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卷十七 志第七 禮四

Volume 17 Treatises 7: Rituals 4

Chapter 17 of 宋書 · Book of Song
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1
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On the gengwu day of the fifth month in the third year of Yuanjia, Emperor Wen of Song announced to the Imperial Ancestral Temple that Xu Xianzhi and his associates had been executed and the blood-debt finally avenged.
2
西
On the jiayin day of the twelfth month in the third year of Yuanjia, the emperor marched west to campaign against Xie Hui and announced this to the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth. When Xie Hui was defeated, the imperial carriage returned, and the emperor made announcement once more.
3
便退
In the seventh month of the sixth year of Yuanjia, Xu Daoyu, Erudite of the Imperial Academy, submitted a memorial: "I observe that in the ritual regulations for the winter and autumn sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, once the emperor completes the rites he withdraws to his seat; the Three Dukes and above present offerings; the Chief Invoker sends off the spirit at the gate; only then does the sovereign return to bow, with the officials joining in the obeisance, before all withdraw. Reflecting on the way of the Clear Temple, its purpose is to reverently settle the spirits in their place. The Rites say that a temple is an image. It is what the spirits rely upon for their presence. One serves the departed as if they were still living, as though they were always present. Since there ought to be no rite for sending off the spirit, from the presentation of offerings through the arrival of the imperial carriage, no one receives or welcomes the spirit. Not welcoming yet sending off, and only taking leave after the send-off—such confused reasoning truly fails to grasp the meaning. Private sacrifices of the day do indeed include both welcome and send-off, but that is because they have no temple and hope thereby to draw the spirits down. Such practices follow private sentiment rather than the ritual of a true sovereign. Although the Ceremonial Rites describe the Chief Invoker welcoming the impersonator at the gate, that is the ceremony of receiving the impersonator, not the canonical rite for revering the spirits. I fear this raises doubts about the ritual. I respectfully submit this deliberation for consideration. The responsible officials memorialized that the matter be referred to the ritual officers for detailed adjudication. Erudite Jiang Sui argued: "Not welcoming at the beginning shows that the spirit is already in the temple. Sending off the spirit when the rites are complete expresses filial feeling in proper measure. If one takes leave without sending off the spirit, that is abandoning one's kin. Taking leave first and only then sending off the spirit amounts to dismissing the spirit. Therefore a filial son cannot bear to slight his kin, nor can he bear to dismiss the spirit. That is why the invokers and scribes send off the spirit, completing the meaning of the winter and autumn sacrifices. Erudite He Daoqi argued: "Music welcomes what arrives; grief sends off what departs. The Record of Sacrifice states: 'Welcome the sacrificial victim but do not welcome the impersonator.' The Odes declare: 'With bells and drums one sends off the impersonator. Zheng Xuan says: 'The impersonator is the image of the spirit. This accords with the present ritual regulations of not welcoming but then sending off, as if matching seal and tally. Erudite Xun Wanqiu argued: "Serving the impersonator in antiquity and serving the spirit today share the same meaning. The Rites of Zhou states that when the impersonator departs, he is sent off at the temple gate with a bow, and the impersonator does not look back. The Odes declare: 'With bells and drums one sends off the impersonator. Thus the meaning of sending off the spirit has existed since antiquity. The Record says: 'Welcome the sacrificial victim but do not welcome the impersonator—this distinguishes what might arouse suspicion. When the impersonator is outside the gate, he appears like a minister; once inside the temple, he is fully treated as a lord. When the lord is outside the gate, he appears like a lord; once inside the temple, he is fully treated as a minister. Therefore not going out to welcome clarifies the distinction between lord and minister." Jiang Sui and the other three held the old ritual to be correct; only Erudite Chen Min agreed with Xu Daoyu's view. Upon detailed review: "Although the deliberations of Jiang Sui and the others are not exhaustive, they all follow the canonical rites. The grounds cited by Daoyu and Min are difficult to accept. Since the deliberations are divided, the old form should be followed." An edict approved it.
4
In the ninth month of the sixth year of Yuanjia, Xu Daoyu, Erudite of the Imperial Academy, submitted a memorial: "The Department of Sacrifices schedules the yin sacrifice on the third day of the tenth month and the winter sacrifice on the twelfth day. Reflecting on the ritual of di and he sacrifices: once every three years, twice every five years. This is what the Gongyang Commentary calls performing the yin sacrifice twice in five years. Held between the four seasons—what the Rites of Zhou calls sacrifices between all four seasons. Since the months of the calendar year were not fixed, emperors and feudal lords differed in the sequence of their sacrifices. The Rites state: 'The Son of Heaven performs the he and chang sacrifices; feudal lords perform the winter and he sacrifices. When there are fields, then sacrifice; when there are no fields, then present offerings.' Zheng Xuan annotates: 'The Son of Heaven first performs he and then the seasonal sacrifices; feudal lords first perform the seasonal sacrifices and then he. Those with fields both sacrifice and present new harvest offerings. Sacrifice at the first season; present offerings in the middle month. Thus the four great seasonal sacrifices each fall in different months. The Son of Heaven performs yin in the first month of the season and winter in the second; feudal lords perform chang in the first month and he in the second. The Spring and Autumn Annals records that in the seventh month of autumn in the eighth year of Duke Xi, a di sacrifice was held. In the eighth month of the second year of Duke Wen, a great sacrifice was held at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The Guliang Commentary says: 'This records he and chang. In the second month of the fifteenth year of Duke Zhao, 'there was an affair at the Martial Temple.' The Zuo Commentary says: 'This accorded with ritual. The Rites of Zhou also states: 'In mid-winter, perform the winter offering.' The Monthly Ordinances state: 'In the last month of autumn, present the new rice.' Jin held the winter sacrifice at Quwo in spring; Qi presented chang to Lord Tai in the tenth month—these are all explicit texts distinguishing the first and second months as separate occasions. All sacrifices must first be divined, preferring days ding and si; if these are unfavorable, one advances to divining a more distant day. If divination is not auspicious, how could two sacrifices be accommodated? Postponing the date is clearly the proper course. The yin and winter sacrifices are weighty rites, while sacrificial presentation is lighter. If even the lighter rites fall in different months, how could the weightier ones be held in the same month? Moreover, 'Sacrifices should not be frequent; if frequent, they become profane.' Holding offerings only ten days apart may be excessively burdensome in ritual terms. From the classics, commentaries, and tomb edicts, none records two presentations in one month; former scholars all say they fall on different new moons. The Jin dynasty handed this practice down, but its origin has not been examined. Of the weighty affairs of state, none surpasses sacrifice. My shallow understanding privately harbors doubt. I request that this be reported in detail and referred for deliberation. The memorial was shelved without response.
5
礿 殿使
On the yichou day of the fourth month in the seventh year of Yuanjia, the responsible officials memorialized: "The Record of Mourning Garments in the Rites states: 'When someone dies in the palace, sacrifices are suspended for three months. The yue sacrifice has already been announced, yet there has been a death in the inner palace. Refer the matter to the Minister of Ceremonies for detailed adjudication according to ritual. Erudites Jiang Sui, Yuan Lang, Xu Daoyu, Chen Min, and others deliberated, but their views differed. Xie Yuan, Langzhong of the Palace Secretariat's Cao Bureau and head of the Sacrifices Section, argued that following the ritual records and having the responsible officials perform the rites would be proper. The matter was again referred for detailed review. The ancestral temple demands the utmost reverence; feasting sacrifices must be performed with clarity and precision. Although the sovereign's devotion knows no limit, he should ideally perform the rite in person. Yet when doubt arises, personal feeling must yield to ritual propriety. Without requiring the sovereign to declare anything, this course has proper grounds. I request approval of Yuan's proposal. An edict approved it.
6
便
On the guiyou day of the twelfth month in the tenth year of Yuanjia, Xu Run, Director of Invokers, submitted a memorial: "In managing sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth and Grain, the five sacrificial animals—ox, sheep, pig, and chicken—are all to be male. One kind, purchased at market, has always been supplied as female. I have heard that in the time of King Jing of Zhou, Bin Qi saw a rooster break off its own tail and said: 'The rooster fears becoming a sacrificial victim—this is inauspicious. Why then are females used now? I request referral to the ritual officers for detailed adjudication. An order commanded the Imperial Academy to examine the matter and cite ritual authority. Xu Daoyu and other erudites argued: "The Rites state that in the month of early spring, 'In this month, sacrificial victims do not use females. Thus females are prohibited only in spring; autumn and winter impose no such restriction. The rooster breaking off its tail could naturally have occurred in a spring month.' Vice Director Sima Cao argued: "The Monthly Ordinances for early spring state: 'Order sacrifice to mountains, forests, rivers, and marshes; sacrificial victims do not use females. If the academy's view is accepted, then for spring sacrifices the three sacrificial animals and below should all be changed at once to follow the Monthly Ordinances—why single out only the chicken?' An order again commanded the Imperial Academy to deliberate and respond. Xu Daoyu and other erudites argued again: "Sacrificial animals for ancestral rites differ in sex; the Monthly Ordinances' prohibition on females shows only that in spring they must be male, while in autumn and winter females may be used—not that sacrifices to mountains and forests are identical to ancestral temple rites. The four other animals remain unchanged while only the chicken is treated differently—a practice long handed down whose rationale may exist, but which a lesser scholar cannot fully investigate. I request detailed deliberation and report, as the director proposed. Upon detailed review, Run's proposal has reasonable evidence and should be approved as submitted. Henceforth male chickens are to be used.
