← Back to 宋史

卷四百二十二 列傳第一百八十一 林勳 劉才邵 許忻 應孟明 曾三聘 徐僑 度正 程珌 牛大年 陳仲微 梁成大 李知孝

Volume 422 Biographies 181: Lin Xun, Liu Cai Shao, Xu Xin, Ying Mengming, Ceng Sanpin, Xu Qiao, Du Zheng, Cheng Bi, Niu Danian, Chen Zhongwei, Liang Chengda, Li Zhixiao

Chapter 422 of 宋史 · History of Song
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 422
Next Chapter →
1
Lin Xun, Liu Caishao, Xu Xin, Ying Mengming, Zeng Sanpin, Xu Qiao, Du Zheng, Cheng Bi, Niu Danian, Chen Zhongwei, Liang Chengda, and Li Zhixiao.
2
仿使使 使 綿 綿 綿
Lin Xun was a native of Hezhou. In the fifth year of the Zhenghe reign he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed instructor at Guangzhou. In the eighth month of the third year of Jianyan he presented thirteen chapters of his Fundamental Governance, stating: "The state's military and agricultural policies largely perpetuate the disorders of late Tang." Today the peasants are impoverished and many lack steady employment, while the troops are insubordinate and unfit for service; hungry civilians and idle soldiers alike drift into banditry. He proposed reviving the ancient well-field system: each household head would hold fifty mu; families with surplus land could not purchase more; landless men and idle hangers-on in marginal trades would be compelled to work as tenant farmers on others' surplus acreage, with miscellaneous levies on grain and cash consolidated into a single tithe. Under the Song, the burden of the two-tax system had grown to seven times its Tang level. Under his new scheme, sixteen householders would form one well-field unit; a district of a hundred li would contain 3,400 such units, yielding roughly 51,000 hu of grain and 12,000 strings of cash in tax; each unit would furnish two soldiers and one horse—6,800 troops and 3,400 mounts in all—with one-fifth levied annually as the rotating quota for active campaigning. In peacetime the force would be split into four reliefs to man government offices and garrison duty. Thus an ordinary farmer would complete only one full cycle of compulsory service every thirty-five years. At full mobilization the district would consume over 19,000 hu of grain and more than 3,600 strings of cash yearly; in quiet times that outlay would drop by three-quarters—all borne by a single, uniform land tax. Each married woman would owe three feet of silk and one ounce of cotton floss. A county of a hundred li would thus collect more than four thousand bolts of silk and 3,400 jin of cotton annually. In districts without sericulture, six feet of cloth and two ounces of hemp would be substituted, with collections roughly double the silk and cotton totals. After a decade of operation, poll taxes, the state wine monopoly, and every excise on tea, salt, incense, and alum could be lifted and returned to the people. His argument was set forth in full detail. When the memorial reached the throne, Lin was appointed secretary to the military commissioner of Guizhou.
3
西祿祿 滿
Later he submitted two chapters of a Comparative Study, arguing in substance that Guizhou's domain—six hundred li east to west and five hundred north to south—would equal forty ideal states of a hundred li square under the ancient measure, capable of supporting 2,252,800 qing under the plow, 2,048,000 cultivators, 248,000 hu of grain, stipends for four thousand officials from grandee downward, and rations for three hundred thousand troops. In reality Guizhou had only about 10,420 qing under cultivation, 216,615 registered males, a little over 15,000 strings in tax money, somewhat more than 50,200 hu of grain levy, fewer than a hundred prefectural and county officials, and 5,100 troops. The land lay largely fallow while idlers in marginal trades were numerous; productive capacity went untapped and revenues fell short—all because fundamental governance had not been restored. Zhu Xi admired the work deeply. Chen Liang of Dongyang wrote: "In composing this book Lin examined antiquity and tested the present; his thinking is so thorough that one must call him diligent." Among scholars of the well-field system in our age, who surpasses Lin? Yet it will require a ruler of heroic stature, who after one decisive transformation applies the scheme so that benefit follows naturally—only then will the people not be alarmed and the consequences can be managed well.
4
仿
Liu Caishao, whose courtesy name was Meizhong, was a native of Luling in Jizhou. His forebear He had been summoned to audience by Emperor Taizong but died before he could take office. He had deplored the debased style of Five Dynasties writing and, imitating Yang Xiong's Exemplary Sayings, composed eighty-one chapters of his own Exemplary Sayings, which circulated widely. Caishao graduated from the Imperial University in the second year of Daguan and entered service as instructor in Gan and Ru prefectures, then as clerical officer under the Hubei education intendant. In the second year of Xuanhe he passed the macro-words examination and was appointed vice director of the Directorate of Agriculture. In the first year of Jingkang he was promoted to proofreader in the Palace Library.
5
便
When Emperor Gaozong acceded, he returned home to care for his aging parents and lived in retirement for ten years. Vice censor-in-chief Liao Gang recommended him; summoned to audience, he was made secretary director, then served successively as outer court director in the Transport Bureau and the Ministry of Personnel, overseeing appointments in the eastern selection office for attendants. Previously, when imperial clansmen registered for sinecures at palace temples and mountain shrines, they were required to appear in person at the ministry—a hardship for those posted far away. Caishao proposed allowing them to report through their local jurisdiction to the ministry, which would register them according to regulation; the practice was adopted and proved convenient. He was transferred to the Directorate of Armaments, then promoted to attendant recorder; before long he became drafting academician of the Secretariat with acting charge of the Hanlin Academy. The emperor praised his literary gifts, but the chief minister resented him and had him transferred out as prefect of Zhangzhou. East of the city he excavated fourteen canals, installing sluices and floodgates to store and release water, irrigating several thousand mu of farmland. The people were deeply grateful to him. He twice held temple sinecures. In the twenty-fifth year of Shaoxing he was recalled and appointed vice minister of Works with concurrent Hanlin academician, and soon after served as acting minister of Personnel. He requested a temple appointment on grounds of illness and was granted the additional title of academician of the Xianmo Pavilion. He died and was posthumously enfeoffed as Grandee for Propagating Merit. Caishao was mild in temperament and respectful in bearing; when powerful ministers held sway, he met them with composed deference and withdrew when he must, preserving his reputation and integrity. His collected works, the Sansi Hermit's Writings, circulated widely.
