1
}}宋文帝元嘉三年五月庚午,以誅徐羨之等,讎恥已雪,幣告太廟。
On the gengwu day of the fifth month in the third year of Yuanjia, Emperor Wen of Song announced to the Imperial Ancestral Temple that Xu Xianzhi and his associates had been executed and the blood-debt finally avenged.
2
元嘉三年十二月甲寅,西征謝晦,告太廟、太社。 晦平,車駕旋軫,又告。
On the jiayin day of the twelfth month in the third year of Yuanjia, the emperor marched west to campaign against Xie Hui and announced this to the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth. When Xie Hui was defeated, the imperial carriage returned, and the emperor made announcement once more.
3
元嘉六年七月,太學博士徐道娛上議曰:「伏見太廟烝嘗儀注,皇帝行事畢,出便坐,三公已上獻,太祝送神于門,然後至尊還拜,百官贊拜,乃退。 謹尋清廟之道,所以肅安神也。 禮曰,廟者貌也。 神靈所馮依也。 事亡如存,若常在也。 既不應有送神之文,自陳豆薦俎,車駕至止,並弗奉迎。 夫不迎而送,送而後辭,闇短之情,實用未達。 按時人私祠,誠皆迎送,由於無廟,庶感降來格。 因心立意,非王者之禮也。 儀禮雖太祝迎尸于門,此乃延尸之儀,豈是敬神之典。 恐於禮有疑。 謹以議上。」 有司奏下禮官詳判。 博士江邃議:「在始不迎,明在廟也。 卒事而送,節孝思也。 若不送而辭,是舍親也。 辭而後送,是遣神也。 故孝子不忍違其親,又不忍遣神。 是以祝史送神以成烝嘗之義。」 博士賀道期議:「樂以迎來,哀以送往。 祭統『迎牲而不迎尸』。 詩云:『鐘鼓送尸。』 鄭云:『尸,神象也。』 與今儀注不迎而後送,若合符契。」 博士荀萬秋議:「古之事尸,與今之事神,其義一也。 周禮,尸出,送于廟門,拜,尸不顧。 詩云:『鐘鼓送尸。』 則送神之義,其來久矣。 記曰:『迎牲而不迎尸,別嫌也。 尸在門外,則疑於臣; 入廟中,則全於君。 君在門外,則疑於君,入廟,則全於臣。 是故不出者,明君臣之義。』」 邃等三人謂舊儀為是,唯博士陳珉同道娛議。 參詳「邃等議雖未盡,然皆依擬經禮。 道娛、珉所據難從。 今眾議不一,宜遵舊體」。 詔可。
In the seventh month of the sixth year of Yuanjia, Xu Daoyu, Erudite of the Imperial Academy, submitted a memorial: "I observe that in the ritual regulations for the winter and autumn sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, once the emperor completes the rites he withdraws to his seat; the Three Dukes and above present offerings; the Chief Invoker sends off the spirit at the gate; only then does the sovereign return to bow, with the officials joining in the obeisance, before all withdraw. Reflecting on the way of the Clear Temple, its purpose is to reverently settle the spirits in their place. The Rites say that a temple is an image. It is what the spirits rely upon for their presence. One serves the departed as if they were still living, as though they were always present. Since there ought to be no rite for sending off the spirit, from the presentation of offerings through the arrival of the imperial carriage, no one receives or welcomes the spirit. Not welcoming yet sending off, and only taking leave after the send-off—such confused reasoning truly fails to grasp the meaning. Private sacrifices of the day do indeed include both welcome and send-off, but that is because they have no temple and hope thereby to draw the spirits down. Such practices follow private sentiment rather than the ritual of a true sovereign. Although the Ceremonial Rites describe the Chief Invoker welcoming the impersonator at the gate, that is the ceremony of receiving the impersonator, not the canonical rite for revering the spirits. I fear this raises doubts about the ritual. I respectfully submit this deliberation for consideration. The responsible officials memorialized that the matter be referred to the ritual officers for detailed adjudication. Erudite Jiang Sui argued: "Not welcoming at the beginning shows that the spirit is already in the temple. Sending off the spirit when the rites are complete expresses filial feeling in proper measure. If one takes leave without sending off the spirit, that is abandoning one's kin. Taking leave first and only then sending off the spirit amounts to dismissing the spirit. Therefore a filial son cannot bear to slight his kin, nor can he bear to dismiss the spirit. That is why the invokers and scribes send off the spirit, completing the meaning of the winter and autumn sacrifices. Erudite He Daoqi argued: "Music welcomes what arrives; grief sends off what departs. The Record of Sacrifice states: 'Welcome the sacrificial victim but do not welcome the impersonator.' The Odes declare: 'With bells and drums one sends off the impersonator. Zheng Xuan says: 'The impersonator is the image of the spirit. This accords with the present ritual regulations of not welcoming but then sending off, as if matching seal and tally. Erudite Xun Wanqiu argued: "Serving the impersonator in antiquity and serving the spirit today share the same meaning. The Rites of Zhou states that when the impersonator departs, he is sent off at the temple gate with a bow, and the impersonator does not look back. The Odes declare: 'With bells and drums one sends off the impersonator. Thus the meaning of sending off the spirit has existed since antiquity. The Record says: 'Welcome the sacrificial victim but do not welcome the impersonator—this distinguishes what might arouse suspicion. When the impersonator is outside the gate, he appears like a minister; once inside the temple, he is fully treated as a lord. When the lord is outside the gate, he appears like a lord; once inside the temple, he is fully treated as a minister. Therefore not going out to welcome clarifies the distinction between lord and minister." Jiang Sui and the other three held the old ritual to be correct; only Erudite Chen Min agreed with Xu Daoyu's view. Upon detailed review: "Although the deliberations of Jiang Sui and the others are not exhaustive, they all follow the canonical rites. The grounds cited by Daoyu and Min are difficult to accept. Since the deliberations are divided, the old form should be followed." An edict approved it.
4
元嘉六年九月,太學博士徐道娛上議曰:「祠部下十月三日殷祠,十二日烝祀。 謹按禘祫之禮,三年一,五年再。 公羊所謂五年再殷祭也。 在四時之間,周禮所謂凡四時之間祀也。 蓋歷歲節月無定,天子諸侯,先後弗同。 禮稱『天子祫嘗,諸侯烝祫。 有田則祭,無田則薦』。 鄭注:『天子先祫然後時祭,諸侯先時祭然後祫。 有田者既祭又薦新。 祭以首時,薦以仲月。』 然則大祭四祀,其月各異。 天子以孟月殷,仲月烝,諸侯孟月嘗,仲月祫也。 春秋僖公八年秋七月,禘。 文公二年八月,大事于太廟。 穀梁傳曰:『著祫嘗也。』 昭公十五年二月,『有事于武宮』。 左傳曰:『禮也。』 又周禮『仲冬享烝』。 月令『季秋嘗稻』。 晉春烝曲沃,齊十月嘗太公,此並孟仲區別不共之明文矣。 凡祭必先卜,日用丁巳,如不從,進卜遠日。 卜未吉,豈容二事,推期而往,理尤可知。 尋殷烝祀重,祭薦禮輕。 輕尚異月,重寧反同。 且『祭不欲數,數則瀆』。 今隔旬頻享,恐於禮為煩。 自經緯墳誥,都無一月兩獻,先儒舊說,皆云殊朔。 晉代相承,未審其原。 國事之重,莫大乎祀。 愚管膚淺,竊以惟疑。 請詳告下議。」 寢不報。
In the ninth month of the sixth year of Yuanjia, Xu Daoyu, Erudite of the Imperial Academy, submitted a memorial: "The Department of Sacrifices schedules the yin sacrifice on the third day of the tenth month and the winter sacrifice on the twelfth day. Reflecting on the ritual of di and he sacrifices: once every three years, twice every five years. This is what the Gongyang Commentary calls performing the yin sacrifice twice in five years. Held between the four seasons—what the Rites of Zhou calls sacrifices between all four seasons. Since the months of the calendar year were not fixed, emperors and feudal lords differed in the sequence of their sacrifices. The Rites state: 'The Son of Heaven performs the he and chang sacrifices; feudal lords perform the winter and he sacrifices. When there are fields, then sacrifice; when there are no fields, then present offerings.' Zheng Xuan annotates: 'The Son of Heaven first performs he and then the seasonal sacrifices; feudal lords first perform the seasonal sacrifices and then he. Those with fields both sacrifice and present new harvest offerings. Sacrifice at the first season; present offerings in the middle month. Thus the four great seasonal sacrifices each fall in different months. The Son of Heaven performs yin in the first month of the season and winter in the second; feudal lords perform chang in the first month and he in the second. The Spring and Autumn Annals records that in the seventh month of autumn in the eighth year of Duke Xi, a di sacrifice was held. In the eighth month of the second year of Duke Wen, a great sacrifice was held at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The Guliang Commentary says: 'This records he and chang. In the second month of the fifteenth year of Duke Zhao, 'there was an affair at the Martial Temple.' The Zuo Commentary says: 'This accorded with ritual. The Rites of Zhou also states: 'In mid-winter, perform the winter offering.' The Monthly Ordinances state: 'In the last month of autumn, present the new rice.' Jin held the winter sacrifice at Quwo in spring; Qi presented chang to Lord Tai in the tenth month—these are all explicit texts distinguishing the first and second months as separate occasions. All sacrifices must first be divined, preferring days ding and si; if these are unfavorable, one advances to divining a more distant day. If divination is not auspicious, how could two sacrifices be accommodated? Postponing the date is clearly the proper course. The yin and winter sacrifices are weighty rites, while sacrificial presentation is lighter. If even the lighter rites fall in different months, how could the weightier ones be held in the same month? Moreover, 'Sacrifices should not be frequent; if frequent, they become profane.' Holding offerings only ten days apart may be excessively burdensome in ritual terms. From the classics, commentaries, and tomb edicts, none records two presentations in one month; former scholars all say they fall on different new moons. The Jin dynasty handed this practice down, but its origin has not been examined. Of the weighty affairs of state, none surpasses sacrifice. My shallow understanding privately harbors doubt. I request that this be reported in detail and referred for deliberation. The memorial was shelved without response.
5
元嘉七年四月乙丑,有司奏曰:「禮喪服傳云:『有死於宮中者,則為之三月不舉祭。』 今礿祀既戒,而掖庭有故。 下太常依禮詳正。 太學博士江邃、袁朗、徐道娛、陳珉等議,參互不同。 殿中曹郎中領祠部謝元議以為:『遵依禮傳,使有司行事,於義為安。』 輒重參詳。 宗廟敬重,饗祀精明。 雖聖情罔極,必在親奉。 然苟曰有疑,則情以禮屈。 無所稱述,於義有據。 請聽如元所上。」 詔可。
On the yichou day of the fourth month in the seventh year of Yuanjia, the responsible officials memorialized: "The Record of Mourning Garments in the Rites states: 'When someone dies in the palace, sacrifices are suspended for three months. The yue sacrifice has already been announced, yet there has been a death in the inner palace. Refer the matter to the Minister of Ceremonies for detailed adjudication according to ritual. Erudites Jiang Sui, Yuan Lang, Xu Daoyu, Chen Min, and others deliberated, but their views differed. Xie Yuan, Langzhong of the Palace Secretariat's Cao Bureau and head of the Sacrifices Section, argued that following the ritual records and having the responsible officials perform the rites would be proper. The matter was again referred for detailed review. The ancestral temple demands the utmost reverence; feasting sacrifices must be performed with clarity and precision. Although the sovereign's devotion knows no limit, he should ideally perform the rite in person. Yet when doubt arises, personal feeling must yield to ritual propriety. Without requiring the sovereign to declare anything, this course has proper grounds. I request approval of Yuan's proposal. An edict approved it.
6
元嘉十年十二月癸酉,太祝令徐閏刺署:「典宗廟社稷祠祀薦五牲,牛羊豕雞並用雄。 其一種市買,由來送雌。 竊聞周景王時,賓起見雄雞自斷其尾,曰:『雞憚犧,不祥。』 今何以用雌,求下禮官詳正。」 勒太學依禮詳據。 博士徐道娛等議稱:「案禮孟春之月,『是月也,犧牲無用牝』。 如此,是春月不用雌爾,秋冬無禁。 雄雞斷尾,自可是春月。」 太常丞司馬操議:「尋月令孟春『命祀山林川澤,犧牲無用牝』。 若如學議,春祠三牲以下,便應一時俱改,以從月令,何以偏在一雞。」 重更勒太學議答。 博士徐道娛等又議稱:「凡宗祀牲牝不一,前惟月令不用牝者,蓋明在春必雄,秋冬可雌,非以山林同宗廟也。 四牲不改,在雞偏異,相承來久,義或有由,誠非末學所能詳究。 求詳議告報,如所稱令。」 參詳閏所稱粗有證據,宜如所上。 自今改用雄雞。
On the guiyou day of the twelfth month in the tenth year of Yuanjia, Xu Run, Director of Invokers, submitted a memorial: "In managing sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth and Grain, the five sacrificial animals—ox, sheep, pig, and chicken—are all to be male. One kind, purchased at market, has always been supplied as female. I have heard that in the time of King Jing of Zhou, Bin Qi saw a rooster break off its own tail and said: 'The rooster fears becoming a sacrificial victim—this is inauspicious. Why then are females used now? I request referral to the ritual officers for detailed adjudication. An order commanded the Imperial Academy to examine the matter and cite ritual authority. Xu Daoyu and other erudites argued: "The Rites state that in the month of early spring, 'In this month, sacrificial victims do not use females. Thus females are prohibited only in spring; autumn and winter impose no such restriction. The rooster breaking off its tail could naturally have occurred in a spring month.' Vice Director Sima Cao argued: "The Monthly Ordinances for early spring state: 'Order sacrifice to mountains, forests, rivers, and marshes; sacrificial victims do not use females. If the academy's view is accepted, then for spring sacrifices the three sacrificial animals and below should all be changed at once to follow the Monthly Ordinances—why single out only the chicken?' An order again commanded the Imperial Academy to deliberate and respond. Xu Daoyu and other erudites argued again: "Sacrificial animals for ancestral rites differ in sex; the Monthly Ordinances' prohibition on females shows only that in spring they must be male, while in autumn and winter females may be used—not that sacrifices to mountains and forests are identical to ancestral temple rites. The four other animals remain unchanged while only the chicken is treated differently—a practice long handed down whose rationale may exist, but which a lesser scholar cannot fully investigate. I request detailed deliberation and report, as the director proposed. Upon detailed review, Run's proposal has reasonable evidence and should be approved as submitted. Henceforth male chickens are to be used.