7
殿
On the dingsi day of the fifth month in the third year of Xiaojian, Emperor Xiaowu issued an edict ordering the fourth prince to leave his own line and succeed Prince Rui of Jiangxia as heir. The responsible officials memorialized: "When a prince leaves his line to become an heir elsewhere, no precedent for announcing to the temple has been found. We urgently command the ritual officers of both academies to determine whether such an announcement should be made. If an announcement is made, to how many chambers should it be directed? Erudite Fu Xiu argued: "The Rites contain no explicit text on announcing to the temple when a prince goes out to become an heir. In the fourth year of Taikang under Jin, Prince Shi of Beihai was enfeoffed to succeed the posthumous Prince of Guanghan, and the court announced this at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. In early Han each emperor had a separate temple, so announcements need not be made to all alike. From Emperor Ming of Han onward, emperors shared one hall with separate chambers; Wei and Jin followed this practice. Now that they share one hall, announcing to only one chamber while omitting the others would be emotionally unsatisfactory. Vice Director Yu Liangzhi argued: "The Rites state: 'For great affairs, announce to the ancestral and immediate forebears; for small affairs, announce specially to the immediate forebear. Since the prince is leaving to succeed another line, announcement should be made at the immediate forebear's chamber.' Zhu Yingzhi of the Sacrifices Section argued: "Announcing affairs to the temple is a regular state ceremony. The prince's departure to succeed another line is by no means an ordinary affair. In my humble view, an announcement should be made. He Xun held that in ancient ritual, when temples were separate, visiting only one chamber was the proper practice. Since all now share one temple, omitting the other emperors would be emotionally unsatisfactory. I hold Xun's view to be acceptable; announcement should be made to all chambers. Concurrent Right Director and Palace Attendant Xu Ai argued: "The great affairs of state must be announced to the ancestral and immediate forebears. A prince leaving to succeed another line cannot be considered a minor affair. When the fifth prince formerly succeeded to Luling, announcement was made at all seven temples. Upon review, Xu's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
8
殿
On the first day jimao of the sixth month in the first year of Daming, an edict ordered that Xin, son of the former Director of Footsoldiers of the Heir Apparent Zhi, succeed Prince Lang of Nanfeng. The responsible officials memorialized: "Lang formerly succeeded to Yingyang, with announcement made at the temple before the imperial throne. Examination shows that continuing an existing line is established practice and does not require announcement at the temple before the throne. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for adjudication. Erudite Wang Xiezhi argued: "Nanfeng formerly received separate territory to succeed Yingyang; the meaning was the same as initial enfeoffment, hence the ritual of announcing at the temple before the throne. Now Xin, receiving the edict to go out and succeed, completes the continuation of an existing line; the former title still stands; this is a matter of transmission and inheritance—announcement at the temple before the throne should not be required. Zhu Yingzhi, Langzhong of the Sacrifices Section, argued: "The Prince of Nanfeng's succession and enfeoffment had already ceased; by imperial favor he was specially re-enfeoffed by edict to continue the fief; again the meaning was the same as initial enfeoffment—announcement at the temple before the throne was made for him. Palace Attendant Xu Ai argued: "Yingyang continued the imperial foundation; when he died the enfeoffment ceased; by a favoring edict he was posthumously enfeoffed and granted one city. Since he had first opened and established the fief, it was fitting to announce this at the temple before the throne. Now Xin succeeds Nanfeng; both are equally feudal states; Changsha and Nanfeng should each announce to their own ancestors—how could this concern the Imperial Ancestral Temple? The affair is not initial enfeoffment and does not warrant announcement before the throne. This accords with Erudite Wang Xiezhi's view. Upon detailed review, Xu's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
9
輿 輿 使
On the yichou day of the sixth month in the third year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "On the fifteenth day of the coming seventh month, chang sacrifice will be offered at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang, with the imperial carriage in personal attendance. Yet the imperial carriage will take leave of the temple for personal military affairs—should the Heir Apparent personally perform the sacrifice or not? Moreover, on the twenty-fourth day of this month, the eighth imperial daughter died in infancy. The Rites state: 'When there is an incident in the palace, sacrifices are suspended for three months.' The Heir Apparent resides in the Upper Palace, which raises doubts about the matter. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for adjudication. Erudite Sima Xingzhi argued: "I respectfully note that 'the great affairs of a state lie in sacrifice and war. The Heir Apparent has the duty of pacifying the army but not the authority of exclusive command; if this holds for war, it should hold for sacrifice as well. The Record of Sacrifice states: 'The way of sacrifice— the grandson serves as impersonator for his grandfather.' It also states: 'In sacrifice there are zhao and mu positions, by which father and son are distinguished.' The Heir Apparent supervises the state; although he does not act as regent, as to the ancestral temple zhao and mu truly exist—I hold that the affair cannot be confused. It also states: 'When there is cause, one sends another in one's place.' Based on these points, the Heir Apparent has no proper way of performing sacrifice. Moreover, the imperial daughter's early death is truly grief shared as one body within the palace—in principle it cannot be treated differently. Even supposing sacrifice were permitted, the edict still carries no meaning of personal attendance.' Erudite Yu argued: "The Spring and Autumn Annals records that the Heir Apparent presents the sacrificial grain of the state altars; the eldest son holds the vessel; going forth he may guard the ancestral temple and serve as sacrifice master—the Commentary on the Changes states this explicitly. The weighty duty of supervising the state naturally requires personal sacrifice. The imperial daughter's early death occurred within the same palace; sacrifices should be suspended for three months—in ritual terms the rites should stop. The two deliberations differed. The Ministry reviewed the matter and held Yu's deliberation acceptable. An edict approved it.
10
使 使 使 使 使 殿 使 使
On the first day yichou of the eleventh month in the third year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The auspicious days for the four seasonal temple sacrifices have been fixed; when rain occurs or mourning is observed, personal attendance has formerly been suspended and the responsible officials perform the rites. First order the ritual officers to deliberate broadly—according to ritual, is it proper to postpone the day or not? Erudite Jiang Chang argued: "The Record of Sacrifice in the Book of Rites states: 'When the lord sacrifices, if there is cause then he sends someone, yet the lord does not lose his propriety. Zheng Xuan says: 'Although the lord does not attend in person, the sacrificial ritual is not lacking and the lord's virtue is not diminished.' In my humble view, that when there is cause one must send someone shows clearly that there is no text authorizing postponement. If the responsible officials can complete the rites, I hold that the day ought not be changed.' Vice Director Lu Cheng argued: "The Rites of Zhou assigns the Ritual Master: 'If the king does not join the sacrifice, then [the minister] takes his place. Master Zheng says: 'When the king has cause, the minister performs the sacrificial rites.' Your subject holds that this refers to when, during the period of fasting, all sacrificial preparations are complete—the spirits cannot be profaned, fasting cannot be prolonged, and when the king has other cause, he has the responsible officials act in his stead. In the fourth month of the seventh year of Taishi under Jin, Emperor Shizu was preparing to sacrifice in person at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. On the gengxu day, the emperor inspected the sacrificial victims in the evening. On the xinhai day, rain fell. The responsible officials carried out the rites. Although this was not a human cause, it was perhaps heaven's obstruction. Seeking guidance in ancient ritual, this does not violate Zhou practice. The Book of Rites records: 'Confucius answered Zengzi: when sacrificing, if there is an eclipse or fire in the Imperial Ancestral Temple, if the victims have arrived but not yet been slaughtered, then the sacrifice is cancelled.' Thus sacrifice is not without grounds on which it may be cancelled. It is only a question of how lightly or heavily one acts provisionally. Eclipse and temple fire are the most severe of portents; even when the victims have already arrived, cancellation remains possible. Extrapolating downward from this, the underlying principle becomes clear. Now, within the period of general fasting, before entering strict fasting, if there is light mourning or heavy rain, the scheduled affair can be postponed out of reverence. Without violating ritual sentiment or harming the canonical rite, choosing an auspicious day—why hesitate? In my humble view, if during general fasting there is mourning or rain, the day may be postponed. Only when one enters strict fasting, or when the day grows late, should the responsible officials perform the rites. Also, in a former generation Minister of Works Gu He submitted that when the southern suburban carriage had already departed and encountered rain, the day should be changed and the suburban sacrifice repeated—the proposal was adopted. Suburban and temple rites are equally reverent; if even on the day of arrival postponement is permitted, how much more so during general fasting?' Palace Attendant Yin Dan argued: "Zengzi asked: 'If there is an eclipse or fire in the Imperial Ancestral Temple, and the victims have not yet been slaughtered, then cancel. Even when there is cause, one sends another in one's place. The Clear Temple is reverently weighty; suburban and feng rites are great—therefore when the temple burns or the sun eclipses, postponement is permitted; light mourning and minor cause do not warrant change. Therefore when a mouse ate the ox, changing the divination was contrary to ritual. When Emperor Shizu of Jin had the responsible officials perform the rites, and Minister Gu changed the suburban month—the appropriateness of that time is not evident; this cannot serve as precedent. In my humble view, eclipse and temple fire are heaven's reproof—only then may the day be changed. As for light mourning and minor cause, the day ought not be changed.' The collective deliberations differed. Upon review, since there are grounds in principle, and since Jin postponed the suburban sacrifice and early Song postponed the temple sacrifice, both have established precedents. During general fasting in the first month of the season, if rain occurs or light mourning is observed, an auspicious day should be chosen for postponement, with no fixed limit on number. Only when one enters strict fasting and encroaches on the middle month of the season should the responsible officials perform the rites. An edict approved it.
11
使 使 使使
On the jiayin day of the tenth month in the fifth year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "On the eighth day of this month, winter sacrifice will be offered at the two temples, with the dukes and ministers performing the rites. The Heir Apparent is in mourning garments for his consort. Former Vice Director Yu Weizhi argued: "The reason ritual suspends sacrifice during mourning is that sacrifice must have music. The Heir Apparent, by the weight of being the primary consort's husband, therefore requires the sovereign to wear mourning for the consort without lowering rank. Having already donned proper major mourning garments, I hold that sacrifice ought not be performed. When there is cause, the Three Excellencies perform the rites—that is a time when sacrifice may proceed; it is not comparable to the present case. When a minister dies, even the yi-sacrifice is suspended; how much more so for the Heir Apparent's consort? Erudite Sima Xingzhi argued: "When in zi-mourning one does not sacrifice—that is a great principle of ritual. When a minister dies the yi-sacrifice is not performed—the Spring and Autumn Annals makes the meaning clear. Furthermore, when the Princess of Pingyuan died in Wei, Gao Tanglong argued that the three-month suspension of sacrifice should not apply, yet still held that between interment and burial the rites might be provisionally suspended and a propitious day chosen, after which fragrant sacrifice could resume. Seeking the meaning of these words, they do not authorize the responsible officials to perform the rites. Even for mourning without required garments, suspension before burial is still observed—how much more for the Heir Apparent's consort and one in major mourning not yet enshrined? Consulting ritual texts above and comparing with former dynasties below, winter sacrifice cannot be held. Director of the Headquarters Staff Zhou Jingyuan argued: "The Rites state: 'In zi-mourning one does not sacrifice. That major mourning suspends sacrifice requires no further argument. Now that the Heir Apparent's deceased consort has not yet been buried in the mountain tomb and provisional regulations have not been applied, winter and seasonal sacrifice ought to be suspended according to ritual. The sovereign, wearing major mourning garments, cannot personally attend according to ritual; this is not a case of "cause," and neither should the dukes and ministers perform the rites.' Right Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "The Rites' statement 'in zi-mourning one does not sacrifice' is surely only a general principle. Grand officers, by their exalted rank having reduced mourning obligations, when they do observe mourning garments cannot be treated differently from others. The Record of Sacrifice says 'when the lord has cause, sending someone is permitted'—this means when ritual requires sacrifice, the lord cannot keep the fast, and the sacrifice must not be omitted, so ministers perform it on his behalf. It does not mean that when the lord should not sacrifice, the responsible officials may perform the rites in his stead. In the fourth year of Xianning under Jin, when Empress Jingxian died— aunt to Emperor Wu of Jin— temple sacrifice was suspended for a time; although her title was exalted, this may serve roughly as precedent. Now the Heir Apparent's consort requires the sovereign to wear proper major mourning garments—not comparable to a case of "cause." Since burial in the mountain tomb has not yet occurred, winter sacrifice ought to be suspended. Reviewing the deliberations of Yu Weizhi and others, their conclusions do not differ—omitting winter sacrifice is appropriate. After zucu and enshrinement in the temple, one follows the regular canon. An edict approved it.
