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卷四百五十五 列傳第二百十四 忠義十 陳東 歐陽澈 馬伸何兌 呂祖儉 呂祖泰 楊宏中 華岳 鄧若水 僧眞寶 莫謙之 徐道明

Volume 455 Biographies 214: Loyalty and Righteousness 10 - Chen Dong, Ouyang Che, Ma Shenhedui, Lu Zujian, Lu Zutai, Yang Hongzhong, Hua Yue, Deng Ruoshui, Seng Zhenbao, Mo Qianzhi, Xu Daoming

Chapter 455 of 宋史 · History of Song
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Chapter 455
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1
Ten Biographies of Loyalty and Righteousness
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○ Chen Dong, Ouyang Che, Ma Shen, Lü Zujian, Lü Zutai, Yang Hongzhong, Hua Yue, Deng Ruoshui, the monk Zhenbao, Mo Qianzhi, and Xu Daoming
3
Li Bangyan argued for making peace with the Jin, while Li Gang and Zhong Shidao urged war. Bangyan used a minor military setback as a pretext to remove Gang and cede the Three Prefectures. Chen Dong once more led the students to kneel before the Xuande Gate and submit a memorial that read:
4
Among the officials at court, the man who acts with fearless courage and bears the weight of the realm on his shoulders is Li Gang—the kind of minister the state truly needs. Those who are incompetent and corrupt, who envy talent, who in every action serve themselves and not the nation—Li Bangyan, Bai Shizhong, Zhang Bangchang, Zhao Ye, Wang Xiaodi, Cai Mao, Li Zhuo, and their kind—are enemies of the state.
5
Your Majesty raised Li Gang from among the ministers and within a day or two made him chief minister. The court and the country rejoiced alike, for they saw that Your Majesty knew how to appoint the worthy. You dismissed Bai Shizhong and refused to employ him, showing that Your Majesty knew how to remove the wicked. Yet Li Gang was given office but not full authority; Bai Shizhong was dismissed but not driven out; Li Bangyan was again made chief minister, and Zhang Bangchang was again made chief minister; and the rest were all promoted as well. How can Your Majesty still be undecided in appointing the worthy, and still hesitate in removing the wicked? Now we hear that Li Gang has been removed from office. We are shocked and bewildered, and do not know why.
6
輿 使
Li Gang rose from a lowly post and alone shouldered the greatest responsibilities of state. Li Bangyan and his faction hated him like a mortal enemy and feared his success. Exploiting a minor setback in the war, they seized the opportunity to shift all blame onto Li Gang. Victory and defeat are the common pattern of war. How can a single setback be used so hastily to bring down the minister entrusted with the nation's affairs? We have heard that Li Bangyan, Bai Shizhong, and the others all urged Your Majesty to flee the capital. The city was in turmoil. If Li Gang had not counseled Your Majesty to stay, the imperial carriage would have been driven into exile, the ancestral temples would lie in ruins, and the people would have been slaughtered like fish on a block. Because Your Majesty's wisdom was clear and you heeded his counsel, it is no wonder that Li Bangyan and his allies slandered and envied him without restraint. If Your Majesty listens to them and dismisses Li Gang, the survival of the dynasty itself will be in doubt. Li Bangyan and his faction advocated ceding territory. Hebei is the very foundation of the dynasty. Without the Three Passes and Four Prefectures, Hebei would be abandoned—and could the court ever return its capital to Kaifeng? Do they imagine that after ceding Taiyuan, Zhongshan, and everything north of Hejian, Li Bangyan and his allies can somehow keep the Jin from breaking the treaty again?
7
退
A single advance or retreat may seem a small matter for Li Gang, but for the court it is a matter of grave consequence. We beg Your Majesty to revoke your previous order at once, restore Li Gang to his former post to reassure the court and the country, and entrust military affairs beyond the capital to Zhong Shidao. If Your Majesty does not believe us, ask anyone in the realm—you will find that all say Li Gang should be kept and Li Bangyan and his faction should be removed. When choosing whom to employ and whom to dismiss, how can Your Majesty fail to weigh the matter with the utmost care!
8
Soldiers and civilians who joined them numbered in the tens of thousands. When the memorial arrived, imperial envoys came one after another to soothe the crowd, but the people refused to disperse. They raised the Petition Drum and smashed it, and their uproar shook the ground. When a eunuch emerged, the crowd tore him limb from limb and killed him. The court then urgently summoned Li Gang back and restored him to command of the field army. After envoys were sent to pacify the crowd, the people finally began to disperse.
9
Once the Jin army had withdrawn, the education officials wavered. The chief ministers resolved to punish the students who had knelt at the palace gate, starting with Chen Dong. The capital prefect Wang Shiyong wanted to imprison every student involved, and fear spread among them all. The court appointed Yang Shi as libationer of the Imperial Academy, restored Chen Dong to his post, and sent Nie Shan to the academy to calm the students—and only then did the crisis subside. Wu Min, seeking to quell the controversy, proposed appointing Chen Dong to office, granting him an official residence, and making him a recorder of the Imperial Academy. Chen Dong again demanded that the Cai faction be punished, and firmly refused office so that he could return home. In all he submitted five memorials. After returning home, he again passed the provincial examination for official recommendation.
10
Five days after Emperor Gaozong took the throne, he appointed Li Gang chief minister. Five days after that he summoned Chen Dong to court. Before Chen Dong could be received in audience, Li Gang had already left office. Dong then submitted a memorial asking that Li Gang be kept in power and that Huang Qianshan and Wang Boyan be removed. The court gave no reply. He urged the emperor to lead a personal campaign to recover the two captive emperors and punish the generals who had failed to advance, so as to restore the army's fighting spirit. The imperial carriage should return to the capital and not withdraw to Jinling. Again there was no reply. Huang Qianshan and his allies had just posted Li Gang's earlier memorial urging withdrawal to Jinling. Chen Dong argued that Gang, still en route at the time, had not known the full situation, and that his later statements should prevail. Huang Qianshan and his faction must be removed immediately.
11
At the same time the commoner Ouyang Che also submitted a memorial on affairs of state. Huang Qianshan swiftly used Che's words to inflame Gaozong, warning that unless the two men were executed immediately, they would again rouse crowds to kneel at the palace gate. The memorial was routed solely to Huang Qianshan's office. The prefect Meng Yu summoned Chen Dong to discuss the matter. Dong asked for a meal before setting out and wrote out arrangements for his household affairs by hand; his script was as steady as ever. He then handed the note to his attendant and said, "When I am dead, take this home to my parents. " After he had eaten, he went to relieve himself. An officer looked uneasy. Dong laughed and said, "I am Chen Dong. If I feared death I would never have spoken out; and having spoken, would I now run from it? " The officer replied, "I know who you are, sir. How could I dare to pressure you? " A moment later Chen Dong dressed in full cap and sash, bid farewell to those sharing his lodging, and was executed in the marketplace together with Ouyang Che. Li You of Siming ransomed their bodies and gave them burial. Chen Dong had not even known Li Gang personally; he acted purely out of loyalty to the state and went so far as to die for him. All who heard of it wept, whether they had known him or not. He was forty-two years old.