6
使便
Xu Xin was a native of Gongzhou. He passed the jinshi examination in the third year of Xuanhe; under Emperor Gaozong he served as outer vice director of the Ministry of Personnel and received an imperial summons to audience. At that time the Jin envoy Zhang Tonggu was lodged in the guest residence; Xin submitted a memorial arguing forcefully that peace negotiations were inadvisable, saying:
7
使使
Your servant has twice been summoned to audience and placed among the literary officers; now Your Majesty has again graciously ordered me to attend for counsel. I see Your Majesty in these troubled times seeking even the slenderest counsel to sharpen your judgment; this is the moment when your servant might repay you in the smallest measure, and so I dare offer my poor wit in loyal service. I understand that since the Jin envoys arrived, Your Majesty—because the imperial tombs lie desolate and unhonored, the spirit coffins of Emperor Huizong and Empress Xiansu remain far away, the Queen Mother is advanced in years and long denied your daily attendance, and the Sagely Emperor with the imperial clan have no prospect of return—has been willing to humble yourself to secure peace and has sent envoys to return their visit. This matter is weighty indeed; Your Majesty has already ordered the attendant officials and remonstrators to submit their views separately—do they all consider it acceptable? Or have yes and no been offered together, and Your Majesty has not yet chosen among them? Or have the Jin already become respectful and ceased to demand ceremonies we cannot possibly perform? On these several points your servant has not been able to learn the truth. Permit me to sort benefit and harm separately and set them out in detail for Your Majesty.
8
When the Jin first invaded, they repeatedly claimed they wished to negotiate peace. At the opening of the Jingkang crisis they agreed that Prince Su would reach the Yellow River and return; instead they seized him and marched north, and thereafter no word came. For a thousand li north of the river they burned and plundered without sparing anything; the old and young, bound in chains, died by the tens of millions; they also overran Weisheng, Longde, and other prefectures. The Sagely Emperor once issued an edict declaring that the Jin had violated the alliance and that it absolutely must not be honored. That same year they invaded again; the court's dispositions were ill judged, and the capital fell. The enemy were exceedingly cunning; fearing that our million troops would fight to the death, they halted the relief armies marching from every circuit—then again spoke of negotiating peace. They lured the Sagely Emperor beyond the walls, then summoned Huizong in turn; day after day they seized members of the imperial clan, drained the treasuries until nothing remained, detained the great ministers—and only then falsely enthroned Zhang Bangchang and withdrew. Can the Jin's so-called "peace negotiations" truly be trusted?
9
輿 使
This is calamity Your Majesty has witnessed with your own eyes. Now on Wang Lun's reckless talk alone the Jin have been induced to demand ceremonies we absolutely cannot perform—and Your Majesty has already humbled yourself to comply; your servant cannot keep tears from streaming down his face. Yet they come under the title "Imperial Edict Instructing Jiangnan"—flinging down a brief document to command our dynasty; how can this be called negotiating peace? We receive it in person—we truly become their subjects and servants. Your Majesty still lies upon the mourning mat—how can you bear to bow beneath their felt tents? Your servant privately judges that Your Majesty surely cannot bring yourself to do it. If by any chance you accept their edict, they will reshuffle our great ministers, divide authority over our generals, and their demands will know no end. At that point, if Your Majesty complies you cannot preserve the state; if you refuse they will blame us for defying their command—how will Your Majesty then position yourself? Moreover these wolf-and-goat hordes have disturbed our imperial tombs, destroyed our ancestral temples, carried off our two emperors, hold our ancestral lands, and torment our people—while the palanquins of Emperor Huizong and Empress Xiansu have never returned, stirring grief throughout the realm: this is a feud for which we cannot share the same sky. They believe we must surely seek this revenge and have never for a moment ceased plotting against us—can one Wang Lun smooth it over? When Wang Lun undertook this mission, even men in the lanes and alleys knew he invited ridicule from foreigners and created trouble for the state. Now, without cause, the enemy insult us so brazenly; if we still trust their words and do not desist, it is truly cause to wail—if Jia Yi were reborn, would he say the state still has men, or that it has none?
10
使 使
Barbarians of old, when compelled to submit, might offer furs and silks, pearls and jade, dogs and horses—but when did they accept edicts and obey whatever barbarians desired, as we face today? If we swallow shame and accept their edict, and what they promise us fails to match their word, we suffer boundless disgrace and leave eternal ridicule; Even if they keep their word, we would first offer with bowed hands all the land we hold today to foreigners—what would our ancestors' spirits in heaven think? The feud against Emperor Huizong and Empress Xiansu could never be avenged—can we not grieve? Your Majesty should weigh this carefully—it is surely not what your sage heart can rest upon. Since the Jin envoys entered the realm, court and country alike have been in alarm; if Your Majesty finally judges Wang Lun's words sound and the Jin edict acceptable, your servant fears we will not only fall into the barbarians' plot but face calamities beyond words. This everyone understands—has Your Majesty also considered it?
11
使 使
The state has twice defeated the barbarians on the Huai; though we have not recovered the Central Plain, the lands south of the Great River are still sufficient to sustain us. Our military renown has somewhat revived and the state's position somewhat stabilized; the Jin, because of Wang Lun's shuttling back and forth, have sent envoys to probe the court. If we grant their request we fall exactly into their scheme; if we refuse, they still depart laden with our gold and silk—in what way is any course not to their advantage? For today's plan, Your Majesty alone must suddenly change course, proclaim throughout the realm to recover popular hearts, and explain that because the imperial tombs lie desolate, the coffins of Emperor Huizong and Empress Xiansu remain far away, and the Queen Mother, the Sagely Emperor, and the imperial clansmen have not returned, envoys were sent to welcome them south. Now the enemy come demanding ceremonies the court absolutely cannot perform—this is Wang Lun's crime of betraying the state; he should be punished to dispel the world's doubts. Then rouse the generals, guard the frontiers diligently, do not fall into enemy schemes, promote the loyal and upright and banish the treacherous far away, restore discipline, repair government, seek real results rather than empty reputation, and plan morning and evening for restoration—then perhaps success is possible.
