1
「國之大事,在祀與戎」。 自書契經典,咸崇其義,而聖人之德,莫大於嚴父者也。 故司馬遷著封禪書,班固備郊祀志,上紀皇王正祀,下錄郡國百神。 司馬彪又著祭祀志以續終漢。 中興以後,其舊制誕章,粲然弘備。 自茲以降,又有異同。 故復撰次云爾。
"The great affairs of a state are sacrifice and war." Ever since the age of written records and canonical scripture, all have honored this principle; among a sage's virtues, none surpasses reverence for one's father. Hence Sima Qian composed the Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices, while Ban Gu compiled the Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices, chronicling above the orthodox rites of emperors and kings and below the myriad deities worshipped in the commanderies and kingdoms. Sima Biao likewise wrote a Treatise on Sacrificial Rites to carry on the history of the Later Han. After the dynasty's restoration, the old institutions grew brilliantly complete in their provisions. From that time forward, there were further points of difference and agreement as well. Hence the present compilation and arrangement.
2
漢獻帝延康元年十一月己丑,詔公卿告祠高廟。 遣兼御史大夫張音奉皇帝璽綬策書,禪帝位于魏。 是時魏文帝繼王位,南巡在潁陰。 有司乃為壇於潁陰之繁陽故城。 庚午,登壇。 魏相國華歆跪受璽紱以進於王。 既受畢,降壇視燎,成禮而返。 未有祖配之事。
On the jichou day of the eleventh month of the first year of Yankang under Emperor Xian of Han, an edict commanded the nobles and ministers to announce sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. He sent Acting Grandee Secretary Zhang Yin bearing the imperial seal and cord along with the written abdication decree, yielding the throne to Wei. At that time Cao Pi had already succeeded as King of Wei and was on a southern tour at Yingyin. The responsible officials then erected an altar at the old city of Fanyang in Yingyin. On the gengwu day, he ascended the altar. Hua Xin, Chancellor of Wei, knelt to receive the seal and cord and presented them to the king. Once he had received them, he descended the altar to witness the burning of offerings, completed the ceremony, and returned. No ancestral accompaniment was performed.
3
魏文帝黃初二年正月,郊祀天地明堂。 是時魏都洛京,而神祇兆域明堂靈臺,皆因漢舊事。 四年七月,帝將東巡,以大軍當出,使太常以一特牛告祠南郊,自後以為常。 及文帝崩,太尉鍾繇告諡南郊,皆是有事於郊也。
In the first month of the second year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen of Wei sacrificed to Heaven and Earth at the suburbs and at the Bright Hall. At that time Wei had its capital at Luoyang, and the spirit domains, the Bright Hall, and the Spirit Terrace all followed Han precedents. In the seventh month of the fourth year, as the emperor prepared to tour the east and the main army was about to march out, he had the Minister of Ceremonies offer a single black bull to announce sacrifice at the southern suburb; this thereafter became standard practice. When Emperor Wen died, Grand Commandant Zhong Yao announced his posthumous title at the southern suburb—all were occasions involving suburban rites.
4
明帝太和元年正月丁未,郊祀武皇帝以配天,宗祀文皇帝於明堂以配上帝。 是時二漢郊禋之制具存,魏所損益可知也。
On the dingwei day of the first month of the first year of Taihe, Emperor Ming sacrificed at the suburbs to Emperor Wu as Heaven's companion and performed ancestral sacrifice to Emperor Wen at the Bright Hall as companion to the Supreme Lord. At that time the suburban sacrifice institutions of the two Han dynasties were still fully preserved, so what Wei added or reduced can be clearly seen.
5
四年八月,帝東巡,過繁昌。 使執金吾臧霸行太尉事,以特牛祠受禪壇。 後漢紀,章帝詔高邑祠即位壇。 此雖前代已行之事,然為壇以祀天,而壇非神也。 今無事於上帝,而致祀於虛壇,未詳所據也。
In the eighth month of the fourth year, the emperor toured east and passed through Fanchang. He had Bearer of the Gilded Mace Zang Ba act as Grand Commandant and offer a single black bull in sacrifice at the altar where the throne had been yielded. The Annals of Later Han record that Emperor Zhang ordered Gaoyi to sacrifice at the altar of enthronement. Although this was a practice already carried out in former ages, an altar is built to sacrifice to Heaven, yet the altar itself is not a deity. Now, when there is no service to the Supreme Lord, yet sacrifice is offered at an empty altar—the basis for this is unclear.
6
景初元年十月乙卯,始營洛陽南委粟山為圓丘。 詔曰:「蓋帝王受命,莫不恭承天地,以彰神明; 尊祀世統,以昭功德。 故先代之典既著,則禘郊祖宗之制備也。 昔漢氏之初,承秦滅學之後,採摭殘缺,以備郊祀。 自甘泉、后土、雍宮、五畤神祇兆位,多不經見,並以興廢無常,一彼一此,四百餘年,廢無禘禮。 古代之所更立者,遂有闕焉。 曹氏世系,出自有虞氏,今祀圓丘,以始祖帝舜配,號圓丘曰皇皇帝天。 方丘所祭曰皇皇后地,以舜妃伊氏配。 天郊所祭曰皇天之神,以太祖武皇帝配。 地郊所祭曰皇地之祇,以武宣皇后配。 宗祀皇考高祖文皇帝於明堂,以配上帝。」 十二月壬子冬至,始祀皇皇帝天于圓丘,以始祖有虞帝舜配。 自正始以後,終魏世,不復郊祀。
On the yimao day of the tenth month of the first year of Jingchu, work began to build Mount Weisu south of Luoyang as the Round Mound Altar. An edict said: "When emperors and kings receive the Mandate, none fail reverently to receive Heaven and Earth, thereby manifesting the spirits and gods; they honor and sacrifice to the dynastic line to display merit and virtue. Therefore when the institutions of former ages are already established, the regulations for the di sacrifice, suburban sacrifice, and ancestral temple are complete. In the early days of the Han, following Qin's destruction of learning, they gathered what survived in fragmentary form to restore the suburban sacrifices. From Ganquan, Houtu, Yong Palace, and the Five Altars, the spirit domains and shrine sites were mostly absent from the classics, and because institutions rose and fell without fixed pattern, shifting from one to another—for more than four hundred years the di rite was abandoned. What the ancients had repeatedly established thus came to have gaps. The Cao clan lineage traces to the Youyu clan; at sacrifice at the Round Mound, the founding ancestor Emperor Shun serves as companion, and the Round Mound is titled Imperial Imperial Emperor Heaven. What is sacrificed at the Square Mound is titled Imperial Imperial Empress Earth, with Lady Yi, consort of Shun, as companion. What is sacrificed at the Heavenly Suburb is titled Spirit of Imperial Heaven, with the Great Ancestor Emperor Wu as companion. What is sacrificed at the Earthly Suburb is titled Spirit of Imperial Earth, with Empress Wu Xuan as companion. In ancestral sacrifice, the late father, the High Ancestor Emperor Wen, is honored at the Bright Hall as companion to the Supreme Lord. On the renzi day of the twelfth month, the winter solstice, sacrifice to Imperial Imperial Emperor Heaven at the Round Mound began, with the founding ancestor Emperor Shun of Youyu as companion. From the Zhengshi era onward, through the end of Wei, suburban sacrifice was never performed again.
7
孫權初稱尊號於武昌,祭南郊告天。 文曰:「皇帝臣孫權,敢用玄牡,昭告皇皇后帝。 漢饗國二十有四世,歷年四百三十有四,行氣數終,祿胙運盡,普天弛絕,率土分崩。 孽臣曹丕,遂奪神器。 丕子叡繼世作慝,竊名亂制。 權生於東南,遭值期運,承乾秉戎,志在拯世,奉辭行罰,舉足為民。 羣臣將相州郡百城執事之人,咸以為天意已去於漢,漢氏已終於天,皇帝位虛,郊祀無主,休徵嘉瑞,前後雜沓,曆數在躬,不得不受。 權畏天命,敢不敬從。 謹擇元日,登壇柴燎,即皇帝位。 唯爾有神饗之! 左右有吳,永綏天極。」 其後自以居非中土,不復修設。 中年,羣臣奏議,宜修郊祀。 權曰:「郊祀當於中土,今非其所。」 重奏曰:「普天之下,莫非王土。 王者以天下為家。 昔周文、武郊於酆、鎬,非必中土。」 權曰:「武王伐紂,即阼於鎬京,而郊其所也。 文王未為天子,立郊於酆,見何經典?」 復奏曰:「伏見漢書郊祀志,匡衡奏徙甘泉河東郊於長安,言文王郊於酆。」 權曰:「文王德性謙讓,處諸侯之位,明未郊也。 經傳無明文,由匡衡俗儒意說,非典籍正義,不可用也。」 虞喜志林曰:「吳主糾駁郊祀,追貶匡衡,凡在見者,莫不慨然稱善也。」 何承天曰:「案權建號繼天,而郊享有闕,固非也。 末年雖一南郊,而遂無北郊之禮。 環氏吳紀:『權思崇嚴父配天之義,追上父堅尊號為吳始祖。』 如此說,則權末年所郊,堅配天也。 權卒後,三嗣主終吳世不郊祀,則權不享配帝之禮矣。」
When Sun Quan first assumed the imperial title at Wuchang, he sacrificed at the southern suburb to announce his accession to Heaven. The text reads: "The Emperor, your subject Sun Quan, ventures to use a black bull to announce clearly to Imperial Imperial Emperor and Empress. Han enjoyed the state for twenty-four generations, spanning four hundred and thirty-four years; its cycle of cosmic force and fate ran its course, its blessings and fortunes were exhausted, all under Heaven fell into disorder, and the realm split apart. The wicked minister Cao Pi then seized the imperial regalia. Cao Pi's son Cao Rui succeeded him in wickedness and usurped titles to disorder the institutions. Quan was born in the southeast, encountered the appointed fortune, received Heaven's mandate and took up arms, his will set on saving the age, bearing the mandate to execute punishment—every step was taken for the people. Ministers, generals, chancellors, and officials of the hundred cities in the provinces and commanderies all held that Heaven's will had already departed from Han, the Han house had ended by Heaven's decree, the imperial seat stood empty, suburban sacrifice had no lord, auspicious signs and fine omens came one after another in profusion, and the succession rested upon his person—he could not but accept. Quan feared Heaven's command and dared not fail to obey reverently. He respectfully chose the auspicious day, ascended the altar with firewood burning, and assumed the imperial throne. May you, the spirits, accept this offering! May Wu be sustained on every side, and Heaven's pole be forever tranquil. Thereafter, considering that his residence was not in the central lands, he did not restore or establish the rites again. In his middle years, the ministers submitted a memorial proposing that suburban sacrifice should be restored. Quan said: "Suburban sacrifice should be performed in the central lands; the present place is not the proper one. They submitted again: "All under Heaven—none is not the king's land. A king takes all under Heaven as his home. Formerly King Wen and King Wu sacrificed at the suburbs in Feng and Hao—not necessarily in the central lands. Quan said: "King Wu attacked Zhou and took the throne at Haojing, and sacrificed at the suburbs in the place where he had assumed the throne. King Wen had not yet become Son of Heaven when he established suburban sacrifice at Feng—in what classic is this seen? They submitted again: "We have seen in the Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices in the Book of Han that Kuang Heng memorialized moving the suburban sacrifices from Ganquan and Hedong to Chang'an, stating that King Wen sacrificed at the suburbs in Feng. Quan said: "King Wen's virtue was humble and yielding; he occupied the position of a feudal lord—it is clear he had not yet sacrificed at the suburbs. The classics and commentaries have no clear text on this; it derives from the vulgar scholar Kuang Heng's arbitrary interpretation, not the correct meaning of the canonical texts, and cannot be used. Yu Xi's Forest of Records says: "The Lord of Wu corrected and refuted the suburban sacrifices and pursued condemnation of Kuang Heng; all who witnessed it sighed with approval and praised him. He Chengtian says: "Considering that Quan established his title and succeeded Heaven, yet his suburban sacrifices were deficient—this was certainly wrong. In his final years, although he performed one southern suburb sacrifice, he then had no northern suburb rite. Huan's Annals of Wu: "Quan wished to exalt the principle of honoring the father as companion to Heaven, and posthumously advanced his father Sun Jian with the exalted title Founding Ancestor of Wu. If this account is correct, then in Quan's final years at the suburban sacrifice, Sun Jian served as Heaven's companion. After Quan's death, the three successor rulers through the end of Wu performed no suburban sacrifice—thus Quan never enjoyed the rite of companion to the Supreme Lord."
8
劉備章武元年,即皇帝位,設壇。 「建安二十六年夏四月丙午,皇帝臣備,敢用玄牡,昭告皇天上帝、后土神祇。 漢有天下,曆數無疆。 曩者王莽篡盜,光武皇帝震怒致誅,社稷復享。 今曹操阻兵安忍,子丕載其凶逆,竊居神器。 羣臣將士以為社稷墮廢,備宜修之,嗣武二祖,龔行天罰。 備惟否德,懼忝帝位,詢于庶民,外及蠻夷君長,僉曰天命不可以不答,祖業不可以久替,四海不可以無主,率土式望,在備一人。 備畏天之威,又懼漢邦將湮于地。 謹擇元日,與百僚登壇,受皇帝璽綬。 修燔瘞,告類于大神。 惟大神尚饗! 祚于漢家,永綏四海。」
In the first year of Zhangwu, Liu Bei assumed the imperial throne and set up an altar. On the bingwu day of the fourth month of summer in the twenty-sixth year of Jian'an, the Emperor, your subject Liu Bei, ventures to use a black bull to announce clearly to Imperial Heaven, the Supreme Lord, and the spirits of Earth. Han possessed all under Heaven, and its succession was without limit. Formerly Wang Mang usurped the throne; Emperor Guangwu in wrath executed punishment, and the altars of soil and grain were restored. Now Cao Cao obstructed the army and was cruel and forbearing; his son Cao Pi carried on his wicked rebellion and usurped the imperial regalia. Ministers and generals held that the altars of soil and grain had fallen into ruin and Bei should restore them, succeeding the martial virtue of the two ancestors and carrying out Heaven's punishment. Bei alone lacks virtue and fears disgracing the imperial throne; he inquired of the common people, and extending outward to the chieftains of the barbarians, all said Heaven's command cannot go unanswered, the ancestral enterprise cannot long be set aside, the four seas cannot be without a lord—all the realm looked in hope to Bei alone. Bei feared Heaven's majesty and also feared that the Han domain would perish from the earth. He respectfully chose the auspicious day, ascended the altar with the hundred officials, and received the imperial seal and cord. He performed burning and burial offerings and announced his accession to the great spirits. May the great spirits accept this offering! May fortune rest upon the house of Han and forever bring peace to the four seas."
9
章武二年十月,詔丞相諸葛亮營南北郊于成都。
In the tenth month of the second year of Zhangwu, an edict ordered Chancellor Zhuge Liang to construct the southern and northern suburban altars at Chengdu.
10
魏元帝咸熙二年十二月甲子,使持節侍中太保鄭沖、兼太尉司隸校尉李憙奉皇帝璽綬策書,禪帝位于晉。 丙寅,晉設壇場于南郊,柴燎告類,未有祖配。 其文曰:「皇帝臣炎,敢用玄牡,明告于皇皇后帝。 魏帝稽協皇運,紹天明命,以命炎曰:『昔者唐堯禪位虞舜,虞舜又以禪禹,邁德垂訓,多歷年載。 暨漢德既衰,太祖武皇帝撥亂濟民,扶翼劉氏,又用受禪于漢。 粵在魏室,仍世多故,幾於顛墜,實賴有晉匡拯之德,用獲保厥肆祀,弘濟于艱難。 此則晉之有大造于魏也。 誕惟四方之民,罔不祗順,開國建侯,宣禮明刑,廓清梁、岷,苞懷揚、越,函夏興仁,八紘同軌,遐邇馳義,祥瑞屢臻,天人協應,無思不服。 肆予憲章三后,用集大命于茲。』 炎惟德不嗣,辭不獲命。 於是羣公卿士,百辟庶僚,黎獻陪隸,暨于百蠻君長,僉曰:『皇天鑒下,求民之瘼,既有成命,固非克讓所得距違。』 天序不可以無統,人神不可以曠主,炎虔奉皇運,畏天之威,敢不欽承休命,敬簡元辰,升壇受禪,告類上帝,以永答民望,敷佑萬國。 惟明德是饗。」
On the jiazi day of the twelfth month of the second year of Xixi under Emperor Yuan of Wei, Commissioner with the Staff of Authority, Palace Attendant, and Grand Guardian Zheng Chong, together with Acting Grand Commandant and Director of the Secretariat Li Xi, presented the imperial seal and cord along with the abdication decree, yielding the throne to Jin. On the bingyin day, Jin set up the altar platform at the southern suburb, burned firewood to announce the accession, and performed no ancestral accompaniment. The text reads: "The Emperor, your subject Sima Yan, ventures to use a black bull to announce clearly to Imperial Imperial Emperor and Empress. The Emperor of Wei examined and harmonized with the imperial fortune, continuing Heaven's bright command, and commanded Yan, saying: "Formerly Tang Yao abdicated to Yu Shun, and Yu Shun in turn abdicated to Yu—passing down virtue and leaving instruction through many years. When Han virtue had declined, the Great Ancestor Emperor Wu quelled disorder and aided the people, supported the Liu house, and in turn received the abdication from Han. In the house of Wei, generation after generation faced many troubles and nearly fell into ruin; it truly relied on Jin's virtue of righting and saving, thereby preserving its sacrifices and receiving great aid in hardship. This is the great debt Jin owed to Wei. Extending to the people of the four directions, none failed to obey reverently; founding states and establishing marquisates, proclaiming ritual and clarifying punishments, clearing Liang and Min, embracing Yang and Yue, within the central lands benevolence arose, the eight directions shared one track, far and near hastened in righteousness, auspicious omens repeatedly arrived, Heaven and humanity harmonized in response—none who considered it failed to submit. Therefore I take as model the three sovereigns and thereby gather the great Mandate here. Yan alone lacked virtue to succeed and in declining could not obtain permission. Thereupon the dukes, ministers, scholars, the hundred officials and common functionaries, the people and attendant servants, extending to the chieftains of the hundred barbarians, all said: "Imperial Heaven looks down, seeking the people's afflictions; since the accomplished command already exists, it truly cannot be resisted by declining. Heaven's order cannot be without succession; humanity and the spirits cannot be without a lord. Yan reverently received the imperial fortune, feared Heaven's majesty, and dared not fail to accept the fine command respectfully, respectfully choosing the auspicious day, ascending the altar to receive the abdication, announcing his accession to the Supreme Lord, thereby forever answering the people's hope and spreading blessing over the myriad states. May only the bright virtue be accepted."
11
泰始二年正月,詔曰:「有司前奏郊祀權用魏禮。 朕不慮改作之難,今便為永制。 眾議紛互,遂不時定,不得以時供饗神祀,配以祖考,日夕歎企,貶食忘安。 其便郊祀。」 時羣臣又議:「五帝,即天也,五氣時異,故殊其號。 雖名有五,其實一神。 明堂南郊,宜除五帝之坐。 五郊改五精之號,皆同稱昊天上帝,各設一坐而已。 北郊又除先后配祀。」 帝悉從之。 二月丁丑,郊祀宣皇帝以配天,宗祀文皇帝於明堂,以配上帝。 是年十一月,有司又議奏:「古者丘郊不異,宜并圓丘方澤於南北郊,更修治壇兆。 其二至之祀,合於二郊。」 帝又從之。 一如宣帝所用王肅議也。 是月庚寅冬至,帝親祠圓丘於南郊。 自是後,圓丘方澤不別立至今矣。
In the first month of the second year of Taishi, an edict said: "The responsible officials previously memorialized that suburban sacrifice should provisionally use Wei's rites. I did not consider the difficulty of changing and establishing anew; now let it be made the permanent institution. The multitude of discussions were confused and intermingled, and thus it was not settled in season; I could not in season offer sacrifice to the spirits and gods with the ancestors and late fathers as companions—day and night I sighed and looked forward, reducing my food and forgetting rest. Let suburban sacrifice be performed forthwith. At this time the ministers again discussed: "The Five Emperors are Heaven; the five cosmic forces differ with the seasons, and therefore their titles differ. Although the names are five, in reality it is one deity. At the Bright Hall and southern suburb, the seats of the Five Emperors should be removed. At the five suburbs, the titles of the five essences should be changed; all alike are titled August Heaven Supreme Lord, with only one seat established for each. At the northern suburb, the accompanying sacrifice of the former and later empresses was also removed. The emperor accepted all of these proposals. On the dingchou day of the second month, he sacrificed at the suburbs to Emperor Xuan as Heaven's companion and performed ancestral sacrifice to Emperor Wen at the Bright Hall as companion to the Supreme Lord. In the eleventh month of that year, the responsible officials again memorialized: "In antiquity the mound altar and suburban sacrifice were not distinct; the Round Mound and Square Pond should be combined with the southern and northern suburbs, and the altar sites should be repaired anew. The sacrifices of the two solstices should be combined with the two suburbs. The emperor again accepted this proposal. This followed entirely the proposal of Wang Su that Emperor Xuan had adopted. In that month, on the gengyin day at the winter solstice, the emperor personally sacrificed at the Round Mound in the southern suburb. From this time onward, the Round Mound and Square Pond have not been separately established down to the present.
12
太康十年十月,乃更詔曰:「孝經『郊祀后稷以配天,宗祀文王於明堂,以配上帝』。 而周官云:『祀天旅上帝。』 又曰:『祀地旅四望。』 四望非地,則明上帝不得為天也。 往者眾議除明堂五帝位,考之禮文正經不通。 且詩序曰:『文、武之功,起於后稷。』 故推以配天焉。 宣帝以神武創業,既已配天,復以先帝配天,於義亦不安。 其復明堂及南郊五帝位。」
In the tenth month of the tenth year of Taikang, another edict said: "The Classic of Filial Piety says, 'Sacrifice at the suburbs to Hou Ji as companion to Heaven; perform ancestral sacrifice to King Wen at the Bright Hall as companion to the Supreme Lord. Yet the Offices of Zhou says: 'In sacrificing to Heaven, present offerings to the Supreme Lord.' It also says: 'In sacrificing to Earth, present offerings to the Four Expanse.' The Four Expanse are not Earth, which makes clear that the Supreme Lord cannot be Heaven. Formerly the multitude discussed removing the Five Emperors' seats from the Bright Hall; examined against ritual texts and canonical classics, this does not accord. Moreover the Preface to the Odes says: 'The achievements of Wen and Wu began with Hou Ji.' Therefore he is advanced as companion to Heaven. Emperor Xuan by divine martial prowess founded the enterprise and was already Heaven's companion; to have the former emperor again as Heaven's companion is also improper in principle. Let the Five Emperors' seats at the Bright Hall and southern suburb be restored."
13
晉武帝太康三年正月,帝親郊祀。 皇太子、皇弟、皇子悉侍祠,非前典也。
In the first month of the third year of Taikang, Emperor Wu of Jin personally performed suburban sacrifice. The crown prince, imperial younger brothers, and imperial sons all attended the sacrifice—this was not a former precedent.