12
After Huang Qianshan had the two men killed, the prefect reported to court the next day and Qianshan alone rebuked him for failing to notify him in advance, feigning indignation to make clear the killings had not been his wish. Three years later Emperor Gaozong came to his senses and posthumously granted Chen Dong and Ouyang Che the rank of Court Gentleman for Miscellaneous Service. Chen Dong had no son; one close relative in mourning was entered on the official register on his behalf. Ouyang Che had one son. The court ordered local officials to provide for their families. When the imperial procession passed through Zhenjiang, the emperor sent the local magistrate to offer sacrifice at Chen Dong's tomb and granted five hundred strings of cash. In the fourth year of the Shaoxing reign, both were further promoted to Recipient of Tributes from the Court and Compiler in the Secretariat Archive. Two of their descendants were given official posts, and ten qing of land were granted.
13
退
Ouyang Che, courtesy name Deming, was a native of Chongren in Fuzhou. In his youth he was handsome, with fine brows and beard. He was skilled at discussing current affairs, spoke with bold spirit and never easily yielded. His love of country and grief for the age came from his very nature. At the start of the Jingkang era he entered the imperial examination on defective policies and submitted ten strategies for securing the borders and repelling the enemy, but the prefectural authorities would not forward the memorial. He withdrew and compiled ten further matters—failures of the court and violations of policy that, if corrected, could protect the state, safeguard the people, and root out those who devoured the nation and preyed on the populace—wrote another memorial, and submitted both together. He later submitted ten more points, writing: "The three memorials I have submitted address matters of urgent necessity. Some have offended powerful ministers; some have displeased the throne; some have made enemies among the great families; some have provoked the censorial and remonstrance officials. I know all this, yet I speak because I am willing to sacrifice my own life to secure peace for the realm. The memorials he submitted filled three enormous scrolls. A stable guard said he could not lift them, so the prefect selected strong men to carry them on their shoulders.
14
Xu Han served in the central government. After court he asked whom Huang Qianshan intended to punish. Qianshan replied, "Execute Chen Dong and Ouyang Che. " Xu Han was shocked and turned pale. He then asked why the memorial had not been routed to the central government. The answer was, "It was sent down only to Huang Qianshan's office, so we could not review it together. He then pressed vigorously for his own dismissal from office. He composed elegies for Chen Dong and Ouyang Che. Che's collected works, the Piaoran Collection in six volumes, were printed by Hu Yan of Kuaiji, and Fan Yingqian of Fengcheng erected a shrine to him in the academy.
15
調便 宿 沿使
Ma Shen, courtesy name Shizhong, was a native of Dongping. He passed the jinshi examination in the fourth year of the Shaosheng reign. He did not enjoy chasing after advancement. Whenever he was assigned to a post, he never chose the easy or convenient appointment. While serving as assistant magistrate of Pi County in Chengdu, the prefect entrusted him with collecting the Chengdu land tax. Previous collectors had usually been ruined by using feasts, women, and luxuries to bribe and intimidate the people. Ma Shen demanded an end to this longstanding abuse. The people competed to pay their taxes early. Some even dozed along the road until dawn. The Ever-Normal Granary commissioner Sun Si, traveling early, was puzzled and asked why. All answered, "This year Magistrate Ma is collecting the tax, and he does not harm us. " Sun Si recommended him to the court.
16
西 使
At the start of the Chongning era, Fan Zhixu denounced Cheng Yi as a purveyor of heterodox doctrine, and the Henan prefectural government expelled all his students. Ma Shen was posted to the legal bureau of the Western Capital. Wishing to study under Cheng Yi's school, he sought an introduction through Zhang Yi. He visited ten times, growing more respectful each time, but Yi firmly refused. Ma Shen wanted to resign his post and come study in person. Cheng Yi said, "Opinion at court is hostile just now. I fear it would bring disaster upon you. If you are willing to give up your office, then your office need not be given up. Ma Shen replied, "If I can learn the Way, what regret is there in death? And besides, I may not die at all. Cheng Yi admired his resolve and accepted him as a student. From then on he visited every day in his free time, even in wind and rain. Jealous courtesans spread slanderous rumors against him, but he ignored them and in the end completed his study of the Doctrine of the Mean and returned home.
17
At the start of the Jingkang era, Sun Fu recommended him for his outstanding character and he was summoned to court. The censor-in-chief Qin Hui welcomed him onto his staff, and he was promoted to supervising censor. When Bianjing fell, the Jin established Zhang Bangchang as ruler, assembled the officials, surrounded them with troops, and forced them to acclaim him. The others murmured their assent. Ma Shen alone spoke up boldly: "My duty is to remonstrate. How can I sit by and do nothing! " He then joined the censor Wu Ge and Qin Hui in drafting a joint petition asking that the Zhao dynasty be preserved and the rightful succession restored. When the system commander Wu Ge raised a rebellion, recruited troops, and plotted to recover the two captive emperors, Ma Shen took part in the scheme.
18
After Zhang Bangchang had usurped the throne, many treacherous ministers urged him on. Ma Shen was the first to draft a full memorial urging Bangchang to welcome and serve Prince Kang, the marshal, without delay. No one else in his office would co-sign the memorial. Ma Shen carried it alone. The Silver Terrace Office, seeing that the memorial did not use the language of a subject addressing a ruler, refused to accept it. Ma Shen flung his sleeve and shouted, "Today I do not value my life—and it is precisely for this. Do you want me to address him as my sovereign? He immediately forwarded it to the Ministry of Personnel to be shown to Zhang Bangchang. The memorial in brief reads:
19
使
Lord Chancellor, you have served many reigns as a minister of Song. Recently, forced by a powerful enemy, you were made to assume a false title under extraordinary circumstances. At that moment, could you have believed that righteousness might be violated, that your sovereign might be forgotten, or that the spirits of the ancestral altars might be dishonored? The reason you endured a moment of shame and feigned obedience was that in your heart you reasoned: better to accept the title falsely yourself and in fact preserve the dynasty to be restored, than to defer falsely to others and in fact let the house of Zhao perish. Loyal ministers did not immediately lay down their lives, and the people of the capital did not immediately rise in rebellion, because they believed you would surely establish the Zhao heir.
20
使 退
Now the Jin have withdrawn to the north. In righteousness you ought to be filled with anxiety and present yourself before the court. Prince Kang is abroad, and the imperial succession has a rightful heir. In every lawsuit and every song of praise, the people's hearts turn toward him. You should immediately send envoys to greet him, prepare the palace chambers, and lead the ministers together to welcome and establish him. You should change your robes and withdraw from office. All routine affairs of the Secretariat should be referred to the Empress Dowager. Amnesties, acts of grace, and other measures to win popular support should cease immediately and wait until Prince Kang ascends the throne to be carried out. Then you should turn northward, confess your fault, and declare that as a minister you failed to foresee the danger, were coerced and defiled by the enemy, and could not die immediately while waiting for the emperor's return. With what face can you now serve your sovereign? I ask that you go and accept death before the Minister of Justice as a warning to all faithless ministers, and kneel at the palace gate awaiting judgment. In this way the wise ruler will surely see that you loyally sought to preserve the state, that your righteousness was not mere clinging to life, and will overlook your fault and honor your service.