12
輿 礿 輿鹿 使 使
On the bingchen day of the second month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The imperial carriage will tour the left bank of the Yangtze to review troops and conduct a military hunt; the meat obtained will first be offered at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang, with pickled meat and wine set out, the dukes and ministers performing the rites, and offerings also made at the consort's inner chamber, with the chamber chief performing the rites. Erudite Yu He of the Imperial Academy argued: "Examining the Rites of Zhou, the four seasonal military reviews with sacrificial victims each have their proper application. When troops are reviewed in spring during the sou hunt, sacrifice is offered at the Altar of Earth; when encamped in summer during the miao hunt, the luo offering is made; when troops are marshaled in autumn during the xian hunt, sacrifice is offered at the Altar of the War-God; when the great review is held in winter during the shou hunt, the zheng offering is made. Examining the Han Treatise on Sacrifice: 'Only on the day of the Beginning of Autumn, after the white suburban rite is complete, martial prowess is displayed—called "the leopard hunt." The imperial carriage enters the park; the emperor personally takes up the crossbow to shoot; the victims are deer and fawns. The Director of Victims and the Attendant, each in one carriage and carrying the game obtained, rush to deliver them to the imperial tombs and temples. Thus offering at the temple from a spring hunt has no prior precedent. Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Yu Weizhi argued: "What He said concerns conducting hunts and reviews at the proper season—this rite has long been abandoned. Now the season is late as He states; military review teaches the people; moreover dried meat is reverently prepared and offered first at the two temples—both ritual propriety and sentiment are satisfied. The altar of Earth is the god of soil; the Minister of Works is the officer of soil—therefore sacrifice at the altar of Earth should have the Minister of Works perform the rites. At the Imperial Ancestral Temple, a senior duke should perform the rites. Considering the rites of hunt and review, the four seasons differ in deliberation; ritual permits increase and decrease according to the times. Now that the four-directional sacrifices and the three-kill ritual no longer exist, long since abandoned, game and victims with surface wounds or trimmed fur, and immature birds not yet full-grown, are not offered. The Director of Victims and the Attendant select the finest kill for presentation; offering first at the two temples and altars, as before the Grand Commandant should perform the rites on their behalf. An edict approved it.
13
使
On the gengshen day of the seventh month in the first year of Taiyu under Emperor Ming, the responsible officials memorialized: "For the chang sacrifice of the seventh month, the sovereign is within the mourning period—should he personally attend or not? Have the ritual officers deliberate the matter broadly. Examining the three-year rule, it extends from the Son of Heaven down through all ranks. Emperor Wen of Han, pitying the abuses left by Qin, therefore established a provisional mourning canon. From Wei and Jin onward, when zucu and enshrinement occur, mourning ends and auspicious rites resume. Examining the Royal Regulations in the Book of Rites: 'For three years one does not sacrifice, except to Heaven, Earth, and the altars of soil and grain—crossing the mourning cord to perform these affairs.' Zheng Xuan says: 'This is only because one dares not let what is low displace what is high. Fan Xuan challenged Du Yu and Duan Chang; the reason ancestral temple sacrifice is omitted is that all are objects of human devotion—grief and sorrow are the same as toward the living. Qiao Zhou's Treatise on Sacrifice states: 'By ritual, when one is in mourning one does not perform auspicious sacrifices. In zi and ma mourning, toward forebears to whom one owes mourning garments, one also does not sacrifice, for the spirits will not accept the offering. Examining further: when there is cause within the palace, even without required mourning garments sacrifice is suspended for three months—mourning means no sacrifice. If within the three years personal attendance were truly required, then di and xia should arrange zhao and mu. Yet now di and xia must wait until mourning ends—therefore one knows the meaning of not yet sacrificing should be considered. The Daily Records show that Emperor Wu of Jin had two mourning obligations and during both periods did not sacrifice in person. This too is a precedent from recent times. The sovereign's filial piety surpasses that of King Wen of Zhou; his affection runs deep and is clearly expressed; although public mourning garments are removed, pure grief remains inwardly bound. Seeking precedents in the canon, personal attendance ought not yet occur. The responsible officials reverently performing the rites—sacrifice is not neglected. Reflecting on reverent compliance, I hold this to be appropriate. We collectively deliberated; the evidence is clear; the matter should be decided as submitted. An edict approved it.
14
使
On the bingyin day of the tenth month in the second year of Yuanhui under the deposed Emperor, the responsible officials memorialized: "On the day when the sovereign personally sacrifices at the Imperial Ancestral Temple to Emperor Wen and the Empress Dowager, as to Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao—although not orthodox kin, they were once served facing north—it is unclear whether the sovereign should personally hold the wine cup or not. Refer to the ritual officers for deliberation. Erudite Zhou Shanwen of the Imperial Academy argued: "Examining the Rites: the exalted honor the orthodox line above, while the lowly honor the orthodox line below. Emperor Xiaowu, though not orthodox kin to the sovereign, bears the title of ancestor and has a place among the seven temples. I hold that on the day of personal attendance he should hold the wine cup. Empress Dowager Zhao, not orthodox kin by ritual, should have the Three Excellencies perform the rites on her behalf. Erudite Yan Xie and four others concurred with Shanwen. Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Han Ben argued: "Emperor Jing of Jin toward Emperor Shizu, and Emperor Su toward Emperor Xiaowu—both were collateral honor—and personally held the wine ladle. Now Emperor Xiaowu is the sovereign's paternal uncle by blood; his merit ranks among the ancestors; on the day of sacrifice the sovereign should personally hold the cup. Empress Dowager Zhao toward the sovereign has no name or rank by kinship; in sentiment she is distant; a stepmother in one's household—a son's sacrifice stops at the grandson—how much more a paternal uncle's stepmother. I hold that Empress Dowager Zhao's wine cup may be entrusted to the responsible officials to present. Former Left Assistant Director Sun Mian argued: "In Jin when the ancestors sacrificed to Emperor Xianzong, Emperor Liezong, and Emperor Suzu—all were paternal uncles of Jin emperors—the present court's clear standard at the outset had no rite of responsible officials performing the sacrifice. I hold that the sovereign's personally holding Emperor Xiaowu's wine cup satisfies both sentiment and reverence. Empress Dowager Zhao was exalted as the sovereign's stepmother for a time, yet shares the sealed chamber with the temples of Empresses Dowager Zhang and Xuan—not only should the sovereign not personally attend; her removal should even be deliberated. For the present, follow the former practice and have the Three Excellencies perform the rites in his stead. An edict held Mian's deliberation acceptable.
15
On the wuchen day of the tenth month in the first year of Xiaojian under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, the responsible officials memorialized on the ritual of destroying and relocating the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang. Six hundred sixty-three officials of the second rank took part in the deliberation. Grand Tutor Prince Jiangxia Yigong argued: "The classics are damaged and forged; teachings and transmissions diverge in many schools—those who speak with certainty are few, and those who truly investigate are rare. Thus the debate over the Six Ancestors went astray among eclectic scholars, and the alternating theories of destruction and preservation confused the many schools. Empress Dowager Zhang gave birth to the divine and opened the sage era; ritual was complete at the restoration; blessings flowed to enfeoffed descendants; her virtue shone and her righteousness reached far. She should be honored through the ages with enduring fragrance, a model passed down from generation to generation. How can she be lowered to equal ordinary ranks and made to follow the regular canon instead? When deliberators raise doubts, they truly rely on adjacent records in the chronicles—knowing one point but missing two, none can exhaust the intent of the texts. Examining the Book of Rites on not substituting in sacrifice, extending even to the loving mother—the wording shows where it applies. In Guliang's commentary on "the grandson stops," one distinguishes the lord who establishes sacrifice. Thus personal attendance in reverent sacrifice differs from what earlier records prescribe. This arises from the exalted sovereign's proper role—the duty is all the heavier; the pinnacle of human honor—the number stands specially in the middle. Moreover Han's grand tradition ascended to paired enshrinement, and Jin's clear regulations all retained sacrificial offering. Examining distant historical records and recent hidden evidence, the temple should not be destroyed—on principle this is the better course. What is cited from Gongyang only strengthens obstinate adherence to one view. How can one equal emperors in rank yet follow gentry and commoners in sacrifice—seeking regulations by sentiment, the inversion grows ever worse. I hold that it should equal the seven temples—destruction only after six generations. Six hundred thirty-six persons agreed with Yigong that the temple should not be destroyed. Attendant Gentleman Wang Fashi and twenty-seven others argued that the tablet should be destroyed. Director of the Bureau Zhou Jingyuan reviewed the deliberation and held Yigong's argument against destruction to be acceptable. An edict approved it.
