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志第九樂一
Treatise Nine: Music, Part One
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《易》曰:「先王作樂崇德,殷薦之上帝,以配祖考。」 自黃帝至于三代,名稱不同。 周衰凋缺,又為鄭衛所亂。 魏文侯雖好古,然猶昏睡於古樂。 於是滛聲熾而雅音廢矣。 及秦焚典籍,《樂經》用亡。 漢興,樂家有制氏,但能記其鏗鏘鼓舞,而不能言其義。 周存六代之樂,至秦唯餘《韶》《武》而已。 始皇改周舞曰《五行》,漢高祖改《韶舞》曰《文始》,以示不相襲也。 又造《武德舞》,舞人悉執干戚,以象天下樂已行武以除亂也。 故高祖廟奏《武德》《文始》《五行》之舞。 周又有《房中之樂》,秦改曰《壽人》。 其聲,楚聲也,漢高好之; 孝惠改曰《安世》。 高祖又作《昭容樂》、《禮容樂》。 《昭容》生於《武德》,《禮容》生於《文始》《五行》也。 漢初,又有《嘉至樂》,叔孫通因秦樂人制宗廟迎神之樂也。 文帝又自造《四時舞》,以明天下之安和。 盖樂先王之樂者,明有法也; 樂己所自作者,明有制也。 孝景采《武德舞》作《昭德舞》,薦之太宗之廟。 孝宣采《昭德舞》為《盛德舞》,薦之世宗之廟。 漢諸帝奏《文始》《四時》《五行》之舞焉。
The Book of Changes says: "The former kings created music to glorify virtue and, with solemn reverence, offered it to Heaven, pairing it with offerings to their royal ancestors." From the Yellow Emperor through the Three Dynasties, the names of the music differed. As Zhou declined, its music decayed and was further corrupted by the licentious tunes of Zheng and Wei. Though Marquis Wen of Wei professed a love of antiquity, he still nodded off to the ancient music. Licentious music flourished, and the refined classical repertoire was cast aside. When Qin burned the classics, the Classic of Music was lost as well. After Han rose, the Zhi family of music masters could remember only the clangor, drums, and dance steps—they could not explain what the music meant. Zhou had preserved the music of all six previous dynasties; by Qin only the Shao and Wu dances survived. The First Emperor renamed the Zhou dance Wu Xing; Gaozu renamed the Shao dance Wen Shi—each change signaling that the new dynasty would not simply inherit the old ritual names. He also created the Wu De dance, in which every dancer bore shield and battle-axe to signify that the realm rejoiced once war had cleared away chaos. Gaozu's ancestral temple therefore featured the Wu De, Wen Shi, and Wu Xing dances. Zhou also had the Music of the Inner Chamber, which Qin renamed Longevity Man. Its melody was in the Chu style, which Gaozu favored; Emperor Hui renamed it An Shi (Peace Through Ages). Gaozu also composed the Zhao Rong and Li Rong pieces. Zhao Rong grew out of Wu De; Li Rong grew out of Wen Shi and Wu Xing. Early Han also had the Jia Zhi piece; Shusun Tong, working with Qin musicians, composed the temple music for welcoming the spirits. Emperor Wen personally created the Four Seasons dance to proclaim peace and harmony throughout the realm. Performing the music of former kings showed that one honored established precedent; performing music of one's own creation showed that the dynasty had its own ritual order. Emperor Jing adapted the Wu De dance into the Zhao De dance and offered it at the temple of the Great Ancestor. Emperor Xuan adapted the Zhao De dance into the Sheng De dance and offered it at the temple of the World Ancestor. Han emperors in general performed the Wen Shi, Four Seasons, and Wu Xing dances.
