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張九成
Zhang Jiucheng
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張九成，字子韶，其先開封人，徙居錢塘。 游京師，從楊時學。 權貴托人致幣曰：「肯從吾遊，當薦之館閣。」 九成笑曰：「王良尚羞與嬖奚乘，吾可為貴遊客耶？」
Zhang Jiucheng, whose courtesy name was Zishao, came from a Kaifeng family that had relocated to Qiantang. He went to the capital to study under Yang Shi. A powerful man sent someone to offer him money, saying, "If you will keep company with me, I shall recommend you for a post in the Academy and Secretariat." Jiucheng laughed and said, "Even Wang Liang was ashamed to drive for a favorite's groom—how could I become some nobleman's hanger-on?"
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紹興二年，上將策進士，詔考官，直言者置高等。 九成對策略曰：「禍亂之作，天所以開聖人也。 願陛下以剛大為心，無以憂驚自沮。 臣觀金人有必亡之勢，中國有必興之理。 夫好戰必亡，失其故俗必亡，人心不服必亡，金皆有焉。 劉豫背叛君親，委身夷狄，黠雛經營，有同兒戲，何足慮哉。 前世中興之主，大抵以剛德為尚。 去讒節欲，遠佞防奸，皆中興之本也。 今閭巷之人皆知有父兄妻子之樂，陛下貴為天子，冬不得溫，夏不得清，昏無所定，晨無所省，感時遇物，淒惋於心，可不思所以還二聖之車乎？」 又言：「閹寺聞名，國之不祥也，今此曹名字稍稍有聞，臣之所憂也。 當使之安掃除之役，凡結交往來者有禁，干預政事者必誅。」 擢置首選。 楊時遺九成書曰：「廷對自中興以來未之有，非剛大之氣，不為得喪回屈，不能為也。」
In the second year of Shaoxing, as the emperor was about to examine the jinshi candidates, he ordered the examiners to place those who spoke plainly in the highest ranks. In his policy essay Jiucheng wrote, "When calamity and disorder arise, Heaven does so to open the way for a sage. I hope Your Majesty will take firmness and magnanimity to heart, and will not let worry and alarm discourage you. Your servant observes that the Jin are bound to perish, while China is bound to rise again. Those who love war must perish; those who lose their old ways must perish; those whom the people will not accept must perish—and the Jin have all three. Liu Yu betrayed his sovereign and kin and threw in his lot with the barbarians; that crafty upstart's plotting is child's play—why worry about him? The restoring sovereigns of former ages generally prized firm virtue. Removing slander, restraining desires, keeping the crafty at a distance, and guarding against treachery—these are all foundations of restoration. Today even common folk in the lanes know the joy of family, while Your Majesty, exalted as Son of Heaven, cannot keep warm in winter or cool in summer, has no settled place at dusk and no respite at dawn, and feels anguish at every season and sight—should you not think how to bring back the Two Sovereigns?" He also said, "When eunuchs become known by name, it is an ill omen for the state; now these men's names are beginning to be heard—and this is what your servant fears. They should be kept to sweeping and cleaning duties; all forming ties and visiting back and forth should be forbidden, and anyone who meddles in government affairs must be put to death." He was placed first in the selection. Yang Shi wrote to Jiucheng, "Such an audience response has not been seen since the restoration; only someone with a spirit of firmness and magnanimity, unmoved by gain and loss, could have done it."
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授鎮東軍簽判，吏不能欺。 民冒鹺禁，提刑張宗臣欲逮捕數十人，九成爭之。 宗臣曰：「此事左相封來。」 九成曰：「主上屢下恤刑之詔，公不體聖意而觀望宰相耶？」 宗臣怒，九成即投檄歸。 從學者日眾，出其門者多為聞人。
He was appointed signing clerk of the Zhendong Army, and the clerks could not deceive him. When the people violated the salt monopoly, the judicial intendant Zhang Zongchen wished to arrest several dozen people, but Jiucheng disputed it. Zongchen said, "This matter was sealed and sent by the Left Chancellor." Jiucheng said, "The sovereign has repeatedly issued edicts showing mercy in punishments—will you not heed the sage's intent and instead watch what the chief minister does?" Zongchen grew angry, and Jiucheng at once submitted his resignation and returned home. His students grew daily in number, and many who came from his school became men of renown.
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趙鼎薦於朝，遂以太常博士召。 既至，改著作佐郎，遷著作郎，言：「我宋家法，曰仁而已。 仁之發見，尤在於刑。 陛下以省刑為急，而理官不以恤刑為念。 欲詔理官，活幾人者與減磨勘。」 從之。 除浙東提刑，力辭，乃與祠以歸。
Zhao Ding recommended him to the court, and he was summoned as Erudite of the Imperial Sacrifices. After he arrived he was made Assistant Archivist, then promoted to Archivist, and said, "Our Song family law is simply called benevolence. The manifestation of benevolence appears above all in punishments. Your Majesty makes reducing punishments a priority, yet the judicial officers do not keep leniency in punishments in mind. I wish to issue an edict to judicial officers: for each person they spare, reduce their merit-review cycle." The emperor followed this. He was appointed judicial intendant of eastern Zhejiang, but strenuously declined and was instead given a temple stipend and sent home.
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未幾，召除宗正少卿、權禮部侍郎兼侍講，兼權刑部侍郎。 法寺以大辟成案上，九成閱始末得其情，因請覆實，囚果誣服者。 朝論欲以平反為賞，九成曰：「職在詳刑，可邀賞乎？」 辭之。
Before long he was summoned and appointed Vice Director of the Imperial Clan Court, Acting Vice Minister of Rites with concurrent duty as Lecturer, and Acting Vice Minister of Punishments. The Court of Judicial Review sent up a completed capital case; Jiucheng read it through from beginning to end and grasped the truth of the matter, then requested a reinvestigation, and the prisoner had indeed been forced to confess falsely. Court opinion wished to reward him for overturning the verdict; Jiucheng said, "My duty lies in reviewing punishments—how can I seek a reward?" He declined it.
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金人議和，九成謂趙鼎曰：「金實厭兵，而張虛聲以撼中國。」 因言十事，彼誠能從吾所言，則與之和，使權在朝廷。 鼎既罷，秦檜誘之曰：「且成檜此事。」 九成曰：「九成胡為異議，特不可輕易以苟安耳。」 檜曰：「立朝須優遊委曲。」 九成曰：「未有枉己而能直人。」 上問以和議，九成曰：「敵情多詐，不可不察。」
When the Jin discussed peace, Jiucheng said to Zhao Ding, "The Jin truly are weary of war, but they raise empty threats to shake China." He then set forth ten points: if they truly would follow what he said, then make peace with them, but let authority rest with the court. After Ding was dismissed, Qin Hui tried to win him over, saying, "For now help me accomplish this matter." Jiucheng said, "Why should I hold a different view? I simply cannot lightly settle for a false peace." Hui said, "In court one must be easygoing and tactful." Jiucheng said, "No one who bends himself can straighten others." When the emperor asked him about the peace talks, Jiucheng said, "The enemy's disposition is full of deceit and cannot go unexamined."
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因在經筵言西漢災異事，檜甚惡之，謫守邵州。 既至，倉庫虛乏，僚屬請督酒租宿負、苗絹未輸者，九成曰：「縱未能惠民，其敢困民耶？」 是歲，賦入更先他時。 中丞何鑄言其矯偽欺俗，傾附趙鼎，落職。
Because he spoke in the classics lecture hall about portents and disasters in the Western Han, Hui greatly hated him and had him demoted to prefect of Shao. After he arrived, the granaries were empty; his subordinates asked him to press for overdue wine taxes and unpaid grain and silk levies; Jiucheng said, "Even if I cannot yet benefit the people, how dare I distress them?" That year tax receipts came in ahead of any other time. The censor He Zhu said he was hypocritical and misled the public, leaning on Zhao Ding, and he was removed from office.
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丁父憂，既免喪，秦檜取旨，上曰：「自古朋黨畏人主知之，此人獨無所畏，可與宮觀。」 先是，徑山僧宗杲善談禪理，從遊者眾，九成時往來其間。 檜恐其議己，令司諫詹大方論其與宗杲謗訕朝政，謫居南安軍。 在南安十四年，每執書就明，倚立庭磚，歲久雙趺隱然。 廣帥致籯金，九成曰：「吾何敢苟取。」 悉歸之。 檜死，起知溫州。 戶部遣吏督軍糧，民苦之，九成移書痛陳其弊，戶部持之，九成即丐祠歸。 數月，病卒。
When his father's mourning was over, Qin Hui obtained the emperor's instruction; the emperor said, "Since antiquity faction-mongers have feared the ruler's knowing of them—this man alone has no fear; give him a palace appointment." Earlier, the Jing Mountain monk Zonggao was skilled at discussing Chan principles, and many followed him; Jiucheng often went back and forth among them. Hui feared they would discuss him and had the remonstrator Zhan Dafang argue that he and Zonggao had slandered court policy, and he was banished to Nan'an Commandery. For fourteen years in Nan'an, whenever he took up a book to read he would face the light, leaning against the courtyard bricks until over the years the marks of both knees showed plainly. The Guangdong military commissioner sent him a chest of gold; Jiucheng said, "How dare I take it unworthily?" He returned it all. When Hui died, he was recalled to serve as prefect of Wenzhou. The Ministry of Revenue sent clerks to press for military grain; the people suffered; Jiucheng sent a letter bitterly stating the abuses; the ministry held firm, and Jiucheng at once requested a temple stipend and returned home. Several months later he died of illness.
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九成研思經學，多有訓解，然早與學佛者遊，故其議論多偏。 寶慶初，特贈太師，封崇國公，諡文忠。
Jiucheng studied the classics deeply and produced many exegetical works, but because he had early associated with Buddhists, his opinions were often one-sided. In the early Baoxing reign he was posthumously made Grand Preceptor, enfeoffed as Duke of Chong, with the posthumous title Wenzong.
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胡銓，字邦衡，廬陵人。 建炎二年，高宗策士淮海，銓因禦題問「治道本天，天道本民」，答云：「湯、武聽民而興，桀、紂聽天而亡。 今陛下起干戈鋒鏑間，外亂內訌，而策臣數十條，皆質之天，不聽於民。」 又謂：「今宰相非晏殊，樞密、參政非韓琦、杜衍、范仲淹。」 策萬餘言，高宗見而異之，將冠之多士，有忌其直者，移置第五。 授撫州軍事判官，未上，會隆祐太后避兵贛州，金人躡之，銓以漕檄攝本州幕，募鄉丁助官軍捍禦，第賞轉承直郎。 丁父憂，從鄉先生蕭楚學《春秋》。
Hu Quan, whose courtesy name was Bangheng, was from Luling. In the second year of Jianyan, Emperor Gaozong examined candidates at Huaihai; because the imperial topic asked "The way of governance roots in Heaven, and the Way of Heaven roots in the people," Quan answered, "Tang and Wu listened to the people and rose; Jie and Zhou listened to Heaven and perished. Now Your Majesty has risen amid swords and spears, with turmoil without and strife within, yet the topics put to candidates number several dozen, all appealing to Heaven and not listening to the people." He also said, "Today's chief minister is no Yan Shu; the Bureau of Military Affairs and the participating councilors are no Han Qi, Du Yan, or Fan Zhongyan." His essay ran to more than ten thousand characters; the emperor, on reading it, was struck by it and was about to place him first among the scholars, but those who resented his bluntness moved him to fifth place. He was appointed military judge of Fuzhou but had not taken up the post when the Longyou Empress Dowager fled the fighting to Ganzhou; the Jin pursued her; Quan, by transport commission order, acted on the prefectural staff, recruited local militia to help the official army resist, and for this merit was transferred to Gentleman for Court Discussion. When his father's mourning was over, he studied the Spring and Autumn Annals under the local scholar Xiao Chu.