16
使
On the gengyin day of the second month in the second year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "At the dynasty's yin sacrifice, nothing is done at the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for deliberation and correction, following Gao Tanglong's deliberation on Empress Wen Si of Wei following Jiang Yuan's temple di and xia, and Xu Miao's reply on the old precedent of Empress Dowager Xuan's yin offering under Jin. Erudite Sun Wu argued: "Examining the Record of Sacrifice in the Book of Rites: 'When establishing a capital and founding a settlement, setting up temples, ancestral tablets, altars, and platforms for sacrifice—thus are the numbers of kin near and far determined. Therefore the king establishes seven temples, and the distant temples serve as tiao.' Zheng says: 'When the Son of Heaven moves the tablets of the temple, zhao and mu are jointly stored in the two tiao, and xia sacrifice is then performed on them. The Royal Regulations says: 'Xia and di. Zheng says: 'Xia means "combined." Combining the tablets of former lords in the ancestral temple and sacrificing to them—this is called xia. In the third year summer di, in the fifth year autumn xia—called performing the yin sacrifice twice in five years. Also 'Di is the great sacrifice.' In the second year of Duke Wen in the Spring and Autumn Annals: 'A great affair at the Grand Temple. The Commentary says: 'Tablets of destroyed temples are displayed before the Grand Ancestor; tablets of temples not yet destroyed all ascend and share food with the Grand Ancestor in common. The Commentary says: 'The clan gathers to eat together, ordered by zhao and mu. The Record of Sacrifice says: 'When there is an affair at the Grand Temple, all the zhao and all the mu are present, not losing their order. Now the yin sacrifice is combining food with the Grand Ancestor and ordering zhao and mu. Empress Dowager Zhang, being subordinate in rank, is not enrolled in the orthodox temple. If her tablet were brought into the Imperial Ancestral Temple, one dare not place her in the orthodox order, and nothing is heard of establishing a separate position outside the zhao and mu arrangement. If following Xu Miao's deliberation the yin sacrifice is offered at the separate temple, this violates the meaning of di and xia great sacrifice—combined food and ordered zhao and mu. Miao said: 'The four infant spirits in the inner chamber—unlike xia, sacrifice is offered there separately. This too is the principle. The Record of Mourning Garments in Brief says: 'Infant spirits and those without posterity follow the ancestor in enshrinement and shared offerings. The Record of Sacrifice says: 'The king sacrifices to infant spirits below [a certain age]. Zheng Xuan says: 'Sacrificing to eligible infant spirits in the recess of the temple—called yin-yan. Since they already follow the ancestor and share food in the recess of the temple, the infant spirits have positions in the recess—this is not what is meant by offering sacrifice at a separate palace. Now the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang receives seasonal offerings in the four seasons; although not under "the grandson stops," if at Imperial Ancestral Temple di and xia she is sacrificed separately at another palace—no different from seasonal zheng and chang—this is not the meaning of di as great sacrifice, and there is no basis in the texts on xia combined food. I hold that she should not share the yin sacrifice rites with the Imperial Ancestral Temple. Gao Tanglong's reply on Empress Wen Si of Wei following Jiang Yuan's temple di and xia, without distinguishing the meaning of xia, changed xia to the great feast—there were reasons for this. As one who merely preserves the texts with shallow learning, I fear departing from the intent of ritual. Erudite Wang Xiezhi argued: "Examining di as lesser and xia as greater—ritual has no explicit text; seeking sentiment and precedent, there is something to compare. Investigating the name xia—although its meaning lies in combined food, in the canon of sacrifice its weight is greatest here. By filial piety to nourish kin, reverent love knows no limit—having made the yin offering to the Grand Ancestor, one also renders the fullest sacrifice at the lesser temple. It is like when there is an affair for the exalted: the lowly may be included. Thus what Gao Tanglong meant by sacrificing solely because of xia. Therefore Empress Wen Si of Wei and Empress Dowager Xuan of Jin, though both not ordered in the Grand Temple, still equally performed di at Jiang Yuan's—the intent was such. Also Xu Miao's citation of the four infant spirits not receiving xia but sacrifice offered there separately—as precedent for separate feasting—this is the evidence. I hold that the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang should also receive the yin offering. Director of Ceremonies Sun Mian argued: "The name xia sacrifice—its meaning lies in combined food; holding to the canon and citing antiquity, Sun Wu is most detailed. Examining the rite of lesser temples—it began in recent Wei; what Jin practiced suffices as prior standard. Gao Tanglong sacrificed because of xia—there is attached sentiment and reverence. Xu Miao cited separate sacrifice for the four infant spirits to prove the principle of separate feasting. Sun Wu, citing infant spirits enshrined with the ancestor, held that the temple maintains positions for infant spirits. Examining the affair—although in the same temple, the sacrifice is not combined food. Moreover the seven temples sharing one hall began in Later Han; ritual sacrifice to infant spirits—each is enshrined with his ancestor. Once xia is anticipated, sacrifice must be performed at separate temples. I hold that the yin offering at Empress Dowager Zhang's temple follows from this principle. Zhu Yingzhi of the Sacrifices Section argued: "For sacrifice at the sealed chamber, Gao Tanglong and Zhao Yi both said the Zhou people xia—annually all xia sacrifice together. Wei and Jin two dynasties took this as standard for offerings—eminent scholars versed in ritual offered no mutual criticism—not excessive, not neglectful—all follow the old statutes. My humble view concurs with Wang Xiezhi and Sun Mian. An edict stated: "Empress Dowager Zhang posthumously received the highest title; ritual equals the seven temples—how can she alone lack yin offering, separated from this grand sacrifice? Distant xia at the sealed chamber—Zhou already practiced it; Wei and Jin followed in sharing offerings—the model unchanged. Should follow and attach to prior canon, so as to express sentiment and reverence."
17
使 使
In the first month of the second year of Taishi under Emperor Ming, Empress Dowager Zhao, mother of Emperor Xiaowu, died. On the jiayin day of the fifth month, the responsible officials memorialized: "In the Taiyuan era under Jin, the empress dowager's title was first regularized; Xu Miao deliberated on temple regulations; since then this has been established as canon. Now Empress Dowager Zhao has no kinship with the sovereign; the court specially ordered garments of meaning-mourning for him. The ritual of enshrinement in the temple—order the ritual officers to deliberate in detail. Erudite Wang Lue and Director of Ceremonies Yu Yuan argued: "Correct naming preserves meaning—emblematic canon of a state; ministers and subjects follow one standard—explicit text in historical records. Now Empress Dowager Zhao holds the orthodox position as mother of the realm; her exalted title is duly recorded; the ritual of enshrinement should follow the constant rule of precedent. The mother honored through the son—matter clear in the sage texts; Emperor Xiaowu's sacrifice shall never be destroyed through the ages—then Empress Dowager Zhao's enshrinement has no grounds for diminution. I hold that the spirit tablet should enter Empress Dowager Zhang's temple. Also should follow Emperor Yuan of Jin toward Emperor Min and Emperor An toward Empress Dowager Yong'an—on days of sacrifice, not personally holding the wine cup; have the responsible officials perform the rites. At that time Empress Dowager Xuan of the late Emperor had already been enshrined in Empress Dowager Zhang's temple; Chief and Concurrent Director of Ritual Affairs Yu He argued: "The meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals: a secondary consort, though her title equals exalted honor, in fact differs from the primary wife. Therefore they still maintained separate palaces for sacrifice; the son performed the rites. Now Empress Dowager Zhao was not the biological mother—all the more no grounds for personal attendance. The Rites of Zhou, Director of Ritual, states: 'If the king does not join the sacrifice, then the minister takes his place. Thus the responsible officials should perform the ritual affair. Also women have no fixed rank—each is determined by her husband's clan; when the husband dies, order follows the son. Empress Dowager Zhao already held the orthodox position first; Empress Dowager Xuan was posthumously honored later—by order of succession, the new tablet should ascend above. Upon joint review, He's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
18
使 使 使
On the dingchou day of the sixth month in the second year of Taishi, the responsible officials memorialized: "In the coming seventh month chang sacrifice will be offered at the two temples; as before the imperial carriage will personally attend. At Emperor Xiaowu's chamber the sovereign will personally advance the wine cup and perform the prostration. Also at Empress Dowager Zhao's chamber bowing is required, and in the prayer text the emperor's taboo name should be used. Also on the twenty-fifth day of this month the empress will reverently appear before the tablet; she will bow to Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao—there is no explicit text; order the ritual officers to deliberate and correct. Erudite Liu Wen of the Imperial Academy argued: "Examining how Emperor Yuan of Jin faced north and styled himself minister to Emperor Min—for zheng and chang offerings the responsible officials performed the rites. Moreover brothers do not succeed each other—recorded in the Lu chronicles. Extrapolating from this—at Emperor Xiaowu's chamber the sovereign cannot personally advance the wine cup and prostrate. On that day personally entering Empress Dowager Zhang's temple, passing Empress Dowager Zhao's chamber—prior deliberation already has the responsible officials perform the rites; one should not advance to bow. Empress Dowager Zhao's orthodox title was long since fixed; she is listed in temple sacrifice; examining the prayer text—it should use the emperor's taboo name. Examining the Rites: a wife has no canon of appearing before an elder brother; Empress Dowager Zhao's position is collateral honor—complete reverence in ritual cannot be required. For Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao's two chambers—victims and offerings should be omitted. Director of Ceremonies Yu Yuan argued: "Zheng and chang sacrifice—the affair exists for continuing the line; therefore though collateral honor is near, younger brothers and nephews do not sacrifice. Though the way of the lord is exalted, a minister has no canonical rite of sacrifice. Examining Emperor Jing of Jin toward Emperor Wu—relation was paternal uncle—on Emperor Wu's sacrifice day he still advanced the wine cup. Now the sovereign having succeeded in sacrificing to Emperor Wen—at Emperor Xiaowu's chamber should only advance bow; the wine cup should have the responsible officials perform the rites. Examining the Rites: 'When passing a tomb, lean on the crossbar; when passing a place of sacrifice, dismount. For all spirit beings reverence may still be shown; how much more Empress Dowager Zhao who as mother faced the realm—the sovereign once personally faced north; elder brother's mother deserves reverence—should advance to bow; the prayer text should use the emperor's taboo name. Examining the empress's temple appearance ritual—originally the meaning is cultivating reverence; as to Emperor Xiaowu, discussing sister-in-law and younger brother-in-law—no canon of communication; discussing rank—no meaning of mutual appearance. Also when the empress first ascended, Empress Dowager Zhao still held orthodox position in the palace—the path of reverent audience was long since prepared. I hold that Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao's two chambers should both omit offering and announcement. Upon joint deliberation Yu Yuan's view was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
19
退 西 便