7
孝武帝孝建三年五月丁巳,詔以第四皇子出紹江夏王太子叡為後。 有司奏:「皇子出後,檢未有告廟先例,輒勒二學禮官議正,應告與不? 告者為告幾室?」 太學博士傅休議:「禮無皇子出後告廟明文。 晉太康四年,封北海王寔紹廣漢殤王後,告于太廟。 漢初帝各異廟,故告不必同。 自漢明帝以來,乃共堂各室,魏、晉依之。 今既共堂,若獨告一室,而闕諸室,則於情未安。」 太常丞庾亮之議:「案禮『大事則告祖禰,小事則特告禰』。 今皇子出嗣,宜告禰廟。」 祠部朱膺之議以為:「有事告廟,蓋國之常典。 今皇子出紹,事非常均。 愚以為宜告。 賀循云,古禮異廟,唯謁一室是也。 既皆共廟,而闕於諸帝,於情未安。 謂循言為允,宜在皆告。」 兼右丞殿中郎徐爰議以為:「國之大事,必告祖禰。 皇子出嗣,不得謂小。 昔第五皇子承統廬陵,備告七廟。」 參議以爰議為允。 詔可。
On the dingsi day of the fifth month in the third year of Xiaojian, Emperor Xiaowu issued an edict ordering the fourth prince to leave his own line and succeed Prince Rui of Jiangxia as heir. The responsible officials memorialized: "When a prince leaves his line to become an heir elsewhere, no precedent for announcing to the temple has been found. We urgently command the ritual officers of both academies to determine whether such an announcement should be made. If an announcement is made, to how many chambers should it be directed? Erudite Fu Xiu argued: "The Rites contain no explicit text on announcing to the temple when a prince goes out to become an heir. In the fourth year of Taikang under Jin, Prince Shi of Beihai was enfeoffed to succeed the posthumous Prince of Guanghan, and the court announced this at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. In early Han each emperor had a separate temple, so announcements need not be made to all alike. From Emperor Ming of Han onward, emperors shared one hall with separate chambers; Wei and Jin followed this practice. Now that they share one hall, announcing to only one chamber while omitting the others would be emotionally unsatisfactory. Vice Director Yu Liangzhi argued: "The Rites state: 'For great affairs, announce to the ancestral and immediate forebears; for small affairs, announce specially to the immediate forebear. Since the prince is leaving to succeed another line, announcement should be made at the immediate forebear's chamber.' Zhu Yingzhi of the Sacrifices Section argued: "Announcing affairs to the temple is a regular state ceremony. The prince's departure to succeed another line is by no means an ordinary affair. In my humble view, an announcement should be made. He Xun held that in ancient ritual, when temples were separate, visiting only one chamber was the proper practice. Since all now share one temple, omitting the other emperors would be emotionally unsatisfactory. I hold Xun's view to be acceptable; announcement should be made to all chambers. Concurrent Right Director and Palace Attendant Xu Ai argued: "The great affairs of state must be announced to the ancestral and immediate forebears. A prince leaving to succeed another line cannot be considered a minor affair. When the fifth prince formerly succeeded to Luling, announcement was made at all seven temples. Upon review, Xu's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
8
大明元年六月己卯朔,詔以前太子步兵校尉祗男歆紹南豐王朗。 有司奏:「朗先嗣營陽,告廟臨軒。 檢繼體為舊,不告廟臨軒。」 下禮官議正。 太學博士王燮之議:「南豐昔別開土宇,以紹營陽,義同始封,故有臨軒告廟之禮。 今歆奉詔出嗣,則成繼體,先爵猶存,事是傳襲,不應告廟臨軒。」 祠部郎朱膺之議:「南豐王嗣爵封已絕,聖恩垂矜,特詔繼茅土,復申義同始封,為之告廟臨軒。」 殿中郎徐爰議:「營陽繼體皇基,身亡封絕,恩詔追封,錫以一城。 既始啟建茅土,故宜臨軒告廟。 今歆繼後南豐,彼此俱為列國,長沙、南豐,自應各告其祖,豈關太廟。 事非始封,不合臨軒。 同博士王燮之議。」 參詳,爰議為允。 詔可。
On the first day jimao of the sixth month in the first year of Daming, an edict ordered that Xin, son of the former Director of Footsoldiers of the Heir Apparent Zhi, succeed Prince Lang of Nanfeng. The responsible officials memorialized: "Lang formerly succeeded to Yingyang, with announcement made at the temple before the imperial throne. Examination shows that continuing an existing line is established practice and does not require announcement at the temple before the throne. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for adjudication. Erudite Wang Xiezhi argued: "Nanfeng formerly received separate territory to succeed Yingyang; the meaning was the same as initial enfeoffment, hence the ritual of announcing at the temple before the throne. Now Xin, receiving the edict to go out and succeed, completes the continuation of an existing line; the former title still stands; this is a matter of transmission and inheritance—announcement at the temple before the throne should not be required. Zhu Yingzhi, Langzhong of the Sacrifices Section, argued: "The Prince of Nanfeng's succession and enfeoffment had already ceased; by imperial favor he was specially re-enfeoffed by edict to continue the fief; again the meaning was the same as initial enfeoffment—announcement at the temple before the throne was made for him. Palace Attendant Xu Ai argued: "Yingyang continued the imperial foundation; when he died the enfeoffment ceased; by a favoring edict he was posthumously enfeoffed and granted one city. Since he had first opened and established the fief, it was fitting to announce this at the temple before the throne. Now Xin succeeds Nanfeng; both are equally feudal states; Changsha and Nanfeng should each announce to their own ancestors—how could this concern the Imperial Ancestral Temple? The affair is not initial enfeoffment and does not warrant announcement before the throne. This accords with Erudite Wang Xiezhi's view. Upon detailed review, Xu's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
9
大明三年六月乙丑,有司奏:「來七月十五日,嘗祠太廟、章皇太后廟,輿駕親奉。 而乘輿辭廟親戎,太子合親祠與不? 且今月二十四日,第八皇女夭。 案禮『宮中有故,三月不舉祭』。 皇太子入住上宮,於事有疑。」 下禮官議正。 太學博士司馬興之議:「竊惟『國之大事,在祀與戎』。 皇太子有撫軍之道,而無專御之義,戎既如之,祀亦宜然。 案祭統,『夫祭之道,孫為王父尸』。 又云,『祭有昭穆,所以別父子』。 太子監國,雖不攝,至於宗廟,則昭穆實存,謂事不可亂。 又云,『有故則使人』。 准此二三,太子無奉祀之道。 又皇女夭札,則實同宮一體之哀,理不得異。 設令得祀,令猶無親奉之義。」 博士郁議:「案春秋,太子奉社稷之粢盛,長子主器,出可守宗廟,以為祭主,易彖明文。 監國之重,居然親祭。 皇女夭札,時既同宮,三月廢祭,於禮宜停。」 二議不同。 尚書參議,宜以郁議為允。 詔可。
On the yichou day of the sixth month in the third year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "On the fifteenth day of the coming seventh month, chang sacrifice will be offered at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang, with the imperial carriage in personal attendance. Yet the imperial carriage will take leave of the temple for personal military affairs—should the Heir Apparent personally perform the sacrifice or not? Moreover, on the twenty-fourth day of this month, the eighth imperial daughter died in infancy. The Rites state: 'When there is an incident in the palace, sacrifices are suspended for three months.' The Heir Apparent resides in the Upper Palace, which raises doubts about the matter. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for adjudication. Erudite Sima Xingzhi argued: "I respectfully note that 'the great affairs of a state lie in sacrifice and war. The Heir Apparent has the duty of pacifying the army but not the authority of exclusive command; if this holds for war, it should hold for sacrifice as well. The Record of Sacrifice states: 'The way of sacrifice— the grandson serves as impersonator for his grandfather.' It also states: 'In sacrifice there are zhao and mu positions, by which father and son are distinguished.' The Heir Apparent supervises the state; although he does not act as regent, as to the ancestral temple zhao and mu truly exist—I hold that the affair cannot be confused. It also states: 'When there is cause, one sends another in one's place.' Based on these points, the Heir Apparent has no proper way of performing sacrifice. Moreover, the imperial daughter's early death is truly grief shared as one body within the palace—in principle it cannot be treated differently. Even supposing sacrifice were permitted, the edict still carries no meaning of personal attendance.' Erudite Yu argued: "The Spring and Autumn Annals records that the Heir Apparent presents the sacrificial grain of the state altars; the eldest son holds the vessel; going forth he may guard the ancestral temple and serve as sacrifice master—the Commentary on the Changes states this explicitly. The weighty duty of supervising the state naturally requires personal sacrifice. The imperial daughter's early death occurred within the same palace; sacrifices should be suspended for three months—in ritual terms the rites should stop. The two deliberations differed. The Ministry reviewed the matter and held Yu's deliberation acceptable. An edict approved it.
10
大明三年十一月乙丑朔,有司奏:「四時廟祠,吉日已定,遇雨及舉哀,舊停親奉,以有司行事。 先下使禮官博議,於禮為得遷日與不?」 博士江長議:「禮記祭統:『君之祭也,有故則使人,而君不失其儀。』 鄭玄云:『君雖不親,祭禮無闕,君德不損。』 愚以為有故則必使人者,明無遷移之文。 苟有司充事,謂不宜改日。」 太常丞陸澄議:「案周禮宗伯之職,『若王不與祭祀則攝位』。 鄭君曰:『王有故,行其祭事也。』 臣以為此謂在致齋,祭事盡備,神不可瀆,齋不可久,而王有他故,則使有司攝焉。 晉泰始七年四月,世祖將親祠于太廟。 庚戌,車駕夕牲。 辛亥,雨。 有司行事。 此雖非人故,蓋亦天硋也。 求之古禮,未乖周制。 案禮記,『孔子答曾子,當祭而日蝕太廟火,如牲至未殺,則廢』。 然則祭非無可廢之道也。 但權所為之輕重耳。 日蝕廟火,變之甚者,故乃牲至尚猶可廢。 推此而降,可以理尋。 今散齋之內,未及致齋,而有輕哀甚雨,日時展事,可以延敬。 不愆義情,無傷正典,改擇令日,夫何以疑。 愚謂散齋而有舉哀若雨,可更遷日。 唯入致齋及日月逼晚者,乃使有司行事耳。 又前代司空顧和啟,南郊車駕已出遇雨,宜遷日更郊,事見施用。 郊之與廟,其敬可均,至日猶遷,況散齋邪。」 殿中郎殷淡議:「曾子問『日蝕太廟火,牲未殺則廢』。 縱有故則使人。 清廟敬重,郊禋禮大,故廟焚日蝕,許以可遷; 輕哀微故,事不合改。 是以鼷鼠食牛,改卜非禮。 晉世祖有司行事,顧司空之改郊月,既不見其當時之宜,此不足為准。 愚謂日蝕廟火,天譴之變,廼可遷日。 至於舉哀小故,不宜改辰。」 眾議不同。 參議,既有理據,且晉氏遷郊,宋初遷祠,並有成准。 謂孟月散齋之中,遇雨及舉輕哀,宜擇吉更遷,無定限數。 唯入致齋及侵仲月節者,使有司行事。 詔可。
On the first day yichou of the eleventh month in the third year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The auspicious days for the four seasonal temple sacrifices have been fixed; when rain occurs or mourning is observed, personal attendance has formerly been suspended and the responsible officials perform the rites. First order the ritual officers to deliberate broadly—according to ritual, is it proper to postpone the day or not? Erudite Jiang Chang argued: "The Record of Sacrifice in the Book of Rites states: 'When the lord sacrifices, if there is cause then he sends someone, yet the lord does not lose his propriety. Zheng Xuan says: 'Although the lord does not attend in person, the sacrificial ritual is not lacking and the lord's virtue is not diminished.' In my humble view, that when there is cause one must send someone shows clearly that there is no text authorizing postponement. If the responsible officials can complete the rites, I hold that the day ought not be changed.' Vice Director Lu Cheng argued: "The Rites of Zhou assigns the Ritual Master: 'If the king does not join the sacrifice, then [the minister] takes his place. Master Zheng says: 'When the king has cause, the minister performs the sacrificial rites.' Your subject holds that this refers to when, during the period of fasting, all sacrificial preparations are complete—the spirits cannot be profaned, fasting cannot be prolonged, and when the king has other cause, he has the responsible officials act in his stead. In the fourth month of the seventh year of Taishi under Jin, Emperor Shizu was preparing to sacrifice in person at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. On the gengxu day, the emperor inspected the sacrificial victims in the evening. On the xinhai day, rain fell. The responsible officials carried out the rites. Although this was not a human cause, it was perhaps heaven's obstruction. Seeking guidance in ancient ritual, this does not violate Zhou practice. The Book of Rites records: 'Confucius answered Zengzi: when sacrificing, if there is an eclipse or fire in the Imperial Ancestral Temple, if the victims have arrived but not yet been slaughtered, then the sacrifice is cancelled.' Thus sacrifice is not without grounds on which it may be cancelled. It is only a question of how lightly or heavily one acts provisionally. Eclipse and temple fire are the most severe of portents; even when the victims have already arrived, cancellation remains possible. Extrapolating downward from this, the underlying principle becomes clear. Now, within the period of general fasting, before entering strict fasting, if there is light mourning or heavy rain, the scheduled affair can be postponed out of reverence. Without violating ritual sentiment or harming the canonical rite, choosing an auspicious day—why hesitate? In my humble view, if during general fasting there is mourning or rain, the day may be postponed. Only when one enters strict fasting, or when the day grows late, should the responsible officials perform the rites. Also, in a former generation Minister of Works Gu He submitted that when the southern suburban carriage had already departed and encountered rain, the day should be changed and the suburban sacrifice repeated—the proposal was adopted. Suburban and temple rites are equally reverent; if even on the day of arrival postponement is permitted, how much more so during general fasting?' Palace Attendant Yin Dan argued: "Zengzi asked: 'If there is an eclipse or fire in the Imperial Ancestral Temple, and the victims have not yet been slaughtered, then cancel. Even when there is cause, one sends another in one's place. The Clear Temple is reverently weighty; suburban and feng rites are great—therefore when the temple burns or the sun eclipses, postponement is permitted; light mourning and minor cause do not warrant change. Therefore when a mouse ate the ox, changing the divination was contrary to ritual. When Emperor Shizu of Jin had the responsible officials perform the rites, and Minister Gu changed the suburban month—the appropriateness of that time is not evident; this cannot serve as precedent. In my humble view, eclipse and temple fire are heaven's reproof—only then may the day be changed. As for light mourning and minor cause, the day ought not be changed.' The collective deliberations differed. Upon review, since there are grounds in principle, and since Jin postponed the suburban sacrifice and early Song postponed the temple sacrifice, both have established precedents. During general fasting in the first month of the season, if rain occurs or light mourning is observed, an auspicious day should be chosen for postponement, with no fixed limit on number. Only when one enters strict fasting and encroaches on the middle month of the season should the responsible officials perform the rites. An edict approved it.
11
大明五年十月甲寅,有司奏:「今月八日烝祠二廟,公卿行事。 有皇太子獻妃服。」 前太常丞庾蔚之議:「禮所以有喪廢祭,由祭必有樂。 皇太子以元嫡之重,故主上服妃,不以尊降。 既正服大功,愚謂不應祭。 有故,三公行事,是得祭之辰,非今之比。 卿卒猶不繹,況於太子妃乎?」 博士司馬興之議:「夫緦則不祭,禮之大經。 卿卒不繹,春秋明義。 又尋魏代平原公主薨,高堂隆議不應三月廢祠,而猶云殯葬之間,權廢事改吉,芬馥享祠。 尋此語意,非使有司。 此無服之喪,尚以未葬為廢,況皇太子妃及大功未祔者邪? 上尋禮文,下准前代,不得烝祠。」 領軍長史周景遠議:「案禮『緦不祭』。 大功廢祠,理不俟言。 今皇太子故妃既未山塋,未從權制,則應依禮廢烝嘗。 至尊以大功之服,於禮不得親奉,非有故之謂,亦不使公卿行事。」 右丞徐爰議以為:「禮,『緦不祭』,蓋惟通議。 大夫以尊貴降絕,及其有服,不容復異。 祭統云『君有故使人可』者,謂於禮應祭,君不得齋,祭不可闕,故使臣下攝奉。 不謂君不應祭,有司行事也。 晉咸寧四年,景獻皇后崩,晉武帝伯母,宗廟廢一時之祀,雖名號尊崇,粗可依准。 今太子妃至尊正服大功,非有故之比。 既未山塋,謂烝祠宜廢。 尋蔚之等議,指歸不殊,闕烝為允。 過卒哭祔廟,一依常典。」 詔可。
On the jiayin day of the tenth month in the fifth year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "On the eighth day of this month, winter sacrifice will be offered at the two temples, with the dukes and ministers performing the rites. The Heir Apparent is in mourning garments for his consort. Former Vice Director Yu Weizhi argued: "The reason ritual suspends sacrifice during mourning is that sacrifice must have music. The Heir Apparent, by the weight of being the primary consort's husband, therefore requires the sovereign to wear mourning for the consort without lowering rank. Having already donned proper major mourning garments, I hold that sacrifice ought not be performed. When there is cause, the Three Excellencies perform the rites—that is a time when sacrifice may proceed; it is not comparable to the present case. When a minister dies, even the yi-sacrifice is suspended; how much more so for the Heir Apparent's consort? Erudite Sima Xingzhi argued: "When in zi-mourning one does not sacrifice—that is a great principle of ritual. When a minister dies the yi-sacrifice is not performed—the Spring and Autumn Annals makes the meaning clear. Furthermore, when the Princess of Pingyuan died in Wei, Gao Tanglong argued that the three-month suspension of sacrifice should not apply, yet still held that between interment and burial the rites might be provisionally suspended and a propitious day chosen, after which fragrant sacrifice could resume. Seeking the meaning of these words, they do not authorize the responsible officials to perform the rites. Even for mourning without required garments, suspension before burial is still observed—how much more for the Heir Apparent's consort and one in major mourning not yet enshrined? Consulting ritual texts above and comparing with former dynasties below, winter sacrifice cannot be held. Director of the Headquarters Staff Zhou Jingyuan argued: "The Rites state: 'In zi-mourning one does not sacrifice. That major mourning suspends sacrifice requires no further argument. Now that the Heir Apparent's deceased consort has not yet been buried in the mountain tomb and provisional regulations have not been applied, winter and seasonal sacrifice ought to be suspended according to ritual. The sovereign, wearing major mourning garments, cannot personally attend according to ritual; this is not a case of "cause," and neither should the dukes and ministers perform the rites.' Right Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "The Rites' statement 'in zi-mourning one does not sacrifice' is surely only a general principle. Grand officers, by their exalted rank having reduced mourning obligations, when they do observe mourning garments cannot be treated differently from others. The Record of Sacrifice says 'when the lord has cause, sending someone is permitted'—this means when ritual requires sacrifice, the lord cannot keep the fast, and the sacrifice must not be omitted, so ministers perform it on his behalf. It does not mean that when the lord should not sacrifice, the responsible officials may perform the rites in his stead. In the fourth year of Xianning under Jin, when Empress Jingxian died— aunt to Emperor Wu of Jin— temple sacrifice was suspended for a time; although her title was exalted, this may serve roughly as precedent. Now the Heir Apparent's consort requires the sovereign to wear proper major mourning garments—not comparable to a case of "cause." Since burial in the mountain tomb has not yet occurred, winter sacrifice ought to be suspended. Reviewing the deliberations of Yu Weizhi and others, their conclusions do not differ—omitting winter sacrifice is appropriate. After zucu and enshrinement in the temple, one follows the regular canon. An edict approved it.