14
愍帝都長安,未及立郊廟而敗。
Emperor Min was at Chang'an and had not yet time to establish suburban temples before defeat.
15
元帝中興江南,太興元年,始更立郊兆。 其制度皆太常賀循依據漢、晉之舊也。 三月辛卯,帝親郊祀,饗配之禮,一依武帝始郊故事。 初尚書令刁協、國子祭酒杜夷,議宜須旋都洛邑乃修之。 司徒荀組據漢獻帝居許,即便立郊,自宜於此修奉。 驃騎王導、僕射荀崧、太常華恒、中書侍郎庾亮皆同組議。 事遂施行。 按元帝紹命中興,依漢氏故事,宜享明堂宗祀之禮。 江左不立明堂,故闕焉。
When Emperor Yuan restored the dynasty south of the Yangzi, in the first year of Taixing he first rebuilt the suburban shrine sites. The institutions all followed Han and Jin precedents as laid out by Minister of Ceremonies He Xun. On the xinmao day of the third month, the emperor personally performed suburban sacrifice; the rites of offering and accompaniment all followed the precedent of Emperor Wu's first suburban sacrifice. Initially Minister of the Secretariat Diao Xie and Director of the Imperial Academy Du Yi argued that restoration should wait until the capital returned to Luoyang. Minister of Works Xun Zu cited that when Emperor Xian of Han resided at Xu, he immediately established the suburbs; it was fitting to restore and perform them here. Swift Cavalry General Wang Dao, Vice Director Xun Song, Minister of Ceremonies Hua Heng, and Secretariat Gentleman Yu Liang all agreed with Zu's proposal. The matter was then carried out. Considering that Emperor Yuan in his restoration mandate followed Han precedents, he should have enjoyed the Bright Hall ancestral sacrifice rites. East of the Yangzi no Bright Hall was established, and therefore this was omitted.
16
明帝太寧三年七月,始詔立北郊。 未及建而帝崩,故成帝咸和八年正月,追述前旨,於覆舟山南立之。 是月辛未,祀北郊,始以宣穆張皇后配地。 魏氏故事,非晉舊也。
In the seventh month of the third year of Taining of Emperor Ming, an edict first ordered establishment of the northern suburb. Before construction was completed the emperor died; therefore in the first month of the eighth year of Xianhe of Emperor Cheng, following the earlier intent, it was established south of Mount Fuzhou. On the xinwei day of that month, the northern suburb was sacrificed to; for the first time Empress Xuanmu Zhang served as Earth's companion. This was a Wei precedent, not an old Jin institution.
17
康帝建元元年正月,將北郊,有疑議。 太常顧和表曰:「泰始中,合二至之祀於二郊。 北郊之月,古無明文,或以夏至,或同用陽復。 漢光武正月辛未,始建北郊。 此則與南郊同月。 及中興草創,百度從簡,合北郊於一丘。 憲章未備,權用斯禮,蓋時宜也。 至咸和中,議別立北郊,同用正月。 魏承後漢,正月祭天,以地配,而稱周禮,三王之郊,一用夏正。」 於是從和議。 是月辛未,南郊。 辛巳,北郊。 帝皆親奉。
In the first month of the first year of Jianyuan of Emperor Kang, as the northern suburb was about to be performed, there was disputed discussion. Minister of Ceremonies Gu He memorialized: "In the Taishi period, the sacrifices of the two solstices were combined with the two suburbs. The month for the northern suburb has no clear text in antiquity; some use the summer solstice, or likewise use the return of yang. Emperor Guangwu of Han, on the xinwei day of the first month, first established the northern suburb. Thus it was in the same month as the southern suburb. At the restoration when institutions were newly established, the hundred regulations were simplified, and the northern suburb was combined on one mound. The statutes were not complete; provisionally this rite was used—this was what the time required. By the Xianhe period, discussion proposed separately establishing the northern suburb, using the same first month. Wei inherited Later Han and in the first month sacrificed to Heaven with Earth as companion, yet called it Zhou ritual—that the suburban sacrifices of the three kings all used the first month of summer. Thereupon they followed He's proposal. On the xinwei day of that month, the southern suburb sacrifice was performed. On the xinsi day, the northern suburb sacrifice was performed. The emperor personally performed both.
18
安帝元興三年三月,宋高祖討桓玄走之。 己卯,告義功于南郊。 是年,帝蒙塵江陵未返。 其明年應郊。 朝議以為宜依周禮,宗伯攝職,三公行事。 尚書左丞王訥之獨曰:「既殯郊祀,自是天子當陽,有君存焉,禀命而行,何所辨也。 齋之與否,豈如今日之比乎。 議者又云今宜郊,故是承制所得命三公行事。 又郊天極尊,唯一而已,故非天子不祀也。 庶人以上,莫不蒸嘗,嫡子居外,庶子執事,禮文炳然。 未有不親受命而可祭天者。 又武皇受禪,用二月郊,元帝中興,以三月郊。 今郊時未過,日望輿駕。 無為欲速而無據,使皇輿旋返,更不得親奉。」 遂從訥之議。
In the third month of the third year of Yuanxing of Emperor An, the founding emperor of Song pursued Huan Xuan in defeat. On the jimao day, he announced the merit of the righteous enterprise at the southern suburb. That year the emperor was in exile at Jiangling and had not returned. The following year the suburban sacrifice was due. Court discussion held that one should follow Zhou ritual, with the Minister of Rites acting in proxy and the Three Dukes performing the ceremony. Left Assistant Director of the Secretariat Wang Nazhi alone said: "Since the suburban sacrifice follows the burial, it is naturally the Son of Heaven who should face the sun; with a lord present, one receives the command and acts—what is there to distinguish? Whether to fast or not—how can it be compared to the present situation? Those discussing also said that the suburban sacrifice should now be performed, and therefore it was by imperial command that the Three Dukes should perform the ceremony. Moreover sacrifice to Heaven is supremely exalted—there is only one; therefore none but the Son of Heaven performs sacrifice. Commoners and above all perform seasonal offerings; when the heir resides outside, the secondary son performs the service—the ritual texts are brilliantly clear. There has never been one who could sacrifice to Heaven without personally receiving the command. Moreover Emperor Wu received the abdication and used the second month for suburban sacrifice; Emperor Yuan at the restoration used the third month. Now the time for suburban sacrifice has not passed, and day by day one looks for the imperial carriage. Do not, wishing for speed without basis, cause the imperial carriage to turn back so that he can no longer perform it personally. They thereupon followed Nazhi's proposal.
19
晉恭帝元熙二年五月,遣使奉策,禪帝位于宋。 永初元年六月丁卯,設壇南郊,受皇帝璽紱,柴燎告類。 策曰:「皇帝臣裕,敢用玄牡,昭告皇皇后帝。 晉帝以卜世告終,曆數有歸,欽若景運,以命于裕。 夫樹君司民,天下為公,德充帝王,樂推攸集。 越俶唐、虞,降暨漢、魏,靡不以上哲格文祖,元勳陟帝位,故能大拯黔黎,垂訓無窮。 晉自東遷,四維弗樹,宰輔焉依,為日已久。 難棘隆安,禍成元興,遂至帝王遷播,宗祀湮滅。 裕雖地非齊、晉,眾無一旅,仰憤時難,俯悼橫流,投袂一麾,則皇祚剋復。 及危而能持,顛而能扶,姦宄具殲,僭偽必滅。 誠否終必泰,興廢有期。 至於撥亂濟民,大造晉室,因藉時運,以尸其勞。 加以殊俗慕義,重譯來款,正朔所暨,咸服聲教。 至乃三靈垂象,山川告祥,人神和協,歲月茲著。 是以羣公卿士,億兆夷人,僉曰皇靈隆鑒於上,晉朝款誠於下,天命不可以久淹,宸極不可以暫曠。 遂逼羣議,恭茲大禮。 猥以寡德,託于兆民之上。 雖仰畏天威,略是小節,顧深永懷,祗懼若厲。 敬簡元日,升壇受禪,告類上帝,用酬萬國之嘉望。 克隆天保,永祚于有宋。 惟明靈是饗。」
In the fifth month of the second year of Yuanxi of Emperor Gong of Jin, envoys were dispatched bearing the written decree, yielding the throne to Song. On the dingmao day of the sixth month of the first year of Yongchu, an altar was set up at the southern suburb; he received the imperial seal and cord, burned firewood and announced his accession. The decree read: "The Emperor, your subject Liu Yu, ventures to use a black bull to announce clearly to Imperial Imperial Emperor and Empress. The Emperor of Jin announced that his allotted span had ended and the succession had its destination; reverently following the bright fortune, he commanded Yu. To establish a lord and govern the people—the realm is public; when virtue fills the imperial position, the people's joyful submission gathers. Transcending Tang and Yu, descending to Han and Wei, none failed to have the supreme sage attain the culture-ancestor and the founding merit ascend the imperial position, thereby greatly saving the black-haired people and leaving instruction without end. Since Jin moved east, the four bonds were not established and one relied on chancellors and assistants—for many days already. Hardship pricked at Long'an, disaster formed at Yuanxing, reaching the point where emperors and kings were driven away and ancestral sacrifices were extinguished. Though Yu's territory was not like Qi and Jin and his hosts were not a single brigade, looking up he grieved at the age's hardship and looking down he mourned the flood of calamity; with a wave of his sleeve he restored the imperial fortune. In danger he could hold firm, in overturn he could support; traitors and villains were all destroyed, usurpers and pretenders were certainly extinguished. Truly, denial ends and peace must come; rise and fall have their season. As for quelling disorder and aiding the people, the great achievement for the house of Jin—by relying on the fortune of the time, he undertook its labors. Moreover foreign peoples admired righteousness and came with repeated tribute at the border; wherever the calendar reached, all submitted to the transforming influence. Even the three numina displayed omens, mountains and rivers reported auspicious signs, humanity and the spirits harmonized, and the years bore witness. Therefore the dukes, ministers, scholars, and the hundred million common people all said the imperial spirits looked down with lofty scrutiny and the Jin court showed sincerity below; Heaven's command cannot long be delayed, the imperial throne cannot briefly stand vacant. Thus compelled by the multitude's discussion, he respectfully performed this great rite. Humbly with meager virtue, he was placed above the hundred million people. Though looking up in awe of Heaven's majesty is a small matter, he turned his thoughts to what lay far ahead and in reverent fear was as if in peril. Respectfully choosing the auspicious day, he ascended the altar to receive the abdication, announced his accession to the Supreme Lord, thereby answering the myriad states' fine hope. May the heavenly blessing be duplicated and fortune forever rest upon Song. May the bright spirits accept this offering!"
20
永初元年,皇太子拜告南北郊。
In the first year of Yongchu, the crown prince paid respects and announced at the southern and northern suburbs.
21
永初二年正月上辛,上親郊祀。
On the upper xin day of the first month of the second year of Yongchu, the emperor personally performed suburban sacrifice.
22
文帝元嘉三年,車駕西征謝晦,幣告二郊。
In the third year of Yuanjia of Emperor Wen, as the imperial carriage campaigned west against Xie Hui, silks were offered to announce at the two suburbs.
23
孝武帝孝建元年六月癸巳,八座奏:「劉義宣、臧質,干時犯順,滔天作戾,連結淮、岱,謀危宗社。 質反之始,戒嚴之日,二郊廟社,皆已遍陳。 其義宣為逆,未經同告。 輿駕將發,醜徒冰消,質既梟懸,義宣禽獲,二寇俱殄,並宜昭告。 檢元嘉三年討謝晦之始,普告二郊、太廟。 賊既平蕩,唯告太廟、太社,不告二郊。」 禮官博議。 太學博士徐宏、孫勃、陸澄議:「禮無不報。 始既遍告,今賊已禽,不應不同。」 國子助教蘇瑋生議:「案王制,天子巡狩,『歸,假于祖禰』。 又曾子問:『諸侯適天子,告于祖,奠于禰,命祝史告于社稷宗廟山川。 告用牲幣,反亦如之。 諸侯相見,反必告于祖禰,乃命祝史告至于前所告者。』 又云:『天子諸侯將出,必以幣帛皮圭,告于祖禰。 反必告至。』 天子諸侯,雖事有小大,其禮略鈞,告出告至,理不得殊。 鄭云:『出入禮同。』 其義甚明。 天子出征,類于上帝,推前所告者歸必告至,則宜告郊,不復容疑。 元嘉三年,唯告廟社,未詳其義。 或當以禮記唯云『歸假祖禰』,而無告郊之辭。 果立此義,彌所未達。 夫禮記殘缺之書,本無備體,折簡敗字,多所闕略。 正應推例求意,不可動必徵文。 天子反行告社,亦無成記,何故告郊,獨當致嫌。 但出入必告,蓋孝敬之心。 既以告歸為義,本非獻捷之禮。 今輿駕竟未出宮,無容有告至之文。 若陳告不行之禮,則為未有前准。 愚謂祝史致辭,以昭誠信。 苟其義舛於禮,自可從實而闕。 臣等參議,以應告為允,宜並用牲告南北二郊、太廟、太社,依舊公卿行事。」 詔可。
On the guisi day of the sixth month of the first year of Xiaojian of Emperor Xiaowu, the Eight Ministers memorialized: "Liu Yixuan and Zang Zhi, defying the time and violating obedience, filled Heaven with wickedness, linking Huai and Dai in conspiracy against the altars of state. From the day when Zhi first rebelled and the army was placed on alert, the two suburbs, temples, and altars had all already been fully announced. Yixuan's rebellion had not yet been jointly announced. As the imperial carriage was about to set out, the wicked troops melted away; Zhi was already displayed on the gibbet and Yixuan captured—both rebels were destroyed and all should be clearly announced. Examining the beginning of the campaign against Xie Hui in the third year of Yuanjia, announcement was made everywhere at the two suburbs and the Imperial Temple. When the rebels were pacified, announcement was made only at the Imperial Temple and Grand Altar of Soil and Grain, not at the two suburbs. The ritual officials broadly discussed. Erudites of the Imperial Academy Xu Hong, Sun Bo, and Lu Cheng discussed: "In ritual there is no failure to report. Since at the beginning announcement was made everywhere, now that the rebels have been captured, they should not differ. Assistant Instructor of the National University Su Weisheng discussed: "Considering the Royal Regulations: when the Son of Heaven tours, 'upon return, he rests at the ancestral temples of father and forefather. In Zengzi's Questions it also says: 'When feudal lords go to the Son of Heaven, they announce at the ancestor, set out offerings at the forefather, and command the invocator-historian to announce at the altars of soil and grain, ancestral temple, mountains, and rivers. Announcement uses victims and silks; upon return it is likewise. When lords paid visits to one another, they always announced their return to the ancestral temples, then ordered the invocator-scribe to report their arrival at every shrine that had been notified before they set out. It also states: "Before the Son of Heaven or any feudal lord departed, silk offerings, hides, and jade tokens had to be presented in announcement at the ancestral temples. On returning, they had to announce that they had arrived safely. Whether the business was great or small, the rites for the Son of Heaven and for feudal lords were broadly the same: the duty to announce on departure and on return could not logically differ. Zheng Xuan comments: "The ceremonies for departure and return are identical. That meaning is perfectly clear. When the Son of Heaven went to war, he performed the border sacrifice to the Supreme Lord; by the same logic that required announcing one's return to every shrine notified before departure, announcing at the suburban altars was obligatory and left no room for doubt. In the third year of Yuanjia, only the temple and Grand Altar of Soil and Grain were notified; the reasoning behind that choice remains unclear. Perhaps they relied on the Book of Rites passage that speaks only of "returning to rest at the ancestral temples," with no mention of announcing at the suburbs. If that was truly their rationale, I cannot fathom it at all. The Book of Rites is a damaged work to begin with, never a complete compendium; broken bamboo slips and corrupted characters have left countless gaps. The proper course is to infer meaning from parallel examples, not to demand explicit wording for every step. Even the emperor's return announcement at the Grand Altar of Soil and Grain has no fixed precedent in the records—why should announcing at the suburbs alone be treated as suspect? The requirement to announce departure and return springs from filial reverence—it is nothing more than that. The point is to announce one's safe return, not to perform the rite of presenting a military victory. On this occasion the emperor's procession never left the palace—there is no occasion for a return-announcement text. To invent a ceremony announcing that the campaign was never launched would be without any precedent. I take the invocator-scribe's formal declaration to be a matter of signaling sincerity and good faith. When the rite's logic does not fit the facts, it is right to omit the declaration altogether. We have deliberated together and hold that announcements are appropriate: victims should be offered in announcement at both suburban altars, the Grand Temple, and the Grand Altar of Soil and Grain, with the great ministers officiating as in former practice.' The edict approved it.
24
孝建二年正月庚寅,有司奏:「今月十五日南郊。 尋舊儀,廟祠至尊親奉,以太尉亞獻; 南郊親奉,以太常亞獻。 又廟祠行事之始,以酒灌地; 送神則不灌。 而郊初灌,同之於廟,送神又灌,議儀不同,於事有疑。 輒下禮官詳正。」 太學博士王祀之議:「案周禮,大宗伯『佐王保國,以吉禮事鬼神祇,禋祀昊天』。 則今太常是也。 以郊天,太常亞獻。 又周禮外宗云:『王后不與,則贊宗伯。』 鄭玄云:『后不與祭,宗伯攝其事。』 又說云:『君執圭瓚祼尸,大宗伯執璋瓚亞獻。』 中代以來,后不廟祭,則應依禮大宗伯攝亞獻也。 而今以太尉亞獻。 鄭注禮月令云:『三王有司馬,無太尉。 太尉,秦官也。』 蓋世代彌久,宗廟崇敬,攝后事重,故以上公亞獻。」 又議:「履時之思,情深於霜露; 室戶之感,有懷於容聲。 不知神之所在,求之不以一處。 鄭注儀禮有司云,天子諸侯祭於祊而繹。 繹又祭也。 今廟祠闕送神之祼,將移祭於祊繹,明在於留神,未得而殺。 禮郊廟祭殊,故灌送有異。」 太常丞朱膺之議:「案周禮,大宗伯使掌典禮,以事神為上,職總祭祀,而昊天為首。 今太常即宗伯也。 又尋袁山松漢百官志云:『郊祀之事,太尉掌亞獻,光祿掌三獻。 太常每祭祀,先奏其禮儀及行事,掌贊天子。』 無掌獻事。 如儀志,漢亞獻之事,專由上司,不由秩宗貴官也。 今宗廟太尉亞獻,光祿三獻,則漢儀也。 又賀循制太尉由東南道升壇,明此官必預郊祭。 古禮雖由宗伯,然世有因革,上司亞獻,漢儀所行。 愚謂郊祀禮重,宜同宗廟。 且太常既掌贊天子,事不容兼。 又尋灌事,禮記曰:『祭求諸陰陽之義也。 殷人先求諸陽。』 『樂三闋然後迎牲』。 則殷人後灌也。 『周人先求諸陰』,『灌用鬯。 達於淵泉。 既灌,然後迎牲』。 則周人先灌也。 此謂廟祭,非謂郊祠。 案周禮天官:『凡祭祀贊王祼將之事。』 鄭注云:『祼者,灌也。 唯人道宗廟有灌,天地大神至尊不灌。』 而郊未始有灌,於禮未詳。 淵儒注義,炳然明審。 謂今之有灌,相承為失,則宜無灌。」 通關八座丞郎博士,並同膺之議。 尚書令建平王宏重參議,謂膺之議為允。 詔可。
On gengyin day in the first month of Xiaojian 2, the responsible officials submitted: "The southern suburban sacrifice falls on the fifteenth of this month. Under the old regulations, at temple sacrifices the emperor himself led the rite, with the Grand Commandant performing the secondary libation; at the southern suburban sacrifice he likewise officiated in person, with the Minister of Ceremonies performing the secondary libation. At temple rites, moreover, the ceremony opened with pouring wine on the ground; but when the spirits were dismissed, no libation was poured. At the suburban altar, libation occurred both at the opening and at the dismissal of the spirits—unlike the temple practice—raising doubts about which rite was correct. We request that the ritual officials examine and resolve these discrepancies. Wang Sizhi, Erudite of the Imperial Academy, argued: "The Rites of Zhou assigns the Chief Ritualist to 'assist the king in guarding the realm, serving spirits and deities through auspicious ritual, and performing the smoke sacrifice to August Heaven. That office corresponds to today's Minister of Ceremonies. For the suburban sacrifice to Heaven, the Minister of Ceremonies should perform the secondary libation. The Rites of Zhou also states, in the section on the Outer Ceremonialist: 'When the queen consort does not attend, she assists the Ritualist. Zheng Xuan explains: 'When the queen does not attend the sacrifice, the Ritualist takes charge of it. His commentary also states: 'The ruler holds the libation cup and pours for the deceased; the Chief Ritualist holds the long-handled libation cup and performs the secondary libation. Since middle antiquity the empress no longer participated in temple sacrifices; by that logic the Chief Ritualist ought to stand in for her at the secondary libation. Yet in current practice the Grand Commandant performs the secondary libation. Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Monthly Ordinances notes: 'The Three Dynasties had a Minister of War, not a Grand Commandant. The Grand Commandant was a Qin institution. Over time reverence for the ancestral temple deepened, and standing in for the empress became a weighty duty—hence a senior duke was assigned the secondary libation.' He further argued: "The filial feeling that comes when one walks the seasons runs deeper than frost and dew; at the door of the ancestral chamber one is moved by the echo of a familiar voice. Since one cannot know where the spirits dwell, one seeks them in more than one place. Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Officers section of the Ceremonial Rites states that the Son of Heaven and feudal lords offer at the side altar and then perform the follow-up sacrifice. The follow-up offering is itself another sacrifice. Temple ritual today omits the farewell libation because the offering is shifted to the side-altar follow-up sacrifice—the spirits are being detained, not yet released. Suburban and temple rites differ by design, and so their libation practices at dismissal should differ as well. Zhu Yingzhi, Assistant Director of the Minister of Ceremonies, argued: "The Rites of Zhou charges the Chief Ritualist with canonical ritual, ranking service to the spirits above all else and overseeing every sacrifice—with August Heaven foremost. Today's Minister of Ceremonies is that same Chief Ritualist. Yuan Shunsong's Register of Han Offices further records: 'At suburban sacrifices the Grand Commandant performed the secondary libation and the Supervisor of Attendants the tertiary libation. At every sacrifice the Minister of Ceremonies reported the ritual order in advance and stood beside the emperor to assist him. He had no duty of performing the libations. The ritual records show that in Han times secondary libation was always the province of senior ministers, not the exalted Minister of Ceremonies. Today the Grand Commandant's secondary libation and the Supervisor of Attendants' tertiary libation at the ancestral temple follow Han practice. He Xun's regulations also require the Grand Commandant to ascend the altar by the southeast ramp—clear proof that this officer must take part in the suburban sacrifice. Ancient rite may have assigned the secondary libation to the Ritualist, but custom changes with the age; the senior minister's secondary libation is what Han practice established. I believe the suburban sacrifice is no less solemn than the ancestral rites, and the two should be aligned. And the Minister of Ceremonies already assists the emperor throughout the ceremony—he cannot take on a second major role. On the question of libation, the Book of Rites says: 'Sacrifice seeks communion between yin and yang. The Yin dynasty first sought the yang principle.' After three movements of music, the victim was brought in. Thus the Yin people poured the libation only after that. 'The Zhou people first sought the yin principle.' 'Libation used fragrant wine, reaching down to the deep springs. Only after the libation was the victim brought in. Thus the Zhou people poured libation first. All of this concerns temple sacrifice, not the suburban rite. The Heavenly Offices section of the Rites of Zhou states: 'At all sacrifices, assist the king in libation and offering. Zheng Xuan explains: 'Libation (guan) means pouring (guan). Only human ancestors in the temple receive poured libations; Heaven and Earth, supreme among spirits, do not. Suburban sacrifice never included libation in the first place, so its presence in current practice is ritually dubious. The commentaries of the great ritual scholars leave no doubt. If the libations now performed are an inherited error, they should be abolished. The matter was circulated among the Eight Ministers, their assistants, gentlemen, and erudites, and all endorsed Zhu Yingzhi's view. The Director of the Masters of Writing, Prince Liu Hong of Pingjian, reviewed the debate again and found Zhu Yingzhi's proposal acceptable. An edict approved it.