21
使
Yet now you follow no such course. Many days have passed, and you brazenly continue to hold a throne that is not rightfully yours, sleeping within the forbidden palace as though it belonged to you. Public opinion is divided and the roads are in turmoil. People say you rely on Jin power, send envoys to persuade Prince Kang to flee south for the time being, and plan to keep the throne indefinitely without returning it. Heaven cannot be deceived, and the common people are not to be trifled with. If you can take my plain words to heart, awaken now, and change course, you may still turn disaster into blessing in no more than a day. Beyond that lies only deeper conspiracy and changed intent—outward pretexts, day by day awaiting the moment, while secretly allying with the enemy and plotting rebellion. With the ancestral spirits watching from Heaven, success would be impossible. I cannot help you become a traitor to Song. I ask only to die first in the capital marketplace, so that my loyalty may be made plain.
22
Zhang Bangchang received the memorial; his spirit collapsed and his schemes fell apart. The next day the court resolved to welcome Empress Meng, widow of Emperor Zhezong, to rule from behind the curtain, revoked the false amnesty, and sent Feng Xie, Li Hui, and others to welcome Prince Kang.
23
At that time Wang Jizhi and others still urged that the treasures of Longde Palace be catalogued and the fish and lotus roots of Ling Pond sold to fund the government. Ma Shen again, indignant, cited precedent and rebuked them in a memorial: "In antiquity, when a minister left his state, only after three years without return were his fields and homestead confiscated. If a sovereign treats his ministers thus, how should ministers repay their sovereign? Now the two emperors are held captive far away and have not yet left enemy territory. The people of the realm still turn northward, longing to bring them home. Can you bear to destroy your sovereign's treasuries and pleasure grounds in a single morning? Your treason is outrageous! " Through his forceful protest the plan was halted.
24
殿
When Emperor Gaozong took the throne, Ma Shen submitted a memorial saying that because he had failed to save the capital when it fell and had not died when the sovereign was taken captive, he asked to accept demotion and exile. The emperor knew he had served the state with loyal force and promoted him to Palace Attendant Censor, sending him to pacify Jinghu and Guangnan and to execute Zhang Bangchang and his faction, including Wang Shiyong. In every prefecture and county he passed through, he investigated the merit of officials and the welfare or harm of the people, reporting his findings to the court in due order.
25
覿覿 覿
As Ma Shen was returning from Hunan and Guangdong to memorialize seventeen instances of misconduct by Huang Qianshan and Wang Boyan, his draft already complete, the court was summoning Sun Jue and Xie Kejia. He submitted first: "Jue and Kejia are unprincipled. During the Jingkang era they joined Wang Shiyong, Wang Jizhi, and five others in a sworn faction, attached themselves to Geng Zhongzhong in advocating peace, and helped the enemy's designs. Those who opposed peace they wished to seize and hand over to the Jin. Jue accepted female musicians from the Jin and drafted a fawning memorial to them with all his literary skill. He is a traitor to the state and should be exiled far away. " The court gave no reply. Ma Shen then submitted another memorial:
26
使 輿 覿 使
Your Majesty appointed Huang Qianshan and Wang Boyan as chief ministers and entrusted them without further doubt. Yet from the day they took office their conduct has never satisfied public sentiment: the Jurchen grow stronger daily, banditry spreads daily, the foundations of the state weaken daily, and imperial authority shrinks daily. The Three Prefectures remain unpacified and the capital is still in peril. An edict to return to the capital was issued hastily, yet the imperial carriage still has not moved accordingly. Such is their disregard for imperial commands. When commoners' examination answers failed to follow form, a fine for the examiner would suffice; yet in a single day three Secretariat Drafters were dismissed and Shen Hui, Sun Jue, Huang Zhe, and other petty men were installed to manage edicts and decrees. Such is their unfairness in appointments and dismissals. Wu Ge and Zhang Yan were driven out for speaking on state affairs; Shao Chengzhang was exiled far away for submitting a memorial. Such is their choking off of free speech. By ancestral institution, when remonstrance and censorial posts fell vacant, the censor-in-chief and Hanlin Academician submitted names; the Three Departments dared not intervene. This had profound purpose. Recently in proposing censorial and remonstrance appointments they have mostly chosen relatives and intimates, intending only to secure allies for themselves. Such is their destruction of law and self-willed conduct. Zhang Xuan, Zong Ze, and Xu Jingheng were loyal, talented, and fit for heavy responsibility. Qianshan and Boyan envied them and suppressed them until they died. Such is their obstruction of merit and harm to the capable. When charged with urgent rescue of the state, they would say it was difficult to speak of—meaning that Your Majesty restrained them so they could not act. When asked about Chen Dong's death, they would say they did not know—meaning that the affair arose from Your Majesty. They attributed faults to the ruler and claimed merit for themselves—such was their conduct. Lü Yuan was insolent and overbearing; Your Majesty drove him away, yet within months he was promoted from prefect to transport commissioner. Such is their fierce self-will. Although the Imperial Camp commissioner held military authority over all armies at the temporary capital, Qianshan and Boyan separately established a personal guard of one thousand men, requesting quarters and provisions superior to the rest. Such is their effort to win military favor. To spread private favor widely, they restored many vacant sinecure posts. As evil men aiding one another, they strenuously shielded Wang Anzhong's crimes. Gathering their conduct together, have they not betrayed the weight of Your Majesty's trust?
27
Your Majesty forbearingly refuses to dismiss them. The suffering people are already in despair. When will the two emperors return? Whenever I think of this, death seems better than life. Years flow like water and opportunities slip away easily. I beg Your Majesty to remove Qianshan and Boyan from power at once, select other worthy men, and together plan the nation's recovery.
28
使
When the memorial arrived, it was retained at court without action. The next day he was transferred to Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. Because his remonstrance had not been heeded, Ma Shen declined the appointment. He filed his memorial with the Censorate and repeatedly submitted memorials saying, "If my words may be adopted, let them be implemented. If my words are wrong, I ought to bear the crime of false accusation. " He reported illness and awaited the court's decision. Within ten days an edict declared that Ma Shen's charges were unfounded and sent him to the Ministry of Personnel to be punished with supervision of wine tax at Puzhou. Those in power were exceedingly angry and wished certainly to kill him. Because Puzhou lay close to enemy territory, this appointment was made. Urged to depart at once, Ma Shen calmly wrapped his bedding and set out, and died on the road. Some say Wang Yuan was at Puzhou and Huang Qianshan secretly instructed him to do harm to Ma Shen. Throughout the realm, whether they knew him or not, all grieved for him as for a wrongful death.