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紹興五年，張浚開督府，辟湖北倉屬，不赴。 有詔赴都堂審察，兵部尚書呂祉以賢良方正薦，賜對，除樞密院編修官。
In the fifth year of Shaoxing, Zhang Jun opened a command headquarters and invited him as aide in the Hubei granary office, but he did not go. There was an edict summoning him to the Secretariat for review; the Minister of War Lü Zhe recommended him as worthy and upright; after an audience he was made compiler at the Bureau of Military Affairs.
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八年，宰臣秦檜決策主和，金使以「詔諭江南」為名，中外洶洶。 銓抗疏言曰：
In the eighth year, the chief minister Qin Hui decided on peace; the Jin envoy came under the title "Imperial Instruction to Jiangnan," and within and without the court there was uproar. Quan submitted a memorial of resistance, saying:
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臣謹案，王倫本一狎邪小人，市井無賴，頃緣宰相無識，遂舉以使虜。 專務詐誕，欺罔天聽，驟得美官，天下之人切齒唾駡。 今者無故誘致虜使，以「詔諭江南」為名，是欲臣妾我也，是欲劉豫我也。 劉豫臣事醜虜，南面稱王，自以為子孫帝王萬世不拔之業，一旦豺狼改慮，捽而縛之，父子為虜。 商鑒不遠，而倫又欲陛下效之。 夫天下者祖宗之天下也，陛下所居之位，祖宗之位也。 奈何以祖宗之天下為金虜之天下，以祖宗之位為金虜藩臣之位！ 陛下一屈膝，則祖宗廟社之靈盡汙夷狄，祖宗數百年之赤子盡為左衽，朝廷宰執盡為陪臣，天下士大夫皆當裂冠毀冕，變為胡服。 異時豺狼無厭之求，安知不加我以無禮如劉豫也哉？
"Your servant respectfully notes that Wang Lun was originally a frivolous petty man and a market-place good-for-nothing; recently, because the chief minister lacked discernment, he was raised to go as envoy to the barbarians." "He devoted himself to trickery and falsehood, deceiving Heaven's hearing, and suddenly obtained a fine office; men throughout the realm gnash their teeth and curse him." "Now, for no reason, he has lured the barbarian envoy here under the name 'Imperial Instruction to Jiangnan'—this is to make us his subjects, this is to make us another Liu Yu." "Liu Yu served the ugly barbarians as a subject and faced south calling himself king, thinking he had an enterprise of emperors and kings for ten thousand generations that could not be uprooted—yet in a moment the wolf changed its mind, seized and bound him, and father and son became captives." "The lesson of Yin is not far off, yet Lun again wishes Your Majesty to imitate it." "The realm under Heaven is the realm of the ancestors; the seat Your Majesty occupies is the seat of the ancestors." "How can you take the realm of the ancestors and make it the realm of the Jin barbarians, take the seat of the ancestors and make it the seat of a Jin vassal!" "If Your Majesty bends one knee, then the spirits in the ancestral temples are all defiled by the barbarians, the children of the ancestors for hundreds of years all become left-girdled, the court's chief ministers all become attendant ministers, and the empire's scholar-officials must all tear off their caps and crowns and change into barbarian dress." "When in time the wolf's greed knows no limit, who knows it will not add to you insult without propriety, as with Liu Yu?"
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夫三尺童子至無識也，指犬豕而使之拜，則怫然怒。 今醜虜則犬豕也，堂堂大國，相率而拜犬豕，曾童孺之所羞，而陛下忍為之耶？ 倫之議乃曰：「我一屈膝則梓宮可還，太后可復，淵聖可歸，中原可得。」 嗚呼！ 自變故以來，主和議者誰不以此說啖陛下哉！ 然而卒無一驗，則虜之情偽已可知矣。 而陛下尚不覺悟，竭民膏血而不恤，忘國大仇而不報，含垢忍恥，舉天下而臣之甘心焉。 就令虜決可和，盡如倫議，天下後世謂陛下何如主？ 況醜虜變詐百出，而倫又以奸邪濟之，梓宮決不可還，太后決不可復，淵聖決不可歸，中原決不可得，而此膝一屈不可復伸，國勢陵夷不可復振，可為痛哭流涕長太息矣！
"Even a child three feet tall, though utterly without understanding, if you point to a dog or pig and make him bow, will flare up in anger." "Now the ugly barbarians are dogs and pigs; a great state leads its people to bow to dogs and pigs—a thing even children would be ashamed of, yet Your Majesty can bear to do it?" "Lun's argument runs: 'If I bend one knee, then the late emperor's coffin can return, the empress dowager can be restored, the Deep Sage can come back, and the Central Plain can be recovered.'" Alas! "Since the calamity, who among those advocating peace has not used this argument to feed Your Majesty!" "Yet in the end not one thing was verified—then the barbarians' truth and falsehood are already knowable." "Yet Your Majesty still does not awaken, draining the people's fat and blood without pity, forgetting the state's great enmity without requital, swallowing humiliation and bearing disgrace, leading the realm under Heaven to submit willingly." "Even if the barbarians were certainly willing to make peace and all went as Lun argued, what would the realm under Heaven and later ages call Your Majesty as a ruler?" "Moreover the ugly barbarians change deceit a hundred ways, and Lun again assists them with treachery—the late emperor's coffin certainly cannot return, the empress dowager certainly cannot be restored, the Deep Sage certainly cannot come back, the Central Plain certainly cannot be recovered, and once this knee bends it cannot straighten again, the state's momentum declines and cannot be roused again—one may weep and sigh long on this!"
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向者陛下間關海道，危如累卵，當時尚不忍北面臣虜，況今國勢稍張，諸將盡銳，士卒思奮。 只如頃者醜虜陸梁，偽豫入寇，固嘗敗之於襄陽，敗之於淮上，敗之於渦口，敗之于淮陰，校之往時蹈海之危，固已萬萬，儻不得已而至於用兵，則我豈遽出虜人下哉？ 今無故而反臣之，欲屈萬乘之尊，下穹廬之拜，三軍之士不戰而氣已索。 此魯仲連所以義不帝秦，非惜夫帝秦之虛名，惜天下大勢有所不可也。 今內而百官，外而軍民，萬口一談，皆欲食倫之肉。 謗議洶洶，陛下不聞，正恐一旦變作，禍且不測。 臣竊謂不斬王倫，國之存亡未可知也。
"Formerly Your Majesty threaded the sea route in peril piled like eggs; then you still could not bear to face north and become the barbarians' subject—how much more now, when the state's momentum has risen somewhat, the generals are all keen, and the soldiers long to strike." "Only consider how recently the ugly barbarians rampaged and the false Yu invaded—the court indeed defeated them at Xiangyang, defeated them on the Huai, defeated them at Wokou, defeated them at Huaiyin; compared with the former danger of treading the sea, it is already ten thousand times better; if one must come to using arms, are we suddenly below the barbarians?" "Now for no reason you turn and become their subject, wishing to bend the dignity of ten thousand chariots and bow beneath a felt tent—the morale of the three armies will slacken without fighting." "This is why Lu Zhonglian for righteousness would not make Qin an emperor—not because he begrudged the empty title of making Qin emperor, but because he grieved that the great momentum of the realm under Heaven had something it could not bear." "Now within, the hundred officials, and without, the army and people—ten thousand mouths with one voice—all wish to eat Lun's flesh." "Slander and debate are turbulent; Your Majesty does not hear—your servant truly fears that one day a change will come and disaster will be beyond reckoning." "Your servant ventures to say that if Wang Lun is not beheaded, whether the state survives or perishes cannot be known."
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雖然，倫不足道也，秦檜以腹心大臣而亦為之。 陛下有堯、舜之資，檜不能致君如唐、虞，而欲導陛下為石晉，近者禮部侍郎曾開等引古誼以折之，檜乃厲聲責曰：「侍郎知故事，我獨不知！」 則檜之遂非愎諫，已自可見，而乃建白令台諫、侍臣僉議可否，是蓋畏天下議己，而令台諫、侍臣共分謗耳。 有識之士皆以為朝廷無人，籲，可惜哉！
"Even so, Lun is not worth speaking of—Qin Hui as a trusted minister in the ruler's bosom also does it for him." "Your Majesty has the resources of Yao and Shun; Hui cannot make the ruler like Tang and Yu, yet wishes to guide Your Majesty to be like Later Jin; recently the Vice Minister of Rites Zeng Kai and others cited ancient precedent to refute him, and Hui then shouted in rebuke, 'The Vice Minister knows old stories—I alone do not know them!'" Then Hui's insistence on error and refusal of remonstrance was already visible; yet he memorialized asking the remonstrators and attendants to discuss jointly whether it was feasible—this was only fearing the realm's criticism of himself and making remonstrators and attendants share the blame. Men of insight all thought the court had no one; alas, pitiable!
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孔子曰：「微管仲，吾其被髮左衽矣。」 夫管仲，霸者之佐耳，尚能變左衽之區，而為衣裳之會。 秦檜，大國之相也，反驅衣冠之俗，而為左衽之鄉。 則檜也不唯陛下之罪人，實管仲之罪人矣。 孫近傅會檜議，遂得參知政事，天下望治有如饑渴，而近伴食中書，漫不敢可否事。 檜曰虜可和，近亦曰可和； 檜曰天子當拜，近亦曰當拜。 臣嘗至政事堂，三發問而近不答，但曰：「已令台諫、侍從議矣。」 嗚呼！ 參贊大政，徒取充位如此。 有如虜騎長驅，尚能折衝禦侮耶？ 臣竊謂秦檜、孫近亦可斬也。
Confucius said, "Were it not for Guan Zhong, we should be wearing our hair loose and girding to the left." Guan Zhong was only the assistant of a hegemon, yet he could change a region of left-girdling into an assembly of robes and caps. Qin Hui, chief minister of a great state, on the contrary drives the custom of robes and caps back into a land of left-girdling. Then Hui is not only a criminal against Your Majesty but in truth a criminal against Guan Zhong as well. Sun Jin echoed Hui's policy and thus became Participating Councilor; the realm longed for good government as for food in hunger, yet Jin merely ate at the Central Secretariat table and dared not plainly approve or reject affairs. When Hui said the barbarians could be pacified, Jin also said they could be pacified; when Hui said the Son of Heaven should bow, Jin also said he should bow. Your servant once went to the Hall of Administration and asked three questions, but Jin did not answer—he only said, "I have already ordered the remonstrators and attendants to discuss it." Alas! To assist in great government yet merely fill a seat like this! If barbarian horsemen should drive far, could he still repel insult at the frontier? Your servant ventures to say that Qin Hui and Sun Jin may also be beheaded.