25
大明二年正月丙午朔,有司奏:「今月六日南郊,輿駕親奉。 至時或雨。 魏世值雨,高堂隆謂應更用後辛。 晉時既出遇雨,顧和亦云宜更告。 徐禪云:『晉武之世,或用丙,或用己,或用庚。』 使禮官議正并詳。 若得遷日,應更告廟與不?」 博士王燮之議稱:「遇雨遷郊,則先代成議。 禮傳所記,辛日有徵。 郊特牲曰:『郊之用辛也,周之始郊日以至。』 鄭玄注曰:『三王之郊,一用夏正。 用辛者,取其齋戒自新也。』 又月令曰:『乃擇元日,祈穀于上帝。』 注曰:『元日,謂上辛。 郊祭天也。』 又春秋載郊有二,成十七年九月辛丑,郊。 公羊曰:『曷用郊? 用正月上辛。』 哀元年四月辛巳,郊。 穀梁曰:『自正月至于三月,郊之時也。 以十二月下辛卜正月上辛。 如不從,以正月下辛卜二月上辛。 如不從,以二月下辛卜三月上辛。』 以斯明之,則郊祭之禮,未有不用辛日者也。 晉氏或丙、或己、或庚,並有別議。 武帝以十二月丙寅南郊受禪,斯則不得用辛也。 又泰始二年十一月己卯,始并圓丘方澤二至之祀合於二郊。 三年十一月庚寅冬至祠天,郊于圓丘。 是猶用圓丘之禮,非專祈穀之祭,故又不得用辛也。 今之郊饗,既行夏時,雖得遷却,謂宜猶必用辛也。 徐禪所據,或為未宜。 又案郊特牲曰:『受命于祖廟,作龜于禰宮。』 鄭玄注曰:『受命,謂告退而卜也。』 則告義在郊,非為告日。 今日雖有遷,而郊祀不異,愚謂不宜重告。」 曹郎朱膺之議:「案先儒論郊,其議不一。 周禮有冬至日圓丘之祭。 月令孟春有祈穀于上帝。 鄭氏說,圓丘祀昊天上帝,以帝嚳配,所謂禘也。 祈穀祀五精之帝,以后稷配,所謂郊也。 二祭異時,其神不同。 諸儒云,圓丘之祭,以后稷配。 取其所在,名之曰郊。 以形體言之,謂之圓丘。 名雖有二,其實一祭。 晉武捨鄭而從諸儒,是以郊用冬至日。 既以至日,理無常辛。 然則晉代中原不用辛日郊,如徐禪議也。 江左以來,皆用正月,當以傳云三王之郊,各以其正,晉不改正朔,行夏之時,故因以首歲,不以冬日,皆用上辛,近代成典也。 夫祭之禮,『過時不舉』。 今在孟春,郊時未過,值雨遷日,於禮無違。 既已告日,而以事不從,禋祀重敬,謂宜更告。 高堂隆云:『九日南郊,十日北郊。』 是為北郊可不以辛也。」 尚書何偃議:「鄭玄注禮記,引易說三王之郊,一用夏正。 周禮,凡國大事,多用正歲。 左傳又啟蟄而郊。 則鄭之此說,誠有據矣。 眾家異議,或云三王各用其正郊天,此蓋曲學之辯,於禮無取。 固知穀梁三春皆可郊之月,真所謂膚淺也。 然用辛之說,莫不必同。 晉郊庚己,參差未見前徵。 愚謂宜從晉遷郊依禮用辛。 燮之以受命作龜,知告不在日,學之密也。」 右丞徐爰議以為:「郊祀用辛,有礙遷日,禮官祠曹,考詳已備。 何偃據禮,不應重告,愚情所同。 尋告郊剋辰,於今宜改,告事而已。 次辛十日,居然展齋,養牲在滌,無緣三月。 謂毛血告牷之後,雖有事礙,便應有司行事,不容遷郊。」 眾議不同。 參議:「宜依經,遇雨遷用後辛,不重告。 若殺牲薦血之後值雨,則有司行事。」 詔可。
On the new moon of the first month of the second year of Daming, the responsible officials submitted: "The southern suburban sacrifice falls on the sixth of this month, and the emperor will officiate in person. Rain may fall on that day. Under Wei, when rain fell, Gao Tanglong argued that the rite should be moved to the next xin day. In Jin, when the procession had already set out and met rain, Gu He likewise held that a fresh announcement was required. Xu Chan notes that under Emperor Wu of Jin, make-up dates sometimes fell on bing days, sometimes on ji or geng days. We ask the ritual officials to settle these questions in full. If the date is postponed, must the ancestral temple be notified again? Wang Xiezhi, Erudite of the Academy, argued: "Postponing the suburban sacrifice because of rain was settled practice in earlier dynasties. The ritual classics also provide clear precedent for xin days. The Suburban Sacrifice chapter states: 'The suburban rite uses a xin day; when Zhou first performed it, the season had just arrived. Zheng Xuan explains: 'All three dynasties held their suburban sacrifices in the first month of the Xia calendar. They chose xin days for their associations with fasting, purification, and renewal. The Monthly Ordinances also commands: 'Choose the primal day and pray for grain to the Supreme Lord. The commentary defines 'primal day' as the first xin day of the month. The suburban sacrifice is the rite of Heaven. The Spring and Autumn Annals records two suburban sacrifices: in Duke Cheng's seventeenth year, on xinchou day of the ninth month; and in the Gongyang commentary: 'Why hold a suburban sacrifice? On the first xin of the first month. In Duke Ai's first year, on xinsi day of the fourth month, again a suburban sacrifice. The Guliang commentary explains: 'From the first month through the third month is the season for the suburban sacrifice. On the last xin of the twelfth month one divined the first xin of the first month; if Heaven did not approve, one divined again from the last xin of the first month toward the first xin of the second; and if still not approved, from the last xin of the second month toward the first xin of the third. From this it is clear that the suburban sacrifice was never performed except on a xin day. When the Jin dynasty used bing, ji, or geng days instead, each case rested on special arguments. When Emperor Wu received the abdication at the southern suburban altar on bingyin day in the twelfth month, that was plainly not a xin day. In the second year of Taishi, on jimao day of the eleventh month, the court first merged the Round Mound and Square Pond solstice rites into the two suburban sacrifices. In the third year, on gengyin day of the eleventh month at the winter solstice, Heaven was worshipped with a suburban sacrifice at the Round Mound. That ceremony followed the Round Mound rite, not the spring prayer-for-grain sacrifice alone, so again a xin day was not required. Today's suburban feast follows the Xia calendar; even if the date is postponed, a xin day should still be used. The precedents Xu Chan cited may not apply here. The Suburban Sacrifice chapter also states: "Receive the mandate at the ancestral temple and perform tortoise divination at the temple of the immediate ancestor." Zheng Xuan explains: "'Receiving the mandate' means announcing one's departure from the ancestral temple and then divining." The announcement concerns the suburban rite itself, not the chosen date. Although the date has changed, the suburban sacrifice itself is unchanged; I do not think a second announcement is warranted. Zhu Yingzhi, Section Director of the Ministry of Ceremonies, argued: "Earlier scholars disagreed on the suburban sacrifice. The Rites of Zhou prescribes a Round Mound sacrifice on the winter solstice. The Monthly Ordinances calls for praying for grain to the Supreme Lord in early spring. In Zheng Xuan's view, the Round Mound rite worships August Heaven the Supreme Lord with Emperor Ku as associate—the great seasonal di sacrifice. The prayer-for-grain rite worships the Five Essence Emperors with Hou Ji as associate—the suburban sacrifice. The two ceremonies fall at different seasons and honor different deities. Other scholars hold that Hou Ji served as associate at the Round Mound sacrifice. Because it was held in the suburban fields, it was called the suburban sacrifice. In terms of its physical form, it was called the Round Mound. The names differ, but in substance it is one sacrifice. Emperor Wu of Jin rejected Zheng Xuan's view and followed other scholars, hence the suburban sacrifice fell on the winter solstice. Because the date was fixed by the solstice, there was no constant xin-day rule. Jin practice in the Central Plains thus did not require xin days for the suburb, just as Xu Chan argued. South of the Yangzi, the sacrifice has been held in the first month since Jin moved east: the classics say each dynasty's suburban rite used its own New Year month; the court kept the Xia calendar, so the rite follows the year's opening rather than the winter solstice, always on the first xin—a practice now entrenched as law. Ritual prescribes that a sacrifice not performed in season should not be held later. We are still in early spring, within the proper season; postponing because of rain violates no rule. Once the date has been announced, reverence requires a fresh announcement if the rite cannot proceed. Gao Tanglong records the southern suburb on the ninth day and the northern suburb on the tenth. That precedent shows the northern suburban sacrifice need not fall on a xin day. He Yan, Director of the Masters of Writing, argued: "Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Book of Rites cites the Book of Changes: all three dynasties held their suburban sacrifices in the first month of the Xia calendar. The Rites of Zhou likewise schedules most great state affairs for the New Year month. The Zuo Commentary records a suburban sacrifice at the Excited Insects season. Zheng Xuan's position is well grounded. Dissenting views hold that each dynasty sacrificed to Heaven in its own New Year month—but that is pedantic disputation, useless for establishing ritual practice. As for Guliang's claim that any of the three spring months will serve, that is plainly superficial. On the requirement of xin days, however, all commentators agree. Jin's use of geng and ji days is irregular and lacks earlier precedent. When postponing the suburban sacrifice, I hold that a xin day should still be chosen according to ritual. Wang Xiezhi's reading of "receiving the mandate" and tortoise divination shows that announcements concern the rite, not the date—a finely learned point. Xu Ai, Right Assistant Director, argued: "Insisting on xin days complicates postponement; the ritual and sacrificial offices have already examined the matter thoroughly. He Yan is right that ritual does not require a second announcement, and I share that view. The announcement should report only the rescheduled date of the suburban sacrifice, not the entire rite anew. The next xin day falls ten days off; fasting can begin at once and the sacrificial animals remain in the cleansing pen— there is no reason to wait until the third month. After the blood-and-hair announcement for the chosen victim, if rain intervenes, the responsible officials should complete the rite on the spot—the suburban sacrifice must not be moved again. The deliberations remained divided. The joint recommendation: "Follow the classics—when rain forces postponement, use the next xin day without a fresh announcement. If rain falls after the victim has been slaughtered and the blood offered, the responsible officials should proceed with the ceremony." An edict approved it.
26
明帝泰始二年十一月辛酉,詔曰:「朕載新寶命,仍離多難,戎車遄駕,經略務殷,禋告雖備,弗獲親禮。 今九服既康,百祀咸秩,宜聿遵前典,郊謁上帝。」 有司奏檢,未有先准。 黃門侍郎徐爰議:「虞稱肆類,殷述昭告。 蓋以創世成功,德盛業遠,開統肇基,必享上帝。 漢、魏以來,聿遵斯典。 高祖武皇帝克伐偽楚,晉安帝尚在江陵,即於京師告義功于郊兆。 伏惟泰始應符,神武英斷,王赫出討,戎戒淹時,雖司奉弗虧,親謁尚闕。 謹尋晉武郊以二月,晉元禋以三月。 有非常之慶,必有非常之典,不得拘以常祀,限以正月上辛。 愚謂宜下史官,考擇十一月嘉吉,車駕親郊,奉謁昊天上帝,高祖武皇帝配饗。 其餘祔食,不關今祭。」 尚書令建安王休仁等同爰議。 參議為允。 詔可。
In the eleventh month of the second year of Taishi, Emperor Ming issued an edict: "I have newly received the imperial mandate amid unending hardship; chariots have raced to war and strategy has consumed every hour. Announcements to Heaven have been made, yet I have not worshipped in person. Now that the realm is at peace and every sacrifice restored to order, I should follow ancient precedent and perform the suburban sacrifice to worship the Supreme Lord." The responsible officials searched the records and found no exact precedent. Xu Ai, Attendant Gentleman of the Yellow Gate, argued: "Yu performed the border sacrifice; the Yin dynasty recorded the solemn announcement to Heaven. When a dynasty establishes itself through great achievement, its virtue and enterprise are such that it must offer worship to the Supreme Lord. From Han and Wei onward, every new reign has followed this precedent. When Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu defeated the puppet state of Chu while Emperor An of Jin remained at Jiangling, he announced the righteous triumph at the suburban altar in the capital. Your Majesty's Taishi reign received Heaven's mandate through divine martial resolve; you marched in royal wrath while war dragged on. The responsible offices maintained the offerings, but you have not yet worshipped in person. Emperor Wu of Jin held his suburban sacrifice in the second month; Emperor Yuan performed the smoke sacrifice in the third. An extraordinary triumph calls for an extraordinary ceremony; it cannot be forced into the usual schedule of the first xin of the first month. I propose that the historiographers choose an auspicious day in the eleventh month for Your Majesty to conduct the suburban sacrifice in person, worshipping August Heaven the Supreme Lord with Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu as associate at the feast. The other collateral spirit tablets need not be included in this ceremony. Prince Liu Xiuren of Jian'an, Director of the Masters of Writing, and others endorsed Xu's proposal. The joint deliberation found it acceptable. An edict approved it.
27
泰始六年正月乙亥,詔曰:「古禮王者每歲郊享,爰及明堂。 自晉以來,間年一郊,明堂同日。 質文詳略,疏數有分。 自今可間二年一郊,間歲一明堂。 外可詳議。」 有司奏:「前兼曹郎虞愿議:『郊祭宗祀,俱主天神,而同日殷薦,於義為黷。 明詔使圓丘報功,三載一享。 明堂配帝,間歲昭薦。 詳辰酌衷,實允懋典。』 緣諮參議並同。 曹郎王延秀重議:『改革之宜,實如聖旨。 前虞愿議,蓋是仰述而已,未顯後例。 謹尋自初郊間二載,明堂間一年,第二郊與第三明堂,還復同歲。 愿謂自始郊明堂以後,宜各間二年。 以斯相推,長得異歲。』 通關八座,同延秀議。」
In the first month of the sixth year of Taishi, an edict declared: "Ancient ritual called for the king to hold the suburban feast every year, and also to worship at the Bright Hall. From Jin onward the court sacrificed at the suburbs every other year and held the Bright Hall ceremony on the same day. Plain and ornate forms, full and abbreviated rites, and their frequency all had their proper balance. Henceforth the suburban sacrifice shall be held every two years and the Bright Hall rite every other year. The ministries may deliberate the details." The responsible officials reported: "Yu Yuan, former Concurrent Section Director, had argued: 'The suburban sacrifice and Bright Hall worship both honor heavenly spirits; holding both with full offerings on the same day is ritually excessive. Your edict would have the Round Mound report merit with a feast every three years, and the Bright Hall honor the Emperor as associate with a solemn offering every other year. Weighing the calendar carefully, this would be a worthy and splendid arrangement." On referral for joint deliberation, all agreed. Wang Yanxiu, Section Director, argued further: "The reform is indeed as Your Majesty intends. Yu Yuan's earlier proposal echoed Your Majesty's intent but did not spell out the resulting cycle. Under the proposed schedule, the suburban sacrifice would come every two years and the Bright Hall every year—so the second suburban sacrifice and the third Bright Hall ceremony would again fall in the same year. Yu Yuan therefore proposed that after the initial ceremonies, both rites should be spaced two years apart, which by extension would keep the two ceremonies on separate years indefinitely." The matter was circulated among the Eight Ministers, who endorsed Wang Yanxiu's proposal."
28
後廢帝元徽二年十月丁巳,有司奏郊祀明堂,還復同日,間年一修。
In the tenth month of Yuanhui 2 under the Deposed Emperor, the responsible officials reported that the suburban sacrifice and Bright Hall worship would again be held on the same day, once every other year.
29
漢文帝初祭地祇於渭陽,以高帝配,武帝立后土社祠於汾陰,亦以高帝配。 漢氏以太祖兼配天地,則未以后配地也。 王莽作相,引周禮享先妣為配北郊。 夏至祭后土,以高后配,自此始也。 光武建武中,不立北郊,故后地之祇,常配食天壇,山川羣望皆在營內,凡一千五百一十四神。 中元年,建北郊,使司空馮魴告高廟,以薄后代呂后配地。 江左初,未立北壇,地祇眾神,共在天郊也。 晉成帝立二郊,天郊則六十二神,五帝之佐、日月五星、二十八宿、文昌、北斗、三台、司命、軒轅、后土、太一、天一、太微、鈎陳、北極、雨師、雷、電、司空、風伯、老人六十二神也。 地郊則四十四神,五嶽、四望、四海、四瀆、五湖、五帝之佐、沂山、嶽山、白山、霍山、毉無閭山、蔣山、松江、會稽山、錢唐江、先農凡四十四也。 江南諸小山,蓋江左所立,猶如漢西京關中小水,皆有祭秩也。 二郊所秩,官有其注。
Emperor Wen of Han first sacrificed to the Earth Spirit at Weiyang with Emperor Gaozu as associate; Emperor Wu established the Queen Earth altar at Fenyin, also with Gaozu as associate. The Han used the Grand Ancestor as associate for both Heaven and Earth and did not yet assign an empress to accompany Earth. When Wang Mang was chancellor, he cited the Rites of Zhou to justify honoring the deceased mother as associate at the northern suburban sacrifice. Sacrificing to Queen Earth at the summer solstice with Empress Gaohou as associate began at that point. During Guangwu's Jianwu reign no northern suburban altar was established, so Queen Earth regularly received collateral offerings at the Heavenly Altar; mountains, rivers, and all petitioned spirits—1,514 in all—were worshipped within the same precinct. In Zhongyuan 1 the northern suburban altar was established; Minister of Works Feng Fang was sent to announce at the Gaozu temple, and Empress Bo replaced Empress Lü as Earth's associate. When the court moved south, no northern altar existed at first; Earth and the other earth spirits were worshipped together at the heavenly suburban sacrifice. Emperor Cheng of Jin established both suburban altars. The heavenly suburb honored sixty-two spirits: assistants to the Five Emperors, the sun and moon, the five planets, the twenty-eight lodges, Literary Glory, the Northern Dipper, the Three Terraces, the Director of Fate, the Yellow Emperor's carriage, Queen Earth, Grand One, Celestial One, the Supreme Palace Enclosure, the Hook Array, the North Pole, the Rain Master, Thunder, Lightning, the Minister of Works, the Wind Lord, and the Old Man. The earthly suburb honored forty-four spirits: the Five Sacred Mountains, the Four Outlooks, the Four Seas, the Four Watercourses, the Five Lakes, assistants to the Five Emperors, Mount Yi, Mount Yue, Mount Bai, Mount Huo, Mount Yiwulü, Mount Jiang, the Song River, Mount Kuaiji, the Qiantang River, and the Spirit of Agriculture. The lesser mountains of Jiangnan were established after the move south, much as the Western Han assigned sacrificial rank to minor waterways near the capital passes. The roster of spirits for each suburban altar is recorded in the official commentary.
30
宋武帝永初三年九月,司空羨之、尚書令亮等奏曰:「臣聞崇德明祀,百王之令典; 憲章天人,自昔之所同。 雖因革殊時,質文異世,所以本情篤教,其揆一也。 伏惟高祖武皇帝允協靈祇,有命自天,弘日靜之勤,立蒸民之極,帝遷明德,光宅八表,太和宣被,玄化遐通。 陛下以聖哲嗣徽,道孚萬國。 祭禮久廢,思光鴻烈,饗帝嚴親,今實宜之。 高祖武皇帝宜配天郊; 至於地祇之配,雖禮無明文,先代舊章,每所因循,魏、晉故典,足為前式。 謂武敬皇后宜配北郊。 蓋述懷以追孝,躋聖敬於無窮,對越兩儀,允洽幽顯者也。 明年孟春,有事於二郊,請宣攝內外,詳依舊典。」 詔可。
In the ninth month of Yongchu 3, Minister of Works Xie Xianzhi, Director of the Masters of Writing Fu Liang, and others submitted: "We have heard that exalting virtue through bright sacrifice is the august canon of every dynasty; and that aligning human affairs with Heaven has always been the same principle. Forms may change with the age, plain or ornate as the times require, but the root purpose—honoring Heaven and teaching reverence—remains one. Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu harmonized with Heaven and Earth and received his mandate from above; through unceasing diligence he established the people's foundation, moved virtue across the realm, spread great harmony, and extended the transforming influence of his rule to the farthest reaches. Your Majesty, inheriting this legacy with sage wisdom, has won the loyalty of every state. Sacrificial worship has long lapsed; now is the time to honor Heaven, celebrate your ancestors, and restore the glory of the founding achievement. Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu should serve as associate at the heavenly suburban sacrifice; For the associate at the earthly sacrifice, though ritual texts are silent, earlier dynasties always established a precedent, and Wei and Jin practice provides a sufficient model. We propose that Empress Wu Jing serve as associate at the northern suburban sacrifice. It expresses heartfelt remembrance in pursuit of filial piety, elevating reverence for the sage without end, facing the Two Principles and harmonizing the realms of spirit and flesh. In early spring of the coming year the two suburban sacrifices will be held; we ask that the court be notified throughout and that the old regulations be followed in full. An edict approved it.
31
晉武帝太康二年冬,有司奏:「三年正月立春祠,時日尚寒,可有司行事。」 詔曰:「郊祀禮典所重,中間以軍國多事,臨時有所妨廢,故每從奏可。 自今方外事簡,唯此為大,親奉禋享,固常典也。」
In the winter of Taikang 2, Emperor Wu of Jin's officials submitted: "The spring-establishment sacrifice in the first month of the third year falls in cold weather; the responsible offices should conduct the rite." The edict replied: "The suburban sacrifice is among the weightiest of ritual canons; during the wars we repeatedly suspended it and approved your requests to delegate the rite. From now on external affairs are simpler, and this rite above all demands the emperor's personal presence at the smoke offering and feast."
32
成帝祠南郊,遇雨。 侍中顧和啟:「宜還。 更剋日。」 詔可。
When Emperor Cheng sacrificed at the southern suburb, rain fell. Attendant Within Gu He submitted: "The procession should turn back. A new date should be chosen." An edict approved it.