12
大明七年二月丙辰,有司奏:「鑾輿巡蒐江左,講武校獵,獲肉先薦太廟、章太后廟,并設醢酒,公卿行事,及獻妃陰室,室長行事。」 太學博士虞龢議:「檢周禮,四時講武獻牲,各有所施。 振旅春蒐,則以祭社; 茇舍夏苗,則以享礿; 治兵秋獮,則以祀祊; 大閱冬狩,則以享烝。 案漢祭祀志:『唯立秋之日,白郊事畢,始揚威武,名曰「貙劉」。 乘輿入囿,躬執弩以射,牲以鹿麑。 太宰令謁者各一人,載獲車馳送陵廟。』 然則春田薦廟,未有先准。」 兼太常丞庾蔚之議:「龢所言是蒐狩不失其時,此禮久廢。 今時龢表晏,講武教人,又虔供乾豆,先薦二廟,禮情俱允。 社主土神,司空土官,故祭社使司空行事。 太廟宜使上公。 參議蒐狩之禮,四時異議,禮有損益,時代不同。 今既無復四方之祭,三殺之儀,曠廢來久,禽獲牲物,面傷翦毛,未成禽不獻。 太宰令謁者擇上殺奉送,先薦廟社二廟,依舊以太尉行事。」 詔可。
On the bingchen day of the second month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The imperial carriage will tour the left bank of the Yangtze to review troops and conduct a military hunt; the meat obtained will first be offered at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang, with pickled meat and wine set out, the dukes and ministers performing the rites, and offerings also made at the consort's inner chamber, with the chamber chief performing the rites. Erudite Yu He of the Imperial Academy argued: "Examining the Rites of Zhou, the four seasonal military reviews with sacrificial victims each have their proper application. When troops are reviewed in spring during the sou hunt, sacrifice is offered at the Altar of Earth; when encamped in summer during the miao hunt, the luo offering is made; when troops are marshaled in autumn during the xian hunt, sacrifice is offered at the Altar of the War-God; when the great review is held in winter during the shou hunt, the zheng offering is made. Examining the Han Treatise on Sacrifice: 'Only on the day of the Beginning of Autumn, after the white suburban rite is complete, martial prowess is displayed—called "the leopard hunt." The imperial carriage enters the park; the emperor personally takes up the crossbow to shoot; the victims are deer and fawns. The Director of Victims and the Attendant, each in one carriage and carrying the game obtained, rush to deliver them to the imperial tombs and temples. Thus offering at the temple from a spring hunt has no prior precedent. Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Yu Weizhi argued: "What He said concerns conducting hunts and reviews at the proper season—this rite has long been abandoned. Now the season is late as He states; military review teaches the people; moreover dried meat is reverently prepared and offered first at the two temples—both ritual propriety and sentiment are satisfied. The altar of Earth is the god of soil; the Minister of Works is the officer of soil—therefore sacrifice at the altar of Earth should have the Minister of Works perform the rites. At the Imperial Ancestral Temple, a senior duke should perform the rites. Considering the rites of hunt and review, the four seasons differ in deliberation; ritual permits increase and decrease according to the times. Now that the four-directional sacrifices and the three-kill ritual no longer exist, long since abandoned, game and victims with surface wounds or trimmed fur, and immature birds not yet full-grown, are not offered. The Director of Victims and the Attendant select the finest kill for presentation; offering first at the two temples and altars, as before the Grand Commandant should perform the rites on their behalf. An edict approved it.
13
明帝泰豫元年七月庚申,有司奏:「七月嘗祠,至尊諒闇之內,為親奉與不? 使下禮官通議。 伏尋三年之制,自天子達。 漢文愍秦餘之弊,於是制為權典。 魏、晉以來,卒哭而祔則就吉。 案禮記王制,『三年不祭,唯祭天地社稷,為越紼而行事』。 鄭玄云:『唯不敢以卑廢尊也。』 范宣難杜預、段暢,所以闕宗廟祭者,皆人理所奉,哀戚之情,同於生者。 譙周祭志稱:『禮,身有喪,則不為吉祭。 緦麻之喪,於祖考有服者,則亦不祭,為神不饗也。』 尋宮中有故,雖在無服,亦廢祭三月,有喪不祭。 如或非若三年之內必宜親奉者,則應禘序昭穆。 而今必須免喪,然後禘祫,故知未祭之意,當似可思。 起居注,晉武有二喪,兩朞之中,並不自祠。 亦近代前事也。 伏惟至尊孝越姬文,情深明發,公服雖釋,純哀內纏。 推訪典例,則未應親奉。 有司祗應,祭不為曠。 仰思從敬,竊謂為允。 臣等參議,甚有明證,宜如所上。」 詔可。
On the gengshen day of the seventh month in the first year of Taiyu under Emperor Ming, the responsible officials memorialized: "For the chang sacrifice of the seventh month, the sovereign is within the mourning period—should he personally attend or not? Have the ritual officers deliberate the matter broadly. Examining the three-year rule, it extends from the Son of Heaven down through all ranks. Emperor Wen of Han, pitying the abuses left by Qin, therefore established a provisional mourning canon. From Wei and Jin onward, when zucu and enshrinement occur, mourning ends and auspicious rites resume. Examining the Royal Regulations in the Book of Rites: 'For three years one does not sacrifice, except to Heaven, Earth, and the altars of soil and grain—crossing the mourning cord to perform these affairs.' Zheng Xuan says: 'This is only because one dares not let what is low displace what is high. Fan Xuan challenged Du Yu and Duan Chang; the reason ancestral temple sacrifice is omitted is that all are objects of human devotion—grief and sorrow are the same as toward the living. Qiao Zhou's Treatise on Sacrifice states: 'By ritual, when one is in mourning one does not perform auspicious sacrifices. In zi and ma mourning, toward forebears to whom one owes mourning garments, one also does not sacrifice, for the spirits will not accept the offering. Examining further: when there is cause within the palace, even without required mourning garments sacrifice is suspended for three months—mourning means no sacrifice. If within the three years personal attendance were truly required, then di and xia should arrange zhao and mu. Yet now di and xia must wait until mourning ends—therefore one knows the meaning of not yet sacrificing should be considered. The Daily Records show that Emperor Wu of Jin had two mourning obligations and during both periods did not sacrifice in person. This too is a precedent from recent times. The sovereign's filial piety surpasses that of King Wen of Zhou; his affection runs deep and is clearly expressed; although public mourning garments are removed, pure grief remains inwardly bound. Seeking precedents in the canon, personal attendance ought not yet occur. The responsible officials reverently performing the rites—sacrifice is not neglected. Reflecting on reverent compliance, I hold this to be appropriate. We collectively deliberated; the evidence is clear; the matter should be decided as submitted. An edict approved it.
14
後廢帝元徽二年十月丙寅,有司奏:「至尊親祠太廟文皇帝太后之日,孝武皇帝及昭皇太后,雖親非正統,而嘗經北面,未詳應親執爵與不?」 下禮官議。 太學博士周山文議:「案禮,尊者尊統上,卑者尊統下。 孝武皇帝於至尊雖親非正統,而祖宗之號,列于七廟。 愚謂親奉之日,應執觴爵。 昭皇太后既親非禮正,宜使三公行事。」 博士顏燮等四人同山文。 兼太常丞韓賁議:「晉景帝之於世祖,肅祖之於孝武,皆傍尊也,親執觴杓。 今孝武皇帝於至尊,親為伯父,功列祖宗,奉祠之日,謂宜親執。 按昭皇太后於主上,親無名秩,情則疏遠,庶母在我,猶子祭孫止,況伯父之庶母。 愚謂昭后觴爵,可付之有司。」 前左丞孫緬議:「晉世祖宗祠顯宗、烈宗、肅祖,並是晉帝之伯,今朝明準,而初無有司行事之禮。 愚謂主上親執孝武皇帝觴爵,有愜情敬。 昭皇太后君母之貴,見尊一時,而與章、宣二廟同饗閟宮,非唯不躬奉,廼宜議其毀替。 請且依舊,三公行事。」 詔緬議為允。
On the bingyin day of the tenth month in the second year of Yuanhui under the deposed Emperor, the responsible officials memorialized: "On the day when the sovereign personally sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple to Emperor Wen and the Empress Dowager, as to Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao—although not orthodox kin, they were once served facing north—it is unclear whether the sovereign should personally hold the wine cup or not. Refer to the ritual officers for deliberation. Erudite Zhou Shanwen of the Imperial Academy argued: "Examining the Rites: the exalted honor the orthodox line above, while the lowly honor the orthodox line below. Emperor Xiaowu, though not orthodox kin to the sovereign, bears the title of ancestor and has a place among the seven temples. I hold that on the day of personal attendance he should hold the wine cup. Empress Dowager Zhao, not orthodox kin by ritual, should have the Three Excellencies perform the rites on her behalf. Erudite Yan Xie and four others concurred with Shanwen. Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Han Ben argued: "Emperor Jing of Jin toward Emperor Shizu, and Emperor Su toward Emperor Xiaowu—both were collateral honor—and personally held the wine ladle. Now Emperor Xiaowu is the sovereign's paternal uncle by blood; his merit ranks among the ancestors; on the day of sacrifice the sovereign should personally hold the cup. Empress Dowager Zhao toward the sovereign has no name or rank by kinship; in sentiment she is distant; a stepmother in one's household—a son's sacrifice stops at the grandson—how much more a paternal uncle's stepmother. I hold that Empress Dowager Zhao's wine cup may be entrusted to the responsible officials to present. Former Left Assistant Director Sun Mian argued: "In Jin when the ancestors sacrificed to Emperor Xianzong, Emperor Liezong, and Emperor Suzu—all were paternal uncles of Jin emperors—the present court's clear standard at the outset had no rite of responsible officials performing the sacrifice. I hold that the sovereign's personally holding Emperor Xiaowu's wine cup satisfies both sentiment and reverence. Empress Dowager Zhao was exalted as the sovereign's stepmother for a time, yet shares the sealed chamber with the temples of Empresses Dowager Zhang and Xuan—not only should the sovereign not personally attend; her removal should even be deliberated. For the present, follow the former practice and have the Three Excellencies perform the rites in his stead. An edict held Mian's deliberation acceptable.
15
宋孝武帝孝建元年十月戊辰,有司奏章皇太后廟毀置之禮。 二品官議者六百六十三人。 太傅江夏王義恭以為:「經籍殘偽,訓傳異門,諒言之者罔一,故求之者尠究。 是以六宗之辯,舛於兼儒,迭毀之論,亂於羣學。 章皇太后誕神啟聖,禮備中興,慶流胙胤,德光義遠。 宜長代崇芬,奕葉垂則。 豈得降侔通倫,反遵常典。 夫議者成疑,實傍紀傳,知一爽二,莫窮書旨。 按禮記不代祭,爰及慈母,置辭令有所施。 穀梁於孫止,別主立祭。 則親執虔祀,事異前志。 將由大君之宜,其職彌重,人極之貴,其數特中。 且漢代鴻風,遂登配祔,晉氏明規,咸留薦祀。 遠考史策,近因闇見,未應毀之,於義為長。 所據公羊,祇足堅秉。 安可以貴等帝王,祭從士庶,緣情訪制,顛越滋甚。 謂應同七廟,六代乃毀。」 六百三十六人同義恭不毀。 散騎侍郎王法施等二十七人議應毀。 領曹郎中周景遠重參議,義恭等不毀議為允。 詔可。
On the wuchen day of the tenth month in the first year of Xiaojian under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, the responsible officials memorialized on the ritual of destroying and relocating the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang. Six hundred sixty-three officials of the second rank took part in the deliberation. Grand Tutor Prince Jiangxia Yigong argued: "The classics are damaged and forged; teachings and transmissions diverge in many schools—those who speak with certainty are few, and those who truly investigate are rare. Thus the debate over the Six Ancestors went astray among eclectic scholars, and the alternating theories of destruction and preservation confused the many schools. Empress Dowager Zhang gave birth to the divine and opened the sage era; ritual was complete at the restoration; blessings flowed to enfeoffed descendants; her virtue shone and her righteousness reached far. She should be honored through the ages with enduring fragrance, a model passed down from generation to generation. How can she be lowered to equal ordinary ranks and made to follow the regular canon instead? When deliberators raise doubts, they truly rely on adjacent records in the chronicles—knowing one point but missing two, none can exhaust the intent of the texts. Examining the Book of Rites on not substituting in sacrifice, extending even to the loving mother—the wording shows where it applies. In Guliang's commentary on "the grandson stops," one distinguishes the lord who establishes sacrifice. Thus personal attendance in reverent sacrifice differs from what earlier records prescribe. This arises from the exalted sovereign's proper role—the duty is all the heavier; the pinnacle of human honor—the number stands specially in the middle. Moreover Han's grand tradition ascended to paired enshrinement, and Jin's clear regulations all retained sacrificial offering. Examining distant historical records and recent hidden evidence, the temple should not be destroyed—on principle this is the better course. What is cited from Gongyang only strengthens obstinate adherence to one view. How can one equal emperors in rank yet follow gentry and commoners in sacrifice—seeking regulations by sentiment, the inversion grows ever worse. I hold that it should equal the seven temples—destruction only after six generations. Six hundred thirty-six persons agreed with Yigong that the temple should not be destroyed. Attendant Gentleman Wang Fashi and twenty-seven others argued that the tablet should be destroyed. Director of the Bureau Zhou Jingyuan reviewed the deliberation and held Yigong's argument against destruction to be acceptable. An edict approved it.