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臣備員樞屬，義不與檜等共戴天，區區之心，願斷三人頭，竿之槁街，然後羈留虜使，責以無禮，徐興問罪之師，則三軍之士不戰而氣自倍。 不然，臣有赴東海而死爾，寧能處小朝廷求活邪！
Your servant fills a post in the Bureau of Military Affairs and in righteousness cannot wear the same sky as Hui and the rest; in my humble heart I wish to cut off the three men's heads and pole them on the dry street, then detain the barbarian envoy and rebuke his lack of propriety, and slowly raise an army to demand satisfaction—then the morale of the three armies will double without fighting. Otherwise your servant has only going east to the sea to die—how could I seek life in this petty court!
20
書既上，檜以銓狂妄凶悖，鼓眾劫持，詔除名，編管昭州，仍降詔播告中外。 給、舍、台諫及朝臣多救之者，檜迫於公論，乃以銓監廣州鹽倉。 明年，改簽書威武軍判官。 十二年，諫官羅汝楫劾銓飾非橫議，詔除名，編管新州。 十八年，新州守臣張棣訐銓與客唱酬，謗訕怨望，移謫吉陽軍。
After the memorial was submitted, Hui charged that Quan was arrogant, fierce, and rebellious, stirring the crowd to coerce the court; an edict removed his name from the rolls and assigned him to supervision at Zhao Prefecture, and an edict was also issued broadcasting this within and without. Many among the drafting officials, remonstrators, and court ministers sought to save him; pressed by public opinion, Hui made Quan supervisor of the Guangzhou salt depot. The next year he was changed to signing clerk of the Weiwu Army military judge. In the twelfth year the remonstrator Luo Ruji impeached Quan for glossing over error and reckless debate; an edict removed his name and assigned him to supervision at Xin Prefecture. In the eighteenth year the Xin Prefecture prefect Zhang Di accused Quan of exchanging verses with guests in slander and resentment, and he was transferred in banishment to Jiyang Commandery.
21
二十六年，檜死，銓量移衡州。 銓之初上書也，宜興進士吳師古鋟木傳之，金人募其書千金。 其謫廣州也，朝士陳剛中以啟事為賀。 其謫新州也，同郡王延珪以詩贈行。 皆為人所訐，師古流袁州，廷珪流辰州，剛中謫知虔州安遠縣，遂死焉。 三十一年，銓得自便。
In the twenty-sixth year, when Hui died, Quan was transferred on sufferance to Heng Prefecture. When Quan first submitted his memorial, the Yixing jinshi Wu Shigu carved it on wood for circulation; the Jin offered a thousand pieces of gold to obtain the text. When he was banished to Guangzhou, the court gentleman Chen Gangzhong congratulated him in a note. When he was banished to Xin Prefecture, Wang Tinggui of the same commandery presented a parting poem. All were denounced by others; Shigu was exiled to Yuan Prefecture, Tinggui to Chen Prefecture, and Gangzhong was demoted to prefect of Anyuan County in Qian Prefecture, where he soon died. In the thirty-first year Quan was allowed to move freely.
22
孝宗即位，復奉議郎、知饒州。 召對，言修德、結民、練兵、觀釁，上曰：「久聞卿直諒。」 除吏部郎官。 隆興元年，遷秘書少監，擢起居郎，論史官失職者四：一謂記注不必進呈，庶人主有不觀史之美； 二謂唐制二史立螭頭之下，今在殿東南隅，言動未嘗得聞； 三謂二史立後殿，而前殿不立，乞於前後殿皆分日侍立； 四謂史官欲其直前，而閣門以未嘗預牒，以今日無班次為辭。 乞自今直前言事，不必預牒閣門，及以有無班次為拘。 詔從之。 兼侍講、國史院編修官。 因講《禮記》，曰：「君以禮為重，禮以分為重，分以名為重，願陛下無以名器輕假人。」
When Emperor Xiaozong took the throne, he was restored as Gentleman for Court Discussion and made prefect of Rao. Summoned for an audience, he spoke of cultivating virtue, binding the people, drilling troops, and watching for openings; the emperor said, "I have long heard that you are upright and sincere." He was made Vice Director in the Ministry of Personnel. In the first year of Longxing he was moved to Vice Director of the Secretariat, promoted to Diarist, and set forth four failures of the historiographers: first, that the record notes need not be submitted for review, so the ruler may have the merit of not viewing the histories; second, that in Tang practice the two historians stood below the dragon head, whereas now they are in the southeast corner of the hall and never hear words or actions; third, that the two historians stand at the rear hall but not at the front hall—he asked that they attend by turns at both front and rear halls; fourth, that when historians wished to speak directly forward, the Gatekeepers used their not having filed a prior notice or that there was no roster today as excuses. He asked that from now on historians speaking directly forward need not file prior notice with the Gatekeepers, nor be bound by whether there was a roster. An edict followed this. He was concurrently Lecturer and compiler in the National History Institute. When lecturing on the Book of Rites he said, "The ruler takes ritual as weighty; ritual takes division as weighty; division takes names as weighty—I hope Your Majesty will not lightly lend titles and offices to others."
23
又進言乞都建康，謂：「漢高入關中，光武守信都。 大抵與人鬥，不搤其亢，拊其背，不能全勝。 今日大勢，自淮以北，天下之亢與背也，建康則搤之拊之之地也。 若進據建康，下臨中原，此高、光興王之計也。」
He also advanced a request to make the capital at Jiankang, saying, "Emperor Gaozu of Han entered Guanzhong; Emperor Guangwu held to Xindu. In fighting a man, if you do not seize his throat and strike his back, you cannot win completely. Today's great momentum: north of the Huai is the throat and back of the realm; Jiankang is the place to seize and strike. If you advance and hold Jiankang, looking down on the Central Plain, this is the plan by which Gaozu and Guangwu rose."
24
詔議行幸，言者請紓其期，遂以張浚視師圖恢復，侍御史王十朋贊之。 克復宿州，大將李顯忠私其金帛，且與邵宏淵忿爭，軍大潰。 十朋自劾。 上怒甚，銓上疏願毋以小衄自沮。
An edict discussed the imperial progress; speakers asked to ease the date; then Zhang Jun was sent to oversee the army and plan recovery, and the attendant censor Wang Shipeng endorsed it. They recovered Suzhou; the great general Li Xianzhong kept the gold and silks for himself and quarreled with Shao Hongyuan; the army collapsed in great rout. Shipeng impeached himself. The emperor was very angry; Quan submitted a memorial asking that he not be discouraged by a small setback.
25
銓又言：「昔周世宗為劉旻所敗，斬敗將何徽等七十人，軍威大震，果敗旻，取淮南，定三關。 夫一日戮七十將，豈復有將可用？ 而世宗終能恢復，非庸懦者去，則勇敢者出耶！ 近宿州之敗，士死于敵者滿野，而敗軍之將以所得之金賂權貴以自解，上天見變昭然，陛下非信賞必罰以應天不可。」 其論納諫曰：「今廷臣以箝默為賢，容悅為忠。 馴至興元之幸，所謂『一言喪邦』。」 上曰：「非卿不聞此。」
Quan also said, "Formerly Emperor Shizong of Zhou was defeated by Liu Min and beheaded the defeated generals He Hui and seventy others; military prestige shook greatly; he indeed defeated Min, took Huainan, and secured the Three Passes. To kill seventy generals in one day—would there still be generals usable? Yet Shizong in the end could recover—is it not that when the timid depart, the brave come forth! Recently at the defeat at Suzhou, soldiers who died at the enemy's hands filled the fields, yet the defeated generals used the gold they obtained to bribe the powerful to excuse themselves; Heaven's warnings are plain; Your Majesty must use sure rewards and sure punishments to respond to Heaven—it cannot be otherwise." On accepting remonstrance he said, "Now court ministers take silence as worthy and flattery as loyal. This led step by step to the progress to Xingyuan—what is called 'one word loses the state.'" The emperor said, "Had it not been for you I would not have heard this."
26
金人求成，銓曰：「金人知陛下銳意恢復，故以甘言款我，願絕口勿言『和』字。」 上以邊事全倚張浚，而王之望、尹穡專主和排浚，銓廷責之。 兼權中書舍人、同修國史。 張浚之子栻賜金紫，銓繳奏之，謂不當如此待勳臣子。 浚雅與銓厚，不顧也。
When the Jin sought peace, Quan said, "The Jin know Your Majesty is keen to recover and therefore use sweet words to court us—I hope you will close your mouth and not speak the word 'peace.'" The emperor relied wholly on Zhang Jun for frontier affairs, while Wang Zhiwang and Yin Ji specialized in advocating peace and opposing Jun; Quan rebuked them at court. He was concurrently Acting Drafting Official in the Central Secretariat and associate compiler of the national history. Zhang Jun's son Shi was granted gold and purple; Quan returned the memorial, saying one should not treat a meritorious minister's son thus. Jun had long been close to Quan, but Quan paid no heed.
27
十一月，詔以和戎遣使，大詢于庭，侍從、台諫預議者凡十有四人。 主和者半，可否者半，言不可和者銓一人而已，乃獨上一議曰：「京師失守自耿南仲主和，二聖播遷自何㮚主和，維揚失守自汪伯彥、黃潛善主和，完顏亮之變自秦檜主和。 議者乃曰：『外雖和而內不忘戰。』 此向來權臣誤國之言也。 一溺於和，不能自振，尚能戰乎？」 除宗正少卿，乞補外，不許。
In the eleventh month an edict sent envoys to make peace with the Rong; there was great inquiry in court; attendants and remonstrators who took part in the preliminary discussion numbered fourteen in all. Half advocated peace, half were undecided, and only Quan alone said peace was impossible; he alone submitted a memorial saying, "The capital's fall began with Geng Nanzhong's advocacy of peace; the Two Sovereigns' wanderings began with He Zhuo's advocacy of peace; Yangzhou's fall began with Wang Boyan and Huang Qianshan's advocacy of peace; Wanyan Liang's revolt began with Qin Hui's advocacy of peace. The debaters then say, 'Outwardly at peace yet inwardly not forgetting war. This is the language by which powerful ministers of old misled the state. Once drowned in peace, unable to rouse oneself—can one still fight?" He was made Vice Director of the Imperial Clan Court; he begged an outside post and was not permitted.
28
先是，金將蒲察徒穆、大周仁以泗州降，蕭琦以軍百人降，詔並為節度使。 銓言：「受降古所難，六朝七得河南之地，不旋踵而皆失； 梁武時侯景以河南來奔，未幾而陷台城； 宣、政間郭藥師自燕雲來降，未幾為中國患。 今金之三大將內附，高其爵祿，優其部曲，以系中原之心，善矣。 然處之近地，萬一包藏禍心，或為內應，後將噬臍，願勿任以兵柄，遷其眾於湖、廣以絕後患。」
Earlier, the Jin generals Pucha Tumu and Da Zhouren had surrendered Sizhou, and Xiao Qi surrendered with a hundred soldiers; an edict made them all military commissioners. Quan said, "Accepting surrender has always been difficult; the Six Dynasties seven times gained the lands south of the River, and within a turning of the heel all were lost again; under Emperor Wu of Liang, Hou Jing came from south of the River to surrender, and before long he took Taicheng; in the Xuanhe and Zhenghe reigns Guo Yaoshi came from Yan and Yun to surrender, and before long he became a scourge to China. Now the Jin's three great generals have come within to submit; to raise their ranks and salaries and treat their followers generously in order to bind the hearts of the Central Plain—this is good. Yet if they are placed near at hand, should they harbor evil intent or serve as inside agents, later you will bite your navel—I hope you will not give them military authority and will move their followers to Hu and Guang to cut off later trouble."