33
漢明帝據月令有五郊迎氣服色之禮,因採元始中故事,兆五郊于洛陽,祭其帝與神,車服各順方色。 魏、晉依之。 江左以來,未遑修建。
Emperor Ming of Han, following the Monthly Ordinances, instituted the five-suburb rite of welcoming the seasons with appropriate colors; adopting Yuanshi-period precedents, he established five suburban altars at Luoyang and sacrificed to their emperors and spirits, with chariots and garments colored according to each direction. Wei and Jin followed the same practice. After the move south, the court has had no opportunity to build them.
34
宋孝武大明五年四月庚子,詔曰:「昔文德在周,明堂崇祀; 高烈惟漢,汶邑斯尊。 所以職祭罔諐,氣令斯正,鴻名稱首,濟世飛聲。 朕皇考太祖文皇帝功耀洞元,聖靈昭俗,內穆四門,仁濟羣品,外薄八荒,威憺殊俗,南腦勁越,西髓剛戎。 裁禮興稼穡之根,張樂協四氣之紀。 匡飾墳序,引無題之外; 旌延寶臣,盡盛德之範。 訓深劭農,政高刑厝。 萬物棣通,百神薦祉。 動協天度,下沿地德。 故精緯上靈,動殖下瑞,諸侯軌道,河溓海夷。 朕仰憑洪烈,入子萬姓,皇天降祐,迄將一紀。 思奉揚休德,永播無窮。 便可詳考姬典,經始明堂,宗祀先靈,式配上帝,誠敬克展,幽顯咸秩。 惟懷永遠,感慕崩心。」 有司奏:「伏尋明堂辟雍,制無定文,經記參差,傳說乖舛。 名儒通哲,各事所見,或以為名異實同,或以為名實皆異。 自漢暨晉,莫之能辨。 周書云,清廟明堂路寢同制。 鄭玄注禮,義生於斯。 諸儒又云明堂在國之陽,丙巳之地,三里之內。 至於室宇堂个,戶牖達向,世代湮緬,難得該詳。 晉侍中裴頠,西都碩學,考詳前載,未能制定。 以為尊祖配天,其義明著,廟宇之制,理據未分,直可為殿,以崇嚴祀。 其餘雜碎,一皆除之。 參詳鄭玄之注,差有準據; 裴頠之奏,竊謂可安。 國學之南,地實丙巳,爽塏平暢,足以營建。 其墻宇規範,宜擬則太廟,唯十有二間,以應朞數。 依漢汶上圖儀,設五帝位,太祖文皇帝對饗。 祭皇天上帝,雖為差降,至於三載恭祀,理不容異。 自郊徂宮,亦宜共日。 禮記郊以特牲,詩稱明堂羊牛,吉蠲雖同,質文殊典。 且郊有燔柴,堂無禋燎,則鼎俎彝簋,一依廟禮。 班行百司,搜材簡工,權置起部尚書、將作大匠,量物商程,剋今秋繕立。」 乃依頠議,但作大殿屋雕畫而已,無古三十六戶七十二牖之制。 六年正月,南郊還,世祖親奉明堂,祠祭五時之帝,以文皇帝配,是用鄭玄議也。 官有其注。
In the fourth month of the fifth year of Daming, Emperor Xiaowu issued an edict: "When civil virtue flourished in Zhou, the Bright Hall was the seat of supreme worship; and when Han rose on great merit, Wenyi was honored in the same way. Through such worship the seasons were kept true, the great name was exalted, and benefit to the age resounded far. Our late father, Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen, whose merit shone through the primal void and whose sage spirit illuminated custom, harmonized the realm within, brought benevolence to every rank, pressed outward to the eight directions, and awed distant peoples into submission. He regulated ritual and raised the roots of agriculture, spread music and harmonized the records of the four seasons. He adorned the ancestral order and drew in what lay beyond the untitled; he extended honor to worthy ministers and embodied the fullest models of virtue. His instruction urged agriculture; his governance set punishment aside. The ten thousand things flowed in harmony, and the hundred spirits presented blessings. His movement accorded with Heaven's measure and followed Earth's virtue below. Essences of the upper spirits and auspicious growth below responded; feudal lords kept the Way, and the realm from river to sea lay at peace. I rely on this great achievement as ruler of the myriad people; Heaven and Earth have blessed my reign for nearly a full cycle. I wish to uphold and spread that beautiful virtue forever. Let the Ji canon be examined in detail, the Bright Hall begun, the former spirits worshipped, and the Supreme Lord matched in form—sincerity and reverence fully displayed, the hidden and manifest all in order. My thoughts reach far, and my heart is moved to grief for the departed." The responsible officials submitted: "The Bright Hall and Imperial Academy have no fixed design in the regulations; the classics disagree and transmitted explanations contradict one another. Famous scholars and penetrating sages each follow their own view—some hold the names differ but the substance is the same, others that both name and substance differ. From Han through Jin, none could settle the question. The Documents of Zhou state that the Clear Temple, Bright Hall, and Road Chamber share one form. Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Rites derives its meaning from this passage. Other scholars place the Bright Hall south of the capital at the bingji position, within three li. The layout of chambers, bays, doors, windows, and orientations has grown obscure over the generations, and complete detail is hard to recover. Pei Wei of Jin, Attendant Within and eminent scholar of the Western Capital, examined earlier records in detail but could not fix the design. He held that honoring the ancestor and matching Heaven was clearly established in meaning, while the temple structure remained unsettled; a hall could be built at once to exalt solemn worship. All other miscellaneous details should be set aside. Zheng Xuan's annotations, examined in detail, provide some standard basis; and Pei Wei's memorial, in my view, can be adopted. South of the National Academy the ground lies truly at bingji, open, level, and smooth— sufficient for construction. Its walls and chambers should follow the Grand Temple as model, with twelve bays to correspond to the cycle number. Following Han Wenshang diagram protocol, set the Five Emperors' positions, with Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen facing them at the feast. Sacrifice to August Heaven the Supreme Lord involves some lowering in rank, but the three-year reverent ceremony cannot logically differ. The return from the suburb to the palace should also fall on the same day. The Book of Rites prescribes a special victim for the suburb; the Odes speak of sheep and ox for the Bright Hall—purification is the same, but substance and ornament differ by canon. The suburb includes burning firewood, but the hall has no smoke offering; tripods, stands, and ritual vessels should all follow temple ritual. Deploy the hundred offices, gather materials and select craftsmen, provisionally appoint the Director of the Construction Department and Grand Master of Works, measure materials and calculate the schedule, and set construction for this autumn. They followed Pei's proposal but built only a great hall with carved decoration—without the ancient form of thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows. In the first month of the sixth year, returning from the southern suburb, Emperor Shizu personally worshipped at the Bright Hall, sacrificing to the Five Seasons' Emperors with Emperor Wen as associate—following Zheng Xuan's proposal. The offices have annotations recording this.
35
大明五年九月甲子,有司奏:「南郊祭用三牛。 廟四時祠六室用二牛。 明堂肇建,祠五帝,太祖文皇帝配,未詳祭用幾牛?」 太學博士司馬興之議:「案鄭玄注禮記大傳稱:『孝經郊祀后稷以配天,配靈威仰也。 宗祀文王於明堂,以配上帝,配五帝也。』 夫五帝司方,位殊功一,牲牢之用,理無差降。 太祖文皇帝躬成天地,則道兼覆載; 左右羣生,則化洽四氣。 祖、宗之稱,不足彰無窮之美; 金石之音,未能播勳烈之盛。 故明堂聿修,聖心所以昭玄極; 汎配宗廟,先儒所以得禮情。 愚管所見,謂宜用六牛。」 博士虞龢議:「祀帝之名雖五,而所生之實常一。 五德之帝,迭有休王,各有所司,故有五室。 宗祀所主,要隨其王而饗焉。 主一配一,合用二牛。」 祠部郎顏奐議:「祀之為義,並五帝以為言。 帝雖云五,牲牢之用,謂不應過郊祭廟祀。 宜用二牛。」
On jiazi day of the ninth month in the fifth year of Daming, the responsible officials submitted: "The southern suburban sacrifice uses three oxen. The temple's four-season sacrifice in six chambers uses two oxen. The Bright Hall has been newly established to sacrifice to the Five Emperors with Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen as associate—how many oxen should be used?" Sima Xingzhi, Erudite of the Imperial Academy, argued: "Zheng Xuan's annotation on the Great Tradition in the Book of Rites states: 'The Classic of Filial Piety: at the suburban sacrifice Hou Ji accompanies Heaven, associating with Spiritual Brilliance and Ascent. Ancestral worship of King Wen at the Bright Hall accompanies the Supreme Lord, associating with the Five Emperors.' The Five Emperors govern the directions; their positions differ but their merit is one—sacrificial victims should not be reduced in rank. Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen personally completed Heaven and Earth—his Way encompasses covering and bearing; and left and right all living beings—his transformation harmonizes the four seasons. Titles of ancestor and temple are insufficient to display boundless beauty; and sounds of metal and stone cannot broadcast the splendor of his achievement. Thus the Bright Hall was built—the sage heart thereby displays the dark pole; and broadly matching the ancestral temple—former scholars thereby express true ritual sentiment. In my humble view, six oxen should be used. Yu He, Erudite, argued: "Though five emperors are worshipped by name, the substance they generate is constantly one. The Five Virtues' Emperors in turn had resting kings, each governing its domain—hence there are five chambers. Ancestral worship must follow whichever king is chiefly honored and feast accordingly. One chief deity and one associate—two oxen are appropriate. Yan Huan, Section Director of Sacrifices, argued: "Sacrifice, in its meaning, always speaks of the Five Emperors. Though five emperors are named, the sacrificial victims used should not exceed those for suburban sacrifice and temple sacrifice. Two oxen should be used."
36
明帝泰始七年十月庚子,有司奏:「來年正月十八日,祠明堂。 尋舊南郊與明堂同日,並告太廟。 未審今祀明堂,復告與不?」 祠部郎王延秀議:「案鄭玄云:『郊者祭天之名,上帝者,天之別名也。 神無二主,故明堂異處,以避后稷。』 謹尋郊宗二祀,既名殊實同,至於應告,不容有異。」 守尚書令袁粲等並同延秀議。
In the tenth month of the seventh year of Taishi, Emperor Ming's officials submitted: "On the eighteenth day of the first month next year, sacrifice will be performed at the Bright Hall. Under the old practice, the southern suburb and Bright Hall fell on the same day, and both were announced to the Grand Temple. It is not yet clear whether, when sacrificing at the Bright Hall, the Grand Temple should again be notified." Wang Yanxiu, Section Director of Sacrifices, argued: "Zheng Xuan states: 'Suburb is the name for sacrificing to Heaven; Supreme Lord is Heaven's other name. Spirits have no two masters—thus the Bright Hall stands elsewhere, to avoid Hou Ji.' The suburban and ancestral sacrifices, though named differently, are substantially the same; as for requiring announcement, there can be no difference. Acting Director of the Masters of Writing Yuan Can and others all agreed with Wang Yanxiu's proposal.
37
魏明帝世,中護軍蔣濟奏曰:「夫帝王大禮,巡狩為先; 昭祖揚禰,封禪為首。 是以自古革命受符,未有不蹈梁父,登泰山,刊無竟之名,紀天人之際者也。 故司馬相如謂有文以來七十二君,或從所繇於前,謹遺跡於後。 太史公曰:『主上有聖明而不宣布,有司之過也。』 然則元功懿德,不刊山、梁之石,無以顯帝王之功,布生民不朽之觀也。 語曰,當君而歎堯、舜之美,譬猶人子對厥所生,譽他人之父。 今大魏振百王之弊亂,拯流遁之艱危,接千載之衰緒,繼百世之廢治。 自武、文至于聖躬,所以參成天地之道,綱維人神之化,上天報應,嘉瑞顯祥,以比往古,其優衍豐隆,無所取喻。 至於歷世迄今,未發大禮。 雖志在掃盡殘盜,蕩滌餘穢,未遑斯事。 若爾,三苗堀強於江海,大舜當廢東巡之儀,徐夷跳梁於淮、泗,周成當止岱嶽之禮也。 且昔歲破吳虜於江、漢,今茲屠蜀賊於隴右。 其震蕩內潰,在不復淹,就當探其窟穴,無累於封禪之事也。 此儀久廢,非倉卒所定。 宜下公卿,廣纂其禮,卜年考時,昭告上帝,以副天下之望。 臣待罪軍旅,不勝大願,冒死以聞。」 詔曰:「聞濟斯言,使吾汗出流足。 自開闢以來,封禪者七十餘君爾。 故太史公曰:『雖有受命之君,而功有不洽,是以中間曠遠者,千有餘年,近數百載。 其儀闕不可得記。』 吾何德之修,敢庶茲乎。 濟豈謂世無管仲,以吾有桓公登泰山之志乎。 吾不敢欺天也。 濟之所言,華則華矣,非助我者也。 公卿侍中、尚書、常侍省之而已。 勿復有所議,亦不須答詔也。」 帝雖拒濟議,而實使高堂隆草封禪之儀。 以天下未一,不欲便行大禮。 會隆卒,故不行。
During the reign of Emperor Ming of Wei, Central Guard General Jiang Ji memorialized: "For emperors and kings, the great rituals begin with inspection tours; and illuminating ancestors and spreading merit to forefathers—the feng and shan rites come foremost. Thus from ancient times, none who received the mandate through revolution failed to tread Liangfu, ascend Mount Tai, inscribe an enduring name, and record the juncture of Heaven and Man. Sima Xiangru said that since writing began, seventy-two rulers had done so—some following predecessors, carefully leaving traces for those who came after. The Grand Historian said: 'When the ruler above has sage brilliance yet does not proclaim it, it is the responsible officials' fault.' Primordial merit and beautiful virtue, if not inscribed on the stones of Mount Tai and Liangfu, cannot display the emperor's achievement or spread the people's immortal vision. As the saying goes: to face one's ruler and sigh over the beauty of Yao and Shun is like a son praising another man's father before his own. Great Wei now shakes off the corrupt disorder of a hundred kings, saves those adrift in peril, connects a thousand years of decline, and continues a hundred generations of abandoned governance. From Wu and Wen down to the present sage, the dynasty has completed Heaven and Earth's Way and governed the transformation of human and spirit; Heaven responds above and auspicious omens appear—compared with former ages, its abundance and grandeur have no parallel. Yet down to the present generation the great ritual has not been performed. Though the will is to sweep away remaining bandits and wash away leftover filth, there has been no leisure for this affair. If so, when the Three Miao were stubborn in rivers and seas, Great Shun should have abolished the eastern tour ritual; when Xu and Yi rebelled on the Huai and Si, King Cheng of Zhou should have stopped the Taishan ritual. Moreover last year Wu bandits were broken at the Jiang and Han; this year Shu bandits were destroyed at Longyou. Their shock and internal collapse will not long endure; we should probe their dens and lairs without letting the feng and shan rite be burdened. This ritual has long been abandoned and cannot be decided in haste. It is suitable to refer the matter to the ministers and grandees, broadly compile the ritual, divine the year and examine the time, and solemnly announce to the Supreme Lord, to match the realm's hope. I await punishment in the army yet cannot suppress this great wish, and so risk death to report it. The edict replied: "Hearing Ji's words makes sweat flow down my feet. Since the opening of the age, only seventy-odd rulers have performed the feng and shan. The Grand Historian also said: 'Though there are rulers receiving the mandate, achievement is not complete—thus the distant interval spans over a thousand years, the near several hundred. Its ritual gaps cannot be recorded.' What virtue have I cultivated that I should dare hope for such a thing? Does Ji mean there is no Guan Zhong in the age, and that I harbor Duke Huan's ambition to ascend Mount Tai? I would not dare deceive Heaven. What Ji said is splendid indeed, yet it does not help me. Let the ministers, attendants within, Masters of Writing, and regular attendants review it and that is all. Do not deliberate further, and there is no need to reply to the edict. Though the emperor rejected Ji's proposal, he actually had Gao Tanglong draft the feng and shan protocol. Because the realm was not yet unified, he declined to perform the great ritual at once. When Long died, the rite was never performed.
38
晉武帝平吳,混一區宇。 太康元年九月庚寅,尚書令衞瓘、尚書左僕射山濤、右僕射魏舒、尚書劉寔、張華等奏曰:「聖德隆茂,光被四表,諸夏乂清,幽荒率從。 神策廟算,席卷吳越,孫晧稽顙,六合為家,巍巍之功,格于天地。 宜同古典,勒封東嶽,告三府太常為儀制。」 瓘等又奏:「臣聞肇自生民,則有后辟,載祀之數,莫之能紀。 立德濟世,揮揚仁風,以登封泰山者七十有四家,其諡號可知者,十有四焉。 沈淪寂寞,曾無遺聲者,不可勝記。 自黃帝以前,古傳昧略,唐、虞以來,典謨炳著。 三王代興,體業繼襲,周道既沒,秦氏承之,至于漢、魏,而質文未復。 大晉之德,始自重、黎,實佐顓頊,至于夏、商,世序天地,其在于周,不失其緒。 金德將升,世濟明聖,外平蜀漢,海內歸心,武功之盛,實由文德。 至于陛下受命踐阼,弘建大業,羣生仰流,唯獨江湖沅湘之表,凶桀負固,歷代不賓。 神謀獨斷,命將出討,兵威暫加,數旬蕩定,覊其鯨鯢,赦其罪逆。 雲覆雨施,八方來同,聲教所被,達于四極。 雖黃軒之征,大禹遠略,周之奕世,何以尚今。 若夫玄石素文,底號前載,象以姓表,言以事告,河圖、洛書之徵,不是過也。 加以騶虞麟趾,眾瑞並臻。 昔夏、殷以丕崇為祥,周武以烏魚為美,咸曰休哉; 然符瑞之應,備物之盛,未有若今之富者也。 宜宣大典,禮中嶽,封泰山,禪梁父,發德號,明至尊,享天休,篤黎庶,勒千載之表,播流後之聲,俾百代之下,莫不興起。 斯帝王之盛業,天人之至望也。」 詔曰:「今逋寇雖殄,外則障塞有警,內則民黎未康,此盛德之事,所未議也。」 瓘等又奏:「今東漸于海,西被流沙,大漠之陰,日南北戶,莫不通屬。 茫茫禹跡,今實過之,則天人之道已周,巍巍之功已著。 宜有事梁父,修禮地祇,登封泰山,致誠上帝,以答人神之願。 乞如前奏。」 詔曰:「今陰陽未和,政刑未當,百姓未得其所,豈可以勒功告成邪!」 瓘又奏:「臣聞處帝王之位者,必有曆運之期,天命之應; 濟生民之大功者,必有盛德之容,告成之典。 無不可誣,有不可讓,自古道也。 而明詔謙沖,屢辭其禮。 雖盛德攸在,推而未居。 夫三公職典天地,實掌民物,國之大事,取議於此。 漢氏封禪,非是官也,不在其事。 臣等前奏,蓋陳祖考之功,天命又應,陛下之德,合同四海,述古考今,宜脩此禮。 至於剋定歲月,須五府上議,然後奏聞。 請寫詔及奏,如前下議。」 詔曰:「雖蕩清江表,皆臨事者之勞,何足以告成。 方望羣后,思隆大化,以寧區夏,百姓獲乂,與之休息,斯朕日夜之望。 無所復下諸府矣。 勿復為煩。」 瓘等又奏:「臣聞唐、虞二代,濟世弘功之君,莫不仰答天心,俯協民志,登介丘,履梁父,未有辭焉者,蓋不可讓也。 今陛下勳高百王,德無與二,茂績宏規,巍巍之業,固非臣等所能究論。 而聖旨勞謙,屢自抑損,時至弗應,推美不居,闕皇代之上儀,塞神祇之款望,使大晉之典謨,不同風於三、五。 臣等誠不敢奉詔,請如前奏施行。」 詔曰:「方當共弘治道,以康庶績。 且俟他年,無復紛紜也。」
Emperor Wu of Jin conquered Wu and unified the realm. On gengyin day of the ninth month in Taikang 1, Wei Guan, Director of the Masters of Writing, Shan Tao, Left Assistant Director, Wei Shu, Right Assistant Director, and Masters of Writing Liu Shi and Zhang Hua submitted: "Sage virtue flourishes and brilliance covers the four directions; all Xia is at peace and the dark and distant all follow. By divine stratagem and temple calculation Wu and Yue were swept away, Sun Hao kowtowed, and the six directions became one household—achievement towering to Heaven and Earth. It is suitable to follow the ancient canon, inscribe and enfeoff the Eastern Peak, and charge the Three Offices and Minister of Ceremonies with the ritual protocol. Guan and others memorialized again: "Since the birth of the people there have been rulers, and the number of recorded sacrifices is beyond reckoning. Those who established virtue and benefited the age, spreading benevolent wind—seventy-four houses ascended and enfeoffed Mount Tai; of posthumous names knowable, there are fourteen. Sunk in silence and obscurity, never leaving a trace—those cannot be fully recorded. Before the Yellow Emperor ancient transmission is obscure; from Tang and Yu onward canons and plans shine clearly. Three dynasties rose in succession, inheriting substance and enterprise; when Zhou's Way was lost Qin inherited it—down to Han and Wei, substance and ornament were not restored. Great Jin's virtue began with Chong and Li, truly assisting Zhuanxu; through Xia and Shang generations ordered Heaven and Earth; in Zhou they did not lose the thread. Metal virtue was about to ascend; generations aided bright sages; Shu and Han were pacified outwardly and hearts returned within—the splendor of military achievement truly came from civil virtue. When Your Majesty received the mandate and ascended the throne, broadly establishing great enterprise, all living beings looked upward—only beyond the rivers, lakes, Yuan and Xiang did fierce villains hold firm, through generations refusing submission. By divine plan and sole decision generals were sent to campaign; military might was briefly applied and in several tens of days all was settled—binding the rebels and pardoning their crimes. Cloud covering and rain spreading, the eight directions came together; sound and teaching reached the four extremities. Though Yellow Xuan's campaigns, Great Yu's distant strategy, and Zhou's generations of inheritance—how can they compare with today? As for dark stone and plain text inscribing titles in former records, symbols by surname and words reporting affairs—the signs of the River Chart and Luo Writing are not excessive. Added to this, zouyu and linzhi and many auspices all arrived together. Formerly Xia and Yin took great elevation as auspicious, Zhou Wu took the black fish as beautiful—all said, 'How splendid!' Yet talisman responses and the splendor of complete offerings—none match today's abundance. It is suitable to proclaim the great canon, perform ritual at the Central Peak, enfeoff Mount Tai, perform shan at Liangfu, issue virtue titles, clarify supreme honor, enjoy Heaven's blessing, deepen care for the people, inscribe the tablet of a thousand ages, and spread renown to later ages—so that under a hundred generations none fail to rise up. This is the emperor's splendid enterprise and Heaven and Man's utmost hope. The edict replied: "Though fleeing bandits are extinguished, the frontiers still have alarms and the people are not yet at ease—this splendid virtue affair is not yet for deliberation." Guan and others memorialized again: "Now east to the sea, west to drifting sand, north of the great desert, south to the sun's vertical point—none fail to connect. Vast and boundless, Yu's traces—today we truly surpass them; Heaven and Man's Way is complete and towering achievement established. It is suitable to perform ritual at Liangfu, repair ritual for the Earth Spirit, ascend and enfeoff Mount Tai, and extend sincerity to the Supreme Lord to answer Heaven and Man's wish. We beg as in the former memorial. The edict replied: "Yin and yang are not harmonized, governance and punishment are not proper, and the people have not obtained their place—how can one inscribe achievement and announce completion?" Guan memorialized again: "We have heard that those occupying the emperor's position must have a calendrical fortune's term and Heaven's mandate's response; those accomplishing great merit for the living people must have splendid virtue's countenance and the announcement-of-completion canon. Nothing can be falsely claimed; something cannot be declined—from ancient Way. Yet the bright edict is modest and restrained, repeatedly declining its ritual. Though splendid virtue is present, it is pushed yet not yet occupied. The Three Dukes' office canon is Heaven and Earth, truly administering the people's affairs; the state's great affairs take deliberation from this. Han feng and shan—this was not that office, not in that affair. Our former memorial stated ancestors' achievement and Heaven's mandate responding again; Your Majesty's virtue harmonizes the four seas—examining antiquity and present, it is suitable to repair this ritual. As for fixing the year and month, one must await the Five Offices' upward deliberation, then memorial and report. Please copy the edict and memorial as before and refer down for deliberation. The edict replied: "Though the Jiang was swept clear, that is all the labor of those facing affairs—how is it sufficient to announce completion? Now I look to the queens and consorts, thinking to exalt great transformation, to bring peace to the realm, the people obtaining governance and resting with them—this is what I hope day and night. Nothing further to refer to the various offices. Do not again be troublesome. Guan and others memorialized again: "We have heard that in the two ages of Tang and Yu, rulers of great merit benefiting the age—none failed to look up answering Heaven's heart and look down harmonizing the people's will, ascend Jie mound and tread Liangfu—none declined, probably because it cannot be declined. Now Your Majesty's merit exceeds the hundred kings, virtue without equal, abundant achievement and great plan, towering enterprise—truly not what we subjects can exhaust in discussion. Yet the sage intent is laboring and modest, repeatedly self-restraining; the time arrives yet not responding, pushing beauty not occupying—lacking the august dynasty's upper ritual, blocking the spirits' sincere hope, making Great Jin's canons not share wind with the Three and Five. We subjects truly dare not receive the edict; please as in the former memorial implement. The edict replied: "Just now we should together exalt governing the Way to bring peace to the myriad achievements. And await other years; no further confusion."