16
大明二年二月庚寅,有司奏:「皇代殷祭,無事於章后廟。 高堂隆議魏文思后依周姜嫄廟禘祫,及徐邈答晉宣太后殷薦舊事,使禮官議正。」 博士孫武議:「按禮記祭法,『置都立邑,設廟祧壇墠而祭之,乃為親疏多少之數。 是故王立七廟,遠廟為祧』。 鄭云:『天子遷廟之主,昭穆合藏於二祧之中,祫乃祭之。』 王制曰:『祫禘。』 鄭云:『祫,合也。 合先君之主於祖廟而祭之,謂之祫。 三年而夏禘,五年而秋祫,謂之五年再殷祭。』 又『禘,大祭也』。 春秋文公二年,『大事于太廟』。 傳曰:『毀廟之主,陳于太祖; 未毀廟之主,皆升合食太祖。』 傳曰:『合族以食,序以昭穆。』 祭統曰:『有事于太廟,則羣昭羣穆咸在,不失其倫。』 今殷祠是合食太祖,而序昭穆。 章太后既屈於上,不列正廟。 若迎主入太廟,既不敢配列於正序,又未聞於昭穆之外別立為位。 若徐邈議,今殷祠就別廟奉薦,則乖禘祫大祭合食序昭穆之義。 邈云:『陰室四殤,不同祫就祭。』 此亦其義也。 喪服小記,『殤與無後,從祖祔食』。 祭法,『王下祭殤』。 鄭玄云:『祭適殤於廟之奧,謂之陰厭。』 既從祖食於廟奧,是殤有位於奧,非就祭別宮之謂。 今章太后廟,四時饗薦,雖不於孫止,若太廟禘祫,獨祭別宮,與四時烝嘗不異,則非禘大祭之義,又無取於祫合食之文。 謂不宜與太廟同殷祭之禮。 高堂隆答魏文思后依姜嫄廟禘祫,又不辨祫之義,而改祫大饗,蓋有由而然耳。 守文淺學,懼乖禮衷。」 博士王燮之議:「按禘小祫大,禮無正文,求之情例,如有可準。 推尋祫之為名,雖在合食,而祭典之重,於此為大。 夫以孝饗親,尊愛罔極,既殷薦太祖,亦致盛祀於小廟。 譬有事於尊者,可以及卑。 故高堂隆所謂獨以祫故而祭之也。 是以魏之文思,晉之宣后,雖並不序於太廟,而猶均禘於姜嫄,其意如此。 又徐邈所引四殤不祫,就而祭之,以為別饗之例,斯其證矣。 愚謂章皇太后廟,亦宜殷薦。」 太常丞孫緬議以為:「祫祭之名,義在合食,守經據古,孫武為詳。 竊尋小廟之禮,肇自近魏,晉之所行,足為前準。 高堂隆以祫而祭,有附情敬。 徐邈引就祭四殤,以證別饗。 孫武據殤祔於祖,謂廟有殤位。 尋事雖同廟,而祭非合食。 且七廟同宮,始自後漢,禮之祭殤,各祔厥祖。 既豫祫,則必異廟而祭。 愚謂章廟殷薦,推此可知。」 祠部朱膺之議:「閟宮之祀,高堂隆、趙怡並云周人祫,歲俱祫祭之。 魏、晉二代,取則奉薦,名儒達禮,無相譏非,不諐不忘,率由舊章。 愚意同王燮之、孫緬議。」 詔曰:「章皇太后追尊極號,禮同七廟,豈容獨闕殷薦,隔茲盛祠。 閟宮遙祫,既行有周,魏、晉從饗,式範無替。 宜述附前典,以宣情敬。」
On the gengyin day of the second month in the second year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "At the dynasty's yin sacrifice, nothing is done at the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for deliberation and correction, following Gao Tanglong's deliberation on Empress Wen Si of Wei following Jiang Yuan's temple di and xia, and Xu Miao's reply on the old precedent of Empress Dowager Xuan's yin offering under Jin. Erudite Sun Wu argued: "Examining the Record of Sacrifice in the Book of Rites: 'When establishing a capital and founding a settlement, setting up temples, ancestral tablets, altars, and platforms for sacrifice—thus are the numbers of kin near and far determined. Therefore the king establishes seven temples, and the distant temples serve as tiao.' Zheng says: 'When the Son of Heaven moves the tablets of the temple, zhao and mu are jointly stored in the two tiao, and xia sacrifice is then performed on them. The Royal Regulations says: 'Xia and di. Zheng says: 'Xia means "combined." Combining the tablets of former lords in the ancestral temple and sacrificing to them—this is called xia. In the third year summer di, in the fifth year autumn xia—called performing the yin sacrifice twice in five years. Also 'Di is the great sacrifice.' In the second year of Duke Wen in the Spring and Autumn Annals: 'A great affair at the Grand Temple. The Commentary says: 'Tablets of destroyed temples are displayed before the Grand Ancestor; tablets of temples not yet destroyed all ascend and share food with the Grand Ancestor in common. The Commentary says: 'The clan gathers to eat together, ordered by zhao and mu. The Record of Sacrifice says: 'When there is an affair at the Grand Temple, all the zhao and all the mu are present, not losing their order. Now the yin sacrifice is combining food with the Grand Ancestor and ordering zhao and mu. Empress Dowager Zhang, being subordinate in rank, is not enrolled in the orthodox temple. If her tablet were brought into the Imperial Ancestral Temple, one dare not place her in the orthodox order, and nothing is heard of establishing a separate position outside the zhao and mu arrangement. If following Xu Miao's deliberation the yin sacrifice is offered at the separate temple, this violates the meaning of di and xia great sacrifice—combined food and ordered zhao and mu. Miao said: 'The four infant spirits in the inner chamber—unlike xia, sacrifice is offered there separately. This too is the principle. The Record of Mourning Garments in Brief says: 'Infant spirits and those without posterity follow the ancestor in enshrinement and shared offerings. The Record of Sacrifice says: 'The king sacrifices to infant spirits below [a certain age]. Zheng Xuan says: 'Sacrificing to eligible infant spirits in the recess of the temple—called yin-yan. Since they already follow the ancestor and share food in the recess of the temple, the infant spirits have positions in the recess—this is not what is meant by offering sacrifice at a separate palace. Now the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang receives seasonal offerings in the four seasons; although not under "the grandson stops," if at Imperial Ancestral Temple di and xia she is sacrificed separately at another palace—no different from seasonal zheng and chang—this is not the meaning of di as great sacrifice, and there is no basis in the texts on xia combined food. I hold that she should not share the yin sacrifice rites with the Imperial Ancestral Temple. Gao Tanglong's reply on Empress Wen Si of Wei following Jiang Yuan's temple di and xia, without distinguishing the meaning of xia, changed xia to the great feast—there were reasons for this. As one who merely preserves the texts with shallow learning, I fear departing from the intent of ritual. Erudite Wang Xiezhi argued: "Examining di as lesser and xia as greater—ritual has no explicit text; seeking sentiment and precedent, there is something to compare. Investigating the name xia—although its meaning lies in combined food, in the canon of sacrifice its weight is greatest here. By filial piety to nourish kin, reverent love knows no limit—having made the yin offering to the Grand Ancestor, one also renders the fullest sacrifice at the lesser temple. It is like when there is an affair for the exalted: the lowly may be included. Thus what Gao Tanglong meant by sacrificing solely because of xia. Therefore Empress Wen Si of Wei and Empress Dowager Xuan of Jin, though both not ordered in the Grand Temple, still equally performed di at Jiang Yuan's—the intent was such. Also Xu Miao's citation of the four infant spirits not receiving xia but sacrifice offered there separately—as precedent for separate feasting—this is the evidence. I hold that the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang should also receive the yin offering. Director of Ceremonies Sun Mian argued: "The name xia sacrifice—its meaning lies in combined food; holding to the canon and citing antiquity, Sun Wu is most detailed. Examining the rite of lesser temples—it began in recent Wei; what Jin practiced suffices as prior standard. Gao Tanglong sacrificed because of xia—there is attached sentiment and reverence. Xu Miao cited separate sacrifice for the four infant spirits to prove the principle of separate feasting. Sun Wu, citing infant spirits enshrined with the ancestor, held that the temple maintains positions for infant spirits. Examining the affair—although in the same temple, the sacrifice is not combined food. Moreover the seven temples sharing one hall began in Later Han; ritual sacrifice to infant spirits—each is enshrined with his ancestor. Once xia is anticipated, sacrifice must be performed at separate temples. I hold that the yin offering at Empress Dowager Zhang's temple follows from this principle. Zhu Yingzhi of the Sacrifices Section argued: "For sacrifice at the sealed chamber, Gao Tanglong and Zhao Yi both said the Zhou people xia—annually all xia sacrifice together. Wei and Jin two dynasties took this as standard for offerings—eminent scholars versed in ritual offered no mutual criticism—not excessive, not neglectful—all follow the old statutes. My humble view concurs with Wang Xiezhi and Sun Mian. An edict stated: "Empress Dowager Zhang posthumously received the highest title; ritual equals the seven temples—how can she alone lack yin offering, separated from this grand sacrifice? Distant xia at the sealed chamber—Zhou already practiced it; Wei and Jin followed in sharing offerings—the model unchanged. Should follow and attach to prior canon, so as to express sentiment and reverence."
17
明帝泰始二年正月,孝武昭太后崩。 五月甲寅,有司奏:「晉太元中,始正太后尊號,徐邈議廟制,自是以來,著為通典。 今昭皇太后於至尊無親,上特制義服。 祔廟之禮,宜下禮官詳議。」 博士王略、太常丞虞愿議:「正名存義,有國之徽典; 臣子一例,史傳之明文。 今昭皇太后正位母儀,尊號允著,祔廟之禮,宜備彝則。 母以子貴,事炳聖文,孝武之祀,既百代不毀,則昭后之祔,無緣有虧。 愚謂神主應入章后廟。 又宜依晉元皇帝之於愍帝,安帝之於永安后,祭祀之日,不親執觴爵,使有司行事。」 時太宗宣太后已祔章太后廟,長兼儀曹郎虞龢議以為:「春秋之義,庶母雖名同崇號,而實異正嫡。 是以猶考別宮,而公子主其祀。 今昭皇太后既非所生,益無親奉之理。 周禮宗伯職云:『若王不與祭,則攝位。』 然則宜使有司行其禮事。 又婦人無常秩,各以夫氏為定,夫亡以子為次。 昭皇太后即正位在前,宣太后追尊在後,以從序而言,宜躋新禰于上。」 參詳,龢議為允。 詔可。
In the first month of the second year of Taishi under Emperor Ming, Empress Dowager Zhao, mother of Emperor Xiaowu, died. On the jiayin day of the fifth month, the responsible officials memorialized: "In the Taiyuan era under Jin, the empress dowager's title was first regularized; Xu Miao deliberated on temple regulations; since then this has been established as canon. Now Empress Dowager Zhao has no kinship with the sovereign; the court specially ordered garments of meaning-mourning for him. The ritual of enshrinement in the temple—order the ritual officers to deliberate in detail. Erudite Wang Lue and Director of Ceremonies Yu Yuan argued: "Correct naming preserves meaning—emblematic canon of a state; ministers and subjects follow one standard—explicit text in historical records. Now Empress Dowager Zhao holds the orthodox position as mother of the realm; her exalted title is duly recorded; the ritual of enshrinement should follow the constant rule of precedent. The mother honored through the son—matter clear in the sage texts; Emperor Xiaowu's sacrifice shall never be destroyed through the ages—then Empress Dowager Zhao's enshrinement has no grounds for diminution. I hold that the spirit tablet should enter Empress Dowager Zhang's temple. Also should follow Emperor Yuan of Jin toward Emperor Min and Emperor An toward Empress Dowager Yong'an—on days of sacrifice, not personally holding the wine cup; have the responsible officials perform the rites. At that time Empress Dowager Xuan of the late Emperor had already been enshrined in Empress Dowager Zhang's temple; Chief and Concurrent Director of Ritual Affairs Yu He argued: "The meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals: a secondary consort, though her title equals exalted honor, in fact differs from the primary wife. Therefore they still maintained separate palaces for sacrifice; the son performed the rites. Now Empress Dowager Zhao was not the biological mother—all the more no grounds for personal attendance. The Rites of Zhou, Director of Ritual, states: 'If the king does not join the sacrifice, then the minister takes his place. Thus the responsible officials should perform the ritual affair. Also women have no fixed rank—each is determined by her husband's clan; when the husband dies, order follows the son. Empress Dowager Zhao already held the orthodox position first; Empress Dowager Xuan was posthumously honored later—by order of succession, the new tablet should ascend above. Upon joint review, He's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
18
泰始二年六月丁丑,有司奏:「來七月嘗祀二廟,依舊車駕親奉。 孝武皇帝室,至尊親進觴爵及拜伏。 又昭皇太后室應拜,及祝文稱皇帝諱。 又皇后今月二十五日虔見於禰,拜孝武皇帝、昭皇太后,並無明文,下禮官議正。」 太學博士劉緄議:「尋晉元北面稱臣於愍帝,烝嘗奉薦,亦使有司行事。 且兄弟不相為後,著於魯史。 以此而推,孝武之室,至尊無容親進觴爵拜伏。 其日親進章皇太后廟,經昭皇太后室過,前議既使有司行事,謂不應進拜。 昭皇太后正號久定,登列廟祀,詳尋祝文,宜稱皇帝諱。 案禮,婦無見兄之典,昭后位居傍尊,致虔之儀,理不容備。 孝武、昭后二室,牲薦宜闕。」 太常丞虞愿議:「夫烝嘗之禮,事存繼嗣,故傍尊雖近,弟姪弗祀。 君道雖高,臣無祭典。 按晉景帝之於武帝,屬居伯父,武帝至祭之日,猶進觴爵。 今上既纂祠文皇,於孝武室謂宜進拜而已,觴爵使有司行事。 按禮『過墓則軾,過祀則下』。 凡在神祇,尚或致恭; 況昭太后母臨四海,至尊親曾北面,兄母有敬,謂宜進拜,祝文宜稱皇帝諱。 尋皇后廟見之禮,本修虔為義,今於孝武,論其嫂叔,則無通問之典,語其尊卑,亦無相見之義。 又皇后登御之初,昭后猶正位在宮,敬謁之道,久已前備。 愚謂孝武、昭太后二室,並不復薦告。」 參議以愿議為允。 詔可。
On the dingchou day of the sixth month in the second year of Taishi, the responsible officials memorialized: "In the coming seventh month chang sacrifice will be offered at the two temples; as before the imperial carriage will personally attend. At Emperor Xiaowu's chamber the sovereign will personally advance the wine cup and perform the prostration. Also at Empress Dowager Zhao's chamber bowing is required, and in the prayer text the emperor's taboo name should be used. Also on the twenty-fifth day of this month the empress will reverently appear before the tablet; she will bow to Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao—there is no explicit text; order the ritual officers to deliberate and correct. Erudite Liu Wen of the Imperial Academy argued: "Examining how Emperor Yuan of Jin faced north and styled himself minister to Emperor Min—for zheng and chang offerings the responsible officials performed the rites. Moreover brothers do not succeed each other—recorded in the Lu chronicles. Extrapolating from this—at Emperor Xiaowu's chamber the sovereign cannot personally advance the wine cup and prostrate. On that day personally entering Empress Dowager Zhang's temple, passing Empress Dowager Zhao's chamber—prior deliberation already has the responsible officials perform the rites; one should not advance to bow. Empress Dowager Zhao's orthodox title was long since fixed; she is listed in temple sacrifice; examining the prayer text—it should use the emperor's taboo name. Examining the Rites: a wife has no canon of appearing before an elder brother; Empress Dowager Zhao's position is collateral honor—complete reverence in ritual cannot be required. For Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao's two chambers—victims and offerings should be omitted. Director of Ceremonies Yu Yuan argued: "Zheng and chang sacrifice—the affair exists for continuing the line; therefore though collateral honor is near, younger brothers and nephews do not sacrifice. Though the way of the lord is exalted, a minister has no canonical rite of sacrifice. Examining Emperor Jing of Jin toward Emperor Wu—relation was paternal uncle—on Emperor Wu's sacrifice day he still advanced the wine cup. Now the sovereign having succeeded in sacrificing to Emperor Wen—at Emperor Xiaowu's chamber should only advance bow; the wine cup should have the responsible officials perform the rites. Examining the Rites: 'When passing a tomb, lean on the crossbar; when passing a place of sacrifice, dismount. For all spirit beings reverence may still be shown; how much more Empress Dowager Zhao who as mother faced the realm—the sovereign once personally faced north; elder brother's mother deserves reverence—should advance to bow; the prayer text should use the emperor's taboo name. Examining the empress's temple appearance ritual—originally the meaning is cultivating reverence; as to Emperor Xiaowu, discussing sister-in-law and younger brother-in-law—no canon of communication; discussing rank—no meaning of mutual appearance. Also when the empress first ascended, Empress Dowager Zhao still held orthodox position in the palace—the path of reverent audience was long since prepared. I hold that Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao's two chambers should both omit offering and announcement. Upon joint deliberation Yu Yuan's view was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