12
使 使 便
Though the Jin envoy is already lodged in the guest residence, it is fitting to discuss separately how he should be handled. I have heard that wherever ten thousand gather, public opinion must emerge. Now every official at court, and the realm within and without, are of one mind that the Jin edict cannot be obeyed—such is the public voice; does Your Majesty alone not perceive it? As for claims that Nianhan is dead, the barbarians are torn by internal disorder, and the Khitan Linya has been restored, so that the Jin ruler again speaks to us as an equal—all are schemes of false reassurance to deceive our forces, matters your servant cannot presume to judge. Some also say the Jin envoy at the guest residence has lately become somewhat respectful. From what your servant has heard, how can he have been so insolent before and suddenly put on respect afterward? The enemy shift their schemes in a hundred ways—should we heed only their sweet words, forget our deepest precautions, and find ourselves helpless when calamity arrives? This truly bears directly on the matter at hand. Today's decision bears on the survival of the state; my earnest loyalty overflows and I cannot restrain myself. I beg Your Majesty to discern this devoted loyalty, adopt it in special measure, and discuss it thoroughly with two or three senior ministers, lest regret come in another day. The altars of state and the realm would be greatly blessed.
13
The memorial was submitted but received no response. Later Xu Xin pleaded illness as a pretext to seek an appointment outside the capital and was made Transport Vice Commissioner for Jinghu Nan Circuit. Exiled to Fuzhou, he was later recalled to serve as prefect of Shaoyang and died there.
14
調
Ying Mengming, styled Zhongshi, was a native of Yongkang in Wuzhou. In his youth he entered the Imperial Academy and passed the jinshi examination in the first year of the Longxing reign. He passed the instructor examination, was appointed professor at the Lin'an prefectural school, and later served as administrative officer on the Zhedong Pacification Commission and as assistant magistrate of Leping County. Supervising Secretariat Attendant Ge Min and Investigating Censor Wang Lan recommended him as a reviser at the Commission for Revising and Compiling Statutes of a Single Department.
15
退 退
At a rotation audience he spoke first: "North and south enjoy friendly relations and the borders are untroubled—yet should we not select generals and train troops as though a great enemy were at the frontier? Can we neglect this for even a single day?" Greedy, cruel, and oppressive officials have not been removed—can our people live in security? Worthy men hide among junior posts and loyal counsel is blocked from reaching the throne—is it not that the gates for the upright have not been fully opened, and the spirit of hearing all sides not fully honored? Between ruler and minister, if both remain vigilant without indulging ease, labor without resting in comfort, advance gentlemen and remove petty men, take the people's hidden suffering as their concern and the frontier as their warning—then government will right itself and discipline will extend of its own accord. Emperor Xiaozong said: "I am vigilant day and night without a moment's forgetfulness; in the leisure after court I have no other diversion—only fearing that if I attend court even slightly late, the neglect of myriad affairs begins from that moment. He next asked that prohibitions be strictly enforced against supervisory officials who shield corrupt clerks and against favoritism in recommendations; the Emperor praised him at length. On another day, when the chief ministers presented nominations, the Emperor produced a slip of paper from his palm with two names written on it and said: "Why did you not include these men?" One of them was Mengming. He was then appointed Vice Director of the Court of Judicial Review.
16
便 使 使
A household servant of the son of the former great general Li Xianzhong had drowned; the authorities falsely charged murder, and nearly three hundred households were arrested and imprisoned. Mengming investigated the case, found the injustice, reported it to his superior, and had them released. He was sent out as Fujian Commissioner for Ever-Normal Granaries. At his farewell audience the Emperor said: "I know you love the common people and hate corrupt officials; when anything is inconvenient for the people, you should report it to me in full." The Emperor then asked about the talent of the age. Mengming replied: "Those with talent but without learning become harsh and censorious; only if the ruler's teaching is clear and his choices correct, turning their hearts toward the Way, will their achievement surely be twice that of others. The Emperor said: "That is truly the responsibility of one who stands above others. When Mengming reached his post, he thoroughly investigated matters according to the intent of his parting instructions. One day the Emperor attended the classics lecture and, discussing supervisory investigations, turned to the lecture officials and said: "Recently I have found several capable men; Ying Mengming is foremost among them." He was soon appointed Judicial Commissioner for Zhedong; citing a conflict of interest with his native circuit, he was reassigned to Jiangdong.
17
西 西 西 西
When Guangxi was seeking a commander, the Emperor told his chief ministers: "I have thought this over carefully—no one is more suitable than Ying Mengming." He immediately wrote to Mengming in his own hand: "I have heard that the Guangxi salt law is half beneficial and half harmful; when you take office you may thoroughly investigate the facts." He was promoted to Direct Attendant of the Secretariat, made prefect of Jingjiang, and concurrently appointed Guangxi Military Commissioner and Pacification Commissioner. Initially the Guangxi salt trade had been changed from official transport to merchant certificates; merchants were few, losses and evasion followed, and salt was forcibly allocated to the populace. After six years of this policy, public and private interests alike were ruined; pursuit, arrest, and imprisonment left the people unable to sustain their livelihoods. Mengming itemized the abuses in a detailed report sent by relay post and petitioned to abolish them; an edict approved his proposal. The garrison soldier Zhu Xing gathered a band of conspirators and raised arms between Leizhou and Huazhou; as their power grew, Mengming sent a general to bind him, bring him to the camp gate, and execute him.