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武帝時,河間獻王與毛生等共采《周官》及諸子言樂事者,以著《樂記》,獻八佾之舞,與制氏不相殊。 其內史中丞王定傳之,以授常山王禹。 禹,成帝時為謁者,數言其義,獻記二十四卷。 劉向校書,得二十三篇,然竟不用也。 至明帝初,東平憲王蒼總定公卿之議,曰:「宗廟宜各奏樂,不應相襲,所以明功德也。 承《文始》《五行》《武德》為《大武之舞》。」 又制舞歌一章,薦之光武之廟。
Under Emperor Wu, the King of Hejian, Mao Sheng, and others collected material on music from the Offices of Zhou and various masters to compile the Record of Music; they also presented the eight-row dance, which was essentially the same as what the Zhi family had preserved. Palace Secretary and Censor-in-Chief Wang Ding passed it down to Yu, King of Changshan. Yu served as court usher under Emperor Cheng, lectured repeatedly on its meaning, and submitted the twenty-four-scroll Record. Liu Xiang collated the text and recovered twenty-three chapters, but the court never put them into use. Early in Emperor Ming's reign, the Filial and Worthy King of Dongping, Cang, summarized the ministers' debate: "Each ancestral temple should have its own music; pieces should not simply be inherited from one reign to the next, for that is how merit and virtue are distinguished. He combined Wen Shi, Wu Xing, and Wu De into the Great Wu dance." He also composed a dance-song and offered it at Guangwu's temple.
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漢末大亂,眾樂淪缺。 魏武平荊州,獲杜夔,善八音,常為漢雅樂郎,尤悉樂事,於是以為軍謀祭酒,使剏定雅樂。 時又有鄧靜、尹商,善訓雅樂,歌師尹胡能歌宗廟郊祀之曲,舞師馮肅、服養曉知先代諸舞,夔悉總領之。 遠考經籍,近采故事,魏復先代古樂,自夔始也。 而左延年等,妙善鄭聲,惟夔好古存正焉。
At the end of Han, civil war left the court repertoire in ruins. When Cao Cao pacified Jing province he captured Du Kui, a master of the eight-tone ensemble who had served Han as a refined-music officer and knew ritual music inside out. Cao made him Libationer for Military Planning and put him in charge of restoring court music. Deng Jing and Yin Shang were adept at teaching court music; song-master Yin Hu knew the temple and suburban sacrifice hymns; dance-masters Feng Su and Fu Yang knew the dances of earlier dynasties. Du Kui oversaw them all. Drawing on the classics and recent precedent alike, Wei restored the ancient court repertoire—work that began with Du Kui. Zuo Yannian and others excelled at the popular music of Zheng; only Du Kui clung to antiquity and kept the court tradition upright.
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文帝黃初二年,改漢《巴渝舞》曰《昭武舞》,改宗廟《安世樂》曰《正世樂》,《嘉至樂》曰《迎靈樂》,《武德樂》曰《武頌樂》,《昭容樂》曰《昭業樂》,《雲翹舞》曰《鳳翔舞》,《育命舞》曰《靈應舞》,《武德舞》曰《武頌舞》,《文始舞》曰《大韶舞》,《五行舞》曰《大武舞》。 其眾歌詩,多即前代之舊; 唯魏國初建,使王粲改作《登歌》及《安世》、《巴渝》詩而已。
In the second year of Huangchu, Emperor Wen renamed Han pieces for the new dynasty: the Ba-Yu dance became Zhao Wu; temple music An Shi became Zheng Shi, Jia Zhi became Ying Ling, Wu De became Wu Song, Zhao Rong became Zhao Ye; Yun Qiao became Feng Xiang, Yu Ming became Ling Ying; the Wu De dance became Wu Song, Wen Shi became Great Shao, and Wu Xing became Great Wu. Most of the hymns and lyrics were still those of Han; only at Wei's founding did Wang Can revise the Ascent Hymn and the An Shi and Ba-Yu lyrics.