39
太康元年冬,王公有司又奏:「自古聖明,光宅四海,封禪名山,著於史籍,作者七十四君矣。 舜、禹之有天下,巡狩四嶽,躬行其道。 易著『觀民省方』,禮有『升中于天』,詩頌『陟其高山』,皆載在方策。 文王為西伯,以服事殷,周公以魯蕃,列于諸侯,或享于岐山,或有事泰山。 徒以聖德,猶得為其事。 自是以來,功薄而僭其儀者,不可勝言,號諡不泯,以至于今。 況高祖宣皇帝肇開王業,海外有截; 世宗景皇帝濟以大功,輯寧區夏; 太祖文皇帝受命造晉,蕩定蜀漢; 陛下應期龍興,混壹六合,澤被羣生,威震無外。 昔漢氏失統,吳、蜀鼎峙,兵興以來,近將百年。 地險俗殊,民望絕塞,以為分外,其日久矣。 大業之隆,重光四葉,不覊之寇,二世而平。 非聰明神武,先天弗違,孰能巍巍其有成功若茲者歟! 臣等幸以千載,得遭運會,親奉大化,目覩太平,至公之美,誰與為讓。 宜祖述先朝,憲章古昔,勒功岱嶽,登封告成,弘禮樂之制,正三雍之典,揚名萬世,以顯祖宗。 是以不勝大願,敢昧死以聞。 請告太常具禮儀。」 上復詔曰:「所議誠前烈之盛事也。 方今未可以爾。 便報絕之。」
In the winter of Taikang 1, princes and responsible officials memorialized again: "From ancient sage brilliance illuminating the four seas, enfeoffing famous mountains—recorded in histories and annals, seventy-four rulers have done so. Shun and Yu having the realm—inspection tours of the four peaks, personally performing their Way. The Changes shows 'Observing the people and examining directions,' the Rites has 'Ascending to the center of Heaven,' the Odes praise 'Ascending its high mountain'—all recorded in registers and plans. King Wen as Western Earl served Yin; the Duke of Zhou with Lu as feudatory ranked among feudal lords—some feasted at Mount Qi, some had affairs at Mount Tai. Only by virtue of sage merit could they perform the rite at all. From then onward, merit thin yet usurping its ritual—cannot be fully stated; titles and posthumous names not extinguished, down to the present. Moreover High Ancestor Emperor Xuan at the beginning opened royal enterprise and cut off overseas; World Ancestor Emperor Jing aided with great achievement, gathering peace in the regions of Xia; Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen received mandate creating Jin, sweeping and settling Shu and Han; Your Majesty responded to the term and dragon rose, unifying the six directions, grace covering all living beings, awe shaking beyond the borders. Formerly Han lost succession, Wu and Shu stood like tripods; warfare since has approached a hundred years. Terrain dangerous, customs different, people's hope severed by barriers—considered outside the realm, this has been long. Great enterprise's splendor, heavy light four generations; unrestrained bandits—two generations and pacified. If not intelligent, divine, and martial, beforehand not opposing Heaven—who could tower and have success like this! We subjects are fortunate in this thousand-year age to encounter the fortune, personally receiving great transformation, eye witnessing peace—utmost public beauty, with whom to decline. It is suitable to trace ancestors following former courts, take statutes from antiquity, inscribe achievement at Mount Dai, ascend and enfeoff announcing completion, exalt ritual and music's system, correct the three Yong canon, spread name ten thousand generations, to display ancestors. Thus unable to bear the great wish, I dare report obscured by death. Please announce to the Minister of Ceremonies to prepare ritual protocol. The emperor again issued an edict: "What is deliberated is truly the former blazing age's splendid affair. Just now it cannot yet be so. Then report and cut it off."
40
宋太祖在位長久,有意封禪。 遣使履行泰山舊道,詔學士山謙之草封禪儀注。 其後索虜南寇,六州荒毀,其意乃息。
Song Grand Ancestor was on the throne long and had intent for feng and shan. He sent envoys to inspect the old Mount Tai route and issued an edict to Academician Shan Qianzhi to draft feng and shan protocol annotations. Afterward the northern bandits invaded south and six provinces were ruined and destroyed—his intent then ceased.
41
世祖大明元年十一月戊申,太宰江夏王義恭表曰:「惟皇天崇稱大道,始行揖讓。 迄于有晉,雖聿修前緒,而跡淪言廢,蔑記於竹素者,焉可單書。 紹乾維,建徽號,流風聲,被絲管,自無懷以來,可傳而不朽者,七十有四君。 罔仁厚而道滅,鮮義澆而德宣,鍾律之先,曠世綿絕,難得而聞。 丘、索著明者,尚有遺炳。 故易稱先天弗違,後天奉時。 蓋陶唐姚姒商姬之主,莫不由斯道也。 是以風化大洽,光熙于後。 炎漢二帝,亦踵曩則,因百姓之心,聽輿人之頌,龍駕帝服,鏤玉梁甫,昌言明稱,告成上靈。 況大宋表祥唐虞,受終素德,山龍啟符,金玉顯瑞,異采騰於軫墟,紫煙藹於邦甸,錫冕兆九五之徵,文豹赴天曆之會。 誠二祖之幽慶,聖后之冥休。 道冠軒、堯,惠深亭毒; 而猶執沖約,未言封禪之事,四海竊以恧焉。 臣聞惟皇配極,惟帝祀天,故能上稽乾式,照臨黔首,協和穹昊,膺茲多福。 高祖武皇帝明並日月,光振八區,拯已溺之晉,濟橫流之世,撥亂寧民,應天受命,鴻徽洽于海表,威稜震乎沙外。 太祖文皇帝體聖履仁,述業興禮,正樂頌,作象曆,明達通於神祇,玄澤被乎上下。 仁孝命世,叡武英挺,遭運屯否,三才湮滅,迺龍飛五洲,鳳翔九江,身先八百之期,斷出人鬼之表,慶煙應高牙之建,風耀符發迹之辰,親翦凶逆,躬清昏壒,天地革始,夫婦更造,豈與彼承業繼緒,拓復禹跡,車一其軌,書罔異文者,同年而議哉! 今龍麟已至,鳳皇已儀,比李已實,靈茅已茂,雕氣降雰於宮榭,珍露呈味於禁林,嘉禾積穗於殿甍,連理合幹於園籞,皆耀質離宮,植根蘭囿。 至夫霜毫玄文,素翮頳羽,泉河山嶽之瑞,草木金石之祥,方畿憬塗之謁,抗驛絕祖之奏,彪炳雜沓,粵不可勝言。 太平之應,茲焉富矣。 宜其從天人之誠,遵先王之則,備萬乘,整法駕,修封泰山,瘞玉岱趾,延喬、松於東序,詔韓、岐於西廂,麾天閽,使啟關,謁紫宮,朝太一,奏鈞天,詠雲門,贊揚幽奧,超聲前古,豈不盛哉! 伏願時命宗伯,具茲典度。」 詔曰:「太宰表如此。 昔之盛王,永保鴻名,常為稱首,由斯道矣。 朕遭家多難,入纂絕業,德薄勳淺,鑒寐崩愧。 頃麟鳳表禎,茅禾兼瑞,雖符祥顯見,恧乎猶深,庶仰述先志,拓清中宇,禮祇謁神,朕將試哉。」
In the eleventh month of the first year of Daming, Shizu received a submission from Grand Preceptor Prince Liu Yigong of Jiangxia: "Only August Heaven exalts and calls the Great Way, at first performing yielding and resignation. Down to Jin—though urgently repairing former thread, traces sunk and words abandoned, erased from bamboo and silk—how can one write singly. Continuing Qian, establishing emblem titles, flowing wind and sound, covered by silk and pipes—since Wuhuai, what can be transmitted and not decay—seventy-four rulers. None benevolent and thick yet Way extinguished; few righteous yet decadent and virtue proclaimed—bell and pitch's precedence, ages distant and thread broken, hard to obtain and hear. What Qiu and Suo make clear—still has remaining brilliance. Thus the Changes says beforehand Heaven not opposing, afterward Heaven following seasons. Probably Tang Yao, Yao's consort, Shang Ji, and Zhou Ji rulers—none failed to follow this Way. Thus transformation greatly harmonized and brilliance shone afterward. Blazing Han's two emperors also followed former rule, following the people's hearts and hearing the cart men's praise—dragon carriage and imperial robes, carving jade at Liangfu, bright words and clear titles, announcing completion to the upper spirit. Moreover Great Song displays auspicious signs of Tang and Yu, receiving termination of plain virtue—mountain dragon opening tally, gold and jade displaying omens, strange colors soaring from Zhen ruins, purple mist over the domain, bestowed crown signaling the ninety-five sign, patterned leopard attending Heaven's calendar meeting. Truly the two ancestors' hidden celebration and the sage empress's dark blessing. Way crowns Xuan and Yao, grace deep as universal nurture; yet still holding restrained simplicity, not yet speaking of feng and shan—the four seas privately feel ashamed. Your subject hears: only the sovereign matches the pole, only the emperor sacrifices to Heaven—thus able above to examine Qian's pattern, shine upon the people, harmonize the vaulted blue, and receive abundant blessing. Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu, brilliance joining sun and moon, light shaking the eight regions, saving drowned Jin, crossing the age of drifting currents, settling disorder and bringing peace to the people, responding to Heaven receiving mandate—great emblem harmonizing beyond the seas, aweing majesty shaking beyond the sands. Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen embodied sagehood and tread benevolence, continuing enterprise and raising ritual, correcting music and praise, making elephant calendar—clarity reaching through to spirits and earthly powers, mysterious grace covering above and below. Benevolence and filiality commanding the age, keen martial outstanding—encountering fortune blocked and denied, three powers submerged; then dragon flying five regions, phoenix soaring nine rivers, body ahead of eight hundred's term, severance exiting human and ghost's table—celebration mist responding to high banner's establishment, wind brilliance at trace-issuing time, personally cutting fierce rebels, personally clearing dark dust; Heaven and Earth beginning renewal, husband and wife again creating—how same-year discussion with those inheriting enterprise, expanding Yu's traces, chariots one track, writing without different script! Now dragon unicorn has arrived, phoenix already manifested, bi li already fruited, spirit thatch already abundant—carved mist descending at palace pavilions, precious dew in forbidden groves, auspicious grain at hall eaves, connected trunks in garden enclosures—all shining at the separate palace, roots planted in the orchid garden. As for frost down dark text, plain wings crimson feathers, springs rivers mountains and peaks' omens, grass wood metal stone's auspicious signs, square regions' audiences, resisting post cutting off ancestor's memorials—brilliant and mixed abundant, cannot be fully stated. Peace's responses—here abundantly rich. It is suitable to follow Heaven and Man's sincerity, follow former kings' rule, prepare ten thousand chariots, arrange law carriage, repair enfeoff Mount Tai, bury jade at Dai's foot, extend Qiao and Song at east sequence, edict Han and Qi at west wing, wave Heaven's gate, send to open pass, visit Purple Palace, audience Grand One, play Rotating Heaven, chant Cloud Gate, praise and spread hidden depth, surpassing sound before antiquity—how not splendid! I respectfully wish that the Ritualist be commanded in due time to prepare this canon and measure. The edict replied: "The Grand Preceptor's memorial reads thus. Former splendid kings forever preserved great names and always stood foremost in reputation—by this Way. I inherited the throne amid many hardships; my virtue is thin and my merit shallow—examining myself I collapse in shame. Recently qilin and phoenix displayed auspicious signs and thatch and grain both proved auspicious—though the omens appear clearly, my shame runs deep; I hope to follow my ancestors' will, expand and clear the central realm, perform ritual to earthly powers and visit the spirits—I will try."
42
四年四月辛亥,有司奏曰:
In the fourth month of the fourth year, on xinhai day, the responsible officials memorialized:
43
:臣聞崇號建極,必觀俗以樹教; 正位居體,必採世以立言。 是以重代列聖,咸由厥道。 玄勳上烈,融章未分,鳴光委緒,歇而罔藏。 若其顯諡騰軌,則系綴聲采,徵略聞聽。 爰洎姬、漢,風流尚存,遺芬餘榮,綿映紀緯。 雖年絕世祀,代革精華,可得騰金綵,奏玉潤,鏤迹以燻今,鐫德以麗遠。 而四望埋禋歌之禮,日觀弛修封之容,豈非神明之業難崇,功基之迹易泯。 自茲以降,訖于季末,莫不欲英弘徽位,詳固洪聲。 豈徒深默修文,淵幽馭世而已。 諒以縢非虛奏,書匪妄埋,擊雨恕神,淳廕復樹,安得紫壇肅祗,竹宮載竚,散火投郊,流星奔座。 寶緯初基,厭靈命曆,德振弛維,功濟淪象,玄浸紛流,華液幽潤,規存永馭,思詳樹遠。
Your subjects have heard that exalting titles and establishing the pole requires observing custom to plant teaching; correctly occupying position and establishing form requires gathering the age to establish words. Successive generations of sage rulers all followed this Way. Dark achievement and upper blazing merit remain undivided in blended chapters; sounding light is entrusted to thread, resting yet not hidden. As for displayed posthumous names and soaring tracks, they tie continuing sound and color, signs and outlines heard and known. Down to Ji and Han, wind and flow still exist; lingering fragrance and remaining glory continuously reflect in records and threads. Though years severed from generation's sacrifice and generations changing essence and splendor—one can still soar gold and color, present jade's luster, carve traces to scent the present, and inscribe virtue to beautify the distant. Yet the Four Outlooks buried the di song ritual and Mount Ri relaxed the repair and enfeoffment countenance—is it not that the spirits' enterprise is hard to exalt and achievement's traces easily extinguished? From then down to the final age, none failed to wish to exalt emblem positions and detail and solidify great sound. This was not merely deep silence and cultivating letters, governing the age from an abyss dark alone. Surely because entwined silk is not empty memorial and writing is not falsely buried—striking rain forgiving spirits, pure blessing again planted—how obtain purple altar solemn reverence, bamboo palace bearing station, scattering fire casting to suburbs, shooting stars rushing to seats. Precious thread forms the initial foundation; satiated spirit marks the mandate's calendar; virtue shakes the relaxed net and achievement crosses the sunken image—dark immersion flows mixed, splendid liquid hidden and moistening, rule preserved for eternal driving, thought detailed and tree distant.
44
:太祖文皇帝以啟遘泰運,景望震凝,采樂調風,集禮宣度,祖宗相映,軌迹重暉。 聖上韞籙蕃河,竚翔衡漢,金波掩照,華耀停明,運動時來,躍飛風舉,澄氛海、岱,開景中區,歇神還靈,頹天重耀,儲正凝位於兼明,袞嶽蕃華於元列。 故以祥映昌基,繫發篆素。 重以班朝待典,飾令詳儀,纂綜淪蕪,搜騰委逸,奏玉郊宮,禋珪玄畤,景集天廟,脉壤祥農,節至昕陽,川丘夙禮,綱威巡,表綏中甸,史流其詠,民挹其風。 於是涵迹視陰,振聲威響,歷代之渠,沈□望內,安侯之長,賢王入侍,殊生詭氣,奉俗還鄉,羽族卉儀,懷音革狀,邊帛絕書,權光弛燭。 天岱發靈,宗河開寶,崇丘淪鼎,振采泗淵,雲皇王嶽,摛藻□漢,并角即音,栖翔禁籞,袞甲霜咮,翾舞川肆,榮泉流鏡,後昭河源,故以波沸外關,雲蒸內澤。 若其雪趾青毳,玄文朱綵,日月郊甸,擇木弄音。 重以榮露騰軒,蕭雲掩閣,鎬潁孳萌,移華淵禁,山輿竚衡,雲鶼竦翼,海鰈泳流,江茅吐蔭。 校書之列,仰筆以飾辭,濟、代之蕃,獻邑以待禮。 豈非神勰氣昌,物瑞雲照,蒱軒龜軫,□泉淳芳。
Grand Ancestor Emperor Wen with opening encounter of great fortune, bright prospect shaking and congealing, gathering music adjusting wind, collecting ritual proclaiming measure—ancestors mutually reflecting, tracks and traces heavy brilliance. The sage sovereign containing tally in the river, standing soaring at Balance and Han, gold waves masking illumination, splendid glory stopping brightness—movement and fortune time coming, leaping flying wind rising, clearing atmosphere over sea and Dai, opening brightness in central regions, resting spirits returning souls, collapsed Heaven heavy brilliance, stored correctness congealing position at double brightness, imperial mountains spreading splendor at primal ranks. Thus auspicious signs reflected the flourishing foundation and a series of seals issued on plain silk. Added to this deploying court awaiting canon, adorning orders detailing ritual, compiling sunken wasteland, searching entrusted drift—presenting jade at suburban palace, smoke offering jade at dark terrace, brilliance gathering at Heaven temple, pulse soil auspicious agriculture, season reaching dawn sun, river mounds early ritual, net awe touring, displaying peace in central fields, historians flowing their praise, people drawing their wind. Thereupon containing traces viewing yin, shaking sound awesome resonance, generations' channels sunken in hope within, secure marquis' length, worthy kings entering attendance, special birth strange qi, following custom returning home, feather tribes plant rites, cherishing sound changing form, border silks cutting writing, provisional light relaxing candles. Heaven's Dai issuing spirit, ancestral river opening treasure, lofty mound sinking cauldron, shaking color at Si abyss, cloud emperor king peaks, spreading ornament across Han, united horns immediate sound, roosting soaring forbidden enclosure, imperial armor frost beak, fluttering dance river market, glory spring flowing mirror, later shining river source—thus waves boiling outer pass, clouds steaming inner marsh. As for snow footprints and green down, dark text and crimson color, sun and moon in suburban fields, selecting wood and playing sound. Added to this were glory dew soaring from the pavilion, Xiao cloud masking the tower, Hao and Ying sprouting buds, moving splendor in the abyss forbidden, mountain carriage standing at balance, cloud jian soaring wings, sea flounder swimming in flow, and river thatch issuing shade. The collating books' ranks looked up with brush to adorn words, while Ji and Dai's feudatories presented towns awaiting ritual. Is it not spirit harmony qi flourishing, things auspicious cloud shining, reed carriage turtle axle, pure spring fragrance.
45
:太宰江夏王臣義恭咀道遵英,抽奇麗古,該潤圖史,施詳閟載,表以功懋往初,德耀炎、昊,升文中岱,登牒天關,耀冠榮名,摛振聲號。 而道謙稱首,禮以虛挹,將使玄祇缺觀,幽瑞乖期,梁甫無盛德之容,介丘靡升聞之響。 加窮泉之野,獻八代之駟,交木之鄉,奠絕金之楛,肅靈重表,珍符兼貺。 伏惟陛下謨詳淵載,衍屬休章,依徵聖靈,潤色聲業,諏辰稽古,肅齊警列,儒僚展采,禮官相儀,懸蕤動音,洪鍾竦節,陽路整衞,正途清禁。 於是績環珮,端玉藻,鳴鳳竚律,騰駕流文,間綵比象之容,昭明紀數之服。 徽焯天陣,容藻神行,翠蓋懷陰,羽華列照。 乃詔聯事掌祭,賓客贊儀,金支宿縣,鏞石潤響。 命五神以相列,闢九關以集靈,警衞兵而開雲,先雨祇以灑路。 霞凝生闕,煙起成宮,臺冠丹光,壇浮素靄。 爾乃臨中壇,備盛禮,天降祥錫,壽固皇根,谷動神音,山傳稱響。 然後辨年問老,陳詩觀俗,歸薦告神,奉遺清廟。 光美之盛,彰乎萬古; 淵祥之烈,溢乎無窮。 豈不盛歟!
Grand Preceptor Prince of Jiangxia Liu Yigong chews the Way following brilliance, drawing out wonder surpassing antiquity, encompassing charts and histories, deploying detail in sealed records—displaying achievement surpassing former beginning, virtue shining Yan and Hao, ascending text at central Dai, ascending register at Heaven gate, brilliance crowning glory name, spreading and shaking sound titles. Yet the Way modest calling foremost, ritual with empty drawing—will make dark earthly powers lack viewing, hidden omens miss the term, Liangfu without splendid virtue's countenance, Jie mound without ascending-heard sound. Added exhausted spring's wilds presenting eight generations' steeds, intersecting wood's village offering severed gold's bow—solemn spirit heavy tables, precious talismans both bestowed. Respectfully considering Your Majesty's plan detailed and abyss-deep records, spreading beautiful chapters, following signs of sage spirits, moistening sound enterprise, seeking days examining antiquity, solemn and ordered alert ranks, Confucian assistants deploying color, ritual officers assisting protocol, suspended ru moving sound, great bell soaring sections, yang road arranging guards, correct path clearing forbidden. Thereupon they threaded ring pendants and upright jade ornaments; the sounding phoenix stood at pitch, the soaring carriage flowed in pattern, mixed colors compared to the elephant's countenance, and bright clear garments recorded the numbers. Emblems blazed in the Heaven array, countenance ornamented spirit movement, emerald canopy cherishing yin, feather splendor ranks shining. Then he issued an edict joint affairs to manage sacrifice, guest assistants to praise protocol, gold branches suspended overnight, and bell stone with moist sound. He commanded five spirits to arrange in ranks, opened nine passes to gather spirits, alerted guard soldiers to open clouds, and first had rain earthly powers sprinkle the road. Rosy clouds congealed at the birth gate, mist rose forming a palace, the terrace crowned cinnabar light, and the altar floated in plain mist. Then approaching central altar, preparing splendid ritual—Heaven descending auspicious gift, longevity solidifying imperial root, valley moving spirit sound, mountain transmitting praised resonance. Then they distinguished years and asked elders, presented odes and observed custom, returned offerings announcing spirits, and offered to the Clear Temple. Splendid beauty's abundance would shine brilliant through ten thousand ages; and abyss auspicious blazing would overflow without end. How splendid it would be!