On the renyin day of the tenth month in the second year of Yuanhui under the deposed Emperor, the responsible officials memorialized on destroying and relocating the temple of Empress Dowager Zhao. Refer the matter to the ritual officers for detailed deliberation. Director of Ceremonies Han Ben argued: "Examining the exaltation of the lord's mother—meaning arises from the Spring and Autumn Annals; offerings to secondary consorts are uninterrupted. The Zhou canon of seven temples inheriting the line—yet when kinship is exhausted destruction follows. How much more one born of a paternal uncle—no mourning garments, no generation serving sacrifice—seeking precedent in former ages, none is seen. Chief Clerk Yin Feizi argued: "Empress Dowager Zhao is not tied to the ancestors—entering and leaving should mean destruction. Deliberators say: 'A concubine enshrined with her husband's concubine-grandmother'—if enshrinement requires announcement, destruction cannot differ. Announcement should be made at the chamber of Empress Dowager Zhang. Examining the Record: 'A concubine is enshrined with her husband's concubine-grandmother; if there is no concubine-grandmother, then change the victim and enshrine with the primary wife—this is permitted. At the outset Empress Dowager Zhang toward Empress Dowager Zhao—speaking of zhao and mu—she is neither concubine-grandmother nor primary wife; by principle this is not appropriate. Examining further: Empress Dowager Zhao's name and rank reached the utmost; when first enshrined, from above she was enshrined with Empress Dowager Zhao and settled in the western temple—both received silk announcement to all chambers. In antiquity great affairs had to be announced; it also says that every affair must be announced. By ritual, victims and silk offerings are used together. Examining Wei and Jin onward, practice differs from case to case. In the sixteenth year of Yuanjia, the court ordered the ritual officers to distinguish and correct the practice. Erudite Yin Lingzuo of the Imperial Academy argued: 'For auspicious affairs one uses victims; for inauspicious affairs one uses silk. From then onward auspicious and inauspicious were distinguished—already a canon of the age. Now the affair, though not wholly inauspicious, is also not near auspicious—therefore should follow the former practice and announce with silk to both temples throughout. Also examining the destroyed tablet of Empress Dowager Zhao—there is no principle for displaying it before the Grand Ancestor; the erudites wish to follow the provisional tablet and bury it between the steps of the temple. Examining further: the space between the steps was originally for burying announcement silk and the provisional spirit tablet. Formerly Yu Xi said: following the deliberations of the Five Classics, enshrining the destroyed tablet with the provisional tablet and burying it at the temple's north wall is the most authoritative practice. After the spirit tablet of Empress Dowager Zhao is destroyed and buried, the upper chamber cannot remain empty—Empress Dowager Xuan should ascend to fill it. At the moment of ascent, dried meat and pickled offerings should also be set out to settle the spirit. Now the ritual officers' deliberation is mistaken and incomplete. Relocation and destruction are great affairs—please investigate broadly in detail. Left Vice Director Liu Bing and seven others agreed with Feizi. Left Assistant Director Wang Chen reviewed the deliberation, stating: "Announce with silk to both temples throughout, and bury the destroyed yin tablet at the north wall. At Empress Dowager Xuan's upper chamber, still set dried meat and pickled offerings to settle the spirit—Feizi's deliberation is acceptable. An edict approved it.
20
使
In the third year of Taihe under Emperor Ming of Wei, an edict stated: "By ritual, when the queen has no heir, a collateral son is chosen to continue the great line—then one should inherit the orthodox line and uphold public principle; how can one consider private kin? Emperor Xuan of Han succeeded Emperor Zhao and later added the posthumous imperial title for his father the Duke of Ding; Emperor Ai, installed from an outer fief, and Dong Hong and others cited the fallen Qin—some misleading court deliberation—then honored the Respectful Emperor, established a temple in the capital, and favored a fief concubine equaling Changxin—excessive breach of ritual; neither human nor spirit blessed them; had it not been for Shi Dan's loyal and upright remonstrance, the disaster of Ding and Fu burning like tinder would have resulted. From then onward this practice was followed in succession. Order the dukes, ministers, and responsible officials to take the former generations deeply as a warning. If hereafter a successor should by any chance enter from among the feudal lords to receive the great succession, then the meaning of becoming another's heir should be made clear. Whoever dares flatter and deceive the lord above, rashly establishing non-orthodox titles—calling father Emperor and mother Empress—the great ministers as arms and legs shall execute without pardon. Inscribe this on the golden covenant, store it in the ancestral temple, and record it in the established canon. Thereafter when Gaogui and Changdao were installed, none honored outer kin.
21
In the fourth year of Jianxing under Emperor Min of Jin, Director of the Masters of Ceremony Liang Fen deliberated on the ritual of posthumous honor—the emperor did not follow; Left Vice Director Suo Lin and others also cited Wei regulations as grounds that it could not be done. Therefore Prince Wu of Wu was posthumously enfeoffed as Grand Tutor and nothing more. In the second year of Taixing under Emperor Yuan, the responsible officials stated that Prince Gong of Langye should be styled Imperial Father. He Xun deliberated: "The meaning of ritual canon—a son dares not add his own rank to his father's title. The emperor again followed this. This canon of the two Han dynasties was abandoned thereafter.
22
Emperor Ming of Wei had a beloved daughter named Shushe; she died at three months; the emperor grieved deeply; he posthumously enfeoffed and titled her Princess Yi of Pingyuan, buried her at Nanling, and established a temple in the capital. There was no prior canon—not ritual.
23
便
On the xinyou day of the seventh month in the first year of Xiaojian under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, the responsible officials memorialized: "Prince Chong of Dongping was young and without heir; only infant-spirit mourning garments for five months. Although a minister does not mourn for his lord in infant-spirit rites, there should be a chief sacrificer; yet the state was posthumously enfeoffed and had no ministers. It is unclear whether to destroy the spirit tablet and establish a temple—should enshrinement elsewhere be made or not? Refer the matter to the ritual officers for detailed deliberation. Erudite Xu Hong of the Imperial Academy argued: "The prince having no heir and posthumous enfeoffment having no ministers—when infant-spirit mourning garments are complete the spirit tablet should be destroyed. The Record says: 'Infant spirits and those without posterity follow the ancestor in enshrinement and shared offerings. It also says: 'Grand officers cannot be enshrined with feudal lords; enshrine with the ancestor who was a grand officer. Examining further: feudal lords cannot be enshrined with the Son of Heaven. Prince Chong should be enshrined in the temple of an ancestor who was a king—in this case, the temple of Prince Jing of Changsha. An edict approved it.
24
In the fourth year of Daming on the day dingsi, the responsible officials memorialized: "Although the state of Anlu was established, the place for libation and offering has not yet been built; the four seasonal offerings and feasts therefore take place at Jiangxia's temple. Should the biological mother of Prince Xuan of Jiangxia receive sacrifice? Erudite Fu Yu of the Imperial Academy argued: "Sacrifice should be discontinued. Right Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "Examining the Rites: 'The loving mother and concubine mother are not sacrificed to through the generations. Zheng Xuan's commentary: 'Because they are not orthodox kin, therefore the tradition says the son sacrifices and the grandson stops. It also says: 'One who becomes heir to the loving mother may enshrine the father's concubine mother—this is permitted. The commentary states: 'Following the meaning of becoming heir to the loving mother—if the father's concubine has no son, a secondary son may also be commanded to become her heir. Examining this meaning—sacrifice to the father's and mother's concubines need not be only by the son. Prince Xuan of Jiangxia was the Heir Apparent in person—lineage from the chief minister; a branch of the imperial kin; meeting untimely misfortune; the sage sovereign pitied and mourned; lowered from imperial favor; succeeded to continue the emblematic line; opened the great fief; the state became ancestor. The first prince's lady bore and nurtured with bright virtue—then she was orthodox mother of the state; above there was nothing to diminish; grief and reverence could be expressed. Having neither obtained enshrinement and offering at Jiangxia nor sacrifice at Anlu—seeking the affair by sentiment, I hold that following the grandmother's meaning of becoming heir, she should be listed for sacrifice in the temple. The two deliberations differ; upon joint review Ai's deliberation was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
25
𢂿使 便 使
On the bingyin day of the tenth month in the sixth year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The former Prince Xiao of Jinling's son Yun had no heir; three days after establishing the temple, the state ministers follow provisional regulations and remove mourning garments—on new and full moon and weekly anniversaries, should they return to attend or not? On the day of sacrifice, who should serve as chief sacrificer? Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Yu Weizhi argued: "Three days after burial the state ministers follow provisional regulations and remove mourning garments. Yet the spirit mats remain; on new and full moon and periodic anniversaries the ministers should return to attend and weep, changing into fine hemp mourning dress, with a senior minister serving as chief sacrificer. The prince having no heir yet and no one in three-year mourning—when mourning of close kin ends yet the state still exists, it is appropriate to establish a temple as the state's founding ancestor. On the day mourning garments are removed, the spirit tablet should temporarily be enshrined to share food at the ancestral temple. Princes cannot take the Son of Heaven as ancestor—should enshrine at the collateral state temple; then return to the new temple's chamber. Before an heir exists, the four seasonal offerings and feasts should regularly be presided over by a senior minister. Left Assistant Director Xu Ai reviewed the deliberation and held Weizhi's view acceptable. An edict approved it.
26
On the gengzi day of the first month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The former Honored Consort Xuan received special ritual—it is unclear whether a temple should be established or not. Erudite Yu He of the Imperial Academy argued: "The Court Etiquette states: 'The Son of Heaven has an empress and has ladies. Tann Gong states: 'Shun was buried at Cangwu; the three consorts did not follow. The Meaning of Marriage states: 'The empress establishes the six palaces, with three ladies. Thus the three consorts are the three ladies. The empress having three consorts is analogous to the Son of Heaven having three excellencies. Examining the Rites of Zhou, the three excellencies receive eight commands, while feudal lords receive seven commands. The three excellencies being exalted above the feudal lords of the ranks—the three consorts are also honored above the ladies of other states. Examining the Spring and Autumn Commentary, Zhongzi was not the primary wife of Duke Hui of Lu, yet could still be sacrificed to in a separate palace. Now the Honored Consort's rank is heaven's exalted grade—by principle a new temple should be established. Left Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "The Honored Consort having received special appointment—ritual surpasses the five palaces; examining ancient canon, there is clear established evidence. The temple hall should be constructed—the Director of Palace Construction should be selected. Upon joint review He's and Ai's deliberations were held acceptable. An edict approved it.