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明帝太和初,詔曰; 「禮樂之作,所以類物表庸而不忘其本者也。 凡音樂以舞為主,自黃帝《雲門》以下,至於周《大武》,皆太廟舞名也。 然則其所司之官,皆曰太樂,所以總領諸物,不可以一物名。 武皇帝廟樂未稱,其議定廟樂及舞,舞者所執,綴兆之制,聲歌之詩,務令詳備。 樂官自如故為太樂。」 太樂,漢舊名,後漢依讖改大予樂官,至是改復舊。
Early in the Taihe era, Emperor Ming issued an edict: "Ritual and music exist to classify things, display merit, and keep their origins in view. Music is fundamentally dance-led: from the Yellow Emperor's Cloud Gate through Zhou's Great Wu, these are all names of ancestral-temple dances. The office that oversees them should therefore be called Grand Music, since it governs every element of the rite and cannot be named after a single dance. The temple music for Emperor Wu still lacks proper titles. Deliberate on the temple music and dances, the dancers' regalia, stage markings, and hymn texts, and make the whole system complete. Restore the music officers' former title of Grand Music." Grand Music was Han's old title; Later Han, following a prophecy, had renamed the office Grand Bestower of Music; now the original name was restored.
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於是公卿奏曰:「臣聞德盛而化隆者,則樂舞足以象其形容,音聲足以發其歌詠。 故薦之郊廟,而鬼神享其和; 用之朝廷,則君臣樂其度。 使四海之內,徧知至德之盛,而光煇日新者,禮樂之謂也。 故先王殷薦上帝,以配祖考,盖當其時而制之矣。 周之末世,上去唐、虞幾二千年,《韶》《箾》《南》《籥》《武》《象》之樂,風聲遺烈,皆可得而論也。 由斯言之,禮樂之事,弗可以已。 今太祖武皇帝樂宜曰《武始之樂》。 武,神武也; 武,又跡也。 言神武之始,又王跡所起也。 高祖文皇帝樂宜曰《咸熙之舞》。 咸,皆也,熙,興也,言應受命之運,天下由之皆興也。 至於羣臣述德論功,建定烈祖之稱,而未制樂舞,非所以昭德紀功。 夫歌以詠德,舞以象事。 於文,文武為斌,兼秉文武,聖德所以章明也。 臣等謹制樂舞名《章斌之舞》。 昔《簫韶》九奏,親於虞帝之庭,《武》《象》《大武》,亦振於文、武之阼。 特以顯其德教,著其成功,天下被服其光煇,習詠其風聲者也。 自漢高祖、文帝各逮其時,而為《武德》《四時》之舞,上考前代制作之宜,以當今成業之美,播揚弘烈,莫盛於《章斌》焉。 《樂志》曰:『鐘磬干戚,所以祭先王之廟,又所以獻酬酳酢也。 在宗廟之中,君臣莫不致敬; 族長之中,長幼無不從和。』 故仲尼答賓牟賈之問曰:『周道四達,禮樂交通。』 《傳》云:『魯有禘樂,賓祭用之。』 此皆祭禮大享,通用盛樂之明文也。 今有事於天地宗廟,則此三舞宜並以為薦享; 及臨朝大享,亦宜舞之。 然後乃合古制事神訓民之道,關於萬世,其義益明。 又臣等思惟,三舞宜有總名,可名《大鈞之樂》。 鈞,平也。 言大魏三世同功,以至隆平也。 於名為美,於義為當。」 尚書奏:「宜如所上。」 帝初不許制《章斌之樂》; 三請,乃許之。
The high ministers then submitted: "We have heard that when virtue is great and transformation far-reaching, dance can embody a ruler's bearing and music can voice his praise. Offered at suburban altars and temples, it wins the spirits' harmonious acceptance; used at court, ruler and ministers delight in its measure. To spread supreme virtue throughout the realm so that its radiance renews daily—that is the purpose of ritual and music. The former kings offered to Heaven with full reverence and paired Heaven with the royal ancestors; they fashioned ritual music for their own age. Even at Zhou's end, nearly two thousand years after Tang and Yu, the reputations of Shao, Xiao, Nan, Yue, Wu, and Xiang could still be discussed. From this we see that ritual and music must never be abandoned. The music of the Grand Ancestor, Emperor Wu, should be titled Music of Martial Beginning. Wu means divine martial prowess; wu also means footprint. The title marks both the dawn of divine martial power and the place where the royal enterprise began. The music of the High Ancestor, Emperor Wen, should be titled the Dance of Universal Flourishing. Xian means "all"; xi means "flourish"—signifying that Heaven's mandate was answered and the whole realm rose with it. The ministers have praised merit and established the title Illustrious Ancestor, yet no music or dance has been composed—virtue and achievement cannot be displayed that way. Song praises virtue; dance embodies deeds. In the written form, wen and wu combine into bin (patterned