18
西
When Emperor Guangzong ascended the throne, he was transferred to Judicial Commissioner for Zhexi; he was soon summoned as Vice Director of the Ministry of Personnel, moved to the Left Secretariat, then the Right Secretariat, and was again promoted to Rectifier of Affairs for All Bureaus of the Secretariat-Chancellery. When Emperor Ningzong ascended the throne, he was appointed Minister of the Palace Treasury and concurrently Vice Minister of Personnel. At the beginning of the Qingyuan reign he served as acting Vice Minister of Personnel and died in office.
19
Mengming rose through Confucian learning and won the sovereign's trust; he never sought advancement by chance or favor. Han Tuozhou once sent a secret agent to tempt him with the post of remonstrator, urging him to slander Zhao Ruyu; Mengming did not respond, and scholarly opinion greatly respected him for this.
20
調簿
Zeng Sanpin, styled Wuyi, was a native of Xingan in Linjiang. He passed the jinshi examination in the second year of the Qiandao reign. He was appointed Recorder of Ganzhou and rose through the ranks to chief clerk of the Directorate of Armaments. An imperial order came to build the sliding-cart crossbow. Sanpin said: "The sliding-cart crossbow requires six men to draw it, yet its range reaches only two hundred and sixty paces." Compared with the enemy-defeating bow now in use, the labor and cost amount to less than three-tenths; one man can draw it and shoot three hundred and sixty paces—the advantage and disadvantage are obvious. The project was therefore not carried out.
21
退退 退 使 輿
Emperor Guangzong ceased attending Chonghua Palace; court and country were filled with anxiety, and Sanpin wrote to Chief Councilor Liu Zheng. Before Liu Zheng could speak, he happened to disagree with the Emperor over another matter and requested leave. Sanpin said: "Will the Chief Councilor now retire in silence, or will you take what is hard to say today and set it forth clearly before you withdraw?" All that occurs within the palace halls, between the bed curtains of the inner quarters, at the juncture of father and son and husband and wife—what no minister dares speak of deeply is only to avoid suspicion and flee blame. The Chief Councilor's plan to retire is already decided—what suspicion is there in speaking out? He was transferred to the post of Secretary Gentleman. The Emperor wished to visit Yujin Garden. Sanpin submitted a memorial: "Hearts are already alienated and great disorder is about to break out; ministers great and small tremble in terror begging for orders—yet Your Majesty indulges your will and gives no heed. If by chance the enemy's spies learn of this and send a single envoy to inquire after the Northern Palace, how will you answer?" If villains watch for an opening and circulate a single proclamation denouncing the imperial carriage, how will you resist it? I beg you urgently to prepare the imperial retinue for an audience at once; otherwise your servant truly does not know where he may die.
22
When Emperor Xiaozong was critically ill, he again submitted a memorial: "Rumors on the roads grow more tumultuous by the day; your servant fears that, by misfortune, reckless men and villains may feign loyal indignation to practice deceit and borrow disputes over right and wrong to stir the masses—to regret only then will be too late." The Emperor was moved by this. When Emperor Xiaozong died, the Emperor was ill and unable to perform mourning; court discussion grew ever more turbulent. Sanpin said that given the situation today, nothing was more urgent than establishing an heir. Someone warned him: "The other day the remonstrators said you were stealing their duty—will you submit another memorial now?" Sanpin said: "At a time like this, how can one avoid speaking what must be said?"
23
西 祿
When Emperor Ningzong was established, he served concurrently as Reviewer of Merit and was later appointed prefect of Yingzhou. When Han Tuozhou became chief minister, he identified Sanpin as a confidant of the former chief minister Zhao Ruyu and on that account stripped him of two ranks. After a long while, his original office and temple sinecure were restored. He was assigned as prefect of Chenzhou and then transferred to Judicial Commissioner for Guangxi and Hubei; he declined all appointments. After Tuozhou was executed, worthy men who had suffered exile were summoned in succession, but Sanpin's salary never reached him, and to the end he never spoke of it. During the Jiading era Sanpin had already died; an edict specially posthumously promoted him three ranks, made him Direct Attendant of the Dragon Diagram Pavilion, and bestowed the posthumous name Zhongjie (Loyal Integrity).
24
調簿 祿
Xu Qiao, styled Chongfu, was a native of Yiwu in Wuzhou. Early on he studied under Ye Yi, a disciple of Lü Zuqian. In the fourteenth year of the Chunxi reign he passed the jinshi examination. He was appointed chief clerk of Shangrao and first entered Zhu Xi's school. Xi praised him as clear-minded, forthright, and firm, and named his study the Studio of Resolution. He entered service as Rectifier of Texts in the Secretariat, Collator, and concurrently as instructor to the households of the Wu and Yi princes. He served as Direct Attendant of the Treasure Proclamation Pavilion and Judicial Commissioner for Jiangdong, but was impeached and dismissed for opposing Chief Councilor Shi Miyuan. At the beginning of the Baoqing reign, Ge Hong and Qiao Xingjian repeatedly requested a temple sinecure on his behalf, but he never accepted salary to the end. During the Shaoding reign he requested retirement on grounds of age and was granted it.
25
At the beginning of the Duanping reign, together with other worthy men he was summoned and promoted to Secretary Vice Director and Vice Director of Rites. Urged to present himself at court, he submitted a handwritten memorial of several thousand words, all indignant and incisive, cutting at the ruler's faults above and reaching down to the ministers below, distinguishing right from wrong without evasion. The Emperor repeatedly comforted him. Seeing his clothes and shoes worn and filthy, he said sorrowfully: "You may truly be called poor in possessions but rich in integrity." Qiao replied: "Your servant is not poor—Your Majesty is poor." The Emperor said: "In what way am I poor?" Qiao said: "Your Majesty's foundation for the realm is not established and the territory shrinks daily;" favorites wield power and the generals lack ability; drought and locusts follow one upon another and bandits rise together; expenditures lack planning and the treasury is empty; the people suffer from exactions and the army resents exploitation; ministers cultivate factions while the Son of Heaven stands alone, the state's peril hangs by a thread while Your Majesty does not perceive it: your servant is not poor—Your Majesty is poor. He also said: "Now women of influence and eunuchs serve as each other's purses, playacting as the two boys lodged in the nation's marrow—yet the chief ministers lack the healing art of He Que and Huan Yuan. Your Majesty does not consider this and follows indulgence in pleasure. If there were a Bian Que in the world, he would behold you and turn back in flight." At the time the honored consort of the Yan clan was in favor, and the inner attendant Dong Songchen wielded power inside and out in concert—hence Qiao's discourse touched on this. The Emperor was moved; his expression changed and he sighed deeply. The next day, by handwritten edict he dismissed the most lawless frontier commanders, warned the ministers against faction-making, ordered the authorities to cut extravagant expenses at court and in the provinces, and bestowed on Qiao gold and silk in great quantity. Qiao firmly declined and did not accept.