27
便 便
On the wuxu day of the third month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "Prince Xin'an wears qi mourning for the Honored Consort for one year, eleven months of lian, thirteen months of gao, fifteen months of xiang, and heart-mourning for three years. It remains unclear when enshrinement of the Honored Consort in the temple should occur. On the day of entering the temple—should there first be enshrinement, or merely entering the new temple? If entering the temple during daxing or chan, may sacrifice be performed when the four seasons arrive? May Prince Xin'an, while still under heart-mourning regulations, personally perform sacrifice? Erudite Yu He of the Imperial Academy argued: "The Spring and Autumn Commentary says: 'Enshrine and make the tablet; zheng, chang, and di at the temple. Chang is the name of an auspicious sacrifice—during daxing and chan one may not yet enter the temple; it should be after chan mourning ends. Within Prince Xin'an's heart-mourning, if a seasonal occasion arrives, auspicious sacrifice should be performed at the temple—personal attendance is also without impropriety. The word fu means that the later deceased is enshrined in the prior temple. The Brief Record says: 'Feudal lords cannot be enshrined together with the Son of Heaven. Now the Honored Consort's rank equals feudal lords—clearly she cannot be enshrined with the empress and former empress. Also examining the separate new palace—there is nowhere appropriate for enshrinement. Moreover after zucu there is all the more no grounds for enshrinement. Left Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "Ritual permits increase and decrease; ancient and modern differ in practice—although it says enshrine at zucu and enshrine to make the tablet, the feudal lords of the age all entered the temple at the end of chan. Moreover hemp garments with crimson borders and leather garments were applied in Yuanjia, while coarse sackcloth and headbands with removal of mourning were expressed in the Song imperial house. How much more the Honored Consort who bore and nurtured the sage fief—burial received special ritual; spirit mats and mourning hut—all presided over by the wise prince; examining the palace and establishing sacrifice cannot be barred by the court. I hold that after chan mourning ends he should personally perform the libation-cup offering. If there is cause, the Three Excellencies should perform the rites. The Honored Consort above diminishes the imperial grandmother; below cuts off the feudal states—nowhere for enshrinement. Upon joint deliberation He's main points differ little from Ai's—Ai's deliberation should be held acceptable. An edict approved it.
28
On the guiwei day of the eleventh month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The Jinling state report: Prince Xiao's temple follows the example of Luling and other states—five sacrifices in one year. The two states—the prince [of Hengyang wears mourning garments; within this year no sacrifice. Examining further: the state has no successor prince—] the Three Excellencies should preside over sacrifice. Should this follow the precedent for cases involving mourning garments? Erudite Yan Sengdao argued: "The Book of Rites states: 'When the one sacrificed to is without required mourning garments, then sacrifice is performed. Now the Prince of Jinling toward Hengyang wears xiao mourning—both states should likewise suspend sacrifice. Concurrent Director of Ceremonies Yu Weizhi argued: "'In zi-mourning one does not sacrifice'—this is spoken from the perspective of the chief sacrificer. Though Jinling has no successor yet, one should follow the case of having a successor and wearing mourning garments—follow the limit of suspended sacrifice. Hengyang as collateral paternal uncle wears zi and ma mourning—sacrifice should be suspended for three months. Concurrent Left Assistant Director Xu Ai argued: "The successor prince is not yet established; the future heir's kinship near or distant is unknown. How can one vainly calculate mourning obligations and thereby diminish sacrificial reverence? Upon joint deliberation Ai's view was held acceptable. An edict approved it.
29
便 便 使
On the renchen day of the first month in the eighth year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "The former Prince Jing of Qi's son Yu will in future establish an heir—it is unclear whether the tablet and temple should be established immediately? Or must one wait until an heir has been established? If the temple is not yet established—at what place should sacrifice be performed? General of Guerrilla Forces Xu Ai argued: "A state without heir—by regulation mourning ends and the affair ceases. The prince first enfeoffed should preserve the continuing line of succession. A prince posthumously enfeoffed becomes the founding ancestor of the line. A minister does not mourn for his lord in infant-spirit rites—matter clear in prior standards—how can zheng and chang sacrifice be vainly omitted while awaiting an heir? I hold that a temple should be established and the tablet made, and that the Three Excellencies should preside over sacrifice as before. Upon broad deliberation through all gates Ai's view was held acceptable. An edict immediately ordered the temple established. When the temple was complete the tablet was made; following the recent precedent of the Prince of Jinling, it was first temporarily enshrined at Prince Xian of Luling's temple. When sacrifice was complete, the spirit tablet immediately returned to the new temple. Before an heir was established, the state's senior minister should regularly preside over sacrifice.
30
便
The Rites state: "When Gong Gong dominated the nine provinces, his son Gou Long was called Lord of Earth; he could level the nine lands—therefore he was sacrificed to as the altar of Earth. Zhou sacrificed on the jia day—using the beginning of the day. The altar of Earth is how one spiritualizes the way of earth. Earth carries the myriad things, and Heaven displays the signs. Take wealth from earth and law from heaven. Therefore one reveres heaven and draws close to earth. Thus the people are taught to make beautiful recompense. The household takes the central rafter as lord; the state takes the altar of Earth as lord—showing the root. Therefore it speaks of recompensing the root and returning to the beginning. When the Flame Emperor possessed the realm, his son was called Nong and could propagate the hundred kinds of grain. His descendant was called Zhu; he assisted Zhuanxu as officer of grain, presiding over agricultural affairs; Zhou's Hou Ji succeeded him; his method benefited the people—therefore he was sacrificed to as the god of grain. The Rites: "The king establishes an altar of Earth for the clans—called the Grand Altar of Earth; the king establishes an altar of Earth for himself—called the King's Altar of Earth. Therefore the state has two altars of Earth, and the god of grain also has two. Han and Wei had the official altar of Earth but no god of grain—therefore regularly two altars of Earth and one god of grain. Early Jin followed Wei without adding or subtracting anything. In the ninth year of Taikang the ancestral temple was rebuilt, and the altars of soil and grain were moved together with it. An edict then stated: "The altar of Earth is truly one spirit—combine the sacrifice of the two altars of Earth. Thereupon General of Chariots and Cavalry Fu Xian submitted a memorial: "The Record of Sacrifice—the two altars of Earth each have their meaning. The Son of Heaven reverently serves the suburban altars and temples—therefore wears the sacrificial cap and personally plows. Personal plowing is to emphasize the sacrificial grain of filial offerings—rendering the yin offering to the Lord on High. The Guliang Commentary says: 'The Son of Heaven personally plows in order to supply the sacrificial grain. Personal plowing means self-recompense; establishing an altar for oneself—for the field and recompense. The state takes the people as foundation; people take grain as life—therefore also establish an altar of Earth for the hundred surnames and pray for recompense. The affair differs and recompense differs—this is why there are two altars of Earth. Wang Jinghou's discussion of the King's Altar of Earth also speaks of spring prayer at the field of sacrifice and autumn recompense. His discussion of the Grand Altar of Earth says: 'The king spreads within the inner domain; establishes it for the hundred surnames—called the Grand Altar of Earth; does not establish it for himself in the capital. Jinghou's discussion cites the Record of Sacrifice: 'Grand officers and below—when a group is formed establish an altar of Earth—called establishing an altar. Jinghou explains: 'The present neighborhood altar of Earth is of this kind. In Jinghou's explanation of the Record of Sacrifice, establishing an altar is taken as the people's altar of Earth. Yet separately discussing takes the Grand Altar of Earth as the people's altar—the intent of this is not understood. The Grand Altar of Earth—the Son of Heaven sacrifices for the people—therefore called the Son of Heaven's altar of Earth. Suburban Sacrifice states: 'The Son of Heaven's Grand Altar of Earth must be exposed to frost, dew, wind, and rain. For the multitude of the clans the king universally establishes altars of Earth—therefore called Grand Altar of Earth. As for establishing altars, their number is not one—generally named by the neighborhood. The Zuo Commentary's account of the covenant at Qingqiu's altar of Earth is such. The people's altar of Earth—already not called Grand. If again not established in the capital—where should it be established? The Record of Sacrifice also says: 'The king establishes seven sacrifices on behalf of the clans. He also establishes seven sacrifices for himself. Speaking of "for himself"—sacrifice for oneself. For the clans—sacrifice for the clans. The Grand Altar of Earth and the seven sacrifices—their texts are equally ranked. Expositors exhaust this point and therefore say the canonical texts have only five sacrifices, not seven. Examining sacrifice to the five sacrifices—great sacrifice of the state; the seven are lesser sacrifice. The Rites of Zhou speaks of sacrificing all lesser sacrifices—then black sacrificial cap and the like. Jinghou explaining great pestilence says: 'Like Zhou's Duke of Du—when the ghost has a place to return, then it does not become a pestilence. Now saying there are not two altars of Earth—citing Jinghou's Record of Sacrifice does not mean there are not two; it says oral tradition has no text. Given Jinghou's clarity—deliberating before making explanation—yet wishing to remove explicit text by oral argument. Thus not only the two altars of Earth—one should reflect on Jinghou's later explanations; they too are not easily removed. Formerly receiving the edict—the Announcement of the Prince of Shao: 'Altar of Earth at the new city—only one Grand Victim'—the clear meaning of not establishing two altars of Earth. Examining Suburban Sacrifice: 'Altars of soil and grain—Grand Victim. Must cite the text of one victim to show the altar of Earth has not two—then the god of grain has no victim. Expositors then say: one cites the altar of Earth in order to clarify the god of grain. If one may cite the altar of Earth to clarify the god of grain—why alone may one not cite one to clarify two? "The great affairs of a state are sacrifice and war." If there is excess and one removes it—better excess and preserve it. How much more so when preservation has principle and removal lacks evidence? The Rites of Zhou, Border Officer, states: 'He presides over setting up the altar platform of Earth. There is no character for the god of grain. Now the imperial altar of Earth has no god of grain—probably arising from this. Yet the state takes lordship of the altars of soil and grain—therefore classics and commentaries often say altars of soil and grain together. The Rites of Zhou: when the king sacrifices to the god of grain, he wears the xi sacrificial cap. This is textual evidence that the King's Altar of Earth has a god of grain. The Border Officer setting the platform lacking the character for god of grain—expositors hold this abbreviated text; from this it may be known. I hold that one should still establish two altars of Earth as before, and additionally establish the god of grain at the Imperial Altar of Earth. At that time Cheng Can deliberated: "Jinghou's discussion that the Grand Altar of Earth is not established in the capital—wishes to break Master Zheng's school. Xian resubmitted the memorial: "Following Can's discussion—Jinghou's exegesis is destroyed on this point. The Great Odes state: 'Then he established the mound of earth. Mao's commentary says: 'Mound of earth—the Grand Altar of Earth. In Jinghou's explanation of the Odes, he uses this doctrine. The Tribute of Yu states: 'Only the five colors of earth. Jinghou explains: 'The king takes five-colored earth for the Grand Altar of Earth and enfeoffs the feudal lords of the four directions with it. Each cuts earth of his direction's color in order to cover the four directions. Thus the Grand Altar of Earth is again established in the capital. I do not know whence this discussion arose, yet it contradicts the explanation. Above it violates explicit text in the classics; below it undermines Jinghou's explanation. Your subject, though dull and obscured, having studied from youth, cannot remain silent—respectfully resubmitting. Liu Shi concurred with Xian's deliberation. An edict stated: "The altar of Earth is truly one spirit, yet two positions are inherited in succession; the collective deliberations differ—why must it be changed? For convenience retain the former practice, exactly as Wei regulations."