19
後廢帝元徽二年十月壬寅,有司奏昭太后廟毀置。 下禮官詳議。 太常丞韓賁議:「按君母之尊,義發春秋,庶後饗薦無間。 周典七廟承統,猶親盡則毀。 況伯之所生,而無服代祭,稽之前代,未見其準。」 都令史殷匪子議:「昭皇太后不係於祖宗,進退宜毀。 議者云,『妾祔於妾祖姑』,祔既必告,毀不容異。 應告章皇太后一室。 按記云:『妾祔於妾祖姑,無妾祖姑,則易牲而祔於女君可也。』 始章太后於昭太后,論昭穆而言,則非妾祖姑,又非女君,於義不當。 伏尋昭太后名位允極,昔初祔之始,自上祔於趙后,即安于西廟,並皆幣告諸室。 古者大事必告,又云每事必告。 禮,牲幣雜用。 檢魏、晉以來,互有不同。 元嘉十六年,下禮官辨正。 太學博士殷靈祚議稱:『吉事用牲,凶事用幣。』 自茲而後,吉凶為判,已是一代之成典。 今事雖不全凶,亦未近吉,故宜依舊,以幣徧告二廟。 又尋昭太后毀主,無義陳列於太祖,博士欲依虞主埋於廟兩階之間。 按階間本以埋告幣埋虞主之所。 昔虞喜云,依五經典議,以毀主祔於虞主,埋於廟之北牆,最為可據。 昭太后神主毀之埋之後,上室不可不虛置,太后便應上下升之。 既升之頃,又應設脯醢以安神。 今禮官所議,謬略未周。 遷毀事大,請廣詳訪。」 左僕射劉秉等七人同匪子。 左丞王諶重參議,謂:「以幣徧告二廟,埋毀殷主於北牆。 宣太后上室,仍設脯醢以安神,匪子議為允。」 詔可。
On the renyin day of the tenth month in the second year of Yuanhui under the deposed Emperor, the responsible officials memorialized on destroying and relocating the temple of Empress Dowager Zhao. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for detailed deliberation. Director of Ceremonies Han Ben argued: "Examining the exaltation of the lord's mother—meaning arises from the Spring and Autumn Annals; offerings to secondary consorts are uninterrupted. The Zhou canon of seven temples inheriting the line—yet when kinship is exhausted destruction follows. How much more one born of a paternal uncle—no mourning garments, no generation serving sacrifice—seeking precedent in former ages, none is seen. Chief Clerk Yin Feizi argued: "Empress Dowager Zhao is not tied to the ancestors—entering and leaving should mean destruction. Deliberators say: 'A concubine enshrined with her husband's concubine-grandmother'—if enshrinement requires announcement, destruction cannot differ. Announcement should be made at the chamber of Empress Dowager Zhang. Examining the Record: 'A concubine is enshrined with her husband's concubine-grandmother; if there is no concubine-grandmother, then change the victim and enshrine with the primary wife—this is permitted. At the outset Empress Dowager Zhang toward Empress Dowager Zhao—speaking of zhao and mu—she is neither concubine-grandmother nor primary wife; by principle this is not appropriate. Examining further: Empress Dowager Zhao's name and rank reached the utmost; when first enshrined, from above she was enshrined with Empress Dowager Zhao and settled in the western temple—both received silk announcement to all chambers. In antiquity great affairs had to be announced; it also says that every affair must be announced. By ritual, victims and silk offerings are used together. Examining Wei and Jin onward, practice differs from case to case. In the sixteenth year of Yuanjia, the court ordered the ritual officers to distinguish and correct the practice. Erudite Yin Lingzuo of the Imperial Academy argued: 'For auspicious affairs one uses victims; for inauspicious affairs one uses silk. From then onward auspicious and inauspicious were distinguished—already a canon of the age. Now the affair, though not wholly inauspicious, is also not near auspicious—therefore should follow the former practice and announce with silk to both temples throughout. Also examining the destroyed tablet of Empress Dowager Zhao—there is no principle for displaying it before the Grand Ancestor; the erudites wish to follow the provisional tablet and bury it between the steps of the temple. Examining further: the space between the steps was originally for burying announcement silk and the provisional spirit tablet. Formerly Yu Xi said: following the deliberations of the Five Classics, enshrining the destroyed tablet with the provisional tablet and burying it at the temple's north wall is the most authoritative practice. After the spirit tablet of Empress Dowager Zhao is destroyed and buried, the upper chamber cannot remain empty—Empress Dowager Xuan should ascend to fill it. At the moment of ascent, dried meat and pickled offerings should also be set out to settle the spirit. Now the ritual officers' deliberation is mistaken and incomplete. Relocation and destruction are great affairs—please investigate broadly in detail. Left Vice Director Liu Bing and seven others agreed with Feizi. Left Assistant Director Wang Chen reviewed the deliberation, stating: "Announce with silk to both temples throughout, and bury the destroyed yin tablet at the north wall. At Empress Dowager Xuan's upper chamber, still set dried meat and pickled offerings to settle the spirit—Feizi's deliberation is acceptable. An edict approved it.
20
魏明帝太和三年,詔曰:「禮,王后無嗣,擇建支子以繼大宗,則當纂正統而奉公義,何得顧私親哉。 漢宣繼昭帝,後加悼考以皇號; 哀帝以外蕃援立,而董宏等稱引亡秦,或誤朝議,遂尊恭皇,立廟京師,又寵蕃妾,使比長信,僭差無禮,人神弗佑,非罪師丹忠正之諫,用致丁、傅焚如之禍。 自是之後,相踵行之。 其令公卿有司,深以前代為誡。 後嗣萬一有由諸侯入奉大統,則當明為人後之義。 敢為佞邪,導諛君上,妄建非正之號,謂考為皇,稱妣為后,則股肱大臣,誅之無赦。 其書之金策,藏之宗廟,著于令典。」 是後高貴、常道援立,皆不外尊也。
In the third year of Taihe under Emperor Ming of Wei, an edict stated: "By ritual, when the queen has no heir, a collateral son is chosen to continue the great line—then one should inherit the orthodox line and uphold public principle; how can one consider private kin? Emperor Xuan of Han succeeded Emperor Zhao and later added the posthumous imperial title for his father the Duke of Ding; Emperor Ai, installed from an outer fief, and Dong Hong and others cited the fallen Qin—some misleading court deliberation—then honored the Respectful Emperor, established a temple in the capital, and favored a fief concubine equaling Changxin—excessive breach of ritual; neither human nor spirit blessed them; had it not been for Shi Dan's loyal and upright remonstrance, the disaster of Ding and Fu burning like tinder would have resulted. From then onward this practice was followed in succession. Order the dukes, ministers, and responsible officials to take the former generations deeply as a warning. If hereafter a successor should by any chance enter from among the feudal lords to receive the great succession, then the meaning of becoming another's heir should be made clear. Whoever dares flatter and deceive the lord above, rashly establishing non-orthodox titles—calling father Emperor and mother Empress—the great ministers as arms and legs shall execute without pardon. Inscribe this on the golden covenant, store it in the ancestral temple, and record it in the established canon. Thereafter when Gaogui and Changdao were installed, none honored outer kin.
21
晉愍帝建興四年,司徒梁芬議追尊之禮,帝既不從,而左僕射索綝等亦稱引魏制,以為不可。 故追贈吳王為太保而已。 元帝太興二年,有司言琅邪恭王宜稱皇考。 賀循議云:「禮典之義,子不敢以己爵加其父號。」 帝又從之。 二漢此典棄矣。
In the fourth year of Jianxing under Emperor Min of Jin, Director of the Masters of Ceremony Liang Fen deliberated on the ritual of posthumous honor—the emperor did not follow; Left Vice Director Suo Lin and others also cited Wei regulations as grounds that it could not be done. Therefore Prince Wu of Wu was posthumously enfeoffed as Grand Tutor and nothing more. In the second year of Taixing under Emperor Yuan, the responsible officials stated that Prince Gong of Langye should be styled Imperial Father. He Xun deliberated: "The meaning of ritual canon—a son dares not add his own rank to his father's title. The emperor again followed this. This canon of the two Han dynasties was abandoned thereafter.
22
魏明帝有愛女曰淑涉,三月而夭,帝痛之甚,追封諡為平原懿公主,葬於南陵,立廟京師。 無前典,非禮也。
Emperor Ming of Wei had a beloved daughter named Shushe; she died at three months; the emperor grieved deeply; he posthumously enfeoffed and titled her Princess Yi of Pingyuan, buried her at Nanling, and established a temple in the capital. There was no prior canon—not ritual.
23
宋孝武帝孝建元年七月辛酉,有司奏:「東平沖王年稚無後,唯殤服五月。 雖臣不殤君,應有主祭,而國是追贈,又無其臣。 未詳毀靈立廟,為當它祔與不? 輒下禮官詳議。」 太學博士臣徐宏議:「王既無後,追贈無臣,殤服既竟,靈便合毀。 記曰:『殤與無後者,從祖祔食。』 又曰:『士大夫不得祔於諸侯,祔於祖之為士大夫者。』 按諸侯不得祔於天子。 沖王則宜祔諸祖之廟為王者,應祔長沙景王廟。」 詔可。
On the xinyou day of the seventh month in the first year of Xiaojian under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, the responsible officials memorialized: "Prince Chong of Dongping was young and without heir; only infant-spirit mourning garments for five months. Although a minister does not mourn for his lord in infant-spirit rites, there should be a chief sacrificer; yet the state was posthumously enfeoffed and had no ministers. It is unclear whether to destroy the spirit tablet and establish a temple—should enshrinement elsewhere be made or not? Refer the matter to the ritual officers for detailed deliberation. Erudite Xu Hong of the Imperial Academy argued: "The prince having no heir and posthumous enfeoffment having no ministers—when infant-spirit mourning garments are complete the spirit tablet should be destroyed. The Record says: 'Infant spirits and those without posterity follow the ancestor in enshrinement and shared offerings. It also says: 'Grand officers cannot be enshrined with feudal lords; enshrine with the ancestor who was a grand officer. Examining further: feudal lords cannot be enshrined with the Son of Heaven. Prince Chong should be enshrined in the temple of an ancestor who was a king—in this case, the temple of Prince Jing of Changsha. An edict approved it.
24
大明四年丁巳,有司奏:「安陸國土雖建,而奠酹之所,未及營立,四時薦饗,故祔江夏之廟。 宣王所生夫人,當應祠不?」 太學博士傅郁議:「應廢祭。」 右丞徐爰議:「按禮,『慈母妾母不世祭』。 鄭玄注:『以其非正,故傳曰子祭孫止。』 又云:『為慈母後者,為祖庶母可也。』 注稱:『緣為慈母後之義,父妾無子,亦可命己庶子為之後也。』 考尋斯義,父母妾之祭,不必唯子。 江夏宣王太子,體自元宰,道戚之胤,遭時不幸,聖上矜悼,降出皇愛,嗣承徽緒,光啟大蕃,屬國為祖。 始王夫人載育明懿,則一國之正,上無所厭,哀敬得申。 既未獲祔享江夏,又不從祭安陸,即事求情,愚以為宜依祖母有為後之義,謂合列祀于廟。」 二議不同,參議以爰議為允。 詔可。
In the fourth year of Daming on the day dingsi, the responsible officials memorialized: "Although the state of Anlu was established, the place for libation and offering has not yet been built; the four seasonal offerings and feasts therefore take place at Jiangxia's temple. Should the biological mother of Prince Xuan of Jiangxia receive sacrifice? Erudite Fu Yu of the Imperial Academy argued: "Sacrifice should be discontinued. Right Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "Examining the Rites: 'The loving mother and concubine mother are not sacrificed to through the generations. Zheng Xuan's commentary: 'Because they are not orthodox kin, therefore the tradition says the son sacrifices and the grandson stops. It also says: 'One who becomes heir to the loving mother may enshrine the father's concubine mother—this is permitted. The commentary states: 'Following the meaning of becoming heir to the loving mother—if the father's concubine has no son, a secondary son may also be commanded to become her heir. Examining this meaning—sacrifice to the father's and mother's concubines need not be only by the son. Prince Xuan of Jiangxia was the Heir Apparent in person—lineage from the chief minister; a branch of the imperial kin; meeting untimely misfortune; the sage sovereign pitied and mourned; lowered from imperial favor; succeeded to continue the emblematic line; opened the great fief; the state became ancestor. The first prince's lady bore and nurtured with bright virtue—then she was orthodox mother of the state; above there was nothing to diminish; grief and reverence could be expressed. Having neither obtained enshrinement and offering at Jiangxia nor sacrifice at Anlu—seeking the affair by sentiment, I hold that following the grandmother's meaning of becoming heir, she should be listed for sacrifice in the temple. The two deliberations differ; upon joint review Ai's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
25
大明六年十月丙寅,有司奏:「故晉陵孝王子雲未有嗣,安廟後三日,國臣從權制除釋,朔望周忌,應還臨與不? 祭之日,誰為主?」 太常丞庾蔚之議:「既葬三日,國臣從權制除釋。 而靈筵猶存,朔望及朞忌,諸臣宜還臨哭,變服衣𢂿,使上卿主祭。 王既未有後,又無三年服者,朞親服除,而國尚存,便宜立廟,為國之始祖。 服除之日,神主暫祔食祖廟。 諸王不得祖天子,宜祔從祖國廟,還居新廟之室。 未有嗣之前,四時饗薦,常使上卿主之。」 左丞徐爰參議,以蔚之議為允。 詔可。
On the bingyin day of the tenth month in the sixth year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The former Prince Xiao of Jinling's son Yun had no heir; three days after establishing the temple, the state ministers follow provisional regulations and remove mourning garments—on new and full moon and weekly anniversaries, should they return to attend or not? On the day of sacrifice, who should serve as chief sacrificer? Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Yu Weizhi argued: "Three days after burial the state ministers follow provisional regulations and remove mourning garments. Yet the spirit mats remain; on new and full moon and periodic anniversaries the ministers should return to attend and weep, changing into fine hemp mourning dress, with a senior minister serving as chief sacrificer. The prince having no heir yet and no one in three-year mourning—when mourning of close kin ends yet the state still exists, it is appropriate to establish a temple as the state's founding ancestor. On the day mourning garments are removed, the spirit tablet should temporarily be enshrined to share food at the ancestral temple. Princes cannot take the Son of Heaven as ancestor—should enshrine at the collateral state temple; then return to the new temple's chamber. Before an heir exists, the four seasonal offerings and feasts should regularly be presided over by a senior minister. Left Assistant Director Xu Ai reviewed the deliberation and held Weizhi's view acceptable. An edict approved it.
26
大明七年正月庚子,有司奏:「故宣貴妃加殊禮,未詳應立廟與不?」 太學博士虞龢議:「曲禮云:『天子有后,有夫人。』 檀弓云:『舜葬蒼梧,三妃未之從。』 昏義云:『后之立六宮,有三夫人。』 然則三妃即三夫人也。 后之有三妃,猶天子之有三公也。 按周禮,三公八命,諸侯七命。 三公既尊於列國諸侯,三妃亦貴於庶邦夫人。 據春秋傳,仲子非魯惠元嫡,尚得考彼別宮。 今貴妃是秩,天之崇班,理應立此新廟。」 左丞徐爰議:「宣貴妃既加殊命,禮絕五宮,考之古典,顯有成據。 廟堂克構,宜選將作大匠。」 參詳以龢、爰議為允。 詔可。
On the gengzi day of the first month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The former Honored Consort Xuan received special ritual—it is unclear whether a temple should be established or not. Erudite Yu He of the Imperial Academy argued: "The Court Etiquette states: 'The Son of Heaven has an empress and has ladies. Tann Gong states: 'Shun was buried at Cangwu; the three consorts did not follow. The Meaning of Marriage states: 'The empress establishes the six palaces, with three ladies. Thus the three consorts are the three ladies. The empress having three consorts is analogous to the Son of Heaven having three excellencies. Examining the Rites of Zhou, the three excellencies receive eight commands, while feudal lords receive seven commands. The three excellencies being exalted above the feudal lords of the ranks—the three consorts are also honored above the ladies of other states. Examining the Spring and Autumn Commentary, Zhongzi was not the primary wife of Duke Hui of Lu, yet could still be sacrificed to in a separate palace. Now the Honored Consort's rank is heaven's exalted grade—by principle a new temple should be established. Left Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "The Honored Consort having received special appointment—ritual surpasses the five palaces; examining ancient canon, there is clear established evidence. The temple hall should be constructed—the Director of Palace Construction should be selected. Upon joint review He's and Ai's deliberations were held acceptable. An edict approved it.