29
The next year, when the Jin took Guangling, Ma Shen's warnings were vindicated and Huang Qianshan and Wang Boyan were at last exiled and executed for misleading the state. Censorial officials then memorialized that Ma Shen had once indicted Qianshan and others, and he was again summoned as Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments—not knowing whether he was still alive. Shortly afterward he was further granted direct appointment to the Dragon Diagram Hall.
30
In the early Shaoxing era, Hu Anguo submitted a Discourse on Current Policy, writing: "Ma Shen indicted the improper conduct of Qianshan and Boyan and listed their crimes. For each charge he established evidence known and seen by all. He did not dare to invent or deny facts. Yet the court did not follow his advice and instead punished him heavily for unfounded charges. This penalized loyal remonstrance. How then could heterodox doctrines cease and justice prevail? After Ma Shen was exiled far away, although edicts and appointments followed, there was no prospect of his return. Men of principle grieved for him. Honoring him with the Dragon Diagram Hall still fell short of the full measure of commendation he deserved. I pray that heavier posthumous rewards be granted to him and his descendants, to accord with Heaven's intent. " An edict posthumously granted him the title Remonstrance and Policy Adviser.
31
稿
Ma Shen's nature was pure and steadfast; his learning had deep roots. He was courageous in righteousness, yet his inner reserves were profound and he was ashamed to seek fame. In the early Jianyan era, the Right Remonstrance Adviser Deng Su discussed court officials who had served Zhang Bangchang; by precedent they were demoted two ranks. Ma Shen did not defend himself. Whenever he made proposals, he destroyed the drafts; few knew of his contributions. In office, every morning he straightened his garments, sat upright, read through the Doctrine of the Mean once, and only then went out to handle affairs. He often said, "My aim is to walk in the Way. If one takes wealth and honor as one's heart, one is bound by wealth and honor. If one takes wife and children as one's thought, one is seized by wife and children—the Way cannot be walked. " Therefore at Guangling his traveling chest held but one shelf, and books filled half of it. Shandong was already in turmoil; his family still remained in Yan. He often quoted Confucius: "The man of resolve does not forget that he may end in ditches and gullies; the man of courage does not forget that he may lose his head." What day is today? The ditches and gullies are where I shall die.
32
There was one He Dui, a native of Zhaowu, who had studied under Ma Shen. After Ma Shen died, He Dui compiled an account of his deeds. During the Shaoxing era he served as vice prefect of Chenzhou. The capital courier reported that Qin Hui himself claimed credit for preserving the Zhao dynasty, saying that others had no part in it. He Dui took the compiled account directly to the Ministry of Personnel. Qin Hui was enraged and had him thrown into the Jingnan imperial prison. The prison documents were all written by clerks; He Dui was stripped of office and exiled to Zhenyang. After Qin Hui died he was at last released and his office restored. Shortly afterward he died.
33
Lü Zujian, courtesy name Ziyue, was the younger brother of Lü Zuqian. He studied under Zuqian as other students did. He was supervising the Mingzhou granary and was about to report for duty when Zuqian died. By ministry law, failure to report within half a year counted as violation of the term limit. Zujian insisted on completing the full mourning period. The court acceded and decreed that violators would be allowed one year, beginning with Zujian.
34
調
When his mourning ended he went for appointment review. Chief Minister Zhou Bida told Minister of Personnel You Mao to summon him. Zujian had already been assigned to the Quzhou legal bureau and went to see him only afterward. Pan Shi was pacification commissioner of Guangdong and wished to recruit him as staff. Zujian declined. Shortly afterward, on recommendation of attendant officials Zheng Qiao, Zhang Biao, Luo Dian, and Zhuge Tingrui, he was summoned and appointed Recorder of the Imperial Fields.
35
簿
Censor-in-chief He Dan's father's concubine after remarriage, Lady Zhou, died. Dan wished to wear mourning for an elder brother's wife. The Directorate of Sacrifices had all officials discuss the matter together. Zujian sent a letter to the chief minister saying, "The Rites says: 'For one who marries the younger son's wife, this is making her mother to the elder son Bai.' Is not Lady Zhou the wife of the censor-in-chief's father? If you will not call her mother, what will you call her? The censor-in-chief heads the censorial bureau; yet by this unfilial command, what example will the hundred officials follow? " He was appointed Registrar of the Directorate of Agriculture; shortly afterward he requested an outer appointment and was made Vice Prefect of Taizhou. When Emperor Ningzong took the throne, he was appointed Vice Director of the Imperial Treasury.
36
使
At that time Han Tuozhou was gradually gaining power. Remonstrance Adviser Li Mu memorialized to dismiss the right chief minister Zhao Ruyu. Zujian memorialized, "Ruyu too cannot be without fault, yet he has not reached what the accuser claims. " Tuozhou said angrily, "Does Vice Director Lü of the Temple presume to meddle in my affairs? " When Libationer Li Xiang and Erudite Yang Jian both submitted memorials in defense of Ruyu, Li Mu memorialized to have them all dismissed. Zujian then submitted a sealed memorial, saying, "Your Majesty's initial government is clear and bright; you employ the loyal and worthy. Yet in no more than a season, Zhu Xi, an elder Confucian, whenever he offered criticism was immediately made to leave. Peng Guinian, too, was a member of Your Majesty's old study circle; whenever he offered criticism, he was likewise promptly allowed to leave. As for Li Xiang—mature, steady, and honest, without partiality or faction, trusted by all who heard him—he too has now been driven out. I fear that from now on, whenever something in the realm ought to be said, men will look to one another for warning and hold their tongues; once the habit of silenced speech takes hold, it will not easily be reversed—is that truly to the nation's benefit?
37
He also said, "Among those who dare speak today, what they fear is not offending their sovereign and father, but crossing those who wield power. To speak from what I know: nothing is harder than discussing portents and anomalies—yet those who speak without restraint do so because such matters have nothing to do with the powerful. But when an imperial rescript comes down, the ministers in the hall dare not openly defy it, the censor-remonstrators dare not probe deeply, and the drafting secretariat dare not stand firm—because such matters touch the favored and powerful, and they deeply fear that any opening might provoke fresh offense and graver punishment. Thus everyone who counsels the ruler while acting from behind the throne seeks to borrow the sovereign's authority and prestige in order gradually to seize power for himself. Lately one hears on the road that attendants close to the sovereign, when appointments and dismissals are decided and word occasionally leaks out, find their gates thronged with carriages and horses like a marketplace—relying on power and favor, they shake the outer court. I fear the situation will worsen by degrees until government rests with the favorites' doors, not with the public administration. Everyone they advance is their own protégé; everyone they ruin is their enemy. Not only will men watch sideways in fear and dare not speak—but fawning and collusion, the harm within and without, will surely become visible. I speak at such length because Li Xiang was punished—is this merely reckless exaggeration to bring guilt upon myself? In truth, with the spirit of the scholar-official class already sagging, a slight offense against a powerful minister means dismissal almost at once. Out of private anxiety I may overstate the case, yet I deeply fear that Your Majesty stands increasingly alone, and those who jointly uphold the altars of state grow ever fewer.