29
二年，兼國子祭酒，尋除權兵部侍郎。 八月，上以災異避殿減膳，詔廷臣言闕政急務。 銓以振災為急務，議和為闕政，其議和之書曰：
In the second year he was concurrently Director of the Imperial University, and soon made Acting Vice Minister of War. In the eighth month, because of portents and disasters the emperor left the hall and reduced his meals; an edict asked court ministers to speak on neglected policies and urgent tasks. Quan took relieving disaster as the urgent task and peace talks as the neglected policy; his memorial on peace reads:
30
自靖康迄今凡四十年，三遭大變，皆在和議，則醜虜之不可與和，彰彰然矣。 肉食鄙夫，萬口一談，牢不可破。 非不知和議之害，而爭言為和者，是有三說焉：曰偷懦，曰苟安，曰附會。 偷懦則不知立國，苟安則不戒鴆毒，附會則覬得美官，小人之情狀具於此矣。
From Jingkang to now forty years have passed; three great calamities were all in peace agreements—then the ugly barbarians' unfitness for peace is clear indeed. Meat-eating vulgar fellows, ten thousand mouths with one talk, firmly unbreakable. It is not that they do not know the harm of peace talks, yet those who contend to speak for peace have three arguments: called timid cowardice, called seeking a false peace, called currying favor. Timid cowardice does not know how to establish a state; false peace does not guard against poison; currying favor hopes to obtain a fine office—the petty man's disposition is fully shown here.
31
今日之議若成，則有可吊者十； 若不成，則有可賀者亦十。 請為陛下極言之。 何謂可吊者十？
If today's deliberation succeeds, there are ten things to mourn; if it does not succeed, there are also ten things to congratulate. I ask to set them forth fully for Your Majesty. What are the ten things to mourn?
32
真宗皇帝時，宰相李沆謂王旦曰：「我死，公必為相，切勿與虜講和。 吾聞出則無敵國外患，如是者國常亡，若與虜和，自此中國必多事矣。」 旦殊不以為然。 既而遂和，海內乾耗，旦始悔不用文靖之言。 此可吊者一也。
In the time of Emperor Zhenzong, the chief minister Li Hang said to Wang Dan, "When I die you will surely become chief minister—by all means do not make peace with the barbarians. I have heard: when abroad there are no enemy states and no external troubles, states often perish; if you make peace with the barbarians, from this China will surely have many troubles." Dan by no means thought it so. Before long peace was made; within the seas resources were drained dry; Dan only then regretted not using Wenkang's words. This is the first thing to mourn.
33
中原謳吟思歸之人，日夜引領望陛下拯溺救焚，不啻赤子之望慈父母，一與虜和，則中原絕望，後悔何及。 此可吊者二也。
People in the Central Plain who sing and long to return, day and night stretch their necks hoping Your Majesty will save the drowning and rescue the burning—not less than an infant looking to a loving parent; once peace is made with the barbarians, the Central Plain's hope is cut off—what regret can compare? This is the second thing to mourn.
34
海、泗今日之藩籬咽喉也，彼得海、泗，且決吾藩籬以瞰吾室，扼吾咽喉以制吾命，則兩淮決不可保。 兩淮不保，則大江決不可守，大江不守，則江、浙決不可安。 此可吊者三也。
Hai and Si are today's barrier and throat; if they obtain Hai and Si, they will tear our barrier to overlook our hall and seize our throat to control our fate—then the two Huai cannot possibly be kept. If the two Huai cannot be kept, the Great River cannot possibly be held; if the Great River is not held, Jiang and Zhe cannot possibly be secure. This is the third thing to mourn.
35
紹興戊午，和議即成，檜建議遣二三大臣如路允迪等，分往南京等州交割歸地。 一旦叛盟，劫執允迪等，遂下親征之詔，虜復請和。 其反覆變詐如此，檜猶不悟，奉之如初，事之愈謹，賂之愈厚，卒有逆亮之變，驚動輦轂。 太上謀欲入海，行朝居民一空，覆轍不遠，忽而不戒，臣恐後車又將覆也。 此可吊者四也。
In the wuwu year of Shaoxing, when the peace agreement was made, Hui proposed sending two or three great ministers such as Lu Yundi to Nanjing and other prefectures in turn to hand over returned territory. In a day they broke the covenant, seized and held Yundi and the rest, and then issued an edict for a personal campaign; the barbarians again asked for peace. Their reversals and deceits were thus; Hui still did not awaken, served them as at first, attended them ever more carefully, bribed them ever more heavily—at last came Wanyan Liang's revolt, shaking the imperial carriage precinct. The Retired Emperor planned to go to sea; the traveling court's residents were emptied in a day; the overturned cart is not far off—if you neglect and do not guard, your servant fears the rear cart will overturn again. This is the fourth thing to mourn.
36
紹興之和，首議決不與歸正人，口血未乾，盡變前議。 凡歸正之人一切遣還，如程師回、趙良嗣等聚族數百，幾為蕭牆憂。 今必盡索歸正之人，與之則反側生變，不與則虜決不肯但已。 夫反側則肘腋之變深，虜決不肯但已，則必別起釁端，猝有逆亮之謀，不知何以待之。 此可吊者五也。
In the Shaoxing peace, the first agreement firmly decided not to hand over those who had returned to the orthodox side; the blood on the lips was not yet dry when all prior agreements were changed. All who had returned to the orthodox side were sent back in one sweep; such as Cheng Shihui and Zhao Liangsi and others, clans numbering hundreds, nearly became trouble within the curtained wall. Now they must demand all who returned to the orthodox side; if you hand them over, those who waver will breed change; if you do not, the barbarians will certainly not simply stop. If those who waver breed change, trouble at the elbow and armpit grows deep; if the barbarians will not simply stop, they must raise some other quarrel—suddenly there is a plot like Wanyan Liang's, and one does not know how to meet it. This is the fifth thing to mourn.
37
自檜當國二十年間，竭民膏血以餌犬羊，迄今府庫無旬月之儲，千村萬落生理蕭然，重以蝗蟲水潦。 自此復和，則蠹國害民，殆有甚焉者矣。 此可吊者六也。
In the twenty years while Hui held the state, he drained the people's fat and blood to feed dogs and sheep; to this day the treasuries have not a ten-day store; a thousand villages and ten thousand hamlets see livelihood wither, compounded by locusts and floods. From this if peace is made again, the harm to state and people will have something even worse. This is the sixth thing to mourn.
38
今日之患，兵費已廣，養兵之外又增歲幣，且少以十年計之，其費無慮數千億。 而歲幣之外，又有私覿之費； 私覿之外，又有賀正、生辰之使； 賀正、生辰之外，又有泛使。 一使未去，一使復來，生民疲於奔命，帑廩涸於將迎，瘠中國以肥虜，陛下何憚而為之。 此其可吊者七也。
Today's trouble: military costs are already vast; beyond maintaining troops there is added yearly tribute—and counting a mere ten years, the expense cannot be less than several hundred billion. Beyond yearly tribute, there are also the costs of private audiences; Beyond private audiences come envoys to congratulate the New Year and celebrate birthdays; Beyond those come yet more ad hoc embassies. One envoy has barely left when another arrives; the people exhaust themselves running to and fro; the treasury runs dry on receptions and send-offs; China is bled thin to enrich the enemy—why does Your Majesty shrink from stopping this? This is the seventh thing to mourn.
39
側聞虜人嫚書，欲書御名，欲去國號「大」字，欲用再拜。 議者以為繁文小節不必計較，臣切以為議者可斬也。 夫四郊多壘，卿大夫之辱； 楚子問鼎，義士之所深恥； 「獻納」二字，富弼以死爭之。 今醜虜橫行與多壘孰辱？ 國號大小與鼎輕重孰多？ 「獻納」二字與再拜孰重？ 臣子欲君父屈己以從之，則是多壘不足辱，問鼎不必恥，「獻納」不必爭。 此其可吊者八也。
I have heard that in their insulting correspondence the Jin wish to inscribe Your Majesty's personal name, strike the character "Great" from our state title, and require the double bow. Some argue these are trivial formalities not worth quibbling over—I maintain that those who argue thus deserve the headsman's axe. Ramparts crowding the four suburbs—that is the shame of the court. When the lord of Chu asked about the cauldrons—righteous men were deeply shamed. Over the two words "present and receive," Fu Bi fought as if his life depended on it. Which is the greater disgrace—the enemy rampant, or ramparts crowding the suburbs? Which weighs more—the size of our state title or the weight of the royal cauldrons? Which carries more weight—the words "present and receive," or the double bow? If ministers would have the Emperor and father humiliate himself to comply, then ramparts at the gates are no disgrace, inquiring after the cauldrons no cause for shame, and "present and receive" not worth fighting over. This is the eighth thing to mourn.
40
臣恐再拜不已必至稱臣，稱臣不已必至請降，請降不已必至納土，納土不已必至銜壁，銜壁不已必至輿櫬，輿櫬不已必至如晉帝青衣行酒然後為快。 此其可吊者九也。
I fear that once the double bow begins, it will lead inevitably to calling ourselves subjects; subjects to begging surrender; surrender to yielding territory; yielding territory to the jade-in-mouth ritual; that to the coffin-on-a-cart procession—and only when we are reduced, like the Jin emperor serving wine in blue robes, will they be satisfied. This is the ninth thing to mourn.
41
事至於此，求為匹夫尚可得乎？ 此其可吊者十也。
When things come to this pass, can one even hope to live as an ordinary subject? This is the tenth thing to mourn.
42
竊觀今日之勢，和決不成，儻乾剛獨斷，追回使者魏杞、康湑等，絕請和之議以鼓戰士，下哀痛之詔以收民心，天下庶乎其可為矣。 如此則有可賀者亦十：省數千億之歲幣，一也； 專意武備，足食足兵，二也； 無書名之恥，三也； 無去「大」之辱，四也； 無再拜之屈，五也； 無稱臣之忿，六也； 無請降之禍，七也； 無納土之悲，八也； 無銜璧、輿櫬之酷，九也； 無青衣行酒之冤，十也。
From what I can see, peace is out of the question; but if Your Majesty acted with resolute authority—recalling envoys Wei Qi, Kang Xu, and the rest, cutting off all talk of peace to rouse the soldiers, and issuing a heartfelt edict of grief to rally the people—perhaps something could still be salvaged for the realm. If so, there would be ten things to celebrate: saving hundreds of billions in yearly tribute—first; Devoting attention to military readiness, with ample food and ample troops—second; No humiliation of inscribing the personal name—third; No insult of stripping the character "Great"—fourth; No debasement of the double bow—fifth; No indignity of calling ourselves subjects—sixth; No disaster of begging to surrender—seventh; No sorrow of yielding territory—eighth; No horror of the jade-in-mouth and coffin-on-a-cart rituals—ninth; No outrage of the blue-robed wine-serving humiliation—tenth.