31
In the first year of Jianwu under Emperor Yuan, again following Luoyang, the court established two altars of Earth and one god of grain. The prayer of the Grand Altar of Earth reads: "Earth's virtue universally spreads; favor preserved without limit. Thus establishing the Grand Altar of Earth to protect and bless the myriad states. The distant four seas all rely upon auspicious blessing. The prayer of the Imperial Altar of Earth states: "Earth's virtue thickly carries; the royal domain is preserved. Thus establishing the Imperial Altar of Earth to spiritualize the way of earth. Bright sacrifice only at the proper season; great blessing comes forth. The Rites: left the ancestral temple, right the altars of soil and grain. Successive generations followed this—therefore Luoyang's altars of soil and grain were right of the temple; east of the Yangtze likewise. In Wu times the palace's east gate was the Rain Gate—I suspect Wu's altar of Earth was also east of the palace, in the same place as its temple. Song retained the former practice without alteration.
32
Wei's three founding emperors all personally plowed the field of sacrifice—thus the Prior Farmer's sacrifice was not abandoned. The ritual differs without report—should follow Han practice. The responsible official announces the sacrifice with the Grand Victim. Emperors Yuan and Ai of Jin both wished to plow the field of sacrifice but did not succeed; the ritual instructions are also incomplete.
33
西
In spring of the twenty-first year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, personal plowing—then established the Prior Farmer altar in the field of sacrifice west of the north-south path, south of the east-west path. It was four feet high and two zhang square. There were four ascending steps on four sides. The steps were five feet wide; outside an embankment was added. It stood twenty zhang from each field path. Before the imperial carriage arrived, the Minister of Works and Grand Minister of Agriculture led the Director of Sacrifice and all responsible officials at dawn to announce the sacrifice with one Grand Victim. The sacrificial vessels used were those for sacrificing at the altars of soil and grain. When the sacrifice was complete, remaining sacrificial meat was distributed to those performing the rites. Former canon also regularly listed the Prior Farmer among suburban sacrifices.
34
西
Han practice held that the empress personally tended mulberry trees in the eastern suburban park. The Silkworm Chamber sacrificed to the silkworm spirit—called: "Lady of the Park's Hollow, Princess of the Yu clan. Sacrifice used the Lesser Victim. In the ninth year of Taikang under Emperor Wu of Jin, Empress Yang personally tended mulberry at the western suburb and sacrificed to the Prior Silkworm deity. The altar was one zhang high and two zhang square, with four ascending steps five feet wide. Outside the curtained palace southeast of the mulberry-gathering altar—ten zhang from the curtained palace. Before the empress arrived, the Director of Sacrifice at dawn announced the sacrifice with one Grand Victim. One Attendant supervised the sacrifice. When complete, the offerings were removed and remaining sacrificial meat distributed to those tending mulberry and performing the rites.
35
使
On the gengzi day of the sixth month in the second year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen of Wei, first performed ritual to the five sacred mountains and four great rivers; all ranked sacrifices were ordered; buried and submerged jade tablets. In the seventh month of the sixth year, the emperor entered the Huai River by naval force. On the renxu day of the ninth month, dispatched envoys to submerge jade disks in the Huai—ritual practice.
36
使
In the eighth month of the fourth year of Taihe under Emperor Ming of Wei, the emperor toured east; dispatched envoys to sacrifice to the Central Sacred Mountain with a special ox—ritual practice.
37
使
In the first year of Xianxi under Emperor Yuan of Wei, the emperor traveled to Chang'an; dispatched envoys to sacrifice to Mount Hua with jade disks and silk—ritual practice.
38
西 輿
In the Shengping era under Emperor Mu of Jin, He Qi deliberated on repairing sacrifice to the five sacred mountains: "The system of Tang and Yu—the Son of Heaven every five years made one inspection tour, examining the seasons of each region; burned firewood at the five sacred mountains; gazed toward mountains and rivers; extending to all spirits. Therefore the text says 'by famous mountains one ascends to the center of heaven. This is to declare and inform the spirits, and to feast and recompense merit. Therefore calamities and pestilence do not arise, and wind, rain, cold, and heat come at their seasons. Descending to the three dynasties—though the number of years differed, the ritual did not change. The five sacred mountains equal the three excellencies; the four great rivers equal feudal lords—recorded in the classics; what is called: when there is an occasion to perform it, none dare abandon it. When Qin and Han established the capital in the west, the Jing and Wei long flowed—though not in the canon of sacrifice, being near Xianyang, all could be compared to sacrifice to great rivers. Yet the orthodox established sacrifice—can it be omitted! Since the chaos of Yongjia the divine land was overturned—this affair was abandoned. Only Qian's Heavenly Pillar, within the royal domain—formerly the old platform selected one hundred-shi officials and soldiers to fulfill the duty. At the restoration there was no official custodian; Lujiang commandery regularly dispatched a senior official to serve concurrently; four seasonal prayers and sacrifices were held—spring releasing cold, winter requesting ice. From Xianhe to the present, the practice had again fallen into disuse. Calculating now—non-canonical sacrifices, one may say, are not one. Examining their orthodox names—they are spirits of excess and confusion; extrapolating their wasteful expense—they are parasites of the four classes of people. Yet the great spirits of mountains and rivers are further simplified and omitted; ritual and custom decline in disorder; human and spirit mixed in disturbance; public and private pressed in haste—gradually growing ever more numerous. Truly because in recent times the state had many calamities and days allowed no surplus—hastily establishing what was abandoned and stagnant, affairs had no time for completion. Now the great villain is destroyed—the former canon should be repaired. The domain of mountains and rivers—where culture and teaching reach—people restored to life all receive virtuous favor; yet spirit sacrifice and reverent offering have not been distinguished; inspection tour and firewood burning—its abandonment is still great. Exalting and clarifying the prior canon—await the imperial carriage's northern return; examine antiquity's statutes; greatly rectify the system. The five sacred mountains and four great rivers—places that should follow repair—but sacrificial vessels and victims, prayer and blessing texts, old statutes have no record. May order the ritual officers to compose forms; return to sincerity and simplicity—to express bright virtue's fragrance—no more than this. As for various demonic aberrations—may roughly follow law and decree; first remove the most excessive. Keep the heterodox and orthodox from intermingling. Not seen and approved.
39
使 殿 使 使
On the bingchen day of the sixth month in the seventh year of Daming, the responsible officials memorialized: "An edict orders libation sacrifice at Mount Huo—it is unclear which official should be dispatched? What victims and offerings ought to be used? On the day of advancing libation—what vessels should be used? Palace Gentleman Qiu Jingxian argued: "Repairing sacrifice to rivers and mountains—the Way illumines successive generations; ranking jade tablets and scepters—meaning clarifies linked registers. Yet the enterprise was abandoned in the middle age, and ritual leaked away from canonical text. Examining Zhou canon—the affair continued with the Director of Ritual; Han records bear credentials and attend sacrifice; blood sacrifice, burial, and submersion—classics display bright models; wine, dried meat, and victims—all have detailed examples. Also famous mountains have the distinction of jade disks and silk offerings; great mounds have the addition of tasting the grain. Classic of Mountains and Seas sacrifices to Mount Huo with Grand Victim announcing jade—this following and measuring records and transmissions may be spoken of. Now imperial influence extends far; brilliant sacrifice reaches the peaks—I hold that the Director of Ceremonies should bear credentials; victims use Grand Victim provisions; offerings use wine, dried meat, and seasonal grain; ritual uses red jade tablet and crimson silk. Also the office of the Fragrant Wine Maker: 'For mountains, rivers, and the four directions use oyster shells'—then wine vessels should use shell cups; other vessels—no source for explanation. Examining suburban gazing at mountains and rivers—with substance expressing sincerity; vessels prefer pottery and gourds; mats use rush—recent practice may be followed. Mountains and rivers by divination—an altar domain should be made. Upon joint deliberation Jingxian's view was held acceptable. An order had the Concurrent Director of Ceremonies bear credentials as envoy; victims use Grand Victim; additionally jade tablet and silk; vessels use pottery and gourds; at the time oyster shells were no longer used—should follow suburban sacrifice and offer with wine cups. All prepared dishes in number—follow altar of Earth sacrifice as acceptable. An edict approved it.
40
In spring of the second year of Xianning under Emperor Wu of Jin, drought persisted long. On the dingsi day of the fourth month, an edict stated: "At all drought-stricken places, broadly add prayer and petition. On the gengwu day of the fifth month, the court first prayed for rain at the altars of soil and grain, mountains, and rivers. On the wuzi day of the sixth month, timely rain fell. This is the old canon of yu and yong rain sacrifice.