38
Once the memorial was submitted, he bound himself at the eaves and awaited punishment. An edict came down: Lü Zujian had formed factions and deceived his sovereign; he was to be settled at Shaozhou. Secretariat Drafter Deng Zhi submitted a rebuttal memorial, arguing that Zujian's offense did not warrant demotion. Imperial rescript: "Zujian's intent is disloyalty to his ruler; the crime deserves death. Banishment is already a lenient show of mercy. " Then Lou Yue, while reading aloud to the throne Lü Gongzhu's ten memorial items from the early Yuanyou era, added, "If even a pillar of state like Gongzhu should receive pardon for ten generations, Vice Director Lü Zujian, who was punished for speaking out the other day, is his grandson. Now, if he is sent beyond the mountain passes and should die, the dynasty will bear the name of slaying those who speak—I am deeply concerned for Your Majesty. " The emperor asked, "What did Zujian speak about? " Only then did he realize that the action the other day had not come from the emperor's own intent. Tuozhou said to others, "If anyone again tries to save Zujian, he shall be sent to Xin Prefecture. " No one dared speak out. Someone told Tuozhou, "Since Chief Minister Zhao was removed, the realm has already gnashed its teeth; now, if Zujian is sent to the malarial south and should unhappily die, resentment will only deepen—would it not be better to transfer him somewhat inward? " Tuozhou came to see the point. Zujian reached Luling and was about to cross the mountain passes when an order came to send him instead to Ji Prefecture. A general amnesty came, and he was transferred as permitted to Gao'an. Two years later he died; an edict ordered his remains returned for burial.
39
使
When Zujian was in exile, Zhu Xi wrote to him, "In rank I am higher than you, Ziyue, and in the favor and courtesy the sovereign has shown me I am treated more deeply than you—yet I sit by while petty men do as they please, unable to speak a single word in service, and let you alone pour out your indignation, provoke those petty men, and walk into the jaws of disaster. My shame and sighing run deep. " Zujian replied, "While at court one hears of current affairs as if living amid water and fire—it cannot be endured for a single morning. If one dwells in the countryside and does not know whether order or chaos prevails, what point is there in speaking much? " At his place of exile he studied books to exhaust principle and sold medicine to support himself. Whenever he went out, he always wore straw sandals and walked on foot, preparing himself to cross the mountain passes. He once said, "Those broken by the changes of the times who lose their lifelong integrity—of them there is nothing to say; but to let the changes of the times inflate one's spirit—that too is private feeling. " His writings were collected in the Dayu ji. Zujian's younger cousin was Zutai.
40
Zutai. Style name Tairan, sixth-generation descendant of Lü Yijian, residing at Yixing in Chang Prefecture. By nature open and broad-minded, he valued honor and friendship, and his learning was wide and thorough. He traveled throughout the Yangzi and Huai regions, befriending celebrated men of the age; when he got money he sometimes shared it and went on without a hint of reluctance. He could drink several dou without getting drunk; when he discussed current affairs he held nothing back, and some who heard him covered their ears and fled.
41
At the beginning of the Qingyuan reign, Zujian was settled at Shaozhou for memorializing on state affairs. After his transfer to Ruizhou, Zutai traveled on foot to visit him and stayed over a month, telling his friend Wang Shenhou, "Since my elder brother's banishment, everyone has silenced themselves. Though I hold no office, duty requires me to speak for the realm. I must wait a little—I dare not involve my brother yet. " When Zujian died in exile, in the first year of Jiatai Zhou Bida was demoted to Junior Guardian and retired; Zutai, in anger, went to the Memorial Drum Court and submitted a memorial accusing Tuozhou of disloyalty and asking that he be executed to guard against calamity. The gist read, "The Way and learning—since antiquity the state has relied upon them. Chief Minister Ruyu is a man of great merit in our time. To establish a ban on 'false learning' and drive out Ruyu's faction is to empty Your Majesty's realm—yet does Your Majesty not see it? Chen Ziqiang, Tuozhou's childhood tutor, leaped straight to the chief ministership. Your Majesty's old study companions, such as Peng Guinian—where are they now? Su Shidan, a clerk-scribe from Pingjiang, obtained military command through connection with the Hidden Residence; Zhou Yun, a menial of the Han clan, gained high office through kinship with the empress. Did Your Majesty really know Shidan when you were at the Hidden Residence? Did the empress's kin truly include Yun? In every way Tuozhou's faction exalts itself and belittles the court—matters have come to this! I beg that Tuozhou, Shidan, and Zhou Yun be swiftly put to death, and that Ziqiang and his ilk be dismissed and driven out. Zhou Bida alone is fit for service and should replace them; otherwise events will become unpredictable. " When the memorial appeared, court and countryside alike were deeply shaken.
42
殿
An edict came down: "Lü Zutai submitted a memorial out of private motive with reckless language; he is to be detained and supervised at Lian Prefecture. " Right Remonstrance Officer Cheng Song, an intimate friend of Zutai, feared and said, "People know I have long associated with him—will they think I knew in advance? " He then alone memorialized, "Zutai's crime deserves death, and there must have been someone who taught him to write that memorial; even if he is not killed now, he should still be flogged, tattooed, and exiled to a distant place. " Palace Censor Chen Tan also spoke to the same effect. He was flogged one hundred strokes and assigned to garrison detention at Qin Prefecture.
43
Earlier, Supervising Censor Lin Cai had said the formation of 'false learning' originated with Bida, and so came the order making him Junior Guardian. Zutai knew he must die; he hoped to awaken the court through his own body, and showed no fear. When he reached the prefectural hall, the prefect tried to coax him with kind words: "Who taught you to write that memorial together? Tell me, and I shall lighten your punishment. " Zutai laughed and said, "Sir, how foolish to ask such a question! I knew from the start I must die—how could I accept instruction from another, or even discuss it with anyone? " The prefect said, "Are you mad with wind sickness and have lost your mind? " Zutai said, "As I see it, those who now attach themselves to the Han clan and win fine posts—they are the ones mad with wind sickness and bereft of mind.
44
使
After Zutai was banished, passing through Tan Prefecture on the road, Qian Wenzi was magistrate of Liling and privately supplied his journey. Tuozhou sent men to track his whereabouts; Zutai then hid between Xiang and Ying. When Tuozhou was executed, the court found where Zutai was, issued an edict clearing his wrong, specially appointed him Erudite of an upper prefecture, and reappointed him as Diligent Officer and keeper of the Southern Marchmount Temple. After his mother died he had no means to bury her; he went to the capital to seek help from the grandees, took a chill, asked for paper and wrote, "My elder brother and I alike assailed the powerful minister; now that minister is dead, I die without regret. Only that I have returned alive yet done nothing to serve the realm, and have been unable to bury my mother—that alone is regrettable. " Then he died. Prefect Wang Shan provided a coffin, prepared his remains, and sent them home for burial.