27
大明七年三月戊戌,有司奏:「新安王服宣貴妃齊衰朞,十一月練,十三月縞,十五月祥,心喪三年。 未詳宣貴妃祔廟,應在何時? 入廟之日,當先有祔,為但入新廟而已? 若在大祥及禫中入廟者,遇四時便得祭不? 新安王在心制中,得親奉祭不?」 太學博士虞龢議:「春秋傳云:『祔而作主,烝嘗禘於廟。』 嘗為吉祭之名,大祥及禫,未得入廟,應在禫除之後也。 新安王心喪之內,若遇時節,便應吉祭於廟,親奉亦在無嫌。 祔之為言,以後亡者祔於先廟也。 小記云:『諸侯不得祔於天子。』 今貴妃爵視諸侯,居然不得祔於先后。 又別考新宮,無所宜祔。 且卒哭之後,益無祔理。」 左丞徐爰議以:「禮有損益,古今異儀,雖云卒哭而祔,祔而作主,時之諸侯,皆禫終入廟。 且麻衣縓緣,革服於元嘉,苫絰變除,申情於皇宋。 況宣貴妃誕育叡蕃,葬加殊禮,靈筵廬位,皆主之哲王,考宮創祀,不得關之朝廷。 謂禫除之後,宜親執奠爵之禮。 若有故,三卿行事。 貴妃上厭皇姑,下絕列國,無所應祔。」 參議,龢議大體與爰不異,宜以爰議為允。 詔可。
On the wuxu day of the third month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "Prince Xin'an wears qi mourning for the Honored Consort for one year, eleven months of lian, thirteen months of gao, fifteen months of xiang, and heart-mourning for three years. It remains unclear when enshrinement of the Honored Consort in the temple should occur. On the day of entering the temple—should there first be enshrinement, or merely entering the new temple? If entering the temple during daxing or chan, may sacrifice be performed when the four seasons arrive? May Prince Xin'an, while still under heart-mourning regulations, personally perform sacrifice? Erudite Yu He of the Imperial Academy argued: "The Spring and Autumn Commentary says: 'Enshrine and make the tablet; zheng, chang, and di at the temple. Chang is the name of an auspicious sacrifice—during daxing and chan one may not yet enter the temple; it should be after chan mourning ends. Within Prince Xin'an's heart-mourning, if a seasonal occasion arrives, auspicious sacrifice should be performed at the temple—personal attendance is also without impropriety. The word fu means that the later deceased is enshrined in the prior temple. The Brief Record says: 'Feudal lords cannot be enshrined together with the Son of Heaven. Now the Honored Consort's rank equals feudal lords—clearly she cannot be enshrined with the empress and former empress. Also examining the separate new palace—there is nowhere appropriate for enshrinement. Moreover after zucu there is all the more no grounds for enshrinement. Left Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "Ritual permits increase and decrease; ancient and modern differ in practice—although it says enshrine at zucu and enshrine to make the tablet, the feudal lords of the age all entered the temple at the end of chan. Moreover hemp garments with crimson borders and leather garments were applied in Yuanjia, while coarse sackcloth and headbands with removal of mourning were expressed in the Song imperial house. How much more the Honored Consort who bore and nurtured the sage fief—burial received special ritual; spirit mats and mourning hut—all presided over by the wise prince; examining the palace and establishing sacrifice cannot be barred by the court. I hold that after chan mourning ends he should personally perform the libation-cup offering. If there is cause, the Three Excellencies should perform the rites. The Honored Consort above diminishes the imperial grandmother; below cuts off the feudal states—nowhere for enshrinement. Upon joint deliberation He's main points differ little from Ai's—Ai's deliberation should be held acceptable. An edict approved it.
28
大明七年十一月癸未,有司奏:「晉陵國刺:孝王廟依廬陵等國例,一歲五祭。 二國以王〔有衡陽王服,今年內不祠。 尋國未有嗣王,〕三卿主祭。 應同有服之例與不?」 博士顏僧道議:「禮記云:『所祭者亡服則祭。』 今晉陵王於衡陽小功,宜依二國同廢。」 太常丞庾蔚之議:「緦不祭者,據主為言也。 晉陵雖未有嗣,宜依有嗣致服,依闕祭之限。 衡陽為族伯緦麻,則應祭三月。」 兼左丞徐爰議:「嗣王未立,將來承胤未知疏近。 豈宜空計服屬,以虧祭敬。」 參議以爰議為允。 詔可。
On the guiwei day of the eleventh month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The Jinling state report: Prince Xiao's temple follows the example of Luling and other states—five sacrifices in one year. The two states—the prince [of Hengyang wears mourning garments; within this year no sacrifice. Examining further: the state has no successor prince—] the Three Excellencies should preside over sacrifice. Should this follow the precedent for cases involving mourning garments? Erudite Yan Sengdao argued: "The Book of Rites states: 'When the one sacrificed to is without required mourning garments, then sacrifice is performed. Now the Prince of Jinling toward Hengyang wears xiao mourning—both states should likewise suspend sacrifice. Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Yu Weizhi argued: "'In zi-mourning one does not sacrifice'—this is spoken from the perspective of the chief sacrificer. Though Jinling has no successor yet, one should follow the case of having a successor and wearing mourning garments—follow the limit of suspended sacrifice. Hengyang as collateral paternal uncle wears zi and ma mourning—sacrifice should be suspended for three months. Concurrent Left Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "The successor prince is not yet established; the future heir's kinship near or distant is unknown. How can one vainly calculate mourning obligations and thereby diminish sacrificial reverence? Upon joint deliberation Ai's view was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
29
大明八年正月壬辰,有司奏:「故齊敬王子羽將來立後,未詳便應作主立廟? 為須有後之日? 未立廟者,為於何處祭祀?」 游擊將軍徐爰議以為:「國無後,於制除罷。 始封之君,宜存繼嗣。 皇子追贈,則為始祖。 臣不殤君,事著前準,豈容虛闕烝嘗,以俟有後。 謂宜立廟作主,三卿主祭依舊。」 通關博議,以爰議為允。 令便立廟。 廟成作主,依晉陵王近例,先暫祔廬陵孝獻王廟。 祭竟,神主即還新廟。 未立後之前,常使國上卿主祭。
On the renchen day of the first month in the eighth year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The former Prince Jing of Qi's son Yu will in future establish an heir—it is unclear whether the tablet and temple should be established immediately? Or must one wait until an heir has been established? If the temple is not yet established—at what place should sacrifice be performed? General of Guerrilla Forces Xu Ai argued: "A state without heir—by regulation mourning ends and the affair ceases. The prince first enfeoffed should preserve the continuing line of succession. A prince posthumously enfeoffed becomes the founding ancestor of the line. A minister does not mourn for his lord in infant-spirit rites—matter clear in prior standards—how can zheng and chang sacrifice be vainly omitted while awaiting an heir? I hold that a temple should be established and the tablet made, and that the Three Excellencies should preside over sacrifice as before. Upon broad deliberation through all gates Ai's view was held acceptable. An edict immediately ordered the temple established. When the temple was complete the tablet was made; following the recent precedent of the Prince of Jinling, it was first temporarily enshrined at Prince Xian of Luling's temple. When sacrifice was complete, the spirit tablet immediately returned to the new temple. Before an heir was established, the state's senior minister should regularly preside over sacrifice.
30
禮云:「共工氏之霸九州,其子句龍曰后土,能平九土,故祀以為社。」 周以甲日祭之,用日之始也。 「社所以神地之道。 地載萬物,天垂象。 取財於地,取法於天。 是以尊天而親地。 故教民美報焉。 家主中霤而國主社,示本也。」 故言報本反始。 烈山氏之有天下,其子曰農,能殖百穀。 其裔曰柱,佐顓頊為稷官,主農事,周棄係之,法施於人,故祀以為稷。 禮:「王為羣姓立社曰太社,王自為立社曰王社。」 故國有二社,而稷亦有二也。 漢、魏則有官社,無稷,故常二社一稷也。 晉初仍魏,無所增損。 至太康九年,改建宗廟,而社稷壇與廟俱徙。 乃詔曰:「社實一神,其并二社之祀。」 於是車騎司馬傅咸表曰:「祭法二社各有其義。 天子尊事郊廟,故冕而躬耕。 躬耕也者,所以重孝享之粢盛,致殷薦於上帝也。 穀梁傳曰:『天子親耕以供粢盛。』 親耕,謂自報,自為立社者,為籍而報也。 國以人為本,人以穀為命,故又為百姓立社而祈報焉。 事異報殊,此社之所以有二也。 王景侯之論王社,亦謂春祈籍田,秋而報之也。 其論太社,則曰『王者布下圻內,為百姓立之,謂之太社,不自立之於京師也』。 景侯此論,據祭法『大夫以下,成羣立社,曰置社』。 景侯解曰:『今之里社是也。』 景侯解祭法,則以置社為人間之社矣。 而別論復以太社為人間之社,未曉此旨也。 太社,天子為民而祀,故稱天子社。 郊特牲曰:『天子太社,必受霜露風雨。』 夫以羣姓之眾,王者通為立社,故稱太社。 若夫置社,其數不一,蓋以里所為名。 左氏傳盟于清丘之社是也。 人間之社,既已不稱太矣。 若復不立之京都,當安所立乎? 祭法又曰:『王為羣姓立七祀。 自為立七祀。』 言自為者,自為而祀也。 為羣姓者,為羣姓而祀也。 太社與七祀,其文正等。 說者窮此,因云墳籍但有五祀無七祀也。 按祭五祀,國之大祀,七者小祀。 周禮所云祭凡小祀,則墨冕之屬也。 景侯解大厲曰:『如周杜伯,鬼有所歸,乃不為厲。』 今云無二社者,稱景侯祭法不謂無二,則曰口傳無其文也。 夫以景侯之明,擬議而後為解,而欲以口論除明文。 如此,非但二社,當是思惟景侯之後解,亦未易除也。 前被敕,尚書召誥:『社于新邑,唯一太牢,』不立二社之明義也。 按郊特牲曰:『社稷太牢。』 必援一牢之文,以明社之無二,則稷無牲矣。 說者則曰,舉社以明稷。 苟可舉社以明稷,何獨不可舉一以明二。 『國之大事,在祀與戎』。 若有過而除之,不若過而存之。 況存之有義,而除之無據乎。 周禮封人『掌設社壝』。 無稷字。 今帝社無稷,蓋出於此。 然國主社稷,故經傳動稱社稷。 周禮,王祭稷則絺冕。 此王社有稷之文也。 封人設壝之無稷字,說者以為略文,從可知也。 謂宜仍舊立二社,而加立帝社之稷。」 時成粲議稱:「景侯論太社不立京都,欲破鄭氏學。」 咸重表以為:「如粲之論,景侯之解文以此壞。 大雅云:『乃立冢土。』 毛公解曰:『冢土,太社也。』 景侯解詩,即用此說。 禹貢『惟土五色』。 景侯解曰:『王者取五色土為太社,封四方諸侯。 各割其方色土者覆四方也。』 如此,太社復為立京都也。 不知此論從何出而與解乖。 上違經記明文,下壞景侯之解。 臣雖頑蔽,少長學問,不能默已,謹復續上。」 劉寔與咸議同。 詔曰:「社實一神,而相襲二位,眾議不同,何必改作,其便仍舊,一如魏制。」
The Rites state: "When Gong Gong dominated the nine provinces, his son Gou Long was called Lord of Earth; he could level the nine lands—therefore he was sacrificed to as the altar of Earth. Zhou sacrificed on the jia day—using the beginning of the day. The altar of Earth is how one spiritualizes the way of earth. Earth carries the myriad things, and Heaven displays the signs. Take wealth from earth and law from heaven. Therefore one reveres heaven and draws close to earth. Thus the people are taught to make beautiful recompense. The household takes the central rafter as lord; the state takes the altar of Earth as lord—showing the root. Therefore it speaks of recompensing the root and returning to the beginning. When the Flame Emperor possessed the realm, his son was called Nong and could propagate the hundred kinds of grain. His descendant was called Zhu; he assisted Zhuanxu as officer of grain, presiding over agricultural affairs; Zhou's Hou Ji succeeded him; his method benefited the people—therefore he was sacrificed to as the god of grain. The Rites: "The king establishes an altar of Earth for the clans—called the Grand Altar of Earth; the king establishes an altar of Earth for himself—called the King's Altar of Earth. Therefore the state has two altars of Earth, and the god of grain also has two. Han and Wei had the official altar of Earth but no god of grain—therefore regularly two altars of Earth and one god of grain. Early Jin followed Wei without adding or subtracting anything. In the ninth year of Taikang the ancestral temple was rebuilt, and the altars of soil and grain were moved together with it. An edict then stated: "The altar of Earth is truly one spirit—combine the sacrifice of the two altars of Earth. Thereupon General of Chariots and Cavalry Fu Xian submitted a memorial: "The Record of Sacrifice—the two altars of Earth each have their meaning. The Son of Heaven reverently serves the suburban altars and temples—therefore wears the sacrificial cap and personally plows. Personal plowing is to emphasize the sacrificial grain of filial offerings—rendering the yin offering to the Lord on High. The Guliang Commentary says: 'The Son of Heaven personally plows in order to supply the sacrificial grain. Personal plowing means self-recompense; establishing an altar for oneself—for the field and recompense. The state takes the people as foundation; people take grain as life—therefore also establish an altar of Earth for the hundred surnames and pray for recompense. The affair differs and recompense differs—this is why there are two altars of Earth. Wang Jinghou's discussion of the King's Altar of Earth also speaks of spring prayer at the field of sacrifice and autumn recompense. His discussion of the Grand Altar of Earth says: 'The king spreads within the inner domain; establishes it for the hundred surnames—called the Grand Altar of Earth; does not establish it for himself in the capital. Jinghou's discussion cites the Record of Sacrifice: 'Grand officers and below—when a group is formed establish an altar of Earth—called establishing an altar. Jinghou explains: 'The present neighborhood altar of Earth is of this kind. In Jinghou's explanation of the Record of Sacrifice, establishing an altar is taken as the people's altar of Earth. Yet separately discussing takes the Grand Altar of Earth as the people's altar—the intent of this is not understood. The Grand Altar of Earth—the Son of Heaven sacrifices for the people—therefore called the Son of Heaven's altar of Earth. Suburban Sacrifice states: 'The Son of Heaven's Grand Altar of Earth must be exposed to frost, dew, wind, and rain. For the multitude of the clans the king universally establishes altars of Earth—therefore called Grand Altar of Earth. As for establishing altars, their number is not one—generally named by the neighborhood. The Zuo Commentary's account of the covenant at Qingqiu's altar of Earth is such. The people's altar of Earth—already not called Grand. If again not established in the capital—where should it be established? The Record of Sacrifice also says: 'The king establishes seven sacrifices on behalf of the clans. He also establishes seven sacrifices for himself. Speaking of "for himself"—sacrifice for oneself. For the clans—sacrifice for the clans. The Grand Altar of Earth and the seven sacrifices—their texts are equally ranked. Expositors exhaust this point and therefore say the canonical texts have only five sacrifices, not seven. Examining sacrifice to the five sacrifices—great sacrifice of the state; the seven are lesser sacrifice. The Rites of Zhou speaks of sacrificing all lesser sacrifices—then black sacrificial cap and the like. Jinghou explaining great pestilence says: 'Like Zhou's Duke of Du—when the ghost has a place to return, then it does not become a pestilence. Now saying there are not two altars of Earth—citing Jinghou's Record of Sacrifice does not mean there are not two; it says oral tradition has no text. Given Jinghou's clarity—deliberating before making explanation—yet wishing to remove explicit text by oral argument. Thus not only the two altars of Earth—one should reflect on Jinghou's later explanations; they too are not easily removed. Formerly receiving the edict—the Announcement of the Prince of Shao: 'Altar of Earth at the new city—only one Grand Victim'—the clear meaning of not establishing two altars of Earth. Examining Suburban Sacrifice: 'Altars of soil and grain—Grand Victim. Must cite the text of one victim to show the altar of Earth has not two—then the god of grain has no victim. Expositors then say: one cites the altar of Earth in order to clarify the god of grain. If one may cite the altar of Earth to clarify the god of grain—why alone may one not cite one to clarify two? "The great affairs of a state are sacrifice and war." If there is excess and one removes it—better excess and preserve it. How much more so when preservation has principle and removal lacks evidence? The Rites of Zhou, Border Officer, states: 'He presides over setting up the altar platform of Earth. There is no character for the god of grain. Now the imperial altar of Earth has no god of grain—probably arising from this. Yet the state takes lordship of the altars of soil and grain—therefore classics and commentaries often say altars of soil and grain together. The Rites of Zhou: when the king sacrifices to the god of grain, he wears the xi sacrificial cap. This is textual evidence that the King's Altar of Earth has a god of grain. The Border Officer setting the platform lacking the character for god of grain—expositors hold this abbreviated text; from this it may be known. I hold that one should still establish two altars of Earth as before, and additionally establish the god of grain at the Imperial Altar of Earth. At that time Cheng Can deliberated: "Jinghou's discussion that the Grand Altar of Earth is not established in the capital—wishes to break Master Zheng's school. Xian resubmitted the memorial: "Following Can's discussion—Jinghou's exegesis is destroyed on this point. The Great Odes state: 'Then he established the mound of earth. Mao's commentary says: 'Mound of earth—the Grand Altar of Earth. In Jinghou's explanation of the Odes, he uses this doctrine. The Tribute of Yu states: 'Only the five colors of earth. Jinghou explains: 'The king takes five-colored earth for the Grand Altar of Earth and enfeoffs the feudal lords of the four directions with it. Each cuts earth of his direction's color in order to cover the four directions. Thus the Grand Altar of Earth is again established in the capital. I do not know whence this discussion arose, yet it contradicts the explanation. Above it violates explicit text in the classics; below it undermines Jinghou's explanation. Your subject, though dull and obscured, having studied from youth, cannot remain silent—respectfully resubmitting. Liu Shi concurred with Xian's deliberation. An edict stated: "The altar of Earth is truly one spirit, yet two positions are inherited in succession; the collective deliberations differ—why must it be changed? For convenience retain the former practice, exactly as Wei regulations."