46
:臣等生接昌辰,肅懋明世,束教管聞,未足言道。 且章志湮微,代往淪絕,拘採遺文,辯明訓誥□□□□簉訪鄒、魯,草縢書堙玉之禮,具竦石繩金之儀,和芝潤瑛,鐫璽乾封。 懼弗軌屬上徽,煇當王則。 謹奉儀注以聞。
Your subjects born meeting flourishing age, solemn and earnest in bright generation, bound teaching and limited hearing—not sufficient to speak of the Way. Moreover chapter will submerged and micro, generations past sunk and severed—constrained gathering remnant text, distinguishing bright instructions and admonitions, second visit to Zou and Lu, grass bundles writing buried jade ritual, fully prepared stone rope gold ritual, harmonizing orchid moistening gem, inscribing seal Qian enfeoffment. We fear not following tracks belonging to the upper emblem and brilliance matching the king's rule. We respectfully present the protocol annotations for your review.
47
詔曰:「天生神物,昔王稱愧,況在寡德,敢當鴻貺。 今文軌未一,可停此奏。」
Edict: "Heaven produces divine things; former kings called it shame—how much more in scant virtue, daring to receive great gift. Now writing and tracks not yet one—may stop this memorial."
48
漢獻帝建安十八年五月,以河北十郡封魏武帝為魏公。 是年七月,始建宗廟于鄴,自以諸侯禮立五廟也。 後雖進爵為王,無所改易。 延康元年,文帝繼王位,七月,追尊皇祖為太王,丁夫人曰太王后。 黃初元年十一月受禪,又追尊太王曰太皇帝,皇考武王曰武皇帝。 明帝太和三年六月,又追尊高祖大長秋曰高皇,夫人吳氏曰高皇后,並在鄴廟廟所祠。 則文帝之高祖處士、曾祖高皇、祖太皇帝共一廟。 考太祖武皇帝特一廟百世不毀,然則所祠止於親廟四室也。 至明帝太和三年十一月,洛京廟成,則以親盡遷處士主,置園邑,使令丞奉薦。 而使行太傅太常韓暨、行太廟宗正曹恪持節迎高皇以下神主共一廟,猶為四室而已。 至景初元年六月,羣公有司始更奏定七廟之制,曰:「大魏三聖相承,以成帝業。 武皇帝肇建洪基,撥亂夷險,為魏太祖。 文皇帝繼天革命,應期受禪,為魏高祖。 上集成大命,清定華夏,興制禮樂,宜為魏烈祖。」 更於太祖廟北為二祧,其左為文帝廟,號曰高祖,昭祧,其右擬明帝號曰烈祖,穆祧。 三祖之廟,萬世不毀,其餘四廟,親盡迭遷,一如周后稷、文、武廟祧之禮。 孫盛魏氏春秋曰:「夫諡以表行,廟以存容,皆於既歿然後著焉。 所以原始要終,以示百世者也。 未有當年而逆制祖宗,未終而豫自尊顯。 昔華樂以厚歛致譏,周人以豫凶違禮,魏之羣司,於是乎失正矣。」
In the fifth month of Jian'an 18, Han Emperor Xian enfeoffed Wei Emperor Wu as Duke of Wei with ten commanderies of Hebei. That seventh month the ancestral temple was first established at Ye, using feudal lords' ritual to establish five temples. Afterward, though his rank advanced to king, nothing was changed. In Yankang 1, Emperor Wen succeeded the royal position; in the seventh month he posthumously honored his imperial grandfather as Grand King and Lady Ding as Grand Queen. In the eleventh month of the first year of Huangchu, receiving the abdication, he again posthumously honored Grand King as Grand Emperor and his imperial father King Wu as Emperor Wu. In the sixth month of Taihe 3, Emperor Ming again posthumously honored High Ancestor Grand Autumn as High Emperor and Lady Wu as High Empress—both worshipped at the Ye temple. Then Emperor Wen's great-grandfather the commoner, great-grandfather High Emperor, and grandfather Grand Emperor shared one temple. Imperial father Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu had a special temple never destroyed through a hundred generations—thus worship stopped at four chambers of the immediate temple. By the eleventh month of Taihe 3, the Luoyang capital temple was completed—then with affection exhausted the commoner tablet was moved, a garden settlement established, and a magistrate and assistant sent to offer sacrifice. Acting Grand Tutor Minister of Ceremonies Han Ji and Acting Grand Temple Director of Imperial Clan Cao Ke were sent with staff to welcome High Emperor and below spirit tablets together in one temple—still only four chambers. In the sixth month of Jingchu 1, ministers and responsible officials first memorialized fixing the seven-temple system: "Great Wei three sages succeeded one another, thereby completing imperial enterprise. Emperor Wu at the beginning established great foundation, settling disorder and leveling danger—is Wei Grand Ancestor. Emperor Wen succeeding Heaven's revolution, responding to the term receiving abdication—is Wei High Ancestor. Your Majesty completing great mandate, clearing and settling Huaxia, raising and establishing ritual and music—should be Wei Blazing Ancestor. North of the Grand Ancestor temple two zhao were made: on the left Emperor Wen's temple, titled High Ancestor, bright zhao; on the right Emperor Ming was planned as Blazing Ancestor, reverent zhao. Three ancestors' temples, ten thousand generations not destroyed; the remaining four temples, affection exhausted in turn moved—all like Zhou's Hou Ji, Wen, Wu temple zhao ritual. Sun Sheng's Wei Clan Spring and Autumn says: "Posthumous names express conduct, temples preserve countenance—all after death then displayed. Thus seeking origin and requiring end, to display meaning for a hundred generations. Never before has the system for ancestors and temples been reversed in the same year, before death yet presumptuously self-exalting. Formerly Hua Yue because of heavy levies received criticism; Zhou people because of anticipating misfortune violated ritual—Wei's various offices, at this lost correctness."
49
文帝甄后賜死,故不列廟。 明帝即位,有司奏請追諡曰文昭皇后,使司空王朗持節奉策告祠于陵。 三公又奏曰:「自古周人始祖后稷,又特立廟以祀姜嫄。 今文昭皇后之於後嗣,聖德至化,豈有量哉。 夫以皇家世妃之尊,神靈遷化,而無寢廟以承享祀,非以報顯德,昭孝敬也。 稽之古制,宜依周禮,先妣別立寢廟。」 奏可。 以太和元年二月,立廟于鄴。 四月,洛邑初營宗廟,掘地得玉璽方一寸九分,其文曰:「天子羨思慈親。」 明帝為之改容。 以太牢告廟。 至景初元年十二月己未,有司又奏文昭皇后立廟京師,永傳享祀。 樂舞與祖廟同。 廢鄴廟。
Emperor Wen's Empress Zhen was ordered to die—therefore not ranked in temple. When Emperor Ming ascended, responsible officials memorialized requesting posthumous title Empress Wenzhao; Minister of Works Wang Lang was sent with staff presenting edict announcing sacrifice at tomb. Three Dukes again memorialized: "From ancient times Zhou people's ancestral founder Hou Ji again had a special temple to sacrifice Jiang Yuan. Now Empress Wenzhao toward later generations, sage virtue to utmost transformation—how can there be measure? Taking the imperial house's generations of consort honor, spirit migrating and transforming, yet without sleeping temple to continue offering sacrifice—not thereby repaying displayed virtue, displaying filial reverence. Examining antiquity's system, it is suitable to follow the Rites of Zhou and separately establish a sleeping temple for the deceased mother. The memorial was approved. In the second month of Taihe 1, temple was established at Ye. In the fourth month, as Luoyang's ancestral temple was first constructed, digging earth yielded a jade seal one inch and nine tenths square, inscribed: "The Son of Heaven admires and thinks kindly of his parent." Emperor Ming's expression changed at this. He announced the event to the temple with a great sacrificial victim. By jiwei day of the twelfth month in Jingchu 1, responsible officials again memorialized that Empress Wenzhao's temple be established in the capital for perpetual feast sacrifice. Music and dance were the same as at the ancestral temple. The Ye temple was abolished.
50
魏文帝黃初二年六月,以洛京宗廟未成,乃祠武帝於建始殿,親執饋奠如家人禮。 何承天曰:「案禮,將營宮室,宗廟為先。 庶人無廟,故祭於寢。 帝者行之,非禮甚矣。」
In the sixth month of the second year of Huangchu, because Luoyang's ancestral temple was not yet completed, Wei Emperor Wen sacrificed to Emperor Wu at Jianshi Hall, personally holding offering and presentation like family ritual. He Chengtian says: "By ritual, when palace chambers are about to be constructed, the ancestral temple comes first. Common people have no temple—therefore sacrifice in sleeping chamber. Emperors performing it—not ritual, very much so."
51
漢獻帝延康元年七月,魏文帝幸譙,親祠譙陵,此漢禮也。 漢氏諸陵皆有園寢者,承秦所為也。 說者以為古前廟後寢,以象人君前有朝後有寢也。 廟以藏主,四時祭祀,寢有衣冠象生之具以薦新。 秦始出寢起於墓側,漢因弗改。 陵上稱寢殿,象生之具,古寢之意也。 及魏武帝葬高陵,有司依漢,立陵上祭殿。 至文帝黃初三年,乃詔曰:「先帝躬履節儉,遺詔省約。 子以述父為孝,臣以繫事為忠。 古不墓祭,皆設於廟。 高陵上殿屋皆毀壞,車馬還厩,衣服藏府,以從先帝儉德之志。」 及文帝自作終制,又曰:「壽陵無立寢殿,造園邑。」 自後至今,陵寢遂絕。
Han Emperor Xian Yankang year one seventh month, Wei Emperor Wen visited Qiao, personally sacrificed at Qiao tomb—this is Han ritual. Han house various tombs all have garden sleeping quarters—continuing what Qin established. Explainers hold that anciently the temple stood front and sleeping chamber rear, symbolizing the ruler's court in front and sleeping chamber behind. The temple stored tablets for four-season sacrifice; the sleeping chamber held garments, hats, and image-life implements for offering new. Qin at first moved the sleeping chamber to the tomb side; Han followed without change. On tomb called sleeping hall; image-life implements—ancient sleeping chamber's meaning. When Wei Emperor Wu was buried at Gaoling, responsible officials following Han practice established a tomb-top sacrifice hall. In the third year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen issued an edict: "The former emperor personally practiced frugal simplicity, and his testamentary edict called for economy. For a son to carry on his father's work is filial piety; for a subject to carry on his lord's affairs is loyalty. Ancient times did not sacrifice at tomb—all set at temple. Gaoling upper hall chambers all destroyed, horses and chariots returned to stable, garments stored in treasury—to follow former emperor's frugal virtue's will. Emperor Wen's own final regulations again stated: "At Shouling do not establish a sleeping hall; make only a garden settlement." From that time to the present, tomb sleeping quarters have been abolished.
52
孫權不立七廟,以父堅嘗為長沙太守,長沙臨湘縣立堅廟而已。 權既不親祠,直是依後漢奉南頓故事,使太守祠也。 堅廟又見尊曰始祖廟,而不在京師。 又以民人所發吳芮冢材為屋,未之前聞也。 於建鄴立兄長沙桓王策廟於朱爵橋南。 權疾,太子所禱,即策廟也。 權卒,子亮代立。 明年正月,於宮東立權廟曰太祖廟,既不在宮南,又無昭穆之序。 及孫晧初立,追尊父和曰文皇帝。 晧先封烏程侯,即改葬和於烏程西山,號曰明陵,置園邑二百家。 於烏程立陵寢,使縣令丞四時奉祠。 寶鼎元年,遂於烏程分置吳興郡,使太守執事。 有司尋又言宜立廟京邑。 寶鼎二年,遂更營建,號曰清廟。 遣守丞相孟仁、太常姚信等備官僚中軍步騎,以靈輿法駕迎神主於明陵,親引仁拜送於庭。 比仁還,中吏手詔日夜相繼,奉問神靈起居動止。 巫覡言見和被服顏色如平日,晧悲喜,悉召公卿尚書詣閤下受賜。 靈輿當至,使丞相陸凱奉三牲祭於近郊。 晧於金城外露宿。 明日,望拜於東門之外,又拜廟薦饗。 比七日,三祭,倡伎晝夜娛樂。 有司奏:「『祭不欲數,數則黷』,宜以禮斷情。」 然後止。
Sun Quan did not establish seven temples; because his father Sun Jian once was Changsha Administrator, only established a Jian temple at Changsha's Linxiang county. Since Sun Quan did not sacrifice in person, he simply followed Later Han precedent at Nandun and had the Administrator perform the rite. Sun Jian's temple was also honored as the Ancestor-Founder Temple, yet it stood outside the capital. Moreover they used timber from the tomb of Wu Rui that commoners had opened—something unheard of before. At Jianye they established a temple to his elder brother, Prince of Changsha Sun Ce, south of Zhuque Bridge. When Sun Quan fell ill, the crown prince prayed at Sun Ce's temple. Sun Quan died; his son Sun Liang succeeded him. The next first month they established Sun Quan's temple east of the palace, calling it the Grand Ancestor Temple—neither south of the palace nor in bright-reverent order. When Sun Hao first ascended, he posthumously honored his father Sun He as Emperor Wen. Sun Hao had first been enfeoffed as Marquis of Wucheng—he immediately reburied Sun He on Wucheng's Western Mountain, titled the tomb Bright Tomb, and established a garden settlement of two hundred households. At Wucheng they established tomb sleeping quarters and ordered the county magistrate and assistant to offer sacrifice in all four seasons. In Baoding 1 they separately established Wuxing commandery at Wucheng and sent an Administrator to manage affairs. The responsible officials soon proposed that a temple should be established in the capital. In Baoding 2 they constructed it anew, titling it the Clear Temple. They sent Acting Chancellor Meng Ren, Minister of Ceremonies Yao Xin, and others with Central Army infantry and cavalry, using the spirit carriage and law chariot to welcome the spirit tablet from Bright Tomb; Sun Hao personally led Ren in bowing and sending it off in court. When Ren returned, hand edicts from central clerks followed day and night in succession, inquiring into the spirits' rising, resting, movement, and stopping. Shamans and diviners said they saw Sun He in garments and countenance as on ordinary days—Sun Hao both grieved and rejoiced and summoned all ministers, grandees, and Masters of Writing to the pavilion to receive gifts. When the spirit carriage was about to arrive, he sent Chancellor Lu Kai to offer a three-victim sacrifice at the near suburbs. Sun Hao lodged exposed outside Jincheng. The next day he gazed and bowed outside the east gate, then again bowed at the temple presenting a feast. For seven days he held three sacrifices, with singers and performers entertaining day and night. The responsible officials memorialized: "'Sacrifice should not be frequent; frequency brings excess'—feeling should be restrained by ritual." Then the rites stopped.
53
劉備章武元年四月,建尊號於成都。 是月,立宗廟,祫祭高祖已下。 備紹世而起,亦未辨繼何帝為禰,亦無祖宗之號。 劉禪面縛,北地王諶哭於昭烈之廟,此則備廟別立也。
In the fourth month of Zhangwu 1, Liu Bei established his honored title at Chengdu. That month he established the ancestral temple and performed he sacrifice from the High Ancestor down. Liu Bei, succeeding the age and rising, also did not determine which emperor to take as father temple, and had no ancestors' titles. Liu Shan bound facing north, Northern Palace King Liu Chen wept at Liu Bei's temple—showing that Liu Bei's temple was separately established.
54
魏元帝咸熙元年,增封晉文帝進爵為王,追命舞陽宣文侯為晉宣王,忠武侯為晉景王。 是年八月,文帝崩,諡曰文王。 武帝泰始元年十二月丙寅,受禪。 丁卯,追尊皇祖宣王為宣皇帝,伯考景王為景皇帝,考文王為文皇帝,宣王妃張氏為宣穆皇后,景王夫人羊氏為景皇后。 二年正月,有司奏天子七廟,宜如禮營建。 帝重其役,詔宜權立一廟。 於是羣臣奏議:「上古清廟一宮,尊遠神祇,逮至周室,制為七廟,以辨宗祧。 聖旨深弘,遠跡上世,敦崇唐、虞。 舍七廟之繁華,遵一宮之尊遠。 昔舜承堯禪,受終文祖,遂陟帝位,蓋三十載,月正元日,又格于文祖。 此則虞氏不改唐廟,因仍舊宮。 可依有虞氏故事,即用魏廟。」 奏可。 於是追祭征西將軍、豫章府君、潁川府君、京兆府君,與宣皇帝、景皇帝、文皇帝為三昭三穆。 是時宣皇未升,太祖虛位,所以祠六世與景帝為七廟,其禮則據王肅說也。 七月,又詔曰:「主者前奏就魏舊廟,誠亦有準。 然於祗奉神明,情猶未安。 宜更營造,崇正永制。」 於是改創宗廟。 十一月,追尊景帝夫人夏侯氏為景懷皇后。
In Xianxi 1, Wei Emperor Yuan increased Jin Emperor Wen's enfeoffment and advanced his rank to king, posthumously commanding Wuyang Xuanwen Marquis as Jin Emperor Xuan and Zhongwu Marquis as Jin Emperor Jing. That eighth month Emperor Wen died, receiving the posthumous title Emperor Wen. On bingyin day of the twelfth month in the first year of Taishi, Emperor Wu received the abdication. On dingmao day he posthumously honored his imperial grandfather Emperor Xuan as Emperor Xuan, his father's elder brother Emperor Jing as Emperor Jing, and his father Emperor Wen as Emperor Wen; Emperor Xuan's consort Lady Zhang as Empress Xuanmu and Emperor Jing's lady Lady Yang as Empress Jing. In the first month of the second year, responsible officials memorialized that the Son of Heaven's seven temples should be constructed according to ritual. The emperor weighed the labor and issued an edict provisionally establishing one temple. Thereupon ministers deliberated: "Upper antiquity's Clear Temple was one palace, honoring distant spirits; down to the Zhou house, seven temples were made to distinguish ancestral lines. The sage intent is deeply expansive, distant tracks reaching upper ages, thickly honoring Tang and Yu. Setting aside the splendor of seven temples, he followed one palace's honoring of the distant. Formerly Shun received Yao's abdication, received termination at Culture Ancestor, then ascended imperial position—probably thirty years; month correct primal day, again arriving at Culture Ancestor. Thus the Yu clan did not change the Tang temple, continuing the former palace. May follow the Youyu clan precedent and immediately use the Wei temple. The memorial was approved. Thereupon they posthumously sacrificed Campaigning West General, Yuzhang Lord, Yingchuan Lord, and Jingzhao Lord with Emperor Xuan, Emperor Jing, and Emperor Wen as three bright and three reverent. At that time Emperor Xuan had not yet ascended and the Grand Ancestor position was empty—thus they worshipped six generations with Emperor Jing as seven temples; ritual followed Wang Su's explanation. In the seventh month he again issued an edict: "The Director previously memorialized using the Wei old temple—truly it also has standard. Yet in reverently serving the spirits, he still felt uneasy. It is suitable again to construct, exalting correctness and eternal system. Thereupon they altered and created the ancestral temple. In the eleventh month they posthumously honored Emperor Jing's lady Lady Xiahou as Empress Jinghuai.
55
太康元年,靈壽公主修麗祔于太廟,周、漢未有其準。 魏明帝則別立廟,晉又異魏也。
In Taikang 1, Princess Ling Shou Xiu Li was enfeoffed at the Grand Temple—Zhou and Han never had this standard. Emperor Ming of Wei then separately established a temple; Jin again differed from Wei.