26
使
As attendant lecturer he expounded the great principle of fraternal affection; on this account Prince Gou's title was restored. He requested joint sacrifice to Zhou Dunyi, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi, with Zhao Ruyu accompanying Emperor Ningzong in sacrifice—the Emperor granted all as he requested. When Jin envoys arrived, Qiao held that lacking a state letter they should be lodged outside the capital, as in Shuxiang's refusal of Zheng. This offended the chief minister's intent; he earnestly begged to retire, but the Emperor urged him to remain with great earnestness. He was promoted to Vice Minister of Works, but his refusal grew firmer; he was then appointed attendant reader on temple sinecure. Unable to refuse further, he took office. On affairs of state he spoke without reserve. On grounds of illness he renewed his earlier request and was then made Attendant Gentleman of the Treasure Proclamation Pavilion on temple sinecure. He died and was given the posthumous name Wenqing (Cultured Purity).
27
滿
Qiao once said: "In recent years Xi's books have filled the world, but most people only clip and gather scraps from them as capital for advancement. Those who seek dedicated mastery and solid practice and can live up to what he taught are indeed few." Therefore his learning took sincere practice and real conduct as its sole standard. In his memorials and audiences he analyzed principle and desire, thereby offering encouragement and warning. The benefit to the realm was great. As for his conduct in office and at home, the integrity of austerity and stern self-discipline was what others could scarcely achieve.
28
Du Zheng, styled Zhouqing, was a native of Hezhou. He passed the jinshi examination in the first year of the Shaoxi reign (1190). He rose through the ranks to become Director of the Directorate of Education. At the time, whether learned or dull, every scholar-official was privately convinced that Li Quan would rebel, yet none dared say so. Du Zheng alone memorialized forcefully to that effect and offered three strategies for destroying him; his language was blunt, clear, and fiercely urgent.
29
西
He was promoted to Vice Director of the Directorate of Armaments. At a palace audience he said, "Your Majesty, in promoting the sage's learning, should begin with putting your own household in order." He was then promoted to Vice Minister of Rites. When the Imperial Ancestral Temple caught fire, he offered two designs. The first followed Zhu Xi's recommendations; the second adapted the Song temple layout while incorporating Xi's ideas: "Arrange the halls in a single row from west to east; behind each hall build another hall to house the tablets of distant ancestors." For instance, after the temple of Prince Xi, successive distant-ancestor tablets would be stored there; zhao-line ancestors to the left, mu-line to the right. Later mu-line distant tablets would be kept in the temple of Taizu, and zhao-line distant tablets in the temple of Taizong. Emperor Renzong would be the "unmoved for a hundred generations" founder; later zhao-line distant tablets would be stored in his hall. Emperor Gaozong would hold the same unmoved status; later mu-line distant tablets would be stored there. In front of each main hall would stand two subsidiary halls; At the triennial he sacrifice, curtains would link the halls into one space; all main and distant-ancestor tablets would be brought out in a single row and honored together on the upper altar. Formerly this temple had been treated as a single hall: on he-year rites a so-called "combined sacrifice" was held within one chamber, but it had never truly united all ancestors in one offering. By adding these three halls—storage for distant tablets behind and a true communal altar before—the basic Song system need not be overturned, yet the intent of the great triennial he rite would at last be fulfilled.
30
He was made Acting Vice Minister of Rites and concurrently Right Vice Director of the Secretariat, and Associate Compiler on the National History and Veritable Records projects. He was promoted to Vice Minister of Rites, advanced one grade, and retired while retaining that title. He died and was posthumously promoted four ranks, with three hundred strings of silver and silk for funeral expenses. His collected writings were entitled Collected Works of the Hall of Innate Goodness.
31
簿調 簿
Cheng Bi, styled Huaigu, was a native of Xiuning in Huizhou. He passed the jinshi examination in the fourth year of the Shaoxi reign (1193). He was appointed registrar of Changhua, then transferred to be instructor at Jiankang Prefecture, later made magistrate of Fuyang County, and then put in charge of the Office of Credentials. He served successively as director in the Imperial Clan Court, compiler at the Bureau of Military Affairs, acting director of the Right Secretariat, supervisor of the Secretariat, and transport commissioner for Jiangdong. When he took leave of court, Emperor Ningzong told his chief ministers, "How can we let Cheng Bi go out to a provincial post?" He was therefore kept in his former post at the capital.
32
西 使 使 殿
He was made intendant of the Ever-Normal Granaries in western Zhejiang, then assistant director of the Secretariat, promoted to compiler in the Secretariat, and soon after made vice director of armaments while acting as director of the Left Secretariat. He was promoted to vice director of the Imperial University while also compiling the national history and revising the veritable records, and concurrently served in the Drafting Academy; he was then made diarist, retaining his other posts. He served as acting vice minister of personnel, attendant in the Hanlin Academy while also compiling the national history and veritable records, and concurrently as acting drafter in the Secretariat. He was made vice minister of rites while continuing as lecturer-in-waiting, acting minister of justice, and enfeoffed as Baron of Xiuning County. He was appointed minister of rites while continuing to compile the national history and veritable records, made acting minister of personnel, invested as Hanlin academician and drafter of edicts, put in charge of revising the imperial genealogy, and advanced to the rank of viscount. After memorializing five times for a temple sinecure, he was made academician of the Huanzhang Pavilion and prefect of Jianning, and appointed pacification commissioner for the Fujian circuit. He was made intendant of the Yulong Wanshou Palace with his former rank and advanced to earl. He was promoted to academician of the Fuwen Pavilion and made prefect of Ningguo, then reassigned to Ganzhou, but did not take up either post. He was advanced to Marquis of Xin'an Commandery, made academician of the Baowen Pavilion, and appointed prefect of Fuzhou while also serving as pacification commissioner of Fujian. He again received a temple sinecure and was further made academician of the Longtu Pavilion. He retired as academician of the Duanming Hall, died at seventy-nine, and was posthumously granted the ranks of Special Advancement and Junior Preceptor.