brilliance); holding civil and martial excellence together is how sagely virtue is displayed. We respectfully propose a music-and-dance titled the Dance of Manifest Pattern. In antiquity the Xiao Shao was performed nine times in Yu's court; Wu, Xiang, and Great Wu resounded on the eastern steps of Kings Wen and Wu. They displayed virtue and teaching, recorded achievement, and let the realm submit to their radiance and learn their fame in song. Han Gaozu and Emperor Wen each composed dances for their own age—the Wu De and Four Seasons dances. Surveying earlier models and today's achievements, no dance could spread the dynasty's glory more fully than Zhang Bin. The Treatise on Music says: "Bells, stone chimes, shields, and axes serve sacrifice in the temples of former kings and also the exchange of toasts at the feast." Within the ancestral temple, ruler and ministers all pay reverence; among the clan elders, young and old all join in harmony." Confucius answered Binmou Jia: "The Way of Zhou reaches in every direction; ritual and music interweave." The Commentary says: "Lu had Di music, used at the guest sacrifice." These are explicit statements that grand sacrificial feasts employ full ceremonial music. When rites are performed for Heaven, Earth, and the ancestral temples, these three dances should all be offered together; and they should be danced at the court's great feast as well. Only then will practice accord with the ancient way of serving the spirits and instructing the people—a matter for ten thousand generations, and its meaning will stand clear. We further propose a collective name for the three dances: the Music of the Great Balance. Jun means balance. It signifies that three generations of Wei shared in founding the dynasty and brought the realm to abundant peace. The name is elegant and the meaning apt." The Masters of Writing reported: "The proposal should be adopted as submitted." At first the emperor refused to authorize the Zhang Bin music; after three petitions he consented.
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於是尚書又奏:「祀圓丘以下,《武始舞》者,平冕,黑介幘,玄衣裳,白領袖,絳領袖中衣,絳合幅袴,絳𥿉,黑韋鞮。 《咸熙舞》者,冠委貎,其餘服如前。 《章斌舞》者,與《武始》《咸熙》舞者同服。 奏於朝庭,則《武始舞》者,武冠,赤介幘,生絳袍單衣,絳領袖,皂領袖中衣,虎文畫合幅袴,白布𥿉,黑韋鞮。 《咸熙舞》者,進賢冠,黑介幘,生黃袍單衣,白合幅袴,其餘服如前。」 奏可。 史臣案:《武始》《咸熙》二舞,冠制不同,而云《章斌》與《武始》《咸熙》同服,不知服何冠也?
The Masters of Writing then reported the dancers' dress: for rites from the Round Mound altar downward, performers of the Martial Beginning dance wear a plain cap, black kerchief, dark robes with white collar and sleeves, crimson-trimmed inner garment, crimson trousers, crimson gaiters, and black leather shoes. For the Universal Flourishing dance: the Wei Mao cap; the rest as above. For the Manifest Pattern dance: the same costume as the Martial Beginning and Universal Flourishing dancers. At court performance, Martial Beginning dancers wear a martial cap, red kerchief, unbleached crimson robe, crimson collar and sleeves, black-trimmed inner garment, tiger-pattern trousers, white gaiters, and black leather shoes. Universal Flourishing dancers wear the cap of advancing worth, black kerchief, unbleached yellow robe, white trousers, and the remaining items as above." The memorial was approved. The historiographer notes: Martial Beginning and Universal Flourishing require different caps, yet the text says Manifest Pattern shares their dress—so which cap did those dancers wear?