31
至元帝建武元年,又依洛京立二社一稷。 其太社之祝曰:「地德普施,惠存無疆。 乃建太社,保佑萬邦。 悠悠四海,咸賴嘉祥。」 其帝社之祝曰:「坤德厚載,王畿是保。 乃建帝社,以神地道。 明祀惟辰,景福來造。」 禮,左宗廟,右社稷。 歷代遵之,故洛京社稷在廟之右,而江左又然也。 吳時宮東門雩門,疑吳社亦在宮東,與其廟同所也。 宋仍舊,無所改作。
In the first year of Jianwu under Emperor Yuan, again following Luoyang, the court established two altars of Earth and one god of grain. The prayer of the Grand Altar of Earth reads: "Earth's virtue universally spreads; favor preserved without limit. Thus establishing the Grand Altar of Earth to protect and bless the myriad states. The distant four seas all rely upon auspicious blessing. The prayer of the Imperial Altar of Earth states: "Earth's virtue thickly carries; the royal domain is preserved. Thus establishing the Imperial Altar of Earth to spiritualize the way of earth. Bright sacrifice only at the proper season; great blessing comes forth. The Rites: left the ancestral temple, right the altars of soil and grain. Successive generations followed this—therefore Luoyang's altars of soil and grain were right of the temple; east of the Yangtze likewise. In Wu times the palace's east gate was the Rain Gate—I suspect Wu's altar of Earth was also east of the palace, in the same place as its temple. Song retained the former practice without alteration.
32
魏氏三祖皆親耕籍,此則先農無廢享也。 其禮無異聞,宜從漢儀。 執事告祠以太牢。 晉元、哀帝並欲籍田而不遂,儀注亦闕略。
Wei's three founding emperors all personally plowed the field of sacrifice—thus the Prior Farmer's sacrifice was not abandoned. The ritual differs without report—should follow Han practice. The responsible official announces the sacrifice with the Grand Victim. Emperors Yuan and Ai of Jin both wished to plow the field of sacrifice but did not succeed; the ritual instructions are also incomplete.
33
宋文帝元嘉二十一年春,親耕,乃立先農壇於籍田中阡西陌南。 高四尺,方二丈。 為四出陛。 陛廣五尺,外加埒。 去阡陌各二十丈。 車駕未到,司空、大司農率太祝令及眾執事質明以一太牢告祠。 祭器用祭社稷器。 祠畢,班餘胙於奉祠者。 舊典先農又常列於郊祭云。
In spring of the twenty-first year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, personal plowing—then established the Prior Farmer altar in the field of sacrifice west of the north-south path, south of the east-west path. It was four feet high and two zhang square. There were four ascending steps on four sides. The steps were five feet wide; outside an embankment was added. It stood twenty zhang from each field path. Before the imperial carriage arrived, the Minister of Works and Grand Minister of Agriculture led the Director of Sacrifice and all responsible officials at dawn to announce the sacrifice with one Grand Victim. The sacrificial vessels used were those for sacrificing at the altars of soil and grain. When the sacrifice was complete, remaining sacrificial meat was distributed to those performing the rites. Former canon also regularly listed the Prior Farmer among suburban sacrifices.
34
漢儀,皇后親桑東郊苑中。 蠶室祭蠶神曰:「苑窳婦人,寓氏公主。」 祠用少牢。 晉武帝太康九年,楊皇后躬桑于西郊,祀先蠶。 壇高一丈,方二丈,為四出陛,陛廣五尺。 在採桑壇東南帷宮之外,去帷宮十丈。 皇后未到,太祝令質明以一太牢告祠。 謁者一人監祠。 畢,徹饌,班餘胙於從桑及奉祠者。
Han practice held that the empress personally tended mulberry trees in the eastern suburban park. The Silkworm Chamber sacrificed to the silkworm spirit—called: "Lady of the Park's Hollow, Princess of the Yu clan. Sacrifice used the Lesser Victim. In the ninth year of Taikang under Emperor Wu of Jin, Empress Yang personally tended mulberry at the western suburb and sacrificed to the Prior Silkworm deity. The altar was one zhang high and two zhang square, with four ascending steps five feet wide. Outside the curtained palace southeast of the mulberry-gathering altar—ten zhang from the curtained palace. Before the empress arrived, the Director of Sacrifice at dawn announced the sacrifice with one Grand Victim. One Attendant supervised the sacrifice. When complete, the offerings were removed and remaining sacrificial meat distributed to those tending mulberry and performing the rites.
35
魏文帝黃初二年六月庚子,初禮五嶽四瀆,咸秩羣祀,瘞沈珪璋。 六年七月,帝以舟軍入淮。 九月壬戌,遣使者沈璧于淮,禮也。
On the gengzi day of the sixth month in the second year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen of Wei, first performed ritual to the five sacred mountains and four great rivers; all ranked sacrifices were ordered; buried and submerged jade tablets. In the seventh month of the sixth year, the emperor entered the Huai River by naval force. On the renxu day of the ninth month, dispatched envoys to submerge jade disks in the Huai—ritual practice.
36
魏明帝太和四年八月,帝東巡,遣使者以特牛祠中嶽,禮也。
In the eighth month of the fourth year of Taihe under Emperor Ming of Wei, the emperor toured east; dispatched envoys to sacrifice to the Central Sacred Mountain with a special ox—ritual practice.
37
魏元帝咸熙元年,帝行幸長安,遣使者以璧幣禮華山,禮也。
In the first year of Xianxi under Emperor Yuan of Wei, the emperor traveled to Chang'an; dispatched envoys to sacrifice to Mount Hua with jade disks and silk—ritual practice.
38
晉穆帝升平中,何琦論修五嶽祠曰:「唐、虞之制,天子五載一巡狩,省時之方,柴燎五嶽,望于山川,徧于羣神。 故曰『因名山升中于天』。 所以昭告神祇,饗報功德。 是以災厲不作,而風雨寒暑以時。 降逮三代,年數雖殊,而其禮不易。 五嶽視三公,四瀆視諸侯,著在經記,所謂有其舉之,莫敢廢也。 及秦、漢都西京,涇、渭長水,雖不在祀典,以近咸陽,故盡得比大川之祠。 而正立之祀,可以闕哉! 自永嘉之亂,神州傾覆,茲事替矣。 唯灊之天柱,在王略之內,舊臺選百石吏卒,以奉其職。 中興之際,未有官守,廬江郡常遣大吏兼假,四時禱賽,春釋寒而冬請冰。 咸和迄今,已復墮替。 計今非典之祠,可謂非一。 考其正名,則淫昏之鬼; 推其糜費,則四民之蠹。 而山川大神,更為簡闕,禮俗頹紊,人神雜擾,公私奔蹙,漸以滋繁。 良由頃國家多難,日不暇給,草建廢滯,事有未遑。 今元憝已殲,宜修舊典。 嶽瀆之域,風教所被,來蘇之人,咸蒙德澤,而神祇禋祀,未之或甄,巡狩柴燎,其廢尚矣。 崇明前典,將俟皇輿北旋,稽古憲章,大釐制度。 其五嶽、四瀆宜遵修之處,但俎豆牲牢,祝嘏文辭,舊章靡記。 可令禮官作式,歸諸誠簡,以達明德馨香,如斯而已。 其諸妖孽,可粗依法令,先去其甚。 俾邪正不瀆。」 不見省。
In the Shengping era under Emperor Mu of Jin, He Qi deliberated on repairing sacrifice to the five sacred mountains: "The system of Tang and Yu—the Son of Heaven every five years made one inspection tour, examining the seasons of each region; burned firewood at the five sacred mountains; gazed toward mountains and rivers; extending to all spirits. Therefore the text says 'by famous mountains one ascends to the center of heaven. This is to declare and inform the spirits, and to feast and recompense merit. Therefore calamities and pestilence do not arise, and wind, rain, cold, and heat come at their seasons. Descending to the three dynasties—though the number of years differed, the ritual did not change. The five sacred mountains equal the three excellencies; the four great rivers equal feudal lords—recorded in the classics; what is called: when there is an occasion to perform it, none dare abandon it. When Qin and Han established the capital in the west, the Jing and Wei long flowed—though not in the canon of sacrifice, being near Xianyang, all could be compared to sacrifice to great rivers. Yet the orthodox established sacrifice—can it be omitted! Since the chaos of Yongjia the divine land was overturned—this affair was abandoned. Only Qian's Heavenly Pillar, within the royal domain—formerly the old platform selected one hundred-shi officials and soldiers to fulfill the duty. At the restoration there was no official custodian; Lujiang commandery regularly dispatched a senior official to serve concurrently; four seasonal prayers and sacrifices were held—spring releasing cold, winter requesting ice. From Xianhe to the present, the practice had again fallen into disuse. Calculating now—non-canonical sacrifices, one may say, are not one. Examining their orthodox names—they are spirits of excess and confusion; extrapolating their wasteful expense—they are parasites of the four classes of people. Yet the great spirits of mountains and rivers are further simplified and omitted; ritual and custom decline in disorder; human and spirit mixed in disturbance; public and private pressed in haste—gradually growing ever more numerous. Truly because in recent times the state had many calamities and days allowed no surplus—hastily establishing what was abandoned and stagnant, affairs had no time for completion. Now the great villain is destroyed—the former canon should be repaired. The domain of mountains and rivers—where culture and teaching reach—people restored to life all receive virtuous favor; yet spirit sacrifice and reverent offering have not been distinguished; inspection tour and firewood burning—its abandonment is still great. Exalting and clarifying the prior canon—await the imperial carriage's northern return; examine antiquity's statutes; greatly rectify the system. The five sacred mountains and four great rivers—places that should follow repair—but sacrificial vessels and victims, prayer and blessing texts, old statutes have no record. May order the ritual officers to compose forms; return to sincerity and simplicity—to express bright virtue's fragrance—no more than this. As for various demonic aberrations—may roughly follow law and decree; first remove the most excessive. Keep the heterodox and orthodox from intermingling. Not seen and approved.
39
宋孝武帝大明七年六月丙辰,有司奏:「詔奠祭霍山,未審應奉使何官? 用何牲饌? 進奠之日,又用何器?」 殿中郎丘景先議:「修祀川嶽,道光列代; 差秩珪璋,義昭聯冊。 但業曠中葉,儀漏典文。 尋姬典事繼宗伯,漢載持節侍祠,血祭埋沈,經垂明範,酒脯牢具,悉有詳例。 又名山著珪幣之異,大冢有嘗禾之加。 山海祠霍山,以太牢告玉,此準酌記傳,其可言者也。 今皇風緬暢,輝祀通嶽,愚謂宜使以太常持節,牲以太牢之具,羞用酒脯時穀,禮以赤璋纁幣。 又鬯人之職,『凡山川四方用蜃』,則盛酒當以蠡杯,其餘器用,無所取說。 按郊望山瀆,以質表誠,器尚陶匏,籍以茅席,近可依準。 山川以兆,宜為壇域。」 參議景先議為允。 令以兼太常持節奉使,牲用太牢,加以璋幣,器用陶匏,時不復用蜃,宜同郊祀,以爵獻。 凡肴饌種數,一依社祭為允。 詔可。
On the bingchen day of the sixth month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "An edict orders libation sacrifice at Mount Huo—it is unclear which official should be dispatched? What victims and offerings ought to be used? On the day of advancing libation—what vessels should be used? Palace Gentleman Qiu Jingxian argued: "Repairing sacrifice to rivers and mountains—the Way illumines successive generations; ranking jade tablets and scepters—meaning clarifies linked registers. Yet the enterprise was abandoned in the middle age, and ritual leaked away from canonical text. Examining Zhou canon—the affair continued with the Director of Ritual; Han records bear credentials and attend sacrifice; blood sacrifice, burial, and submersion—classics display bright models; wine, dried meat, and victims—all have detailed examples. Also famous mountains have the distinction of jade disks and silk offerings; great mounds have the addition of tasting the grain. Classic of Mountains and Seas sacrifices to Mount Huo with Grand Victim announcing jade—this following and measuring records and transmissions may be spoken of. Now imperial influence extends far; brilliant sacrifice reaches the peaks—I hold that the Director of Ceremonies should bear credentials; victims use Grand Victim provisions; offerings use wine, dried meat, and seasonal grain; ritual uses red jade tablet and crimson silk. Also the office of the Fragrant Wine Maker: 'For mountains, rivers, and the four directions use oyster shells'—then wine vessels should use shell cups; other vessels—no source for explanation. Examining suburban gazing at mountains and rivers—with substance expressing sincerity; vessels prefer pottery and gourds; mats use rush—recent practice may be followed. Mountains and rivers by divination—an altar domain should be made. Upon joint deliberation Jingxian's view was held acceptable. An order had the Concurrent Director of Ceremonies bear credentials as envoy; victims use Grand Victim; additionally jade tablet and silk; vessels use pottery and gourds; at the time oyster shells were no longer used—should follow suburban sacrifice and offer with wine cups. All prepared dishes in number—follow altar of Earth sacrifice as acceptable. An edict approved it.
40
晉武帝咸寧二年春,久旱。 四月丁巳,詔曰:「諸旱處廣加祈請。」 五月庚午,始祈雨于社稷山川。 六月戊子,獲澍雨。 此雩禜舊典也。
In spring of the second year of Xianning under Emperor Wu of Jin, drought persisted long. On the dingsi day of the fourth month, an edict stated: "At all drought-stricken places, broadly add prayer and petition. On the gengwu day of the fifth month, the court first prayed for rain at the altars of soil and grain, mountains, and rivers. On the wuzi day of the sixth month, timely rain fell. This is the old canon of yu and yong rain sacrifice.