56
八年,因廟陷當改治。 羣臣又議奏曰:「古者七廟異所,自宜如禮。」 詔又曰:「古雖七廟,自近代以來,皆一廟七室,於禮無廢,於情為敍,亦隨時之宜也。 其便仍舊。」 至十年,乃更改築於宣陽門內,窮壯極麗。 然坎位之制,猶如初爾。 廟成,帝率百官遷神主于新廟,自征西以下,車服導從,皆如帝者之儀。 摯虞之議也。 至世祖武皇帝崩,則遷征西; 及惠帝崩,又遷豫章。 而惠帝世,愍懷太子、太子二子哀太孫臧、沖太孫尚並祔廟。 元帝世,懷帝殤太子又祔廟,號為陰室四殤。 懷帝初,又策諡武帝楊后曰武悼皇后,改葬峻陽陵側。 別立弘訓宮,不列於廟。 元帝既即尊位,上繼武帝,於禮為禰,如漢光武上繼元帝故事也。 是時西京神主堙滅虜庭,江左建廟,皆更新造。 尋以登懷帝之主,又遷潁川。 位雖七室,其實五世,蓋從刁協,以兄弟為世數故也。 于時百度草創,舊禮未備,三祖毀主,權居別室。 太興三年,將登愍帝之主,於是乃定更制,還復豫章、潁川二主于昭穆之位,以同惠帝嗣武帝故事,而惠、懷、愍三帝自從春秋尊尊之義,在廟不替也。 至元帝崩,則豫章復遷。 然元帝神位,猶在愍帝之下,故有坎室者十也。 至明帝崩,而潁川又遷,猶十室也。 于時續廣太廟,故三遷主並還西儲,名之曰祧,以準遠廟。 成帝咸和三年,蘇峻覆亂京都,溫嶠等入伐,立行廟於白石,告先帝先后曰:「逆臣蘇峻,傾覆社稷,毀棄三正,汙辱海內。 臣亮等手刃戎首,龔行天罰。 惟中宗元皇帝、肅祖明皇帝、明穆皇后之靈,降鑒有罪,剿絕其命,翦此羣兇,以安宗廟。 臣等雖隕首摧軀,猶生之年。」 咸康七年五月,始作武悼皇后神主,祔于廟,配饗世祖。 成帝崩而康帝承統,以兄弟一世,故不遷京兆,始十一室也。 康帝崩,京兆遷入西儲,同謂之祧,如前三祖遷主之禮。 故正室猶十一也。 穆帝崩而哀帝、海西並為兄弟,無所登降。 咸安之初,簡文皇帝上繼元皇帝,世秩登進。 於是潁川、京兆二主,復還昭穆之位。 至簡文崩,潁川又遷。 孝武皇帝太元十六年,改作太廟,殿正室十六間,東西儲各一間,合十八間。 棟高八丈四尺,堂基長三十九丈一尺,廣十丈一尺。 堂集方石,庭以塼。 尊備法駕,遷神主于行廟。 征西至京兆四主,及太子太孫,各用其位之儀服。 四主不從帝者之儀,是與太康異也。 諸主既入廟,設脯醢之奠。 及新廟成,帝主還室,又設脯醢之奠。 十九年二月,追尊簡文母會稽太妃鄭氏為簡文皇帝宣太后,立廟太廟道西。 及孝武崩,京兆又遷,如穆帝之世四祧故事。 安帝隆安四年,以孝武母簡文李太后、帝母宣德陳太后祔于宣鄭太后之廟。
In the eighth year, because the temple collapsed it should be rebuilt. Ministers deliberated and memorialized again: "In ancient times the seven temples stood at different places—naturally it is suitable to follow ritual." The edict replied again: "Anciently there were seven temples, but from recent generations onward all have been one temple with seven chambers—in ritual not abolished, in feeling as narrative, also following the age's suitability. They were to continue as before. By the tenth year they again constructed it inside Xuanyang Gate, extremely grand and splendid. Yet the pit-position system remained as at first. When the temple was completed, the emperor led the hundred officials in moving spirit tablets to the new temple; from Campaigning West down, chariot garments and escort all followed emperors' protocol. This followed Zhi Yu's deliberation. When World Ancestor Emperor Wu died, Campaigning West was moved; and when Emperor Hui died, Yuzhang was moved again. Yet in Emperor Hui's age, Minhuai crown prince and the crown prince's two sons Mourning Grand Heir Zang and Chong Grand Heir Shang were all enfeoffed at the temple. In Emperor Yuan's age, Emperor Huai's infant crown prince was again enfeoffed at the temple, titled Yin Chamber four infant deaths. At Emperor Huai's beginning, they again issued an edict posthumous title for Emperor Wu's Empress Yang as Empress Wudao and changed burial beside Junyang tomb. They separately established Hongxun Palace, not ranked in the temple. Emperor Yuan having ascended the honored position and upward succeeding Emperor Wu—in ritual as father temple, like Han Emperor Guangwu upward succeeding Emperor Yuan. At that time Western Capital spirit tablets were buried and destroyed in the barbarian court; establishing the temple in Jiangzuo, all was newly constructed. Soon with ascending Emperor Huai's tablet, Yingchuan was moved again. Position though seven chambers, in substance five generations—probably following Diao Xie, taking brothers as generation count. At that time the hundred offices were at grass roots creation and old ritual was not complete; three ancestors' destroyed tablets provisionally occupied separate chambers. In Taixing 3, about to ascend Emperor Min's tablet—they fixed the altered system, returning Yuzhang and Yingchuan two lords to bright-reverent positions, same as Emperor Hui succeeding Emperor Wu, while Emperors Hui, Huai, and Min from spring-autumn honoring-the-honored meaning were in temple not replaced. When Emperor Yuan died, Yuzhang was moved again. Yet Emperor Yuan's spirit position still stood below Emperor Min's—therefore there were pit chambers totaling ten. When Emperor Ming died, Yingchuan was moved again—still ten chambers. At that time continuing and expanding the Grand Temple—thus three moved lords all returned to western store, named zhao, to standardize distant temple. In Xianhe 3 under Emperor Cheng, Su Jun overturned order in the capital; Wen Jiao and others entered to attack and established a traveling temple at Baishi, announcing to former emperors and empresses: "Rebel minister Su Jun has overturned the state altars, destroyed the three correct, and defiled the realm. We your subjects Liang and others have personally slain the barbarian chiefs, reverently performing Heaven's punishment. Only Middle Ancestor Emperor Yuan, Reverent Ancestor Emperor Ming, and Empress Mingmu's spirits—descend to inspect the guilty, exterminate their mandate, cut off these villains, to secure the ancestral temple. Your subjects though falling heads and crushing bodies, still have years of life. In the fifth month of Xiankang 7, they first made Empress Wudao's spirit tablet, enfeoffed at temple, collateral feast with World Ancestor. Emperor Cheng died and Emperor Kang succeeded—as brothers one generation, Jingzhao was not moved; first eleven chambers. When Emperor Kang died, Jingzhao moved into western store, together called zhao, like former three ancestors moved lords' ritual. Thus the main chambers still numbered eleven. Emperor Mu died and Emperors Ai and Haixi were both brothers, with nothing to ascend or descend. At the beginning of the Xi'an reign, Emperor Jianwen succeeded Emperor Yuan upward, and generation ranks ascended. Thereupon Yingchuan and Jingzhao two lords again returned to bright-reverent positions. When Emperor Jianwen died, Yingchuan was moved again. In Taiyuan 16, Emperor Xiaowu altered and constructed the Grand Temple—hall main chambers sixteen bays, east and west stores each one bay, total eighteen bays. The ridge stood eight zhang four chi high; the hall foundation measured thirty-nine zhang one chi long and ten zhang one chi wide. The hall gathered square stone; the courtyard was paved with brick. Honoring with complete law chariot, they moved spirit tablets to the traveling temple. Campaigning West to Jingzhao four lords, and crown prince grand heir, each used their position's protocol garments. The four lords did not follow emperors' protocol—this differs from Taikang. When the various lords had entered the temple, dried and pickled meat offerings were set. When the new temple was completed and the emperor lords returned to chambers, dried and pickled meat offerings were set again. In the second month of the nineteenth year, they posthumously honored Jianwen's mother Kuaiji Grand Consort Lady Zheng as Jianwen Emperor's Empress Dowager Xuan and established a temple west of the Grand Temple road. When Emperor Xiaowu died, Jingzhao was moved again, like Emperor Mu's age four zhao precedent. In Longan 4 under Emperor An, they enfeoffed Xiaowu's mother Jianwen Empress Dowager Li and the emperor's mother Xunde Empress Dowager Chen at Empress Dowager Xuan Zheng's temple.
57
元興三年三月,宗廟神主在尋陽,已立新主于太廟,權告義事。 四月,輔國將軍何無忌奉送神主還。 丙子,百官拜迎于石頭。 戊寅,入廟。 安帝崩,未及禘,而天祿終焉。
In the third month of Yuanxing 3, Grand Temple spirit tablets were at Xunyang—new tablets had already been established at the Grand Temple, with provisional announcement of the righteous affair. In the fourth month, Assistant General He Wuji escorted the spirit tablets back. On bingzi day, the hundred officials bowed in welcome at Shitou. On wuyin day they entered the temple. Emperor An died before the di sacrifice could be held, and Heaven's blessing ended.
58
宋武帝初受晉命為宋王,建宗廟於彭城,依魏、晉故事,立一廟。 初祠高祖開封府君、曾祖武原府君、皇祖東安府君、皇考處士府君、武敬臧后,從諸侯五廟之禮也。 既即尊位,乃增祠七世右北平府君、六世相國掾府君為七廟。 永初初,追尊皇考處士為孝穆皇帝,皇妣趙氏為穆皇后。 三年,孝懿蕭皇后崩,又祔廟。 高祖崩,神主升廟,猶從昭穆之序,如魏、晉之制,虛太祖之位也。 廟殿亦不改構,又如晉初之因魏也。 文帝元嘉初,追尊所生胡婕妤為章皇太后,立廟西晉宣太后地。 孝武昭太后、明帝宣太后並祔章太后廟。
When Song Emperor Wu first received Jin's mandate as King of Song, he established an ancestral temple at Pengcheng, following Wei and Jin precedent with a single temple. The first sacrifice honored High Ancestor Lord of Kaifeng, great-grandfather Lord of Wuyuan, imperial grandfather Lord of Dong'an, imperial father the Commoner Lord, and Empress Wu Jing Zang—following the feudal lords' five-temple ritual. After ascending the throne, he added worship of the seventh-generation Right Beiping Lord and sixth-generation Chancellor's Assistant Lord, making seven temples. At the beginning of Yongchu he posthumously honored his imperial father the Commoner as Emperor Xiaomu and his imperial mother Lady Zhao as Empress Mu. In the third year Empress Xiaoyi Xiao died and was again enfeoffed at the temple. When the High Ancestor died, his spirit tablet ascended the temple, still following bright-reverent order like the Wei and Jin system, with the Grand Ancestor position left empty. The temple hall was also not rebuilt, again like early Jin following Wei. At the beginning of Yuanjia, Emperor Wen posthumously honored his birth-mother Lady Hu Jieyu as Empress Dowager Zhang and established a temple at Western Jin Empress Dowager Xuan's site. Emperor Xiaowu's Empress Dowager Zhao and Emperor Ming's Empress Dowager Xuan were both enfeoffed at Empress Dowager Zhang's temple.
59
晉元帝太興三年正月乙卯,詔曰:「吾雖上繼世祖,然於懷、愍皇帝,皆北面稱臣。 今祠太廟,不親執觴酌,而令有司行事,於情禮不安。 可依禮更處。」 太常華恒議:「今聖上繼武皇帝,宜準漢世祖故事,不親執觴爵。」 又曰:「今上承繼武帝,而廟之昭穆,四世而已。 前太常賀循、博士傅純以為惠、懷及愍宜別立廟。 然臣愚謂廟室當以容主為限,無拘常數。 殷世有二祖三宗,若拘七室,則當祭禰而已。 推此論之,宜還復豫章、潁川,全祠七廟之禮。」 驃騎長史溫嶠議:「凡言兄弟不相入廟,既非禮文。 且光武奮劍振起,不策名於孝平,務神其事,以應九世之讖,又古不共廟,故別立焉。 今上以策名而言,殊於光武之事,躬奉烝嘗,於經既正,於情又安矣。 太常恒欲還二府君以全七世,嶠謂是宜。」 驃騎將軍王導從嶠議。 嶠又曰:「其非子者,可直言皇帝敢告某皇帝。 又若以一帝為一世,則不祭禰,反不及庶人。」 於是帝從嶠議,悉施用之。 孫盛晉春秋曰:「陽秋傳云,『臣子一例也』。 雖繼君位,不以後尊,降廢前敬。 昔魯僖上嗣莊公,以友于長幼而升之,為逆。 準之古義,明詔是也。」
In the first month of Taixing 3, Emperor Yuan of Jin issued an edict: "Though I succeed the World Ancestor, toward Emperors Huai and Min I still face north and call myself subject. Now at the Grand Temple sacrifice I do not personally hold the goblet and pour, but have responsible officials conduct the ritual—in feeling and ritual this is not at ease. It should be reconsidered according to ritual." Minister of Ceremonies Hua Heng deliberated: "Now the sage sovereign succeeds Emperor Wu; it is suitable to follow Han World Ancestor precedent and not personally hold goblet and cup." He also said: "Your Majesty succeeds Emperor Wu, yet the temple's bright-reverent order covers only four generations. Former Minister of Ceremonies He Xun and Erudite Fu Chun held that Emperors Hui, Huai, and Min should have separate temples. Yet I consider temple chambers should be limited by capacity for tablets, not bound by a fixed number. The Yin age had two ancestors and three temples; if bound to seven chambers, one would sacrifice only to the father temple. Extending this discussion, Yuzhang and Yingchuan should be restored and the full seven-temple ritual observed. Pillar-and-Cavalry Chief Clerk Wen Jiao deliberated: "The claim that brothers do not enter the temple together is not found in ritual texts. Moreover Guangwu roused his sword and rose, was not enrolled under Emperor Xiaoping, devoted spirit to the affair to respond to the nine-generations prophecy; and ancient times did not share temples—thus he separately established one. Your Majesty, speaking by enrolled name, differs from Guangwu's case; personally performing winter and autumn sacrifices is canonically correct and emotionally fitting. Minister of Ceremonies Heng wished to return the two lords to complete seven generations—Jiao considers this suitable. Pillar-and-Cavalry General Wang Dao endorsed Jiao's view. Jiao again said: "For those who were not his sons, one may directly say, 'The emperor dares announce to a certain emperor. Moreover if one emperor counts as one generation, then not sacrificing to the father temple falls below even commoners.' Thereupon the emperor followed Jiao's deliberation and implemented it all. Sun Sheng's Jin Spring and Autumn says: "The Yangqiu Commentary says, 'Ministers and sons follow one pattern. Though succeeding to the ruler's position, one does not use later honor to reduce former reverence. Formerly Duke Xi of Lu succeeded Duke Zhuang upward, elevating by friendship of elder and younger—that was rebellion. Measured by ancient meaning, the bright edict is correct."
60
穆帝永和二年七月,有司奏:「十月殷祭,京兆府君當遷祧室。 昔征西、豫章、潁川三府君毀主,中興之初,權居天府,在廟門之西。 咸康中,太常馮懷表續奉還於西儲夾室,謂之為祧,疑亦非禮。 今京兆遷入,是為四世遠祖,長在太祖之上。 昔周室太祖世遠,故遷有所歸。 今晉廟宣皇為主,而四祖居之,是屈祖就孫也。 殷祫在上,是代太祖也。」 領司徒蔡謨議:「四府君宜改築別室,若未展者,當入就太廟之室。 人莫敢卑其祖,文、武不先不窋。 殷祭之日,征西東面,處宣皇之上。 其後遷廟之主,藏於征西之祧,祭薦不絕。」 護軍將軍馮懷表議:「禮,『無廟者,為壇以祭』。 可別立室藏之,至殷禘,則祭于壇也。」 輔國將軍譙王司馬無忌等議:「諸儒謂太王王季遷主藏於文、武之祧,如此,府君遷主,宜在宣皇帝廟中。 然今無寢室,宜變通而改築。 又殷祫太廟,征西東面。」 尚書郎孫綽與無忌議同。 曰:「太祖雖位始九五,而道以從暢,替人爵之尊,篤天倫之道,所以成教本而光百代也。」 尚書郎徐禪議:「禮,『去祧為壇,去壇為墠,歲祫則祭之』。 今四祖遷主,可藏之石室。 有禱則祭於壇墠。」 又遣禪至會稽訪處士虞喜。 喜答曰:「漢世韋玄成等以毀主瘞於園。 魏朝議者云應埋兩階之間。 且神主本在太廟,若今別室而祭,則不如永藏。 又四君無追號之禮,益明應毀而無祭。」 於是撫軍將軍會稽王司馬昱、尚書劉劭等奏:「四祖同居西祧,藏主石室,禘祫乃祭,如先朝舊儀。」 時陳留范宣兄子問此禮。 宣答曰:「舜廟所祭,皆是庶人。 其後世遠而毀,不居舜上,不序昭穆。 今四君號猶依本,非以功德致禮也。 若依虞主之瘞,則猶藏子孫之所; 若依夏主之埋,則又非本廟之階。 宜思其變,別築一室,親未盡則禘祫,處宣帝之上; 親盡則無緣下就子孫之列。」 其後太常劉遐等同蔡謨議。 博士張憑議:「或疑陳於太祖者,皆其後毀之主。 憑案古義無別前後之文也。 禹不先鯀,則遷主居太祖之上,亦可無疑矣。」
In the seventh month of Yonghe 2, responsible officials memorialized: "At the tenth month yin sacrifice, Jingzhao Lord should move to the zhao chamber. Formerly the destroyed tablets of Campaigning West, Yuzhang, and Yingchuan three lords—at the Restoration beginning provisionally occupied the Heavenly Mansion west of the temple gate. In Xiankang, Minister of Ceremonies Feng Huai memorialized continuing to return them to western store side chambers, calling it zhao—this too was doubtfully unritual. Now Jingzhao moving in—this is a four-generations-distant ancestor, long above the Grand Ancestor. Formerly the Zhou house's Grand Ancestor was generations distant—thus moving had a destination. Now in the Jin temple Emperor Xuan is chief, yet four ancestors occupy it—this is bending the ancestor to submit to the grandson. Yin he sacrifice above—this replaces the Grand Ancestor. Acting Director of the Masters of Writing Cai Mo deliberated: "The four lords should have separate chambers built; if not yet displayed, they should enter Grand Temple chambers. No one dares belittle their ancestors—Wen and Wu do not precede Buqiu. On yin sacrifice day, Campaigning West faces east, above Emperor Xuan. Thereafter moved temple lords are stored in Campaigning West's zhao, sacrifice and offering not severed. Protecting Army General Feng Huai memorialized: "Ritual states: 'Those without a temple—make an altar to sacrifice. May separately establish a chamber to store them; at yin di, then sacrifice at the altar." Assistant General Prince of Qiao Sima Wuji and others deliberated: "Scholars say Great King and King Ji moved tablets stored in Wen and Wu's zhao—thus the lords' moved tablets should be in Emperor Xuan's temple. Yet now there is no sleeping chamber—construction should be adapted. Moreover at yin he in the Grand Temple, Campaigning West faces east." Masters of Writing Gentleman Sun Chuo agreed with Wuji. He said: "Though the Grand Ancestor's position began at ninety-five, the Way followed from smoothness, replacing human rank's honor and deepening Heaven's kinship's Way—thus completing teaching's root and illuminating a hundred generations." Masters of Writing Gentleman Xu Chan deliberated: "Ritual states: 'Removing zhao makes altar, removing altar makes open ground; yearly he then sacrifices. Now the four ancestors' moved tablets may be stored in a stone chamber. When there is prayer, sacrifice at the altar and open ground." They also sent Chan to Kuaiji to visit Recluse Yu Xi. Xi replied: "In Han times Wei Xuancheng and others buried destroyed tablets in the garden. Wei court deliberators said they should be buried between the two steps. Moreover spirit tablets originally stood in the Grand Temple—if now sacrificed in a separate chamber, permanent storage is better. Moreover the four lords have no posthumous title ritual—further clarifying they should be destroyed without sacrifice." Thereupon General of the Forward Army Prince of Kuaiji Sima Yu, Master of Writing Liu Shao, and others memorialized: "Four ancestors together occupy western zhao, store tablets in stone chamber, di and he then sacrifice, like former court old ritual." At that time Chenliu Fan Xuan's elder brother's son asked about this ritual. Xuan replied: "Shun's temple sacrifices all were commoners. Their later generations grew distant and were destroyed, not occupying above Shun, not ordering bright-reverent. Now the four lords' titles still follow originals—not by merit and virtue attaining ritual. If following Yu lord's burial, the tablets would remain stored where descendants are; if following Xia lord's burial, then again not the original temple's steps. It is suitable to think of the change and separately build one chamber; if affection is not exhausted then di and he, positioned above Emperor Xuan; if affection is exhausted then no reason to descend and join descendants' ranks." Thereafter Minister of Ceremonies Liu Xia and others agreed with Cai Mo. Erudite Zhang Ping deliberated: "Some doubt those displayed before the Grand Ancestor are all their later destroyed lords. Examining ancient meaning, there is no separate before-after text. Yu did not precede Gun—then moved lords occupying above the Grand Ancestor can also be without doubt."
61
安帝義熙九年四月,將殷祭。 詔博議遷毀之禮。 大司馬琅邪王司馬德文議:「泰始之初,虛太祖之位,而緣情流遠,上及征西,故世盡則宜毀,而宣皇帝正太祖之位。 又漢光武帝移十一帝主於洛邑,則毀主不設,理可推矣。 宜從范宣之言,築別室以居四府君之主,永藏而不祀也。」 大司農徐廣議:「四府君嘗處廟室之首,歆率土之祭。 若埋之幽壤,於情理未必咸盡。 謂可遷藏西儲,以為遠祧,而禘饗永絕也。」 太尉諮議參軍袁豹議:「仍舊無革。 殷祠猶及四府君,情理為允。」 祠部郎臧燾議:「四府君之主,享祀禮廢,則亦神所不依。 宜同虞主之瘞埋矣。」 時高祖輔晉,與大司馬議同。 須後殷祀行事改制。
In the fourth month of Yixi 9 under Emperor An, they were about to perform yin sacrifice. An edict called for broad deliberation on moving and destroying ritual. Grand Marshal Prince of Langye Sima Dewen deliberated: "At Taishi beginning the Grand Ancestor position was empty, yet following affection flowing distant, upward reaching Campaigning West—thus when generation is exhausted it is suitable to destroy, while Emperor Xuan corrects the Grand Ancestor's position. Moreover Han Emperor Guangwu moved eleven emperors' tablets to Luoyang—then destroyed tablets not established, principle can be extended. They should follow Fan Xuan's advice, build a separate chamber for the four lords' tablets, and store them permanently without sacrifice. Grand Agriculture Xu Guang deliberated: "The four lords once occupied the temple chambers' foremost, receiving sacrifice throughout the realm. If buried in hidden earth, feeling and principle are perhaps not all exhausted. I consider they may be moved and stored in western store as distant zhao, while di and feast are forever severed." Grand Commandant Advisory Staff Member Yuan Bao argued: "Keep the old practice unchanged. Yin sacrifice still reaches four lords—feeling and principle as acceptable." Section Director of Sacrifices Zang Tao deliberated: "Four lords' tablets, feast sacrifice ritual abolished—then spirits do not rely. It is suitable to follow Yu lord's burial." At that time High Ancestor Liu Yu assisted Jin, agreeing with the Grand Marshal's deliberation. They awaited the afterward yin sacrifice to conduct ritual and alter the system.