43
去十吊而就十賀，利害較然，雖三尺童稚亦知之，而陛下不悟。 《春秋左氏》謂無勇者為婦人，今日舉朝之士皆婦人也。 如以臣言為不然，乞賜流放竄殛，以為臣子出位犯分之戒。
Cast off ten grounds for mourning and gain ten grounds for celebration—the balance of harm and benefit is obvious; even a child knows it, yet Your Majesty does not see it. The Zuo Commentary says that the cowardly are women—in today's court, every man is a woman. If you deem my words wrong, I beg exile, banishment, or death—as a warning to ministers who overstep their station.
44
自符離之敗，朝論急於和戎，棄唐、鄧、海、泗四州與虜矣。 金又欲得商、秦地，邀歲幣，留使者魏杞，分兵攻淮。 以本職措置浙西、淮東海道。
After the defeat at Fuli, the court rushed toward peace with the Jin and ceded the four prefectures of Tang, Deng, Hai, and Si. The Jin also demanded the Shang and Qin regions, pressed for yearly tribute, detained envoy Wei Qi, and divided forces to attack the Huai. In his original capacity he managed affairs on the Zhexi and Huaidong sea routes.
45
時金使僕散忠義、紇石烈志寧之兵號八十萬，劉寶棄楚州，王彥棄昭關，濠、滁皆陷。 惟高郵守臣陳敏拒敵射陽湖，而大將李寶預求密詔為自安計，擁兵不救。 銓劾奏之，曰：「臣受詔令范榮備淮，李寶備江，緩急相援。 今寶視敏弗救，若射陽失守，大事去矣。」 寶懼，始出師掎角。 時大雪，河冰皆合，銓先持鐵錘錘冰，士皆用命，金人遂退。 久之，提舉太平興國宮。
At the time the Jin sent the armies of Pusan Zhongyi and Heshilie Zhining, said to number eight hundred thousand; Liu Bao abandoned Chuzhou, Wang Yan abandoned Zhaoguan; Hao and Chu both fell. Only Chen Min, the defending official of Gaoyou, held the enemy at Sheyang Lake, while Grand General Li Bao had already obtained a secret edict to protect himself and kept his troops back without aiding. Quan impeached him and memorialized: "Your servant received orders that Fan Rong should defend the Huai and Li Bao the Yangzi, supporting each other as need arose. Now Bao watches Min go unsupported—if Sheyang falls, all is lost. Li Bao, alarmed, finally marched out in coordinated support. Heavy snow had fallen and the rivers were frozen solid; Quan took up an iron hammer and broke the ice first, and the men all fought with spirit—the Jin then withdrew. After some time he was appointed commissioner of the Taiping Xingguo Palace.
46
乾道初，以集英殿修撰知漳州，改泉州。 趣奏事，留為工部侍郎。 入對，言：「少康以一旅復禹績，今陛下富有四海，非特一旅，而即位九年，復禹之效尚未赫然。」 又言：「四方多水旱，左右不以告，謀國者之過也，宜令有司速為先備。」 乞致仕。
Early in the Qiandao era he served as prefect of Zhangzhou as Compiler of the Hall for Advancing Worthies, then was transferred to Quanzhou. Urgently summoned to report on state affairs, he was kept on as Vice Minister of Works. In audience he said: "Shaokang restored Yu's legacy with a single brigade; Your Majesty holds all within the four seas—not merely one brigade—yet nine years on the throne, and the recovery is still nowhere in sight. He also said: "Floods and droughts afflict the realm, yet those around you do not report them—a failure of those who govern; the responsible offices should be ordered to prepare at once. He asked to retire.
47
七年，除寶文閣待制，留經筵。 求去，以敷文閣直學士與外祠。 陛辭，猶以歸陵寢、復故疆為言，上曰：「朕志也。」 且問今何歸，銓曰：「歸廬陵，臣向在嶺海嘗訓傳諸經，欲成此書。」 特賜通天犀帶以寵之。
In the seventh year he was made Attendant Draftsman of the Baowen Pavilion and kept at the Classics Colloquium. When he asked to leave, he was given the title Direct Academician of the Fuwen Pavilion with an outside temple directorship. At his farewell audience he again spoke of restoring the imperial tombs and recovering lost territory; the Emperor said: "That is my aim as well. Asked where he would go, Quan replied: "To Luling—I once lectured on the classics in the Lingnan region and wish to finish that work. He was specially granted a tongtian rhinoceros-horn belt as a mark of favor.
48
銓歸，上所著《易》、《春秋》、《周禮》、《禮記解》，詔藏秘書省。 尋復元官，升龍圖閣學士、提舉太平興國宮，轉提舉玉隆萬壽宮，進端明殿學士。 六年，召歸經筵，銓引疾力辭。 七年，以資政殿學士致仕。 薨，諡忠簡。 有《澹庵集》一百卷行於世。 孫槻、榘，皆至尚書。
Quan returned and submitted his commentaries on the Changes, Spring and Autumn, Rites of Zhou, and Record of Rites; an edict ordered them deposited in the Secretariat. Soon his original rank was restored; he rose to Academician of the Longtu Pavilion and commissioner of the Taiping Xingguo Palace, then commissioner of the Yulong Wanshou Palace, and was advanced to Academician of the Duanming Hall. In the sixth year he was recalled to the Classics Colloquium; Quan pleaded illness and firmly declined. In the seventh year he retired with the rank of Academician of the Zizheng Hall. He died and was given the posthumous title Loyal and Simple. His Collection from the Tranquil Hermitage, one hundred volumes, circulated widely. His grandsons Gui and Ju both rose to Minister of the Ministry of Personnel.
49
紹興元年，盜起旁郡，官吏悉逃去，順昌民以剛為命。 剛諭從盜者使反業，既而他盜入順昌，部使者檄剛撫定。 剛遣長子遲諭賊，賊知剛父子有信義，亦散去。 除本路提點刑獄。
In the first year of Shaoxing, bandits rose in neighboring prefectures and officials fled; the people of Shunchang looked to Gang as their leader. Gang persuaded those who had joined the bandits to return to their livelihoods; when other bandits entered Shunchang, the circuit envoy ordered Gang to pacify the region. Gang sent his eldest son Chi to reason with the bandits; knowing the Gangs for men of integrity, they dispersed. He was appointed circuit intendant of prisons for his route.
50
尋召為吏部員外郎，言：「古者天子必有親兵自將，所以備不虞而強主威，漢北軍、唐神策之類也。 祖宗軍制尤嚴。 願稽舊制，選精銳為親兵，居則以為衛，動則以為中軍，此強幹弱枝之道。」 又言：「國家艱難已極，今方圖新，若會稽誠非久駐之地。 請經營建康，親擁六師往為固守計，以杜金人窺伺之意。」 遷起居舍人、權吏部侍郎兼侍講，除給事中。
Soon summoned as Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel, he said: "In antiquity the Son of Heaven always kept personal troops under his own command—to guard against the unexpected and strengthen imperial authority—as with the Han Northern Army and the Tang Shence Corps. The military system of our founders was especially strict. I ask that we review the old system, select the elite for personal troops—guard at rest, central army in the field—strengthening the trunk and weakening the branches. He also said: "The state's hardship has reached its limit; as we plan renewal, Kuaiji is no place to linger. I ask that we develop Jiankang and that Your Majesty personally lead the Six Armies there to hold firm, cutting off the Jin's designs. He was made Diarist, Acting Vice Minister of Personnel and Court Lecturer, then appointed Censor-in-Chief.
51
丁母憂，服闋，復拜給事中。 剛言：「國不可一日無兵，兵不可一日無食。 今諸將之兵備江、淮，不知幾萬，初無儲蓄，日待哺于東南之轉餉，浙民已困，欲救此患莫若屯田。」 因獻三說，將校有能射耕，當加優賞，每耕田一頃，與轉一資； 百姓願耕，假以糧種，復以租賦。 上令都督府措置。
After mourning his mother, he was again appointed Censor-in-Chief when the mourning period ended. Gang said: "The state cannot go a day without armies, nor armies a day without provisions. The generals' troops on the Jiang and Huai number tens of thousands yet have no reserves, living day to day on grain shipped from the southeast; the people of Zhe are already exhausted—nothing would remedy this better than garrison farming. He submitted three proposals: officers who could fight and farm should receive special rewards, with one rank promotion for each hectare tilled; for commoners willing to farm, lend grain and seed and reduce rent and tax. The Emperor ordered the Grand Commandery to implement the plan.
52
時朝廷推究章惇、蔡卞誤國之罪，追貶其身，仍詔子孫毋得官中朝。 至是章傑自崇道觀知婺州，章僅自太府丞提舉江東茶鹽事。 剛封還詔書，謂即如此，何以示懲，乃並與祠。 權戶部侍郎，尋遷刑部侍郎。 求補外，除徽猷閣直學士、知漳州。
At the time the court investigated Zhang Dun and Cai Bian for their crimes against the state, posthumously demoted them, and decreed that their descendants could not hold office at court. By then Zhang Jie had gone from Chongdao Abbey to serve as prefect of Wuzhou, and Zhang Jin from Grand Treasury Assistant to intendant of Jiangdong tea and salt. Gang returned the edict unopened, saying that if this was how punishment was applied, what lesson would it teach—and had both men given outside temple posts instead. He served as Acting Vice Minister of Revenue, then was transferred to Vice Minister of Justice. Seeking a provincial post, he was made Direct Academician of the Huayou Pavilion and prefect of Zhangzhou.
53
七年二月，日有食之，詔內外官言事。 剛言：「陛下有建國之封，所以承天意、示大公於天下後世者也，然而未遂正名者，豈非有所待耶？ 有所待，則是應天之誠未至也。 願陛下昭告藝祖在天之靈，正建國儲君之號，佈告中外，不匿厥旨。 異時雖百斯男，不復更易，天下孰敢不服。」 上讀之聳然，即召剛趣至闕，拜御史中丞。 剛言：「臣職糾奸邪，當務大體，若捃摭細故，則非臣本心。」 又奏經費不支，盜賊不息，事功不立，命令不孚，及兵驕官冗之弊。
In the second month of the seventh year there was a solar eclipse, and an edict invited memorials from officials throughout the realm. Gang said: "Your Majesty holds the title of Founding Lord, meant to answer Heaven's will and show fairness to the realm and posterity—yet the heir apparent has not been formally designated; are you waiting for something? If you are waiting, then your sincerity in answering Heaven is not yet complete. I ask that Your Majesty announce to the spirit of Founder Taizu in Heaven, establish the heir's title properly, and proclaim it throughout the realm without concealment. Then even should you have a hundred sons in future, the succession would never again be in doubt—who under Heaven would not submit? The Emperor, reading it, sat up sharply and immediately summoned Gang to court, appointing him Censor-in-Chief. Gang said: "My duty is to root out corruption; I must address the larger issues—trifling over petty offenses is not my intent. He also memorialized on strained finances, persistent banditry, failure to achieve results, loss of confidence in orders, and the abuses of arrogant soldiers and bloated bureaucracy.