41
太康三年四月、十年二月,又如之。 是後修之至今。
The fourth month of the third year of Taikang and the second month of the tenth year—again as such. Thereafter the practice was maintained down to the present.
42
魏文帝黃初二年正月,詔曰:「昔仲尼資大聖之才,懷帝王之器,當衰周之末,無受命之運,乃退考五代之禮,修素王之事,因魯史而制春秋,就太師而正雅、頌,俾千載之後,莫不宗其文以述作,仰其聖以成謀。 茲可謂命世大聖,億載之師表者也。 以遭天下大亂,百祀隳廢,舊居之廟,毀而不修,褒成之後,絕而莫繼,闕里不聞講頌之聲,四時不覩烝嘗之位,斯豈所謂崇化報功,盛德百世必祀者哉! 其以議郎孔羨為宗聖侯,邑百戶,奉孔子祀。 命魯郡修舊廟,置百戶吏卒,以守衞之。」
In the first month of the second year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen of Wei, an edict stated: "Formerly Zhongni possessed the talent of the greatest sage and the capacity of emperors and kings. At the end of declining Zhou he had no mandate to rule, so he withdrew to examine the rites of the five dynasties and cultivated the work of the uncrowned king. Drawing on the chronicles of Lu, he composed the Spring and Autumn Annals; consulting the Grand Music Master, he corrected the Ya and Song. Thus, a thousand years later, all who write take his texts as their model and look up to his sagehood in forming their plans. This may be called a sage of the age and a teacher for ten thousand generations. Because the realm fell into great chaos, the hundred sacrifices were destroyed and abandoned; the temple of his old residence ruined and not repaired; the Marquis who received enfeoffment cut off with none to continue; in Que village no sound of lecture and recitation; in the four seasons no sight of zheng and chang positions—is this what is called exalting transformation and recompensing merit, flourishing virtue that a hundred generations must sacrifice to? Discussion Gentleman Kong Xian was appointed Marquis of the Ancestral Sage, with a fief of one hundred households, to perform sacrifice to Confucius. Lu commandery was ordered to repair the old temple and to establish one hundred households of officials and soldiers to guard it."
43
晉武帝泰始三年十一月,改封宗聖侯孔震為奉聖亭侯。 又詔太學及魯國四時備三牲以祀孔子。
In the eleventh month of the third year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, the enfeoffment of Marquis of the Ancestral Sage Kong Zhen was changed to Marquis of Fengsheng District. An edict also ordered the Imperial Academy and the state of Lu to prepare three victims in the four seasons to sacrifice to Confucius.
44
明帝太寧三年,詔給事奉聖亭侯孔亭四時祠孔子,祭宜如泰始故事。 亭五代孫繼之博塞無度,常以祭直顧進,替慢不祀。 宋文帝元嘉八年,有司奏奪爵。 至十九年,又授孔隱之。 兄子熙先謀逆,又失爵。 二十八年,更以孔惠雲為奉聖侯。 後有重疾,失爵。 孝武大明二年,又以孔邁為奉聖侯。 邁卒,子荂嗣,有罪,失爵。
In the third year of Taining under Emperor Ming, an edict: Attendant-in-Service Marquis of Fengsheng District Kong Ting—four seasonal sacrifices to Confucius; sacrifice should follow the Taishi precedent. Ting's fifth-generation descendant Jizhi gambled without limit; often used sacrificial funds for advance payment—negligent and disrespectful, not sacrificing. In the eighth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the responsible officials memorialized to strip the marquisate. By the nineteenth year, Kong Yinzhi was again enfeoffed. His elder brother's son Xixian plotted rebellion—again lost the title. In the twenty-eighth year, Kong Huiyun was again made Marquis of Fengsheng. Later had serious illness—lost the title. In the second year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, Kong Mai was again made Marquis of Fengsheng. Mai died; son Cha succeeded; had offense—lost the title.
45
魏齊王正始二年三月,帝講論語通,五年五月,講尚書通,七年十二月,講禮記通,並使太常釋奠,以太牢祀孔子於辟雍,以顏淵配。
In the third month of the second year of Zhengshi under Emperor Qi of Wei, the emperor completed lecture on the Analects; fifth month fifth year completed lecture on the Documents; twelfth month seventh year completed lecture on the Record of Rites—all ordered the Director of Ceremonies to perform libation sacrifice; sacrificed to Confucius at the Bright Hall with Grand Victim; Yan Yuan as associate.
46
晉武帝泰始七年,皇太子講孝經通,咸寧三年,講詩通,太康三年,〔講禮記通,惠帝元康三年,皇太子〕講論語通,元帝太興三年,皇太子講論語通,太子並親釋奠,以太牢祠孔子,以顏淵配。 成帝咸康元年,帝講詩通,穆帝升平元年三月,帝講孝經通,孝武寧康三年七月,帝講孝經通,並釋奠如故事。
In the seventh year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, the Heir Apparent completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety; third year of Xianning completed lecture on the Odes; third year of Taikang [completed lecture on the Record of Rites; third year of Yuan Kang under Emperor Hui, the Heir Apparent] completed lecture on the Analects; third year of Taixing under Emperor Yuan, the Heir Apparent completed lecture on the Analects—the Heir Apparent all personally performed libation sacrifice; sacrificed to Confucius with Grand Victim; Yan Yuan as associate. In the first year of Xiankang under Emperor Cheng, the emperor completed lecture on the Odes; third month first year of Shengping under Emperor Mu, the emperor completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety; seventh month third year of Ningkang under Emperor Xiaowu, the emperor completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety—all performed libation sacrifice as in former precedent.
47
穆帝、孝武並權以中堂為太學。
Emperors Mu and Xiaowu both provisionally used the central hall for the Imperial Academy.
48
宋文帝元嘉二十二年四月,皇太子講孝經通,釋奠國子學,如晉故事。
In the fourth month of the twenty-second year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the Heir Apparent completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety; performed libation sacrifice at the National University—as Jin precedent.
49
漢東海恭王薨,明帝出幸津門亭發哀。 魏時會喪及使者弔祭,用博士杜希議,皆去玄冠,加以布巾。
When Prince Gong of Donghai died in Han, Emperor Ming went out to Jinmen Pavilion to express mourning. In Wei times at assembly mourning and when envoys performed condolence sacrifice—following Erudite Du Xi's deliberation—all removed the black cap and added cloth headcloth.
50
魏武帝少時,漢太尉橋玄獨先禮異焉。 故建安中,遣使祠以太牢。
When Emperor Wu of Wei was young, Han Grand Commandant Qiao Xuan alone first treated him with special ritual honor. Therefore in the Jianan era he dispatched envoys to sacrifice with the Grand Victim.
51
文帝黃初六年十二月,過梁郡,又以太牢祠之。
In the twelfth month of the sixth year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen, while passing through Liang commandery, he again sacrificed with the Grand Victim.
52
黃初二年正月,帝校獵至原陵,遣使者以太牢祠漢世祖。
In the first month of the second year of Huangchu, the emperor reviewed the hunt at Yuanling and dispatched envoys to sacrifice to Han Emperor Guangwu with the Grand Victim.
53
宋文帝元嘉二十五年四月丙辰,車駕行幸江寧,經司徒劉穆之墓,遣使致祭焉。
On the bingchen day of the fourth month in the twenty-fifth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the imperial carriage traveled to Jiangning; passing the tomb of Director of the Masters of Ceremony Liu Muzhi; dispatched envoys to perform sacrifice.
54
孝武帝大明三年二月戊申,行幸籍田,經左光祿大夫袁湛墓,遣使致祭。
On the wushen day of the second month in the third year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, traveling to the field of sacrifice; passing the tomb of Left Grand Master of the Bright Hall Yuan Zhan; dispatched envoys to perform sacrifice.
55
大明五年九月庚午,車駕行幸,經司空殷景仁墓,遣使致祭。
On the gengwu day of the ninth month in the fifth year of Daming, the imperial carriage traveled; passing the tomb of Minister of Works Yin Jingren; dispatched envoys to perform sacrifice.
56
大明七年十一月,南巡。 乙酉,遣使祭晉大司馬桓溫、征西將軍毛璩墓。
In the eleventh month of the seventh year of Daming, the emperor toured south. On the yiyou day, envoys were dispatched to sacrifice at the tombs of Jin Grand Commander Huan Wen and General Who Conquers the West Mao Jin.
57
劉禪景耀六年,詔為丞相諸葛亮立廟於沔陽。 先是所居各請立廟,不許,百姓遂私祭之。 而言事者或以為可立於京師,乃從人意,皆不納。 步兵校尉習隆、中書侍郎向充等言於禪曰:「昔周人懷邵伯之美,甘棠為之不伐; 越王思范蠡之功,鑄金以存其象。 自漢興已來,小善小德,而圖形立廟者多矣; 況亮德範遐邇,勳蓋季世,興王室之不壞,實斯人是賴。 而烝嘗止於私門,廟象闕而莫立,百姓巷祭,戎夷野祀,非所以存德念功,述追在昔也。 今若盡從人心,則瀆而無典; 建之京師,又逼宗廟。 此聖懷所以惟疑也。 愚以為宜因近其墓,立之於沔陽,使屬所以時賜祭。 凡其故臣欲奉祠者,皆限至廟。 斷其私祀,以崇正禮。」 於是從之。 何承天曰:「周禮:『凡有功者祭於大烝。』 故後代遵之,以元勳配饗。 充等曾不是式,禪又從之,並非禮也。」
In the sixth year of Jingyao under Liu Shan, an edict ordered a temple established for Chancellor Zhuge Liang at Mianyang. Previously at each place he resided they requested to establish temples—not permitted; the people then privately sacrificed. Yet memorialists sometimes held that establishment in the capital was possible—following popular sentiment; none was accepted. Infantry Commandant Xi Long and Palace Secretariat Gentleman Xiang Chong and others spoke to Shan: "Formerly the Zhou people cherished Duke of Shao's beauty—the sweet pear tree was therefore not cut down; the King of Yue remembered Fan Li's merit—cast gold to preserve his image. Since Han arose, small goodness and small virtue—yet those whose images were drawn and temples established are many; how much more Liang—virtue and model reaching far; merit covering the age; preserving the royal house from destruction—truly this person was relied upon. Yet zheng and chang stopped at private gates; temple images lacking and not established; the hundred surnames sacrificed in lanes; barbarian warriors sacrificed in the wild—not the way to preserve virtue and recall merit, continuing to pursue the past. Now if fully following popular sentiment—then excessive and without canon; Establishing it in the capital again encroaches upon the ancestral temple. This is why the sage's heart hesitates. I hold that it should be established near his tomb at Mianyang, and that the responsible office should grant seasonal sacrifice. All former ministers wishing to perform sacrifice—all limited to the temple. Cut off private sacrifice—to exalt orthodox ritual. Thereupon this was followed. He Chengtian said: "The Rites of Zhou state: 'All who have merit are sacrificed to at the great zheng. Therefore later generations followed this—meritorious ministers received paired feasting. Chong and others did not take this as model; Shan again followed them—both not ritual."
58
漢時城陽國人以劉章有功於漢,為之立祠。 青州諸郡,轉相放效,濟南尤盛。 至魏武帝為濟南相,皆毀絕之。 及秉大政,普加除翦,世之淫祀遂絕。 至文帝黃初五年十一月,詔曰:「先王制禮,所以昭孝事祖,大則郊社,其次宗廟,三辰五行,名山川澤,非此族也,不在祀典。 叔世衰亂,崇信巫史,至乃宮殿之內,戶牖之間,無不沃酹,甚矣其惑也。 自今其敢設非禮之祭,巫祝之言,皆以執左道論,著于令。」 明帝青龍元年,又詔:「郡國山川不在祀典者,勿祠。」
In Han times the people of Chengyang state, because Liu Zhang had rendered merit to Han, established a temple for him. The commanderies of Qing province mutually imitated the practice; Jinan was especially flourishing. When Emperor Wu of Wei served as magistrate of Jinan, all such temples were destroyed and cut off. When he held great governance, universally added removal and cutting—the age's excessive sacrifices were thereby ended. In the eleventh month of the fifth year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen, an edict stated: "Former kings established ritual to clarify filial service to ancestors; great affairs are suburban altars and temples; the three luminaries and five phases, famous mountains and rivers—what is not of this category is not in the canon of sacrifice. Later ages declined in disorder; excessively trusted shamans and clerks—even within palace halls, between doors and windows, none without libation—how excessive the delusion! From now whoever dares establish non-ritual sacrifice or shaman and clerk speech—all judged by practicing the left path; recorded in decree. In the first year of Qinglong under Emperor Ming, again an edict: "Commandery and state mountains and rivers not in the canon of sacrifice—do not sacrifice."
59
晉武帝泰始元年十二月,詔:「昔聖帝明王,修五嶽、四瀆,名山川澤,各有定制。 所以報陰陽之功,而當幽明之道故也。 然以道莅天下者,其鬼不神,其神不傷人也。 故祝史薦而無媿詞,是以其人敬慎幽冥,而淫祀不作。 末代信道不篤,僭禮瀆神,縱欲祈請,曾不敬而遠之,徒偷以求幸,妖妄相扇,舍正為邪,故魏朝疾之。 其按舊禮,具為之制,使功著於人者,必有其報,而妖淫之鬼,不亂其間。」 二年正月,有司奏:「春分祠厲殃及禳祠。」 詔曰:「不在祀典,除之。」
In the twelfth month of the first year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, an edict: "Formerly sage emperors and bright kings repaired the five sacred mountains, four great rivers, famous mountains and rivers—each had fixed regulations. This is to recompense the merit of yin and yang and accord with the way of the hidden and manifest. Yet one who by the Way oversees the realm—his ghosts are not spirits; his spirits do not harm people. Therefore the prayer clerk recommends without shameful words—thus those people reverently cautious toward the hidden; excessive sacrifice is not performed. The final age's faith in the Way was not solid; excessive ritual profaned spirits; indulged desire in prayer and petition—never reverent yet distant; vainly stealing to seek fortune; demonic falsehood mutually incited; abandoning orthodox for heterodox—therefore Wei dynasty detested this. Examine the old ritual; fully make its regulations—let those whose merit is clear among people surely have recompense; and demonic excessive ghosts not disturb among them. In the first month of the second year, the responsible officials memorialized: "At the spring equinox sacrifice to pestilence spirits and exorcism sacrifice. An edict stated: "Not in the canon of sacrifice—remove them."
60
宋武帝永初二年,普禁淫祀。 由是蔣子文祠以下,普皆毀絕。 孝武孝建初,更修起蔣山祠,所在山川,漸皆修復。 明帝立九州廟於雞籠山,大聚羣神。 蔣侯宋代稍加爵,位至相國、大都督、中外諸軍事,加殊禮,鍾山王。 蘇侯驃騎大將軍。 四方諸神,咸加爵秩。
In the second year of Yongchu under Emperor Wu of Song, excessive sacrifice was universally prohibited. Thereupon from the temple of Jiang Ziwen downward—universally all destroyed and cut off. At the beginning of Xiaojian under Emperor Xiaowu, the Jiang Mountain temple was again repaired and restored; mountains and rivers everywhere were gradually repaired and restored as well. Emperor Ming established the Nine Provinces Temple at Jilong Mountain and greatly gathered all spirits there. Marquis Jiang in Song times gradually received added rank—position reached Chancellor, Grand Commander, Commander of All Military Affairs Within and Without, with special ritual—Prince of Zhongshan. Marquis Su—General of Agile Cavalry. Spirits of the four directions all received added titles and rank.
61
漢安帝元初四年,詔曰:「月令,『仲秋,養衰老,授几杖,行糜鬻』。 方今八月案比之時,郡縣多不奉行。 雖有糜鬻,穅秕泥土相和半,不可飲食。」 按此詔,漢時猶依月令施政事也。
In the fourth year of Yuanchu under Emperor An of Han, an edict stated: "The Monthly Ordinance: 'Mid-autumn—nourish the aged and declining; grant staffs and stools; distribute congee and gruel. Now in the eighth month at the time of household registration—commanderies and counties mostly do not implement. Although there is congee and gruel—chaff and dirt are mixed in half; not fit to drink or eat. Examining this edict—Han times still followed the Monthly Ordinance in administering government affairs.