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侍中繆襲又奏:「《安世歌》本漢時歌名。 今詩歌非往詩之文,則宜變改。 案《周禮》注云:《安世樂》,猶周《房中之樂》也。 是以往昔議者,以《房中》歌後妃之德,所以風天下,正夫婦,宜改《安世》之名曰《正始之樂》。 自魏國初建,故侍中王粲所作《登歌》《安世詩》,專以思詠神靈及說神靈鑒享之意。 襲後又依歌省讀漢《安世歌》詠,亦說『高張四縣,神來燕享,嘉薦令儀,永受厥福』。 無有《二南》后妃風化天下之言。 今思惟往者謂《房中》為后妃之歌者,恐失其意。 方祭祀娛神,登堂歌先祖功德,下堂歌詠燕享,無事歌后妃之化也。 自宜依其事以名其樂歌,改《安世歌》曰《享神歌》。」 奏可。 案:文帝已改《安世》為《正始》,而襲至是又改《安世》為《享神》,未詳其義。 王粲所造《安世詩》,今亡。 襲又奏曰:「文昭皇后廟,置四縣之樂,當銘顯其鈞奏次第,依太祖廟之名號,曰昭廟之具樂。」 尚書奏曰:「禮,婦人繼夫之爵,同牢配食者,樂不異文。 昭皇后今雖別廟,至於宮縣樂器音,均宜如襲議。」 奏可。
Attendant-in-Ordinary Miao Xi submitted again: "An Shi was originally a Han song title. If the present lyrics are no longer the old text, the title should be changed. The commentary on the Rites of Zhou says that An Shi music corresponds to Zhou's Music of the Inner Chamber. Earlier debaters held that the Inner Chamber praised the empress's virtue to instruct the realm and regulate marriage, and therefore proposed renaming An Shi as Music of Correct Beginning. Since Wei's founding, the late Wang Can composed the Ascent Hymn and An Shi lyrics devoted solely to praising the spirits and declaring that they witness and accept the offerings. Xi later reviewed the Han An Shi lyrics line by line; they too say, "High hang the four bell-sets; the spirits come to feast at ease; fine offerings and excellent rites—may they forever receive this blessing." They contain nothing of the Two Souths' praise of the empress civilizing the realm. On reflection, those who treated the Inner Chamber as a hymn to the empress may have misunderstood its purpose. Sacrifice is meant to delight the spirits: on the upper hall one sings the ancestors' merit; on the lower hall one chants the feast—there is no place for hymns to the empress's civilizing influence. The piece should be named for its function; rename the An Shi song the Song for Enjoying the Spirits." The memorial was approved. It should be noted that Wen Di had already renamed An Shi as Zheng Shi, yet Xi at this point again renamed An Shi as Xiang Shen; the rationale is unclear. The An Shi poem composed by Wang Can is no longer extant. Xi memorialized again: "At Empress Wen Zhao's temple, where four bell-sets are installed, the sequence of the graduated performance should be inscribed and made clear. Following the naming convention of the Founding Emperor's temple, it should be called 'The Complete Music of the Zhao Temple.' The Ministerial Court replied: "By ritual, when a woman inherits her husband's rank and shares the paired sacrifice, the music does not differ in form. Although Empress Zhao now has her own temple, the suspended bells, instruments, and tones should all follow Xi's proposal." The memorial was approved.
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散騎常侍王肅議曰:「王者各以其禮制事天地,今說者據《周官》單文為經國大體,懼其局而不知弘也。 漢武帝東巡封禪還,祠太一于甘泉,祭后土于汾陰,皆盡用其樂。 言盡用者,為盡用宮縣之樂也。 天地之性貴質者,盖謂其器之不文爾,不謂庶物當復減之也。 禮,天子宮縣,舞八佾。 今祀圓丘方澤,宜以天子制,設宮縣之樂,八佾之舞。」 衛臻、繆襲、左延年等咸同肅議。 奏可。
Wang Su, Attendant Cavalier at Large, argued: "Each king serves Heaven and Earth according to his own ritual system. Those who now treat isolated passages from the Rites of Zhou as the foundation of state governance risk being cramped in vision and failing to grasp the broader principle. After Emperor Wu of Han returned from his eastern tour and the feng-shan rites, he sacrificed to the Grand One at Ganquan and to Hou Tu at Fenyin, employing the full musical establishment on both occasions. The phrase 'fully employed' means the full use of suspended bell music. That Heaven and Earth value simplicity refers to their vessels being plain and unadorned, not to reducing everything else still further. By ritual, the Son of Heaven employs suspended bells and an eight-row dance. Sacrifices at the Round Mound and Square Pond should follow the Son of Heaven's standard, with suspended bell music and an eight-row dance." Wei Zhen, Miao Xi, Zuo Yannian, and others all concurred with Wang Su's proposal. The memorial was approved.