33
At ten Cheng Bi wrote a poem on ice whose lines astonished everyone who heard them. While he was attendant in the Hanlin Academy, Emperor Ningzong died; Chief Councillor Shi Miyuan summoned him at night, throwing his entire household into alarm.
34
使
Bi's wife was the daughter of former Chief Councillor Wang Huai; she wept, fearing some calamity, until a messenger reported that Miyuan had come out to receive him in person—only then did she dry her tears. Miyuan and Bi entered the palace together to draft the succession edicts, and in a single night produced twenty-five imperial proclamations. He had initially been promised a place in the government; Empress Yang sent him a sealed pouch of gold, which he accepted without demur. When he opened it at home, its worth was beyond reckoning. Miyuan bore a grudge over this and never let him share power at court.
35
簿
Niu Danian, styled Longsou, was a native of Yangzhou. He passed the jinshi examination in the second year of the Qingyuan reign (1196). He rose to become registrar in the Directorate of Imperial Works. At a palace audience he said, "What a ruler should consider first is what binds together Heaven's mandate and the hearts of the people." A ruler sits in wealth and eminence, bearing the weight of altars and state, honored as the head upon which all ministers and subjects depend: one gesture and none dare disobey, one act and none dare question it—yet Heaven's favor is inconstant, and that is what should inspire awe. He also said, "Scholar-official morale has long been enervated; Your Majesty should take to heart the spirit in which the dynasty was founded and revive it. Only when the throne shows a will to support and uplift them will the gentry cease their habit of chasing fame and profit; and only then will they uphold rectitude and hold fast to principle. The dynasty's fortune rests on the manners of its scholar-officials, and those manners depend on the court. Only Your Majesty can rouse them: turn the lever once, and the realm will shift—custom will change with it.
36
簿 殿
He was promoted to registrar in the Directorate of Armaments, vice director of the Imperial Clan Court, and intendant of tea and horses in Sichuan while acting as overall controller; made prefect of Lizhou with duties in the inner pacification office and command over garrison troops in Li and Ya prefectures; granted direct access to the Baozhang Pavilion; and appointed director in the Ministry of Works. At a palace audience he asked that corrupt officials be punished. He was made director in the Left Service, granted direct access to the Huawen Pavilion and appointed judicial intendant for eastern Zhejiang, then made acting vice director of the Secretariat and vice director of the Imperial Clan Court, promoted to director of the Secretariat, made diarist, and then senior diarist while also lecturing in the Chongzheng Hall. As a Baozhang Pavilion awaiting-orders academician he was made intendant of the Taiping Xingguo Palace; he died and was specially posthumously promoted four ranks. Danian's integrity was austere and commanding; everywhere he served he held himself to scrupulous honesty.
37
調 沿
Chen Zhongwei, styled Zhiguang, was a native of Gao'an in Ruizhou. His clan had long lived in Jiangzhou, where the gate of their communal household was honored as a model of righteousness. He passed the jinshi examination in the second year of the Jiatai reign (1202). He was assigned as assistant magistrate of Putian; when both the prefect and county magistrate were absent and the vice prefect proved too weak to govern, the surveillance commission put him in charge of county affairs. Famine had struck; garrison troops and starving civilians rose in disorder. Zhongwei at once had the ringleaders seized and executed. He registered households, shut down illicit grain sales, and curbed powerful families' forced purchases until the whole district was pacified. Buddhist monks at Mount Nang and the prefectural school had disputed irrigation rights for years without resolution; Zhongwei ruled by law, "The monks are in the wrong." Later, while traveling on official business, he passed the monastery. The monks had long posted the case on the temple bell as an injustice and cursed him morning and night, not realizing their judge was passing before them. Zhongwei saw it and said, "What ill will had I toward you?" What ill will had I toward you? By dawn the head monk had died suddenly, without any prior illness. A local gentleman who lodged in the county praised Zhongwei to those in power and secretly gave him a recommendation; Zhongwei accepted it and put it away. A year later his household fell behind on county taxes, and Zhongwei had his servant arrested. The gentleman complained bitterly. Zhongwei returned the recommendation, still sealed as he had received it. The man apologized in shame and never again tried to sway him with private favors for the rest of his term.
38
使 西 祿
He was transferred to be assistant director of the Haiyan salt commission. A neighboring county had a doubtful case unresolved for ten years; the prefecture ordered Zhongwei to review it, and one round of questioning settled it at once. He was made magistrate of Chongyang County, lodging beside the yamen; each day he spoke familiarly with elders and woodcutters until every grievance reached him, leaving his clerks no room to meddle. As vice prefect of Huangzhou he also oversaw supply lines; he disciplined his staff by personal example, checked abuses at every turn, and the armies were kept supplied throughout the campaigns. The commissioner reported him for outstanding service, but he declined, saying, "I only did my duty—what merit is there in that?" He served again as vice prefect of Jiangzhou, then as commissioner of audit affairs for the various offices, and as prefect of Ganzhou and judicial intendant for Jiangxi. He offended Chief Councillor Jia Sidao; Investigating Censor Shu Youkai memorialized for his removal, and he was dismissed. After a long interval he was recalled to be prefect of Huizhou, then made assistant director of the Court of the Imperial Treasury while acting as director in the Right Service. At a palace audience he said, "Stipends may hook the middling talent of the realm, but they cannot tempt its true heroes to take a bite;" official titles may carry the base men of the realm, but they cannot drown its heroes in obscurity; Jia Sidao was enraged; through his allies he had Zhongwei dismissed again and stripped of rank. After a long while his office was restored.