62
晉孝武帝太元十二年五月壬戌,詔曰:「昔建太廟,每事從儉約,思與率土,致力備禮。 又太祖虛位,明堂未建。 郊祀,國之大事,而稽古之制闕然。 便可詳議。」 祠部郎徐邈議:「圓丘郊祀,經典無二,宣皇帝嘗辨斯義。 而檢以聖典,爰及中興,備加研極,以定南北二郊,誠非異學所可輕改也。 謂仍舊為安。 武皇帝建廟,六世三昭三穆,宣皇帝創基之主,實惟太祖,親則王考,四廟在上,未及遷世,故權虛東向之位也。 兄弟相及,義非二世,故當今廟祀,世數未足,而欲太祖正位,則違事七之義矣。 又禮曰『庶子王亦禘祖立廟』。 蓋謂支胤授位,則親近必復。 京兆府君於今六世,宜復立此室,則宣皇未在六世之上,須前世既遷,乃太祖位定爾。 京兆遷毀,宜藏主於石室。 雖禘祫猶弗及。 何者,傳稱毀主升合乎太祖,升者自下之名,不謂可降尊就卑也。 太子太孫陰室四主,儲嗣之重,升祔皇祖所託之廟,世遠應遷,然後從食之孫,與之俱毀。 明堂圓方之制,綱領已舉,不宜闕配帝之祀。 且王者以天下為家,未必一邦,故周平、光武無廢於二京也。 周公宗祀文王,漢明配以世祖,自非惟新之考,孰配上帝。」 邈又曰:「明堂所配之神,積疑莫辨。 按易,『殷薦上帝,以配祖考』。 祖考同配,則上帝亦為天,而嚴父之義顯。 周禮,旅上帝者有故,告天與郊祀常禮同用四圭,故並言之。 若上帝者是五帝,經文何不言祀天旅五帝,祀地旅四望乎? 人帝之與天帝,雖天人之通謂,然五方不可言上帝,諸侯不可言大君也。 書無全證,而義容彼此,故泰始、太康二紀之間,興廢迭用矣。」 侍中車胤議同。 又曰:「明堂之制,既其難詳。 且樂主於和,禮主於敬,故質文不同,音器亦殊。 既茅茨廣廈,不一其度,何必守其形範,而不知弘本順民乎。 九服咸寧,河朔無塵,然後明堂辟雍,可崇而修之。」 中書令王珉意與胤同。 太常孔汪議:「泰始開元,所以上祭四府君,誠以世數尚近,可得饗祠,非若殷、周先世,王迹所因也。 向使京兆爾時在七世之外,自當不祭此四王。 推此知既毀之後,則殷禘所絕矣。」 吏部郎王忱議:「明堂則天象地,儀觀之大,宜俟皇居反舊,然後修之。」 驃騎將軍會稽王司馬道子、尚書令謝石意同忱議。 於是奉行一無所改。
Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, fifth month renxu of Taiyuan 12, issued an edict: "Formerly constructing the Grand Temple, each affair followed economy and simplicity, thinking with the realm to devote effort preparing ritual. Moreover the Grand Ancestor position was empty and the Bright Hall was not yet constructed. Suburban sacrifice—the state's great affair—yet examining antiquity's system finds it lacking. The court should deliberate the details." Section Director of Sacrifices Xu Miao deliberated: "Round Mound suburban sacrifice—canon has no duality—Emperor Xuan once distinguished this meaning. Yet examining the sage canon, down to the Restoration, fully added research to fix southern and northern two suburbs—truly not something different learning can lightly alter. I believe continuing as before is the secure course. Emperor Wu established temple, six generations three bright three reverent; Emperor Xuan the foundation-establishing lord is truly the Grand Ancestor, kin then king-father—four temples above, not yet reaching moved generation, thus provisionally empty east-facing position. Brothers succeeding one another, meaning not two generations—thus present temple sacrifice, generation count not sufficient; yet wishing Grand Ancestor correct position violates serving seven's meaning. Moreover the Rites says 'Commoner son as king also he ancestor establishes temple.' This probably means that when a branch descendant receives the throne, near kin must be restored to worship. Jingzhao Lord at present six generations—it is suitable again to establish this chamber, then Emperor Xuan not above six generations; former generations must already be moved, then Grand Ancestor position is fixed. Jingzhao moving and destroying—it is suitable to store tablets in stone chamber. Even di and he would still not reach them. Why? Tradition says destroyed lord ascends and joins Grand Ancestor—ascending is name from below, not saying can lower honor to submit to humble. The four lords enshrined in the dark chamber as crown prince and imperial grandson held the grave status of designated heirs and were attached upward to the temple entrusted to the imperial ancestor. When the generations grow distant they should be moved, and the grandsons who share their offerings should then be removed with them. Bright Hall round-square system, outline already raised—not suitable to lack matching Emperor's sacrifice. Moreover kings take the realm as home, not necessarily one state—thus Zhou Ping and Guangwu did not abolish worship at the two capitals. The Duke of Zhou worshipped King Wen ancestrally; Han Emperor Ming paired with the World Ancestor—unless it is the newly established father, who matches the Supreme Lord? Miao again said: "The spirits matched at the Bright Hall remain a matter of accumulated doubt. The Changes states: 'Yin presents the Supreme Lord, to match ancestors and fathers.' Ancestors and fathers share the match—then the Supreme Lord is also Heaven, and the meaning of honoring the father is clear. The Rites of Zhou: journeying to the Supreme Lord has its occasions; announcing to Heaven and the regular suburban sacrifice both use four jade tablets, hence they are spoken of together. If the Supreme Lord is the Five Emperors—why does the canonical text not say 'sacrifice to Heaven and journey to the Five Emperors, sacrifice to Earth and journey to the Four Outlooks'? Human Emperor and Heaven Emperor—though a Heaven-human common term, the five directions cannot be called Supreme Lord, and feudal lords cannot be called Great Lord. The Documents lack full evidence, yet meaning accommodates both sides—thus between the Taishi and Taikang reigns, rise and abolition alternated." Attendant Within Che Yin agreed. He also said: "The Bright Hall system is already difficult to detail in full. Music chiefly lies in harmony and ritual in reverence—thus substance and ornament differ, and musical instruments differ as well. Since thatched hut and broad hall do not share one measure, why guard its form and model yet fail to exalt the root and follow the people? When the nine domains are at peace and the north of the river is without dust, then the Bright Hall and Imperial Academy can be exalted and repaired. Director of the Masters of Writing Wang Min agreed with Yin. Minister of Ceremonies Kong Wang argued: "Taishi's opening foundation upward sacrificed to the four lords because the generation count was still near and feast sacrifice was possible—not like Yin and Zhou former ages, foundations of royal traces. If Jingzhao at that time had been outside seven generations, these four kings would naturally not have been sacrificed. From this it follows that after destruction, yin di is what is severed." Director of the Ministry of Personnel Wang Qin argued: "The Bright Hall images Heaven and Earth—a great ceremonial observance; it should await the imperial residence returning to its old state before repair." Pillar-and-Cavalry General Prince of Kuaiji Sima Daozi and Director of the Masters of Writing Xie Shi agreed with Qin. Thereupon the court implemented the proposals without alteration.
63
晉安帝義熙二年六月,白衣領尚書左僕射孔安國啟云:「元興三年夏,應殷祠。 昔年三月,皇輿旋軫。 其年四月,便應殷,而太常博士徐乾等議云:『應用孟秋。』 臺尋校自太和四年相承皆用冬夏,乾等既伏應孟冬,回復追明孟秋非失。 御史中丞范泰議:『今雖既祔之後,得以烝嘗,而無殷薦之比。 太元二十一年十月應殷,烈宗以其年九月崩。 至隆安三年,國家大吉,乃修殷事。 又禮有喪則廢吉祭,祭新主於寢。 今不設別寢,既祔,祭於廟。 故四時烝嘗,以寄追遠之思,三年一禘,以習昭穆之序,義本各異。 三年喪畢,則合食太祖,遇時則殷,無取於限三十月也。 當是內臺常以限月成舊。』 就如所言,有喪可殷。 隆安之初,果以喪而廢矣。 月數少多,復遲速失中。 至於應寢而修,意所未譬。」 安國又啟:「范泰云:『今既祔,遂祭於廟,故四時烝嘗。』 如泰此言,殷與烝嘗,其本不同。 既祔之後,可親烝嘗而不得親殷也。 太常劉瑾云:『章后喪未一周,不應祭。』 臣尋升平五年五月,穆皇帝崩,其年七月,山陵,十月,殷。 興寧三年二月,哀皇帝崩,太和元年五月,海西夫人庾氏薨,時為皇后,七月,葬,十月,殷。 此在哀皇再周之內,庾夫人既葬之後,二殷策文見在廟。 又文皇太后以隆安四年七月崩,陛下追述先旨,躬服重制,五年十月,殷。 再周之內,不以廢事。 今以小君之哀,而泰更謂不得行大禮。 臣尋永和十年至今五十餘載,用三十月輒殷,皆見於注記,是依禮,五年再殷。 而泰所言,非真難臣,乃以聖朝所用,遲速失中。 泰為憲司,自應明審是非,若臣所啟不允,即當責失奏彈,而諐墮稽停,遂非忘舊。 請免泰、瑾官。」 丁巳,詔皆白衣領職。 於是博士徐乾皆免官。 初元興三年四月,不得殷祠進用十月,若計常限,則義熙三年冬又當殷,若更起端,則應用來年四月。 領司徒王謐、丹陽尹孟昶議:「有非常之慶,必有非常之禮。 殷祭舊准不差,蓋施於經常爾。 至於義熙之慶,經古莫二,雖曰旋幸,理同受命。 愚謂理運惟新,於是乎始。 宜用四月。」 中領軍謝混、太常劉瑾議:「殷無定日,考時致敬,且禮意尚簡。 去年十月祠,雖於日有差,而情典允備,宜仍以為正。」 太學博士徐乾議:「三年一祫,五年一禘,經傳記籍,不見補殷之文。」 員外散騎侍郎領著作郎徐廣議:「尋先事,海西公太和六年十月,殷祠。 孝武皇帝寧康二年十月,殷祠。 若依常去前三十月,則應用四月也。 于時蓋當有故,而遷在冬,但未詳其事。 太元元年十月殷祠,依常三十月,則應用二年四月也。 是追計辛未歲十月,未合六十月而再殷。 何邵甫注公羊傳云,祫從先君來,積數為限。 『自僖八年至文二年,知為祫祭』。 如此,履端居始,承源成流,領會之節,遠因宗本也。 昔年有故推遷,非其常度。 寧康、太元前事可依。 雖年有曠近之異,然追計之理同矣。 愚謂從復常次者,以推歸正之道也。」 左丞劉潤之等議:「太元元年四月應殷,而禮官墮失,建用十月。 本非正期,不應即以失為始也。 宜以反初四月為始。 當用三年十月。」 尚書奏從王謐議,以元年十月為始也。
In the sixth month of Yixi 2, White-Robed Acting Left Assistant Director Kong Anguo submitted: "In the summer of Yuanxing 3, yin sacrifice was due. In the third month of the former year the imperial carriage returned. That fourth month yin was due, yet Minister of Ceremonies Erudite Xu Qian and others argued: 'Early autumn should be used.' The office verified that from Taihe 4 onward all used winter and summer; Qian and others, having submitted to early winter, again traced and clarified that early autumn was not an error. Censor-in-Chief Fan Tai argued: 'Now though after enfeoffment winter and autumn sacrifice is possible, there is no yin feast comparison.' Taixuan 21's tenth month should have had yin—Emperor Liezong died in the ninth month of that year. By Longan 3 the state was greatly auspicious and the yin affair was repaired. Moreover ritual: when in mourning abolish auspicious sacrifice and sacrifice the new lord at the sleeping chamber. Now no separate sleeping chamber is established—after enfeoffment, sacrifice at the temple. Thus four-season winter and autumn lodges pursuing-distant thought; three years one di practices bright-reverent ordering—meaning's root differs in each. Three years mourning complete, then combined feast at Grand Ancestor; encountering season then yin—no taking from the limit of thirty months. Probably the inner office always used the limit-month as established practice. Just as he said, when in mourning yin is possible. At Longan's beginning it was indeed abolished because of mourning. Month count varied, again slow and fast missing the center. As for repairing when the sleeping chamber period applies—meaning not yet understood. Anguo submitted again: 'Fan Tai said: "Now after enfeoffment sacrifice is at the temple, thus four-season winter and autumn. As Tai's words show, yin and winter-autumn sacrifice—their root is not the same. After enfeoffment, one may personally perform winter-autumn sacrifice yet cannot personally perform yin. Minister of Ceremonies Liu Jin said: 'Empress Zhang's mourning is not yet one cycle—sacrifice should not be performed.' I seek: in the fifth month of Shengping 5 Emperor Mu died; that seventh month the mountain tomb, tenth month yin. Xingning 3 second month Emperor Ai died; Taihe 1 fifth month Haixi consort Lady Yu died—then empress; seventh month burial, tenth month yin. This was within Emperor Ai's second cycle; after Lady Yu's burial, two yin edict texts were seen in the temple. Moreover Empress Dowager Wen died in the seventh month of Longan 4—Your Majesty tracing former intent, personally wearing heavy regulations, fifth year tenth month yin. Within the second cycle, not because the affair was abolished. Now because of the lesser consort's mourning, Tai further says the great ritual cannot be performed. I find from Yonghe 10 to now, fifty-odd years, using thirty months then yin—all seen in annotated records; this follows ritual, five years twice yin. Yet Tai's words are not truly difficult to rebut, but rather say the sage court's practice misses the center in slow and fast. Tai as censorate officer should clearly examine right and wrong; if my submission is not accepted, he should be blamed and impeached—yet delay and stagnation show he has forgotten the old practice. I request that Tai and Jin be removed from office.' On dingsi day, edict: all retain office in white robes. Thereupon Erudite Xu Qian and others were all removed from office. Initially Yuanxing 3 fourth month could not perform yin sacrifice—advanced to tenth month; if counting regular limit, Yixi 3 winter should again have yin; if starting origin anew, next year fourth month should be used. Acting Director of the Masters of Writing Wang Mi and Danyang Intendant Meng Chang argued: "Extraordinary celebration requires extraordinary ritual. Yin sacrifice old standard is not wrong—probably applied to regular constant alone. As for Yixi's celebration, unmatched through the ages—though called returning fortune, the principle matches receiving the mandate. I consider principle and fortune renewed—at this then beginning. Fourth month is suitable. Central Guard General Xie Hun and Minister of Ceremonies Liu Jin argued: "Yin has no fixed day—examining season shows reverence; moreover ritual intent honors simplicity. Last year's tenth month sacrifice—though the day had discrepancy, feeling and canon were fully prepared; it is suitable still to take as correct. Erudite Xu Qian argued: "Three years one he, five years one di—classics, records, and annals contain no text supplementing yin." Supernumerary Attendant Gentleman Acting Director of Compilation Xu Guang argued: "Seeking former affairs—Haixi Duke Taihe 6 tenth month yin sacrifice. Emperor Xiaowu held yin sacrifice in the tenth month of Ningkang 2. If following regular thirty months before, fourth month should be used. At that time there was probably cause, yet moved to winter—but that affair is not yet detailed. Taixuan 1 tenth month yin sacrifice—following regular thirty months, year two fourth month should be used. Tracing calculation, xinwei year tenth month did not fit sixty months yet twice yin. He Shaofu annotating Gongyang Commentary says he follows the former lord coming, accumulated number as limit. From Duke Xi's eighth year to Duke Wen's second year—knowing as he sacrifice.' Thus treading origin dwelling at start, inheriting source forming flow—the node of comprehension distantly because of ancestral root. The former year had cause and was postponed—not its regular measure. The former affairs of Ningkang and Taixuan may be followed. Though years have distant-near difference, tracing calculation's principle is the same. I consider following the restored regular sequence—to push returning to the correct Way. Left Assistant Director Liu Runzhi and others argued: "Taixuan 1 fourth month should have yin—yet ritual officers fell and lost, established using tenth month. Originally not correct term—should not immediately take loss as start. The returning-to-origin fourth month is suitable as the start. The tenth month of year three should be used. The Masters of Writing memorialized following Wang Mi, taking the tenth month of year one as the start.
64
宋孝武帝孝建元年十二月戊子,有司奏:「依舊今元年十月是殷祠之月。 領曹郎范泰參議,依永初三年例,須再周之外殷祭。 尋祭再周來二年三月,若以四月殷,則猶在禫內。」 下禮官議正。 國子助教蘇瑋生議:「案禮,三年喪畢,然後祫於太祖。 又云『三年不祭,唯天地社稷,越紼行事』。 且不禫即祭,見譏春秋。 求之古禮,喪服未終,固無祼享之義。 自漢文以來,一從權制,宗廟朝聘,莫不皆吉。 雖祥禫空存,無綅縞之變,烝嘗薦祀,不異平日。 殷祠禮既弗殊,豈獨以心憂為礙。」 太學博士徐宏議:「三年之喪,雖從權制,再周祥變,猶服縞素,未為純吉,無容以祭。 謂來四月,未宜便殷,十月則允。」 太常丞臣朱膺之議:「虞禮云:『中月而禫,是月也吉祭,猶未配。』 謂二十七月既禫祭,當四時之祭日,則未以其妃配,哀未忘也。 推此而言,未禫不得祭也。 又春秋閔公二年,吉禘于莊公。 鄭玄云:『閔公心懼於難,務自尊成以厭其禍,凡二十二月而除喪,又不禫。』 云又不禫,明禫內不得禘也。 案王肅等言於魏朝云,今權宜存古禮,俟畢三年。 舊說三年喪畢,遇禘則禘,遇祫則祫。 鄭玄云:『禘以孟夏,祫以孟秋。』 今相承用十月。 如宏所上公羊之文,如為有疑,亦以魯閔設服,因言喪之紀制爾。 何必全許素冠可吉禘。 縱公羊異說,官以禮為正,亦求量宜。」 郎中周景遠參議:「永初三年九月十日奏傅亮議:『權制即吉,御世宜爾。 宗廟大禮,宜依古典。』 則是皇宋開代成準。 謂博士徐宏、太常丞朱膺之議用來年十月殷祠為允。」 詔可。
Emperor Xiaowu Xiaojian 1 twelfth month wuzi, responsible officials memorialized: "Following old practice, year one tenth month is yin sacrifice month. Acting Section Director Fan Tai jointly deliberated, following Yongchu 3 precedent, must be outside second cycle for yin sacrifice. Seeking sacrifice: second cycle coming, two years third month—if using fourth month yin, still within mourning taboo. The matter was referred to ritual officers for deliberation and correction. National Academy Assistant Instructor Su Weisheng argued: "By ritual, three years mourning complete, then he at Grand Ancestor. Also says 'three years no sacrifice—only Heaven, Earth, and Soil and Grain, crossing hemp performing affair.' Moreover not yet taboo then sacrifice—seen criticized in Spring and Autumn. Seeking ancient ritual, while mourning garments have not ended, there is fundamentally no meaning of libation and feast. From Emperor Wen of Han onward, all followed provisional system—ancestral temple and court audience, all auspicious. Though auspicious taboo nominally exists, without hemp sash change—winter-autumn feast offering not different from ordinary days. Yin sacrifice ritual is already not different—how alone because heart grief as impediment. Erudite Xu Hong argued: "Three years mourning—though following provisional system, at second cycle auspicious change still wearing plain silk, not yet pure auspicious—no capacity to sacrifice. I consider coming fourth month not yet suitable for yin immediately; tenth month is acceptable. Minister of Ceremonies Assistant Director Zhu Yingzhi argued: "Yu ritual says: 'Middle month then taboo—that month auspicious sacrifice, still not matched. Meaning twenty-seventh month already taboo sacrifice; at four seasons' sacrifice day, consort not yet matched—grief not forgotten. Extending this, not yet tabooed means cannot sacrifice. Moreover in Spring and Autumn, Duke Min's second year saw auspicious di at Duke Zhuang. Zheng Xuan said: 'Duke Min's heart fearful at difficulty, devoted to self-respect to suppress calamity—altogether twenty-two months yet removing mourning, again not taboo.' Saying again not taboo—clarifying within taboo cannot di. Wang Su and others told the Wei court: 'For now preserve ancient ritual provisionally and await the completion of three years.' The old explanation holds that when three years' mourning is complete, one performs di when di is due and he when he is due. Zheng Xuan said: 'Di is in early summer, he in early autumn. The practice now successively uses the tenth month. As for the Gongyang passage Hong submitted, if there is doubt, it also concerns Duke Min's establishment of mourning and thus speaks only of mourning regulations. Why must one fully permit that a plain cap allows auspicious di? Even if the Gongyang explanation differs, the office takes ritual as correct and also seeks what is suitable in measure.' Gentleman of the Palace Zhou Jingyuan jointly deliberated: 'On the tenth day of the ninth month of Yongchu 3, Fu Liang's deliberation was memorialized: "The provisional system of immediate auspiciousness is suitable for governing the age. For the great ritual of the ancestral temple, it is suitable to follow ancient canon. That became the established standard for Imperial Song's founding generation. I consider Erudite Xu Hong and Minister of Ceremonies Assistant Director Zhu Yingzhi's deliberation to use next year's tenth month for yin sacrifice acceptable. The edict was approved.
65
宋殷祭皆即吉乃行。 大明七年二月辛亥,有司奏:「四月應殷祠,若事中未得為,得用孟秋與不?」 領軍長史周景遠議:「案禮記云:『天子祫禘祫嘗祫烝。』 依如禮文,則夏秋冬三時皆殷,不唯用冬夏也。 晉義熙初,僕射孔安國啟議,自太和四年相承殷祭,皆用冬夏。 安國又啟,永和十年至今五十餘年,用三十月輒殷祠。 博士徐乾據禮難安國。 乾又引晉咸康六年七月殷祠,是不專用冬夏。 于時晉朝雖不從乾議,然乾據禮及咸康故事,安國無以奪之。 今若以來四月未得殷祠,遷用孟秋,於禮無違。」 參議據禮有證,謂用孟秋為允。 詔可。
In Song, yin sacrifice was performed only after immediate auspiciousness. In the second month xinhai of the seventh year of Daming, responsible officials memorialized: 'Yin sacrifice is due in the fourth month—if affairs in progress prevent it, may early autumn be used?' General of the Forward Army Chief Clerk Zhou Jingyuan deliberated: 'The Rites Record says: "The Son of Heaven he di he feast he winter-autumn. Following the ritual text, yin occurs in all three seasons of summer, autumn, and winter—not only winter and summer. At the beginning of Jin Yixi, Director of the Masters of Writing Kong Anguo submitted: from Taihe 4 onward yin sacrifice successively used winter and summer. Anguo submitted again: from Yonghe 10 to now, fifty-odd years, using thirty months then yin sacrifice. Erudite Xu Qian challenged Anguo according to ritual. Qian again cited Jin Xiankang 6 seventh month yin sacrifice—this is not exclusively using winter and summer. At that time the Jin court did not follow Qian's deliberation, yet Qian had ritual and Xiankang precedent—Anguo had nothing with which to overturn it. Now if yin sacrifice cannot be performed in the coming fourth month, moving it to early autumn violates no ritual.' The joint deliberation, having ritual evidence, considered using early autumn acceptable. The edict was approved.
66
晉武帝咸寧五年十一月己酉,弘訓羊太后崩,宗廟廢一時之祀,天地明堂去樂,且不上胙。 升平五年十月己卯,殷祠,以穆帝崩後,不作樂。 初永嘉中,散騎常侍江統議曰:「陽秋之義,去樂卒事。」 是為吉祭有廢樂也。 故升平末行之。 其後太常江逌表:「穆帝山陵之後十月殷祭,從太常丘夷等議,撤樂。 逌尋詳今行漢制,無特祀之別。 既入廟吉禘,何疑於樂。」
Emperor Wu of Jin, eleventh month jiyou of Xianning 5, Empress Dowager Hongxun Lady Yang died—the ancestral temple abolished sacrifice for a time, Heaven, Earth, and Bright Hall removed music, and sacrificial meat was not offered. Shengping 5 tenth month jimao, yin sacrifice—because after Emperor Mu's death, music was not performed. Initially in Yongjia, Attendant Gentleman Jiang Tong deliberated: 'The Yangqiu meaning is to remove music upon completing the affair.' This means auspicious sacrifice may abolish music. Thus it was implemented at the end of Shengping. Thereafter Minister of Ceremonies Jiang You memorialized: 'After Emperor Mu's mountain tomb, tenth month yin sacrifice followed Minister of Ceremonies Qiu Yi and others' deliberation and withdrew music. You, seeking in detail the present implemented Han system, found no special sacrifice distinction. Since entering the temple for auspicious di, what doubt about music?"
67
史臣曰:聞樂不怡,故申情於遏密。 至於諒闇奪服,慮政事之荒廢,是以乘權通以設變,量輕重而降屈。 若夫奏音之與寢聲,非有損益於機務,縱復回疑於兩端,固宜緣恩而從戚矣。
The historian says: hearing music brings no joy, thus feeling is expressed in suppressing and sealing. As for mourning darkness and seizing garments, fearing the waste and abandonment of government affairs—thus riding authority to pass and establish change, measuring light and heavy and lowering and bending. As for performing music and mourning silence, these neither add nor subtract from critical affairs; even if doubt turns both ways, one should still follow kinship through affection.
68
宋世國有故,廟祠皆懸而不樂。
In the Song age, when the state had cause, temple sacrifices all suspended music.