45
Yang Hongzhong, style name Chongfu, was a man of Fuzhou. In his early twenties he entered the Imperial Academy as a student. When Emperor Xiaozong died, Emperor Guangzong was ill and unable to perform mourning rites. At that time Zhao Ruyu directed the Bureau of Military Affairs and memorialized asking the Grand Empress Dowager to welcome Ningzong from the Jia Residence to take the throne and complete the mourning rites; court and countryside alike were at peace. Ruyu was then made chief minister on the right, elevated venerable elders and celebrated men of the age, with an eye toward governance like the Qingli and Yuanyou eras. Han Tuozhou secretly wielded state power, brought in Li Mu from the Directorate of Palace Buildings as Right Remonstrance Adviser, who first memorialized to dismiss Ruyu; Censor-in-chief He Dan and Censor Hu Hong and others followed, and Ruyu was banished to Yong Prefecture. Academy Libationer Li Xiang and Erudite Yang Jian submitted successive memorials pleading in protest—both were driven out. Hongzhong said, "Our teachers can discern the injustice done to a great minister—yet we students cannot keep our teachers from leaving. Where is the propriety in that? " The crowd did not answer; only Lin Zhonglin, Xu Fan, Zhang Yu, Jiang Fu, and Zhou Duanchao—five men—wished to join the deliberation. They then submitted a memorial, saying:
46
Since antiquity the causes of a state's ruin and turmoil have never been single—but when petty men wound worthy men, the calamity is especially grievous. When worthy men hold office they shut out the crooked; at bottom their hearts lie in loving the ruler and grieving for the state. When petty men get their way they hate the upright, empty out their allies, and only then can act without restraint. Then the ruler stands alone, and the altars of soil and grain are in peril. The faction proscriptions ruined Han; cliques threw Tang into chaos—mostly from this pattern. From Yuanyou onward orthodox and heterodox attacked each other, until at last came the Jingkang catastrophe—what subjects cannot bear to speak of, and what Your Majesty cannot bear to hear.
47
便
I have observed that recently Remonstrance Adviser Li Mu spoke of former chief minister Zhao Ruyu discussing dream omens repeatedly, monopolizing power and building factions, with intent harmful to Your Majesty. To heap such false charges upon him is simply untrue. Ruyu begged to resign; court and countryside seethed with indignation, yet the remonstrators claimed the common people were cheering and had deceived the throne—things had sunk to this. Zhang Ying forcefully rebutted the charge and was the first expelled; all who heard of it were shaken; then the Erudite Li Xiang and the Erudite Yang Jian remonstrated in turn, resolutely resigned, took leave for months, and men of integrity grew fearful. When outside appointments were issued, the remonstrators resented their support of upright opinion and pressed hard for their removal; dismissed the same day, the students of the Six Halls wept in outrage. Li Mu, knowing that good and evil cannot coexist and that public opinion condemned him, sought to purge every upright man for his private advantage and invoked the charge of faction to mislead Your Majesty. Even if the loss of these two men were not yet grave in itself, I fear the decisive turn in the struggle between worthy men and petty men comes here; the warning of Jingkang already stands before us—can we endure to see it repeated? Your Majesty is striving to reform the realm, about to restore the Three Bonds and gather counsel to settle the nation's course—yet you suddenly heed traitors and suspect the good wholesale. We cannot fathom this.
48
I urge Your Majesty to heed the catastrophes of Han and Tang, take warning from Jingkang, sharpen your imperial judgment, and act with resolute wisdom. Remember Ruyu's loyal service, see that Xiang and Jian are no faction, expose Li Mu's depravity, declare your likes and dislikes, separate good from evil, banish Li Mu to appease the realm, restore Xiang and Jian to win scholars' hearts—even if I am boiled alive, I shall not refuse.
49
When the memorial went unanswered, they submitted a sealed copy to the remonstrance and censorial bureaus and the attendant officials. Tuozhou flew into a rage, convicted them of improper memorial submission, and banished all six—Hongzhong named first—to distant posts, intending exile to Lingnan. The Secretariat Drafter Deng Yi memorialized in their defense; the emperor would not listen. Chief Minister Yu Duanli kowtowed before the throne dozens of times, begging that they be spared distant exile. Moved to pity, the emperor assented and sent them to registered banishment in Taiping Prefecture. All the realm hailed them as the "Six Gentlemen."
50
The following year they were transferred to Fuzhou to attend lectures. In Jiatai 3, when Emperor Ningzong visited the Imperial Academy, an edict ordered their release and return. In Kaixi 1, Hongzhong passed the jinshi examination and was appointed instructor in Nanjian Prefecture. The prefect Yu Zheng, son of the former chief minister Duanli, became his close friend. After Tuozhou's execution, all who had been punished for speaking out were commended and restored. In Jiading 1, Hongzhong was specially promoted one rank, but he still declined to accept. In year 6, recommended by Zheng, Wang Kui, and Zhao Yansu, he was made Archivist in the Ministry of Revenue and soon became Director of the Imperial Academy. In year 8, during a summer drought, he submitted a sealed memorial, speaking bluntly and hiding nothing. He was transferred to Erudite of the Military Academy and promoted to Instructor Gentleman.
51
The remonstrance official Ying Wu had criticized an academy officer; Hongzhong raised the matter in a seasonal examination of the students, and Wu, hearing of it, nursed a grudge. That autumn, on the wu day, the sacrifice to the Martial Accomplishment King was performed by the Erudite. By precedent the Erudite served as deputy presenter; this time Hongzhong was not appointed, and he reported the matter to the Erudite. Wu then impeached Hongzhong for contending with his colleagues and for reckless contentiousness, and had him made Vice Prefect of Tanzhou. Citing aged parents, he sought a temple post; he was appointed prefect of Wugang Army but died before taking office, aged fifty-three.
52
Duanchao, style name Zijing, ranked first in the Ministry of Rites examination in Jiading 3 and rose to Vice Minister of Justice and Concurrent Lecturer. Yu, style name Yongsou, entered office by his father's privilege; he had two sons who passed the jinshi together with Duanchao. Zhonglin, style name Jingzhong, and Fu, style name Xiangfu, had long lived in the academies, famed for blunt loyalty; all died without receiving their due reward. Fan has his own biography.
53
西
Hua Yue, style name Zixi, was a student of the Military Academy—generous with his wealth and fond of bold deeds. When Han Tuozhou dominated the state, Yue submitted a memorial that read:
54
For a month now the people of the capital have wandered in dread, glancing about as though their homes and families were already lost; soldiers' wives and children weep in hidden grief, as though about to be cast into fire and water. Markets murmur with rumor; people want to speak yet fall silent, terrified by what they hear, unable to grasp what it means. On careful inquiry I find palace guards dispatched secretly day and night, military dispatches flying like sparks, corvée doubled, courier schedules doubled—Your Majesty is preparing a northern campaign.
55
Tuozhou, kin to the empress dowager's clan, holds the highest rank, monopolizes power, and openly accepts bribes; he keeps unregistered clerks and servants as his intimates, sells offices and honors in private, covets the throne, and watches the altars of state—growing bolder daily, beyond what one dares confront. This is the external peril lodged in our very heart.