39
便 退
The realm was in grave peril. Zhongwei submitted a sealed memorial whose gist ran: "Those who lost Xiangyang were the old generals." Yet the fault at Xiangyang does not rest solely on incompetent commanders, worn-out generals, or untrained soldiers—the emperor and his chief minister must share the blame and make amends before the spirit of the late emperor in Heaven. Let the Son of Heaven say, "The guilt is mine," and let his ministers say, "The fault is ours." Proclaim the errors of a decade spent nursing peace, and deeply repent six years of treating the enemy lightly. To correct faults before they take shape is best; to repent what is already done is still better than remaining lost. Some say there is too much shielding and too little self-reproach; others that Your Majesty lacks a solemn vow to avenge the fallen armies, while the chief minister offers only cosmetic words of shared blame—hardly the way to comfort those who died loyal and to move Heaven to turn aside disaster. Too often the drafters of edicts are men who know nothing of propriety, and the drafting academy has few men of judgment. They suck up sweetness and chew on softness until the habit is chronic—both the Way of the ruler and the work of the chief minister are diminished. What season is this, when at court there is no minister who plans for the state, and on the frontier no commander who can break the enemy's charge? Look to the previous dynasty before the Xuanhe turmoil and after the Jingkang debacle: those who once pressed close to the throne, rode in gilded carriages, bowed low and poured out their hearts, fawning like slaves and maidservants—are the very men who today serve the enemy and call themselves loyal subjects; those who were forceful and quick, sharp and self-satisfied—are today's men who betray their sovereign and sell out the realm. What advantage can such men offer to those who govern the state! Men who mislead the realm offer soothing flattery to please their lord; men entrusted with the realm cover up shameful defeats and none dare speak; men who hold power ignore the turning point between safety and peril and will not repent. I have often reflected that what the realm lacks today is not soldiers alone. Field commanders ought to control affairs beyond the pass, yet every promotion and every ration comes from the center; withdraw a measure of grain or cloth and they face reprisals. They have no authority in peace but bear blame in crisis. When one asks to establish a grand commissioner, another to take the field, another to defend the capital, each proposal sounds shocking at first hearing. Because commanders can plead their constraints in every crisis, the court must cover up failures afterward: plans go unused, defeats go unpunished, and high and low alike swallow shame in silence, none daring to speak. Hence even weapons, armor, and horses are worn out and neglected, too poor to lend the army dignity; walls, ramparts, and stockades are broken and rotting, unable to withstand a cavalry charge. They are called frontier commanders in name only—the title remains, but the substance is gone. Cities without troops mean surrendering those cities to the foe; Armies that cannot fight hand their commanders to the enemy; Commanders ignorant of war deliver the realm itself to the enemy. Disaster looms as near as the eye can see! Only if ruler and chief minister awaken at once can the empire still be saved. Reversing defeat into victory rests on a single resolve from the throne and its chief minister. He was then appointed judicial intendant for Jiangdong.
40
殿
In 1275 he became Director of the Secretariat, then Right Direct Remonstrator, Left Bureau Remonstrator, and Palace Censor in succession. When the Prince of Yi was enthroned on the coast, he was made Minister of Personnel and Supervising Secretary. After the rout at Yamen he fled to Annam. Four years later he died, aged seventy-two.
41
His son Wensun and Yiji, a kinsman of the Annamese king, defected and led our forces on the southern campaign. The Annamese king, in fury, desecrated Zhongwei's grave and hacked open his coffin.
42
Zhongwei was naturally steadfast and sincere; though born to privilege, he dressed plainly and ate frugally, living no better than a pauper. He therefore absorbed the Six Classics and pursued principle to its depths, ranging through the hundred schools, astronomy, geography, medicine, divination, and Buddhist and Daoist lore until he had mastered them all.
43
滿 簿
Liang Chengda, styled Qianzhi, came from Fuzhou. He received his jinshi degree in 1205. He was by nature servile and shameless. When his county posting ended he curried favor with Wan Xin, a clerk in Shi Miyuan's household. Xin said Zhen Dexiu ought to be struck down. Chengda replied, “If I reach the Censorate, I can surely prosecute this case. ”Xin relayed what he had said. He became deputy prefect of Yangzhou, then Registrar of the Court of the Imperial Clan.
44
In the winter of 1225, at his audience he led with: “Great villains wear the mask of loyalty; glib tongues pass for reticence. Some hawk their reputations; some affect eccentricity to mystify others; some counterfeit lofty integrity to win the throne's ear; some dress up false learning to fool the age. They speak as though bluntly loyal while their hearts are crooked. Fail to scrutinize them, and sweet grass and stench share one jar, the Jing and Wei run together. Their speech misses the shifting moment; their schemes miss the mark. Some parade clever argument as talent; some cloak slander as integrity; some spin dangerous theories to dazzle the crowd; some pour forth wild nonsense to unsettle the minds of the learned. Their deeds belie their words; their conduct betrays their learning. Leave them undistinguished, and peg and socket never meet—only contradiction and collision.
45
Six days later he was made Investigating Censor. He soon submitted: “Wei Liaoweng has already been driven into exile, yet many still deem his crime grave and his punishment light. Zhen Dexiu is insolent and perverse, no less than Liaoweng, loafing at home on state stipend. Strip his rank and banish him—apply the same penalty in full. ”The memorial sat unanswered two months. Word spread that Dexiu was to be sent to Hengyang. The chief minister raised it before the emperor. The emperor said, “Confucius would not press a matter too far. ”The punishment was limited to stripping three ranks. The next March he again urged that Yang Changru's new appointment be shelved, Xu Xuan be stripped of three ranks and sent to live at Xiangzhou, and Hu Mengyu be placed under supervised banishment at Qinzhou. That winter he became Right Direct Remonstrator. In 1228 he was promoted to Left Bureau Remonstrator. In the first month of the fourth year he became Vice Director of the Court of the Imperial Clan. In the second month of the fifth year he served as acting Vice Minister of Justice; the following tenth month the emperor dismissed him by night edict and made him superintendent of the Qianqiu Hongxi Abbey. Mo Ze, then also Supervising Secretary, eager to set himself apart, memorialized in rebuttal, and the abbey appointment was shelved. Early in the Duanping era, Hong Zikui and Wu Yong filed successive memorials against him, and two ranks were stripped. Yong memorialized again, and he was ordered to live at Quanzhou. When Wang Sui's critique followed, another rank was stripped and he was banished to Chaozhou.