41
The fourth month of the third year of Taikang and the second month of the tenth year—again as such. Thereafter the practice was maintained down to the present.
42
退
In the first month of the second year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen of Wei, an edict stated: "Formerly Zhongni possessed the talent of the greatest sage and the capacity of emperors and kings. At the end of declining Zhou he had no mandate to rule, so he withdrew to examine the rites of the five dynasties and cultivated the work of the uncrowned king. Drawing on the chronicles of Lu, he composed the Spring and Autumn Annals; consulting the Grand Music Master, he corrected the Ya and Song. Thus, a thousand years later, all who write take his texts as their model and look up to his sagehood in forming their plans. This may be called a sage of the age and a teacher for ten thousand generations. Because the realm fell into great chaos, the hundred sacrifices were destroyed and abandoned; the temple of his old residence ruined and not repaired; the Marquis who received enfeoffment cut off with none to continue; in Que village no sound of lecture and recitation; in the four seasons no sight of zheng and chang positions—is this what is called exalting transformation and recompensing merit, flourishing virtue that a hundred generations must sacrifice to? Discussion Gentleman Kong Xian was appointed Marquis of the Ancestral Sage, with a fief of one hundred households, to perform sacrifice to Confucius. Lu commandery was ordered to repair the old temple and to establish one hundred households of officials and soldiers to guard it."
43
In the eleventh month of the third year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, the enfeoffment of Marquis of the Ancestral Sage Kong Zhen was changed to Marquis of Fengsheng District. An edict also ordered the Imperial Academy and the state of Lu to prepare three victims in the four seasons to sacrifice to Confucius.
44
In the third year of Taining under Emperor Ming, an edict: Attendant-in-Service Marquis of Fengsheng District Kong Ting—four seasonal sacrifices to Confucius; sacrifice should follow the Taishi precedent. Ting's fifth-generation descendant Jizhi gambled without limit; often used sacrificial funds for advance payment—negligent and disrespectful, not sacrificing. In the eighth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the responsible officials memorialized to strip the marquisate. By the nineteenth year, Kong Yinzhi was again enfeoffed. His elder brother's son Xixian plotted rebellion—again lost the title. In the twenty-eighth year, Kong Huiyun was again made Marquis of Fengsheng. Later had serious illness—lost the title. In the second year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, Kong Mai was again made Marquis of Fengsheng. Mai died; son Cha succeeded; had offense—lost the title.
45
使
In the third month of the second year of Zhengshi under Emperor Qi of Wei, the emperor completed lecture on the Analects; fifth month fifth year completed lecture on the Documents; twelfth month seventh year completed lecture on the Record of Rites—all ordered the Director of Ceremonies to perform libation sacrifice; sacrificed to Confucius at the Bright Hall with Grand Victim; Yan Yuan as associate.
46
In the seventh year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, the Heir Apparent completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety; third year of Xianning completed lecture on the Odes; third year of Taikang [completed lecture on the Record of Rites; third year of Yuan Kang under Emperor Hui, the Heir Apparent] completed lecture on the Analects; third year of Taixing under Emperor Yuan, the Heir Apparent completed lecture on the Analects—the Heir Apparent all personally performed libation sacrifice; sacrificed to Confucius with Grand Victim; Yan Yuan as associate. In the first year of Xiankang under Emperor Cheng, the emperor completed lecture on the Odes; third month first year of Shengping under Emperor Mu, the emperor completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety; seventh month third year of Ningkang under Emperor Xiaowu, the emperor completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety—all performed libation sacrifice as in former precedent.
47
Emperors Mu and Xiaowu both provisionally used the central hall for the Imperial Academy.
48
In the fourth month of the twenty-second year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the Heir Apparent completed lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety; performed libation sacrifice at the National University—as Jin precedent.
49
使
When Prince Gong of Donghai died in Han, Emperor Ming went out to Jinmen Pavilion to express mourning. In Wei times at assembly mourning and when envoys performed condolence sacrifice—following Erudite Du Xi's deliberation—all removed the black cap and added cloth headcloth.
50
使
When Emperor Wu of Wei was young, Han Grand Commandant Qiao Xuan alone first treated him with special ritual honor. Therefore in the Jianan era he dispatched envoys to sacrifice with the Grand Victim.
51
In the twelfth month of the sixth year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen, while passing through Liang commandery, he again sacrificed with the Grand Victim.
52
使
In the first month of the second year of Huangchu, the emperor reviewed the hunt at Yuanling and dispatched envoys to sacrifice to Han Emperor Guangwu with the Grand Victim.
53
使
On the bingchen day of the fourth month in the twenty-fifth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, the imperial carriage traveled to Jiangning; passing the tomb of Director of the Masters of Ceremony Liu Muzhi; dispatched envoys to perform sacrifice.
54
祿使
On the wushen day of the second month in the third year of Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, traveling to the field of sacrifice; passing the tomb of Left Grand Master of the Bright Hall Yuan Zhan; dispatched envoys to perform sacrifice.
55
使
On the gengwu day of the ninth month in the fifth year of Daming, the imperial carriage traveled; passing the tomb of Minister of Works Yin Jingren; dispatched envoys to perform sacrifice.
56
使西
In the eleventh month of the seventh year of Daming, the emperor toured south. On the yiyou day, envoys were dispatched to sacrifice at the tombs of Jin Grand Commander Huan Wen and General Who Conquers the West Mao Jin.
57
耀 使
In the sixth year of Jingyao under Liu Shan, an edict ordered a temple established for Chancellor Zhuge Liang at Mianyang. Previously at each place he resided they requested to establish temples—not permitted; the people then privately sacrificed. Yet memorialists sometimes held that establishment in the capital was possible—following popular sentiment; none was accepted. Infantry Commandant Xi Long and Palace Secretariat Gentleman Xiang Chong and others spoke to Shan: "Formerly the Zhou people cherished Duke of Shao's beauty—the sweet pear tree was therefore not cut down; the King of Yue remembered Fan Li's merit—cast gold to preserve his image. Since Han arose, small goodness and small virtue—yet those whose images were drawn and temples established are many; how much more Liang—virtue and model reaching far; merit covering the age; preserving the royal house from destruction—truly this person was relied upon. Yet zheng and chang stopped at private gates; temple images lacking and not established; the hundred surnames sacrificed in lanes; barbarian warriors sacrificed in the wild—not the way to preserve virtue and recall merit, continuing to pursue the past. Now if fully following popular sentiment—then excessive and without canon; Establishing it in the capital again encroaches upon the ancestral temple. This is why the sage's heart hesitates. I hold that it should be established near his tomb at Mianyang, and that the responsible office should grant seasonal sacrifice. All former ministers wishing to perform sacrifice—all limited to the temple. Cut off private sacrifice—to exalt orthodox ritual. Thereupon this was followed. He Chengtian said: "The Rites of Zhou state: 'All who have merit are sacrificed to at the great zheng. Therefore later generations followed this—meritorious ministers received paired feasting. Chong and others did not take this as model; Shan again followed them—both not ritual."
58
殿
In Han times the people of Chengyang state, because Liu Zhang had rendered merit to Han, established a temple for him. The commanderies of Qing province mutually imitated the practice; Jinan was especially flourishing. When Emperor Wu of Wei served as magistrate of Jinan, all such temples were destroyed and cut off. When he held great governance, universally added removal and cutting—the age's excessive sacrifices were thereby ended. In the eleventh month of the fifth year of Huangchu under Emperor Wen, an edict stated: "Former kings established ritual to clarify filial service to ancestors; great affairs are suburban altars and temples; the three luminaries and five phases, famous mountains and rivers—what is not of this category is not in the canon of sacrifice. Later ages declined in disorder; excessively trusted shamans and clerks—even within palace halls, between doors and windows, none without libation—how excessive the delusion! From now whoever dares establish non-ritual sacrifice or shaman and clerk speech—all judged by practicing the left path; recorded in decree. In the first year of Qinglong under Emperor Ming, again an edict: "Commandery and state mountains and rivers not in the canon of sacrifice—do not sacrifice."
59
媿 使
In the twelfth month of the first year of Taishi under Emperor Wu of Jin, an edict: "Formerly sage emperors and bright kings repaired the five sacred mountains, four great rivers, famous mountains and rivers—each had fixed regulations. This is to recompense the merit of yin and yang and accord with the way of the hidden and manifest. Yet one who by the Way oversees the realm—his ghosts are not spirits; his spirits do not harm people. Therefore the prayer clerk recommends without shameful words—thus those people reverently cautious toward the hidden; excessive sacrifice is not performed. The final age's faith in the Way was not solid; excessive ritual profaned spirits; indulged desire in prayer and petition—never reverent yet distant; vainly stealing to seek fortune; demonic falsehood mutually incited; abandoning orthodox for heterodox—therefore Wei dynasty detested this. Examine the old ritual; fully make its regulations—let those whose merit is clear among people surely have recompense; and demonic excessive ghosts not disturb among them. In the first month of the second year, the responsible officials memorialized: "At the spring equinox sacrifice to pestilence spirits and exorcism sacrifice. An edict stated: "Not in the canon of sacrifice—remove them."
60
In the second year of Yongchu under Emperor Wu of Song, excessive sacrifice was universally prohibited. Thereupon from the temple of Jiang Ziwen downward—universally all destroyed and cut off. At the beginning of Xiaojian under Emperor Xiaowu, the Jiang Mountain temple was again repaired and restored; mountains and rivers everywhere were gradually repaired and restored as well. Emperor Ming established the Nine Provinces Temple at Jilong Mountain and greatly gathered all spirits there. Marquis Jiang in Song times gradually received added rank—position reached Chancellor, Grand Commander, Commander of All Military Affairs Within and Without, with special ritual—Prince of Zhongshan. Marquis Su—General of Agile Cavalry. Spirits of the four directions all received added titles and rank.
61
In the fourth year of Yuanchu under Emperor An of Han, an edict stated: "The Monthly Ordinance: 'Mid-autumn—nourish the aged and declining; grant staffs and stools; distribute congee and gruel. Now in the eighth month at the time of household registration—commanderies and counties mostly do not implement. Although there is congee and gruel—chaff and dirt are mixed in half; not fit to drink or eat. Examining this edict—Han times still followed the Monthly Ordinance in administering government affairs.
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