54
時徽宗已崩，上遇朔望猶率群臣遙拜淵聖，剛言：「禮有隆殺，兄為君則君之，己為君則兄之可也。 望勉抑聖心，但歲時行家人禮于內庭。」 從之。
Huizong had already died, yet on the first and fifteenth of each month the Emperor still led the court in bowing from afar to the Deposed Emperor; Gang said: "Rites have their gradations—when the elder brother was sovereign, he was treated as sovereign; now that you are sovereign, treating him as elder brother suffices. I ask that Your Majesty restrain your feelings and observe only the family rites of the seasons within the inner palace. The Emperor agreed.
55
殿前司強刺民為兵，及大將恃功希恩，所請多廢法。 剛知無不言，論列至於四五，驕橫者肅然。
The Palace Front Command forcibly conscripted civilians, and great generals traded on their merit for favors, their requests often overriding the law. Gang held nothing back, pressing his cases repeatedly until the arrogant were brought to heel.
56
鄭億年與秦檜有連而得美官，剛顯疏其惡，檜銜之。 金人叛盟，剛乞起舊相之有德望者，處以近藩，檜聞之曰：「是欲置我何地耶？」 改工部尚書，而以王次翁為中丞。 初，邊報至，從官會都堂，剛謂億年曰：「公以百口保金人，今已背約，有何面目尚在朝廷乎？」 億年奉祠去。 次翁與右諫議何鑄劾剛薦劉昉、陳淵，相為朋比，以徽猷閣直學士提舉亳州明道宮。 明年致仕。 以紹興十三年卒。
Zheng Yinian, connected to Qin Hui, had obtained a fine post; Gang openly memorialized against his misconduct, and Hui bore a grudge. When the Jin broke the treaty, Gang asked that a former chief councillor of standing be recalled and placed in a nearby fief; Hui, hearing this, said: "And where does he intend to put me? Gang was transferred to Minister of Works, and Wang Ciweng was made Censor-in-Chief. When the first border reports arrived, attendant officials met at the Secretariat; Gang said to Yinian: "You pledged your family's lives that the Jin would keep the treaty—they have broken it; with what face do you remain at court? Yinian took a temple directorship and departed. Ciweng and Right Remonstrance Officer He Zhu impeached Gang for recommending Liu Fang and Chen Yuan as partisans; he was demoted to Direct Academician of the Huayou Pavilion and commissioner of the Mingdao Palace at Bozhou. The following year he retired. He died in Shaoxing year 13.
57
子四人：遲、過、遂、遽，仕皆秉麾節，邦人號為「萬石廖氏」。
He had four sons—Chi, Guo, Sui, and Ju—each of whom held military command; locals called them the "Wanshi Liao clan."
58
李迨，東平人也。 曾祖參，仕至尚書右丞。 迨未冠入太學，因居開封。 以蔭補官，初調渤海縣尉。
Li Dai was a native of Dongping. His great-grandfather Can rose to Right Vice Minister of the Secretariat. Before he came of age Dai entered the Imperial Academy and took up residence in Kaifeng. Through hereditary privilege he entered office and was first posted as captain of Bohai County.
59
時州縣團結民兵，民起田畝中，不閑坐作進退之節，或嘩不受令，迨立賞罰以整齊之，累月皆精練，部伍如法。 部刺史按閱，無一人亂行伍者，遂薦之朝，改合入官。 累遷通判濟州。
Prefectures and counties were then organizing militia drawn from the fields—men untrained in drill, some shouting and refusing orders. Dai imposed rewards and punishments to whip them into shape; within months they were sharp and their formations followed regulation. When the circuit intendant inspected the troops, not one man broke formation. He recommended Dai to court, and Dai was made a regular appointee. He rose through successive appointments to Vice Prefect of Jizhou.
60
時高宗以大元帥過濟，郡守自以才不及，遜迨行州事，迨應辦軍須無闕。 會大元帥府勸進，乘輿儀物皆未備，迨諳熟典故，裁定其制，不日而辦。 上深歎賞，即除隨軍輦運。
When Gaozong passed through Ji as Grand Marshal, the prefect—judging himself unequal to the task—stepped aside and let Dai run the prefecture; Dai met every military requirement without fail. As the Grand Marshal's staff pressed for enthronement, the imperial carriage regalia were not yet ready. Dai, steeped in precedent, settled the forms, and within days everything was in place. Deeply impressed, the Emperor immediately named him Transport Commissioner Attached to the Army.
61
上即位于南京，授山東輦運，改金部郎。 從駕至維揚，敵犯行在所，即取金部籍有關於國家經賦之大者載以行，及上於鎮江。 時建炎三年二月也。 宰相呂頤浩言於上，即日召見。
After the Emperor took the throne at Nanjing, Dai was made Shandong Transport Commissioner and then transferred to Secretary of the Bureau of Finance. When the court reached Weiyang and the enemy attacked the temporary palace, he seized the Bureau of Finance registers bearing on major state revenues and carried them along, reaching Zhenjiang with the Emperor. This was the second month of Jianyan year 3. Chief Councillor Lü Yihao spoke to the Emperor, and Dai was summoned that very day.
62
未幾，丁父喪，詔起復，以中散大夫直龍圖閣，為御營使司參議官兼措置軍前財用。 苗傅、劉正彥叛，呂頤浩、張浚集勤王之師，迨流涕謂諸將曰：「君第行，無慮軍食。」 師行所至，食皆先具。 事平，同趙哲等入對，上慰勞之。 詔轉三官，辭不拜，除權戶部侍郎。
Soon afterward he mourned his father, but an edict recalled him from mourning. As Gentleman for Promoting Culture with appointment at the Longtu Pavilion, he served as planning officer of the Imperial Camp Commissionerate and concurrently managed front-line finances. When Miao Fu and Liu Zhengyan rebelled, Lü Yihao and Zhang Jun raised loyalist armies. Dai, weeping, told the generals: "March on—I will see to the food. Wherever the army went, provisions were already waiting. After order was restored, he entered audience with Zhao Zhe and others, and the Emperor comforted and praised them. An edict offered him three ranks of promotion, but he declined; he was appointed Acting Vice Minister of Revenue.
63
四年，加顯謨閣待制，為淮南、江、浙、荊湖等路制置發運使。 尋以軍旅甫定，乞持餘服，詔許之。 紹興二年，知筠州。 明年，移信州，尋提舉江州太平觀。
In the fourth year he was made Attendant Draftsman of the Xianmo Pavilion and Commissioner for Circuit Transport Arrangement for Huainan, Jiang, Zhe, Jinghu, and other circuits. Soon afterward, with the armies only just settled, he asked to complete the remainder of his mourning leave, and the court granted it. In Shaoxing year 2 he served as prefect of Junzhou. The following year he was transferred to Xinzhou, and soon afterward was made commissioner of the Taiping Abbey at Jiangzhou.
64
五年十月，以舊職除兩浙路轉運使，言：「祖宗都大梁，歲漕東南六百餘萬斛，而六路之民無飛挽之擾，蓋所運者官舟，所役者兵卒故也。 今駐蹕浙右，漕運地裡不若中都之遠，而公私苦之，何也？ 以所用之舟太半取於民間，往往鑿井沉船以避其役。 如溫、明、虔、吉州等處所置造船場，乞委逐州守臣措置，募兵卒牽挽，使臣管押，庶幾害不及民，可以漸復漕運舊制。」 詔工部措置。 尋加徽猷閣直學士，升龍圖閣直學士，為四川都轉運使兼提舉成都等路茶事，並提舉陝西等路買馬。
In the tenth month of the fifth year he was reappointed Transport Commissioner of the Two-Zhe Circuit and said: "When our founders held court at Daliang, over six million hu were shipped up from the southeast each year, yet the people of the six circuits were not dragooned for hauling—because the state used official boats and soldier-bearers. Now the court sojourns in western Zhe. The haul is shorter than to the old capital, yet everyone suffers—why? Because more than half the boats are pressed from the people, who often scuttle wells and sink vessels to escape the levy. For shipyards at Wen, Ming, Qian, Jizhou, and the like, I ask that each prefecture's officials be put in charge, soldier-bearers be recruited for hauling, and commissioners supervise transport—so the burden does not fall on the people and the old transport system can gradually be restored. An edict ordered the Ministry of Works to take charge. Soon he was made Direct Academician of the Huayou Pavilion, then promoted to Direct Academician of the Longtu Pavilion, Grand Transport Commissioner of Sichuan, concurrently Commissioner for Tea Affairs on the Chengdu and other circuits, and Commissioner for Horse Purchases on the Shaanxi and other circuits.
65
自熙、豐以來，始即熙、秦、戎、黎等州置場買馬，而川茶通於永興四路，故成都府、秦州皆有榷茶司。 至是關陝既失，迨請合為一司，名都大提舉茶馬司，以省冗費，從之。 逾年，詔迨以每歲收支之數具旁通驛奏，迨乃考其本末，具奏曰：
Since the Xining and Yuanfeng reigns, horse markets had been set up at Xi, Qin, Rong, Li, and other prefectures, and Sichuan tea flowed into the four Yongxing circuits—so both Chengdu Prefecture and Qinzhou had tea monopoly offices. By then Guan and Shaanxi had been lost. Dai asked that the offices be merged into one Grand Commissioner for Tea and Horses to cut waste, and the court agreed. A year later an edict required Dai to report annual receipts and expenditures by express relay. He traced the matter to its roots and submitted a detailed memorial:
66
紹興四年，所收錢物三千三百四十二萬餘緡，比所支闕五十一萬餘緡。 五年，收三千六十萬緡，比所支闕一千萬餘緡。 六年，未見。 七年，所收三千六百六十萬餘緡，比所支闕一百六十一萬餘緡。 自來遇歲計有闕，即添支錢引補助。 紹興四年，添印五百七十六萬道。 五年，添印二百萬道。 六年，添印六百萬道。 見今泛料太多，引價頓落，緣此未曾添印。 兼歲收錢物內有上供、進奉等窠名一千五百九十九萬，系四川歲入舊額。 其勸諭、激賞等項窠名錢物共二千六十八萬，系軍興後來歲入所增，比舊額已過倍，其取於民可謂重矣。
In Shaoxing year 4, receipts in cash and goods totaled more than 33.42 million strings, leaving a shortfall of more than 510,000 strings against expenditures. In year 5 receipts were 30.6 million strings, with a shortfall of more than 10 million strings against expenditures. For year 6, figures are not yet in. In year 7 receipts exceeded 36.6 million strings, with a shortfall of more than 1.61 million strings against expenditures. Whenever the annual budget fell short, the practice has been to print supplementary paper notes to cover the gap. In Shaoxing year 4, 5.76 million notes were additionally printed. In year 5, 2 million notes were additionally printed. In year 6, 6 million notes were additionally printed. Levies in kind are now excessive and note value has collapsed; for that reason no new notes have been printed. Among annual receipts, categories such as tribute to the throne and presentation gifts total 15.99 million—the old Sichuan quota. Categories such as persuasion subsidies and merit rewards total 20.68 million—postwar additions more than double the old quota. The burden on the people is plainly crushing.