46
使
Chengda was by nature brutal and ruthless, his scheming treacherous; he eagerly took up any work that could wound the loyal and destroy the worthy. Gifts from every quarter lined his halls; when guests came he led them on a tour, inviting them to imitate his ways. He was especially fond of seizing property by force and occupied the Yuwen family's imperial grant. After he was cast out and sent home, more than a hundred people brought suit against him. On the day of his exile the court ordered his house demolished. Even a scoundrel like Li Zhixiao remarked, “What I cannot stomach is ending up in the same biography as Chengda one day.
47
Li Zhixiao, styled Xiaozhang, was grandson of Vice Grand Councillor Li Guang. He received his jinshi degree in 1211. He had served as chief document clerk in the Right Chancellor's office and felt no shame in it. He was assigned as clerk of the Bureau for Auditing the Various Offices, then appointed Investigating Censor.
48
退
In the eighth month of 1225 he memorialized: “The literati scramble for fame. Few truly work to rescue the state; many rush to echo sensational posturing. Support for sound policy is weak; slander and agitation carry the day. Fearing the sovereign may not use them, yet also fearing the court may not tolerate them, they first speak words meant to provoke, then withdraw to await expulsion. They begin in bold indignation and end by pleading to resign, all to cultivate a reputation for singular integrity. That is what your servant cannot fathom. ”The attack was aimed covertly at Zhen Dexiu and his circle. He also urged stripping Hong Zikui of three ranks and dismissing him; Hu Mengyu should have his honors revoked, be struck from the rolls, barred from office, and placed under supervised exile at Xiangzhou. Zhixiao even told Wei Liaoweng, “The memorial against Zikui and the others was the full text handed down from the chief minister's residence. ”Such was the deceit and double-dealing of his conduct.
49
退 使
A month later he spoke again: “In recent years the old masters have passed away and younger scholars come late to learning. They never met the elders, never heard true principle, never studied the moral constants. Their vision is shallow, their talk partisan. They echo one another in chorus, poisoning minds. The fashion spreads; the damage runs deep. I beg that this memorial be promulgated to admonish the court and the realm, that all may pursue harmony and nip disorder in the bud. ”He was appointed Right Direct Remonstrator. He also said, “Dexiu edits the sage's words line by line, copies and displays false documents, spreads heterodox teaching, and drums his faction onward. Should he speak recklessly again, strip his honors, pursue him, and exile him to uphold the law. ”Once the memorial was in, an engraved proclamation was broadcast across the empire. He also said, “Men urgently summoned mostly linger and never come, treating defiance of the throne as lofty conduct and routine delay as normal. Able to serve, they refuse; not ill, they plead sickness. Examples abound, each encouraging the next, all chasing the fame of being hard to summon and quick to quit—betraying the duty to honor the sovereign and the court. I ask that for each urgently summoned man his route be reckoned and a deadline set, compelling him to appear at court; and for those truly aged or ill, let a new appointment be granted promptly. ”Fu Bocheng, Yang Jian, Liu Zai, and others had been summoned but did not come—hence Zhixiao's attack. He also urged that Zhang Zhongshu be removed from office, stripped of rank, and dismissed from his prefecture.
50
殿 殿
Zhixiao became Palace Censor, then Censor-in-Chief. In 1228 he became Right Bureau Remonstrator, then Right Remonstrance and Policy Grandee. In the fifth year he was made Minister of Works and Reader-in-Waiting. A month later he became Minister of War. The next year, when Emperor Lizong assumed personal rule, he was sent out as Baomo Pavilion academician to govern Ningguo; the Secretariat blocked the appointment and made him superintendent of the Songshan Chongfu Palace instead. Early in the Duanping era, Investigating Censor Hong Zikui and Acting Academy Attendant Wu Yong filed successive memorials against him; his rank was stripped and his sinecure revoked. Yong sealed another rebuttal, and he was ordered to live at Wuzhou. Palace Censor Wang Sui joined the attack; another rank was stripped and he was banished to Ruizhou.
51
輿
Though born to a distinguished house, Zhixiao was shameless in climbing the ladder, leading the vulgar and obstinate, flattering his way into confusion of state affairs, and hounding nearly every worthy man from office. He would ride in a small carriage to the houses of drunken retainers, grasping and hoarding without limit. Late in the Shaoding era he still petitioned to become Censor-in-Chief. The world named Zhixiao, Liang Chengda, and Mo Ze the Three Villains. He died in exile at last, to the relief of the realm.
52
The historian remarks: Only after reading the Ben Zheng Shu does one see how thorough Lin Xun's treatment of the well-field system truly was. Liu Caishao preserved his integrity even under powerful villains. Xu Xin's argument on the peace negotiations was the most loyal and earnest; he left office for it in the end—a tragedy indeed. That Ying Mengming and Zeng Sanpin were not stained by Han Tuozhou is what Confucius meant when he said, “Only when the year turns cold do we see that pine and cypress wither last.” Xu Qiao's purity, Du Zheng's sincere acuity, Niu Danian's integrity, Chen Zhongwei's loyal steadfastness—yet none was employed to the full. How regrettable! As for Cheng Bi, who stole wealth and rank, and Liang Chengda and Li Zhixiao, who gladly served as Shi Miyuan's hawks and hounds—their infamy will endure ten thousand years.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →