed our soldiers?" Zhang Jun was told to decline the tribute and reply with a modest gift in kind. That sixth month the court ended Yizhou's annual purchase of twenty thousand taels of cinnabar.
63
西 西西西
In 1133 the Yongzhou prefect reported that Dali wished to send tribute. The emperor told his ministers to permit only horse sales and to reject any formal tribute mission. In 1134 edicts established exchange markets at Yongxing Army and Weimao in Sichuan and Shaanxi; and relocated the Guangxi Horse Purchase Office to Yongzhou, paying double market price in annual silk and silver. But with no common language, interpreters fixed prices at will and officials found endless chances for graft. In 1136 Dali sent elephants and five hundred horses; the court paid for the horses, refused the elephants, and sent a letter of thanks dismissing the embassy. In 1142 Xuyi Army gained a supervised border market for Jurchen traders, and similar markets opened in Huai west, Jingxi, and Shaanxi. In 1149 the Guoxin Office's exchange trade was shut down. In 1156 the court ended Lianzhou's pearl tribute and disbanded the Dan divers. Lianzhou held more than a dozen pearl beds; off Jiaozhi the water ran a hundred feet deep and the finest pearls grew there. When the Dan divers went out, Vietnamese raiders seized their catch and great fish took many lives. The fishery was abandoned. In 1159 only the Xuyi market survived; all others were closed.
64
便
In 1165 monopoly markets opened at Dengcheng in Xiangyang, Huayan in Shouchun, and Zhongdu in Guangshan, each run by the local prefect with a vice-prefect as supervisor. In 1169 the dedicated supervisor posts were abolished. In 1175 officials noted that exchange markets along the stream-gorge frontier were run directly by the state. In 1180 tribes beyond the passes brought pearls and jade to Lizhou, where officials routinely forced preemptive purchases. Officials warned that official buying bred corruption and border incidents, and urged that only merchants and civilians be allowed to purchase. The court agreed.
65
In 1127 an edict declared, "Maritime trade too often squanders treasury silver on luxuries. From now on state purchases of eaglewood rings, agate, cat's-eye, and similar goods are subject to statute; only ivory tablets and rhinoceros belts for imperial gifts to officials may be selected and forwarded." Foreign merchants called three hundred jin a po-lan; the largest ships, known as single-masters, carried a thousand po-lan. The next class, called ox-heads, carried one-third as much. Smaller still were timber ships and liao-he vessels, each again one-third the size below.
66
使 使
In 1164 officials reminded the throne, "When the maritime trade system was founded in the Xining era, quotas were fixed but fairly assessed, taxes were deferred so merchants could wait for good prices—the policy truly embodied goodwill toward distant traders. Lately seizures have multiplied and payment is demanded immediately, so goods pile up and prices collapse. On fine goods such as rhinoceros horn and ivory the state now takes two-tenths in quota seizure and buys another four-tenths; on pearls one-tenth is seized and six-tenths forcibly purchased. Fearing heavy seizures and state purchases, ship owners now carry only cheap mixed cargo. Ivory, pearls, and rhinoceros bear the heaviest burden—reduce the levy to one-tenth and end forced purchase altogether.
67
便
In 1166 the Liangzhe maritime commissioner was abolished; prefects, vice-prefects, magistrates, and port supervisors shared the work under transport-office oversight. In 1167 the court ruled that Guangnan and Liangzhe ships damaged by storms or wrecked on the return voyage were exempt from quota seizure. In 1171 officials who lent money to convoy leaders for overseas purchases faced penalties; beyond lawful seizure and state purchase, merchants could appeal over illegal price-fixing, with penalties based on the bribe's value.
68
Under the old rules a fine-goods convoy of borneol, pearls, and the like was capped at five thousand taels; rhinoceros horn, ivory, purple ore, and sandalwood counted as coarse goods at ten thousand jin per convoy. Each convoy required a yamen runner escort at a travel allowance of just over one hundred strings. After the Daguan era (1107–1110) quotas ballooned: ivory, rhinoceros horn, and purple ore were reclassified as fine goods, one old convoy became thirty-two, and travel costs rose above three thousand strings. In 1171 Guangnan coarse aromatics were fixed at twenty thousand jin per convoy with a six-hundred-jin wastage allowance and portage pay of 1,662 strings and change, as under the old rule. In 1175 the Revenue Board ruled that Fujian and Guangnan would treat both fine and coarse cargo as a single full convoy at fifty thousand jin.
69
貿
After the court fled south the three maritime commissions still collected substantial revenue, yet bullion and metals shipped overseas in vast quantities—and copper cash leaked abroad worst of all. Bans grew stricter while smuggling grew subtler: merchants chased profit across the seas, clerks took bribes and looked away—and in the end the abuse could not be stopped.
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