56
Some court ministers of mediocre talent sought marriage ties with Shidan and suddenly entered the chief council; others of flattery and sycophancy clung to Tuozhou and rose to wealth and rank. Chen Ziqiang, old yet shameless, greedy without limit, secretly builds factions and binds himself to great houses—in all he does he knows only Tuozhou, not his ruler and father. This is the external peril lodged in our arms and legs.
57
The Lis—Shuang, Yi, and Ruyi—are greedy cowards without counsel; the Guos—Ni, Zhuan, Zhuo, and Gao—are useless pampered sons; the Wus trade on favor and exceed their rank; the Pengs are mediocrities unfit for office; Huangfu Bin, Wei Youliang, Mao Zhitong, and Qin Shifu have drained the army's spirit and scarred its morale, so that men like Chen Xiaoqing, Xia Xingzu, Shang Rong, and Tian Junmai—each no better than a common soldier—hold independent command; they flayed the people and bribed Tuozhou for rank, while hungry scholars longed to devour them and could not. Should Your Majesty entrust them with great affairs, they could not save their own heads—much less plan for Your Majesty. This is the external peril lodged in our claws and teeth.
58
Cheng Song took concubines to curry favor; some sold sisters to enter his mansion, some offered wives to enter the Cabinet; Lu —〉 offered his son as tribute to gain a court post; worthless men like Fu Tong filled the offices. This is the external peril lodged in our ears and eyes.
59
Su Shidan, a foul clerk, usurped the seal and battle-axe and brokered offices and titles; Zhou Yun, a menial soldier, usurped military authority and traded in generals and chief ministers. This is the external peril throttling our throat. The external enemies they speak of are hardly worth fearing; yet this peril already surrounds us on every side.
60
"Rites, music, campaigns, and punishments issue from the Son of Heaven." The glory of the Middle Kingdom is that all obey Your Majesty's command. Now the power to appoint, dismiss, and promote no longer rests with Your Majesty but with Tuozhou. Thus we have two Middle Kingdoms. Commands no longer issue even from Tuozhou but from Su Shidan and Zhou Yun. Thus we have three Middle Kingdoms. The Jurchen, from a tiny domain, still press us on the Huai and Han—while peril sits in our heart, limbs, ears, claws, and throat, will they not overrun our altars of state? Can a household divided like Qin and Yue, or a boat whose passengers are enemy states, still command distant peoples? In recent years armies have been squeezed dry, and soldiers hate their own officers; officials plunder the people, and common folk turn against their magistrates—each household fights alone. This again raises tens of millions of enemies within our realm. Instead of removing the peril in our heart, limbs, claws, senses, throat, and those countless internal enemies, you would empty the armies and treasury to follow distant foes into slaughter—is this not misplacing your concern entirely?
61
使 便
Your servant has read the military texts: since last year's upper primordial jiazi, the Five Blessings and Grand Unity first measured Wu; the Four Spirits faced Jing and Chu; the Initial Strike hovered over Ou and Yue; the Blue Gate Envoy crossed You and Ji; the Black Killer pressed Yan and Zhao. By established method, the host's count is longest and the guest's shortest. In war, he who strikes first is the guest; he who strikes later is the host. From yichou through the six years to gengwu, all auguries disfavor striking first. If they break the alliance, violate righteousness, and harass our borders, and we respond only when there is no choice, host and guest are reversed—yet that may still be borne. But if the state takes the initiative, generals will quarrel within and soldiers rebel without; the people's blood will soak the land for a thousand li. This is Heaven's verdict against striking first. Moreover the generals are fools, soldiers and people resentful, horse policy neglected, cavalry unskilled, heroes ignored, provisions thin, terrain insecure, stockades unrepaired, fortresses unbuilt—though we field a million men and supply lines a thousand li long, the army will fail without victory and fall without battle. This is human affairs arrayed against striking first.
62
I urge Your Majesty to remove the peril within our own body. Once internal peril is gone, the public Way will open, upright men will serve, laws and discipline will right themselves, heroes will rally, borders will return, and the Central Plain will be restored; the realm will find peace, the four seas reach benevolence and longevity—why wait on war? Otherwise traitors will tear the crown, chant the Nine Bestowals, lean on an unmatched chief minister, keep private concubines and hidden generals, devour soldiers and burn the people, and ruin the plan of a hundred generations and the legacy of the ten temples. Then, though Your Majesty wish not to perish with them, calamity will close in, power will belong to others, and you will bow your head awaiting the end with nowhere to turn.
63
Before events unfold, words are hard to trust; I offer my person to the Court of Judicial Review—if the army marches and returns in triumph, let the traitor's head be sent to the four quarters as a warning to all who deceive their ruler. But if war follows war, defeat follows defeat, enemies attack without and traitors rebel within, matching all I have said, then let me retire to my fields and live out my days disgraced.
64
使
When the memorial was submitted, Tuozhou was enraged, had him tried, and banished him to imprisonment in Jianning. Prefect Fu Bocheng pitied him and ordered the jailers not to bind him. When Bocheng left and Yue again offended the new prefect Li Dayi, he was imprisoned again.
65
殿
After Tuozhou's execution Yue was released; he re-entered the academy, passed the examinations, and became an officer of the Palace Front Office, but remained frustrated and unfulfilled. He plotted to remove Chief Minister Shi Miyuan; discovered, he was sent to the Lin'an jail. When the case was complete, he was convicted of plotting against a chief minister and sentenced to death. Emperor Ningzong knew Yue's name and wished to spare him; Miyuan said, "This is the man who wanted me dead. " In the end he was beaten to death in the eastern market.
66
使
Deng Ruoshui, style name Pingzhong, was a native of Jingyan in Long Prefecture. He mastered the classics and histories, and wrote with force and integrity. When Wu Xi rebelled, prefectures and counties dared not resist; Ruoshui, then a commoner, was furious and planned to kill the magistrate and raise troops against him. At night he slaughtered a chicken and bound his servant by oath: "Tomorrow I shall visit the magistrate; secretly carry a blade and follow me—when I glance at you, strike him down. " The servant feigned assent; when the day came Ruoshui looked back three times, yet he did not strike. Home again, he rebuked the servant for breaking the oath; the servant said, "Ordinary men must not be killed—how much less a magistrate? What kind of deed is this, that you would have me do it? " Ruoshui then took up his sword and walked to Wuxing to kill Xi himself; halfway he heard Xi was already dead and turned back. People laughed at his madness, yet admired his resolve.
67
使
He passed the jinshi examination in Jiading 13. Shi Miyuan had long dominated the state; in his palace examination Ruoshui denounced his treachery, demanded his removal and the appointment of a worthy chief minister, warning otherwise the altars of state would be imperiled. The examiners ranked him last. His answers spread through the capital, and scholars vied to recite them. Miyuan was enraged and told the prefect to have innkeepers watch his movements, intending to punish him; someone interceded and the matter stopped.
68
When Emperor Lizong ascended the throne, he submitted a sealed memorial in response to an edict:
69
Great righteousness alone can still great slander; recovered power alone can secure the throne; removing great traitors alone can quell great calamity.