67
臣嘗考《劉晏傳》，是時天下歲入緡錢千二百萬，而管榷居其半。 今四川榷鹽榷酒歲入一千九十一萬，過於晏所榷多矣。 諸窠名錢已三倍劉晏歲入之數，彼以一千二百萬贍中原之軍而有餘，今以三千六百萬貫贍川、陝一軍而不足。 又如折估及正色米一項，通計二百六十五萬石。 止以紹興六年朝廷取會官兵數，計六萬八千四百四十九人，決無一年用二百六十五萬石米之理。 數內官員一萬一千七員，軍兵五萬七百四十九人，官員之數比軍兵之數約計六分之一。 軍兵請給錢比官員請給不及十分之一，即是冗濫在官員，不在軍兵也。 計司雖知冗濫，力不能裁節之，雖是寬剩，亦未敢除減，此朝廷不可不知也。
Your servant once studied the biography of Liu Yan. In his day the empire's annual cash receipts totaled 12 million strings, and state monopolies supplied half. Today Sichuan's salt and wine monopolies alone yield 10.91 million strings—more than Yan ever controlled. All category receipts already triple Liu Yan's annual intake. He fed the armies of the Central Plain on 12 million strings with surplus; we cannot sustain one army in Sichuan and Shaanxi on 36 million. Then there are assessed conversion and standard-grade rice, totaling 2.65 million shi. The court's Shaoxing year 6 roster lists only 68,449 civil and military personnel—there is no way one year requires 2.65 million shi of rice. Of these, 11,017 are officials and 50,749 soldiers—officials are roughly one-sixth the number of soldiers. Soldiers' pay and allowances are less than one-tenth of officials'—the bloat is in the bureaucracy, not the ranks. The fiscal offices know the bloat but lack power to cut it; even where there is surplus they dare not trim—this the court must know.
68
蜀人所苦甚者，糴買、般運也。 蓋糴買不科敷則不能集其事，苟科敷則不能無擾； 般運事稍緩則船戶獨受其弊，急則稅戶皆被其害。 欲省漕運莫如屯田，漢中之地約收二十五萬餘石，若將一半充不系水運去處歲計米，以一半對減川路糴買、般發歲計米，亦可少寬民力。 兼臣已委官於興元、洋州就糴夏麥五十萬石，岷州欲就糴二十萬石，兼用營田所收一半之數十二萬石，三項共計五十七萬石。 每年水運應付閬、利州以東計米五十八萬石，若得此三項，可盡數免川路糴買、般運，此乃恤民之實惠，守邊之良策也。
What the people of Shu suffer most are compulsory grain purchases and transport levies. Grain purchases cannot be collected without apportionment, yet apportionment inevitably brings harassment. If transport deadlines slip, boat households alone bear the cost; if they are rushed, every tax household suffers. Nothing saves transport costs like garrison farming. Hanzhong yields about 250,000 shi; if half supplied annual quotas at places not tied to waterways and half offset Sichuan purchase and transport quotas, the people's burden would ease somewhat. Your servant has already sent officials to Xingyuan and Yangzhou to purchase 500,000 shi of summer wheat locally, plans 200,000 shi at Minzhou, and together with half the garrison-farm harvest—120,000 shi—the three items total 570,000 shi. Water transport east of Lang and Lizhou requires 580,000 shi each year. These three items would eliminate Sichuan purchase and transport entirely—a real relief for the people and a sound frontier policy.
69
降詔獎諭，以與吳玠不合，與祠。
An edict commended him, but because he clashed with Wu Jie he was given a temple directorship.
70
九年，金人歸我三京，命迨為京畿都轉運使。 孟庾時為權東京留守，潛通北使。 迨察其隱微，庾不能平，訟於朝，且使人告迨曰：「北人以兵至矣。」 迨曰：「吾家食國家祿二百年，荷陛下重任，萬死不足報。 吾老矣，豈能下穹廬之拜乎？ 首可斷而膝不可屈也。 如果然，吾將極罵以死。」 告者悚然而去。 降聖節，庾失於行禮，為迨所持，庾自劾，迨因此求罷去，乃落職與祠歸，而庾以京師降于金人。
In the ninth year, when the Jin returned the three capitals, Dai was appointed Grand Transport Commissioner of the Capital Region. Meng Yu was then Acting Commandant of the Eastern Capital, secretly in contact with northern envoys. Dai uncovered his secret dealings. Yu, unable to contain himself, sued at court and sent a man to warn Dai: "The northerners are marching. Dai replied: "My family has drawn the state's salary for two hundred years. Entrusted by Your Majesty with heavy responsibility, I could die ten thousand times and still not repay it. I am old. How could I bow beneath a felt tent? My head may be cut off, but my knees will not bend. If it comes to that, I will curse them to the end and die. The messenger fled in terror. At the Descent of the Sage's Birthday festival Yu botched the rites; Dai seized on the lapse. Yu impeached himself; Dai asked to be relieved, was demoted to a temple directorship, and sent home—after which Yu surrendered the capital to the Jin.
71
迨尋復龍圖閣待制、知洪州。 十六年，以疾丐祠。 十八年卒。
Soon he was restored as Attendant Draftsman of the Longtu Pavilion and prefect of Hongzhou. In the sixteenth year he pleaded illness and asked for a temple directorship. He died in the eighteenth year.
72
趙開，字應祥，普州安居人。 登元符三年進士第。 大觀二年，權辟廱正。 用舉者改秩，即盡室如京師，買田尉氏，與四方賢俊遊，因詗知天下利病所當罷行者。 如是七年，慨然有通變救弊志。
Zhao Kai, courtesy name Yingxiang, was a native of Anju in Puzhou. He passed the jinshi examination in Yuanfu year 3. In Daguan year 2 he served as Acting Chief of the Imperial Academy. Recommended for promotion, he moved his entire household to the capital, bought land in Weishi, and consorted with talented men from every quarter, learning what policies across the empire ought to be kept or scrapped. For seven years he nursed a resolve to reform what was broken.
73
宣和初，除禮制局校正檢閱官。 數月局罷，出知鄢陵縣。 七年，除講議司檢詳官。 開善心計，自檢詳罷，除成都路轉運判官，遂奏罷宣和六年所增上供認額綱布十萬匹，減綿州下戶支移利州水腳錢十分之三，又減蒲江六井元符至宣和所增鹽額，列其次第，謂之「鼠尾帳」，揭示鄉戶歲時所當輸折科等實數，俾人人具曉，鄉胥不得隱匿竄寄。
Early in the Xuanhe era he was appointed Collator and Inspector of the Rites Regulations Bureau. Several months later the bureau was abolished, and he was sent out as magistrate of Yanling County. In the seventh year he was appointed Examining Officer of the Policy Discussion Office. Kai had a gift for fiscal affairs. After his examiner post ended, he became Transport Vice Commissioner of the Chengdu Circuit. He memorialized to abolish the 100,000 bolts of tribute cloth added in Xuanhe year 6, cut by three-tenths the water-transport fees lower households in Mianzhou paid when reassigned to Lizhou, and rolled back salt quotas added at Pujiang's Six Wells from Yuanfu through Xuanhe. Listing these in order, he called the register the "Mouse-Tail Ledger," posting the actual levies each township owed so every household would know and village clerks could not conceal or shift the burden.
74
嘗言：「財利之源當出於一，祖宗朝天下財計盡歸三司，諸道利源各歸漕計，故官省事理。 並廢以還，漕司則利害可以參究，而無牽掣窒礙之患矣。」 因指陳榷茶、買馬五害，大略謂：「黎州買馬，嘉祐歲額才二千一百餘。 自置司榷茶，歲額四千，且獲馬兵逾千人，猶不足用，多費衣糧，為一害。 嘉祐以銀絹博馬，價皆有定。 今長吏旁緣為奸，不時歸貨，以空券給夷人，使待資次，夷人怨恨，必生邊患，為二害。 初置司榷茶，借本錢于轉運司五十二萬緡，于常平司二十餘萬緡。 自熙寧至今幾六十年，舊所借不償一文，而歲借乃准初數，為三害。 榷茶之初，預俵茶戶本錢，尋於數外更增和買，或遂抑預俵錢充和買，茶戶坐是破產，而官買歲增。 茶日濫雜，官茶既不堪食，則私販公行，刑不能禁，為四害。 承平時，蜀茶之入秦者十幾八九，猶患積壓難售。 今關、隴悉遭焚蕩，仍拘舊額，竟何所用？ 茶兵官吏坐縻衣糧，未免科配州縣，為五害。 請依嘉祐故事，盡罷榷茶，仍令轉運司買馬，即五害並去，而邊患不生。 如謂榷茶未可遽罷，亦宜並歸轉運司，痛減額以蘇茶戶，輕立價以惠茶商，如此則私販必衰，盜賊消弭，本錢既常在，而息錢自足。」
He once said: "Revenue ought to flow through a single channel. Under the founders, all fiscal affairs went to the Three Departments and each circuit's revenues to its transport commissioner—government was lean and affairs clear. Restore that system and transport commissioners can weigh costs and benefits without the tangles and deadlocks of divided authority. He then laid out five harms of the tea monopoly and horse trade, saying in brief: "At Lizhou, the Jiayou quota was barely 2,100 horses. Since the monopoly office was set up the quota is 4,000, and even with more than a thousand horse soldiers it is still not enough—yet clothing and grain pour out in waste. That is the first harm. Under Jiayou, horses were bought with silver and silk at fixed prices. Today local officials twist the rules, fail to deliver goods on time, and pay the tribes with empty vouchers, making them wait their turn. Resentment breeds border trouble—the second harm. When the monopoly office was first set up it borrowed 520,000 strings from the transport commissionerate and more than 200,000 from the Ever-Normal Granary office. Nearly sixty years have passed since Xining, yet not one cash of the original loans has been repaid—while fresh loans match the original sums each year. That is the third harm. At first advance capital went to tea households; soon compulsory purchases beyond quota were added, or advance funds were seized to meet them. Tea households went bankrupt while official purchases climbed year by year. Tea grew ever more adulterated; official tea became inedible, private trade flourished openly, and punishment could not stop it—the fourth harm. Even in peaceful times eight or nine tenths of Shu tea went to Qin, and still piled up unsold. Now Guan and Long lie in ashes, yet old quotas are enforced—to what end? Tea soldiers and officials consume clothing and grain without end and inevitably levy assessments on prefectures and counties—the fifth harm. I ask that we follow the Jiayou precedent, abolish the tea monopoly entirely, and return horse purchases to the transport commissionerate—all five harms gone, and no border trouble. If the monopoly cannot be abolished at once, it should still be merged under the transport commissionerate: slash quotas to revive tea households, set fair prices to help merchants—then smuggling will fade, bandits subside, capital will stay in place, and interest will suffice.