70
When Emperor Ningzong died, the Prince of Ji should have succeeded; his deposition was never announced by the late emperor, nor were any faults known to the realm. Shi Miyuan opposed the Prince of Ji's enthronement; by night he forged the late emperor's command, deposed the prince, killed the imperial grandson, and installed Your Majesty. Within half a year the Prince of Ji met his death at Huzhou. Judged by the Spring and Autumn Annals—is this not regicide? Is it not usurpation? Is it not violent seizure? When the treason began, the realm blamed Miyuan and dared not blame Your Majesty—why? All knew the sudden crisis lay beyond Your Majesty's knowledge, trusted you had no such intent, and expected you would purge the evil and avenge the late emperor and the Prince of Ji, father and son. More than a year has passed, yet you have not acted with firm resolve or authoritative judgment, and the realm's hopes remain unfulfilled. Those who once trusted you innocent now suspect guilt. Those who once believed you ignorant now suspect you knew. How can you endure the clear sky and bright sun while your person wears this stain? Is it not rather to prove your heart to the realm and leave your name clean for posterity? Your best course is to follow Taibo's supreme virtue, Boyi's pure fame, and Jizi's lofty integrity—then your true heart will shine before the realm. This is what I call acting on great righteousness to still great slander—the highest policy.
71
Since antiquity, rulers who lost supreme power rarely failed to lose it entirely at the very moment of a forced succession. At that moment their authority shook the realm. Once enthroned, they despise the ruler; powerful ministers lean on favor to tower over the throne, petty men on strength to act as though no superior existed—inside and outside merge, the ruler falls silent, power erodes daily, until even subjects cannot bear to speak of it. Once authority is gone, the ruler cannot secure throne or person even if he wishes. Xuan Zhan and Xue Ji are Miyuan's inner circle; Wang Yu is his eyes and ears; Sheng Zhang and Li Zhixiao are his hawks and hounds; Feng Shan is his claws and teeth. When Miyuan wishes some deed done or some man harmed, these men plot together—when has Your Majesty's will ever entered their counsel? Unless these villains are removed, Your Majesty cannot still slander or secure the throne—why hesitate? This is what I call recovering great power to secure the throne—the second policy.
72
沿
If the second fails, there is yet a third: remove great traitors to quell great calamity. Li Quan is only a refugee living on our grain; his troops, territory, and power have not greatly grown. Under Jia She, a mediocrity, Quan did not dare stir—why? The throne was legitimate and its word was righteous. Since Your Majesty's accession he has grown defiant—why? He has a rallying cry for his followers. He surely says, "The Prince of Ji was the late emperor's son, yet Miyuan deposed and murdered him. The imperial grandson was the late emperor's grandson, yet Miyuan destroyed him. " His case is plain and his force strong; thus hundreds of thousands along the Huai dare not meet his challenge. One may say there is no trouble yet—but who knows urgent dispatches may not fly tomorrow, invoking the Prince of Ji and the cause of purging evil beside the throne? Miyuan's faction deserve death many times over—but what crime have the altars and the people committed? Execute Miyuan's faction today, and Quan will lose every word with which to rally his followers. Unable to attain the highest aim, one settles for the next, then the next below—alas!
73
The Pacification Commission dared not forward it by courier and sent it back. Qualified for promotion, his memorial went up—but Miyuan crossed it out with a brush and blocked it.
74
In the Jiading–Chunyou period he was summoned as Erudite of the Imperial Academy; preparing to address the throne, he drafted a memorial of several thousand words, in essence: "When Emperor Ningzong fell ill, Miyuan rushed to complete his fraud—did he still wish the late emperor to live? The late emperor could not die in peace, Your Majesty could not accede in peace—I ask to open his tomb, break the coffin, behead the corpse, and appease Heaven. Years ago I submitted a sealed memorial asking you to abdicate to a close kinsman and wash away unrighteous stain; it never reached you, and the document still exists—I risk death to present it again.
75
使 退 使退
The day before his audience he borrowed a clerk from his friend Pan Yonggong; knowing Ruoshui's habit of extreme speech, Yonggong had the clerk copy the draft secretly. Reading it, Yonggong feared being swept into disaster, fled to Chief Minister Qiao Xingjian, and Xingjian was also terrified. Next morning at audience a memorial was submitted posting Ruoshui as Vice Prefect of Ningguo Prefecture. After audience the emperor summoned the Gatekeeper Attendant: "Is there an official to address the throne today? " The attendant named Ruoshui; Xingjian said, "An edict already posts him outside; dismiss the audience. " Ruoshui waited in the corridor with the draft in his sleeve; the attendant told him to leave, and he withdrew, bitter. Knowing the times would not bear him, he was dismissed within months; he never served again and hid on Dongting Mountain at Lake Tai.
76
西
Jia Sidao in Jinghu heard his name and recruited him as a staff officer. Long yearning for home, he accepted the summons and returned west to Shu. In the mountains bandits robbed him by night; Ruoshui sat upright without moving; they struck his head until blood covered his face, yet he did not stir, and they left. In scholarship Ruoshui devoted himself to practice and despised empty talk. He carved wooden tablets inscribed "The place of loyal ministers, filial sons, righteous husbands, and chaste women since antiquity," and sacrificed to them each season. He had a son of extraordinary strength who built a mountain stockade and raised troops to defend the countryside. When the stockade fell, the whole family perished.
77
便殿 使
The monk Zhenbao, a native of Dai Prefecture, was abbot of Mount Wutai. He studied Buddhism and had mastered detachment from life and death. During the Jingkang turmoil he and his disciples trained in military affairs in the mountains. Emperor Qinzong summoned him to the side hall and lavished rich gifts upon him. Zhenbao returned to the mountain and gathered more troops to aid the resistance. When the prefecture fell, the enemy came in force; he resisted day and night until outmatched, and the monastery burned to the ground. The enemy leader ordered Zhenbao taken alive; brought before him, Zhenbao spoke without yielding; the leader marveled and could not bear to kill him. The prefect Liu Tao tried every persuasion, yet Zhenbao would not listen, saying, "My Law forbids false speech; I have promised the Song emperor my death—how can I speak falsely? " He accepted execution calmly. Northerners who witnessed it marveled.
78
At that time the monk of Wan'an also raised troops under a banner reading "Subdue Demons," saying, "In crisis one briefly becomes a general; when peace returns, one becomes a monk again. " He too was soon defeated and died.
79
使
Xu Daoming was a Daoist priest of the Tianqing Abbey in Chang Prefecture. He served as superintendent and was granted the purple robe. In Deyou 1, as northern armies besieged the city, Daoming visited Prefect Yao Yin: "Matters are urgent—what is your plan? " Yin said, "No food within, no aid without—we can only die defending the walls. " Daoming returned and told his disciples, "Prefect Yao swears to die with the city; we too shall not fail to be men of righteousness. " He placed the abbey's records in a stone casket and buried them in a pit. When the army sacked the city, Daoming sat upright burning incense and reading the Book of Laozi. Soldiers ordered him to bow; he ignored them, his recitation ringing clear; they threatened him with blades, yet he did not stir, and so he died.
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