75
朝廷是其言，即擢開都大提舉川、陝茶馬事，使推行之。 時建炎二年也。 於是大更茶馬之法，官買官賣茶並罷，參酌政和二年東京都茶務所創條約，印給茶引，使茶商執引與茶戶自相貿易。 改成都舊買賣茶場為合同場買引所，仍于合同場置茶市，交易者必由市，引與茶必相隨。 茶戶十或十五共為一保，並籍定茶鋪姓名，互察影帶販鬻者。 凡買茶引，每一斤春為錢七十，夏五十，舊所輸市例頭子錢並依舊。 茶所過每一斤徵一錢，住徵一錢半。 其合同場監官除驗引、秤茶、封記、發放外，無得干預茶商、茶戶交易事。
The court approved and immediately promoted Kai to Grand Commissioner for Sichuan and Shaanxi Tea and Horse Affairs to carry the reforms out. This was Jianyan year 2. Thereupon the tea-and-horse system was overhauled: official purchase and sale of tea were abolished. Adapting regulations from the Eastern Capital Tea Bureau in Zhenghe year 2, the state printed tea certificates so merchants could trade directly with tea households. The old Chengdu tea buying-and-selling yards were changed to contract-yard certificate offices; tea markets were still set at the contract yards—traders had to go through the market, and certificate and tea had to go together. Tea households formed mutual-security groups of ten or fifteen, with tea-shop names registered, mutually watching for covert trafficking. For each certificate purchased, spring tea was seventy cash per jin, summer fifty; the old market head-money payments remained as before. At each tea station one cash per jin was levied in transit; at destination one and a half cash. Contract-yard supervisors, apart from verifying certificates, weighing tea, sealing marks, and issuing release, might not interfere in dealings between tea merchants and tea households.
76
舊制買馬及三千匹者轉一官，比但以所買數推賞，往往有一任轉數官者。 開奏：「請推賞必以馬到京實收數為格，或死於道，黜降有差。」 比及四年冬，茶引收息至一百七十餘萬緡，買馬乃逾二萬匹。
Under the old system buying three thousand horses earned one rank promotion; recently rewards were reckoned only by numbers bought, and often one tenure brought several promotions. Kai memorialized, "I ask that rewards be measured strictly by horses actually received in the capital; if they die on the road, demotions should differ in degree." By the fourth winter, tea-certificate interest reached more than 1.7 million strings, and horses bought exceeded twenty thousand.
77
張浚以知樞密院宣撫川蜀，素知開善理財，即承制以開兼宣撫處置使司隨軍轉運使，專一總領四川財賦。 開見浚曰：「蜀之民力盡矣，錙銖不可加，獨榷貨稍存贏餘，而貪猾認為己有，互相隱匿。 惟不恤怨詈，斷而敢行，庶可救一時之急。」
Zhang Jun, as Commissioner of the Bureau of Military Affairs with authority to pacify Sichuan, knew Kai was skilled at managing finances and by special order made Kai concurrently army-follow transport commissioner of the Pacification headquarters, solely in charge of Sichuan's revenues. Kai, meeting Jun, said, "Shu's manpower is exhausted—not a cash can be added; only monopoly goods still show some surplus, yet the greedy claim it as their own and hide it from each other. Only by not fearing curses and acting decisively can we perhaps relieve the urgent moment."
78
浚銳意興復，委任不疑，於是大變酒法，自成都始。 先罷公使賣供給酒，即舊撲買坊場所置隔槽，設官主之，曲與釀具官悉自買，聽釀戶各以米赴官場自釀，凡一石米輸三千，並頭子雜用等二十二。 其釀之多寡，惟錢是視，不限數也。 明年，遂遍四路行其法。 又法成都府法，于秦州置錢引務，興州鼓鑄銅錢，官賣銀絹，聽民以錢引或銅錢買之。 凡民錢當入官者，並聽用引折納，官支出亦如之。 民私用引為市，於一千並五百上許從便增高其直，惟不得減削。 法既流通，民以為便。
Jun was keen to restore the realm and entrusted him without doubt; thereupon the wine law was greatly changed, beginning at Chengdu. First the envoy-sale of supply wine was abolished; at the old licensed brewery sites partitioned troughs were set up under official management; yeast and brewing equipment were all bought by the office; brewers might bring grain to the government yard and brew themselves—for each shi of grain they paid three thousand cash, plus twenty-two items of head-money and miscellaneous dues. How much they brewed depended only on money paid—there was no limit on quantity. The next year the method was extended through all four circuits. Following the Chengdu model, a note office was set up at Qin Prefecture; at Xing Prefecture copper cash was cast; the state sold silk and silver, allowing the people to buy with cash notes or copper coins. All money the people owed the state might be paid in notes at discount; state payments likewise. The people might use notes privately in trade; on denominations of one thousand and five hundred they might raise the rate as convenient, but not reduce it. Once the law circulated, the people found it convenient.
79
初，錢引兩料通行才二百五十萬有奇，至是添印至四千一百九十餘萬，人亦不厭其多，價亦不削。
At first only about 2.5 million strings of the two note issues circulated; now printing was increased to more than 41.9 million—yet people did not resent the abundance, nor did value fall.
80
宣司獲偽引三十萬，盜五十人，浚欲從有司議當以死，開白浚曰：「相君誤矣。 使引偽，加宣撫使印其上即為真。 黥其徒使治幣，是相君一日獲三十萬之錢，而起五十人之死也。」 浚稱善，悉如開言。
The Pacification headquarters seized three hundred thousand counterfeit notes and fifty counterfeiters; Jun wished to follow the regular offices and sentence them to death; Kai told Jun, "My lord is mistaken. If the notes are false, stamp the Pacification commissioner's seal on them and they become genuine. Brand the men and make them mint coin—in one day my lord gains three hundred thousand in cash while sparing fifty lives." Jun approved and did all as Kai said.
81
最後又變鹽法，其法實視大觀東南、東北鹽鈔條約，置合同場鹽市，與茶法大抵相類。 鹽引每一斤納錢二十五，土產稅有增添等共納九錢四分，所過每斤徵錢七分，住徵一錢五分，若以錢引折納，別輸稱提勘合錢共六十。 初變榷法，怨詈四起，至是開覆議更鹽法，言者遂奏其不便，乞罷之以安遠民，且曰：「如謂大臣建請，務全事體，必須更制，即乞劄與張浚照會。」 詔以其章示浚，浚不為變。
Finally the salt law was changed again; the method in fact followed the Daguan salt-certificate treaties of southeast and northeast, setting contract-yard salt markets broadly like the tea law. Each salt certificate paid twenty-five cash per jin; local-product taxes and additions totaled nine cash four fen; transit levied seven cash per jin, destination one and a half cash; if paid in cash notes, a separate weighing-and-verification fee of sixty in all. When the monopoly law was first changed, curses rose on every side; when Kai again debated revising the salt law, critics memorialized its inconvenience and begged to abolish it to settle distant peoples, saying, "If great ministers initiated it and the whole affair must be preserved, and reform is required, then please send a directive to Zhang Jun for coordination." An edict showed the memorial to Jun; Jun made no change.
82
時浚荷重寄，治兵秦川，經營兩河，旬犒月賞，期得士死力，費用不貲，盡取辦於開，開悉知慮於食貨，算無遺策，雖支費不可計，而贏貲若有餘。
At the time Jun bore heavy trust, drilled troops in Qin-chuan, and planned the two Rivers; ten-day rewards and monthly bonuses sought to make soldiers die with all their strength—expense beyond reckoning, all provided by Kai; Kai understood food and goods thoroughly, his calculations leaving nothing out; though disbursements were countless, surplus seemed always at hand.
83
吳玠為四川宣撫副使，專治戰守，于財計盈虛未嘗問，惟一切以軍期趣辦，與開異趣。 玠數以餉饋不繼訴於朝，開亦自劾老憊，丐去。 朝廷未許，乃特置四川安撫制置大使之名，命席益為之。 益前執政，詔位宣撫司上，朝論恐未安，仍詔張浚視師荊、襄、川、陝。
Wu Jie was Sichuan Pacification vice-commissioner, specializing in war and defense; he never asked about fiscal surplus or deficit, only pressing everything to meet army deadlines—at odds with Kai. Jie repeatedly complained to court that rations did not keep up; Kai also impeached himself as old and weary and begged to leave. The court did not consent and specially created the post of Sichuan Pacification and Settlement Grand Commissioner, appointing Xi Yi. Yi had formerly held the chief ministership; an edict placed him above the Pacification office—court opinion feared this was unsettling—and still ordered Zhang Jun to oversee armies in Jing, Xiang, Chuan, and Shan.
84
六年，罷綿州宣撫司，玠仍以宣撫治兵事，軍馬聽玠移撥，錢物則委開拘收。 尋除開徽猷閣待制，加玠兩鎮節鉞。 復降旨，都轉運使不當與四路漕臣同系銜，成都、潼川兩路漕臣與都轉運使坐應副軍支錢物愆期，各貶二秩。 朝廷故抑揚之，使之交解間隙、趣辦餉饋也。 而開復與席益不和，抗疏乞將舊來宣撫司年計應副軍期，不許他司分擘支用。 又指陳宣撫司截都漕運司錢，就果、閬糴米非是。 又言應副吳玠軍須，紹興四年總為錢一千九百五十五萬七千餘緡，五年視四年又增四百二十萬五千餘緡。 蜀今公私俱困，四向無所取給，事屬危急，實甚可憂，氣許以茶馬司奏計詣闕下，盡所欲言。
In the sixth year the Mianzhou Pacification office was abolished; Jie still governed military affairs as Pacification commissioner; army horses were at Jie's disposal for transfer, but funds were entrusted to Kai for collection. Soon Kai was made Attendant Gentleman of the Huaiyou Pavilion; Jie was given two frontier military commissions. Another edict said the overall transport commissioner should not share the same memorial heading as the four-circuit transport commissioners; the Chengdu and Tongchuan commissioners and the overall commissioner, for being late in supplying army funds, were each demoted two ranks. The court deliberately played them off against each other to create friction at handover and hurry rations. Kai again clashed with Xi Yi and submitted a memorial asking that the Pacification office's annual appropriations for army deadlines not be split and spent by other agencies. He also pointed out that the Pacification office seized overall transport funds and bought grain at Guo and Lang—this was wrong. He also said that supplying Wu Jie's army in the fourth year of Shaoxing totaled 19.557 million strings, and the fifth year added 4.205 million more than the fourth. Shu now is strained public and private, with no supply from any quarter—the situation is critically dangerous and truly worrisome; he was permitted to bring the Tea and Horse Commission's accounts to court and speak fully.
85
朝廷既知開與玠及席益有隙，乃詔開赴行在，以李迨代之。 會疾作不行，提舉江州太平觀。 七年，復右文殿修撰、都大主管川陝茶馬。 開已病，累疏丐去，詔從所乞，提舉太平觀。 十一年卒。
The court, knowing Kai was at odds with Jie and Xi Yi, ordered Kai to the traveling palace and replaced him with Li Dai. Illness came on and he could not go; he was made director of the Taiping Abbey in Jiangzhou. In the seventh year he was again made Academician of the Youwen Hall and overall director of Chuan-Shaan tea and horses. Kai was already ill and repeatedly memorialized to leave; an edict granted his request and made him director of the Taiping Abbey. In the eleventh year he died.
86
論曰：秦檜執國柄，其誤宋大計，固無以議為也。 張九成之策，胡銓之疏，忠義凜然。 廖剛請復用德望之人，豈苟阿時好者哉？ 李迨、趙開所謂可使治其賦也歟？
The commentary says: Qin Hui held the reins of state—his mistake in the great plan of Song cannot be debated. Zhang Jiucheng's policy essay and Hu Quan's memorial stand with loyalty and righteousness. Liao Gang's plea to restore men of virtue—was he one who curried favor with the times? Were Li Dai and Zhao Kai not those of whom it is said, "Let them manage the revenue"?