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肅又議曰:「說者以為周家祀天,唯舞《雲門》; 祭地,唯舞《咸池》; 宗廟,唯舞《大武》,似失其義矣。 周禮賓客皆作備樂。 《左傳》:『王子穨享五大夫樂及徧舞。』 六代之樂也。 然則一會之日,具作六代樂矣。 天地宗廟,事之大者,賓客燕會,比之為細。 《王制》曰:『庶羞不踰牲,燕衣不踰祭服。』 可以燕樂而踰天地宗廟之樂乎? 《周官》:『以六律、六呂、五聲、八音、六舞大合樂,以致鬼神,以和邦國,以諧萬民,以安賓客,以說遠人。』 夫六律、六呂、五聲、八音,皆一時而作之,至於六舞獨分擘而用之,所以不懕人心也。 又《周官》:『韎師掌教韎樂,祭祀則帥其屬而舞之,大享亦如之。』 韎,東夷之樂也。 又:『鞮鞻氏掌四夷之樂與其聲歌,祭祀則次而歌之,燕亦如之。』 四夷之樂,乃入宗廟; 先代之典,獨不得用。 大享及燕日如之者,明古今夷、夏之樂,皆主之於宗廟,而後播及其餘也。 夫作先王樂者,貴能包而用之; 納四夷之樂者,美德廣之所及也。 高皇帝、大皇帝、太祖、高祖、文昭廟,皆宜兼用先代及《武始》、《太鈞》之舞。」 有司奏:「宜如肅議。」 奏可。 肅私造宗廟詩頌十二篇,不被歌。 晉武帝太始二年,改制郊廟歌,其樂舞亦仍舊也。
Wang Su argued further: "Some maintain that when the Zhou sacrificed to Heaven they danced only the Cloud Gate; when they sacrificed to Earth, only the Xian Chi; and in the ancestral temple, only the Grand Martial—this seems to misunderstand the principle. In the Rites of Zhou, guests were entertained with the full musical repertoire. The Zuo Commentary records: "Prince Zi Tui entertained five grand officers with music through to the full round of dances." This was the music of six dynasties. On a single day's assembly, then, all six generations of music were performed in full. Heaven, Earth, and the ancestral temple are the weightiest rites; guest banquets and feasts are minor by comparison. The Royal Regulations state: "Everyday dishes do not surpass sacrificial victims, and banquet garments do not surpass sacrificial robes." How then can feast music be allowed to surpass the music of Heaven, Earth, and the ancestral temple? The Rites of Zhou say: "With the six pitches, six tubes, five tones, eight instruments, and six dances one combines music on the grand scale—to summon spirits and ghosts, harmonize the states, tune the myriad people, put guests at ease, and delight distant peoples." The six pitches, six tubes, five tones, and eight instruments are all performed together at once; only the six dances are separately apportioned and used, so as not to overwhelm the audience. The Rites of Zhou also say: "The Miao master oversees instruction in Miao music; at sacrifices he leads his subordinates in dancing it, and the same holds for grand feasts." Miao was the music of the eastern Yi. Again: "The Di Li clan oversees the music of the four barbarians and their songs; at sacrifices these are performed in sequence, and banquets follow the same practice." Music of the four barbarians was admitted into the ancestral temple; yet the classics of former ages alone could not be used? That grand feasts and banquets followed the same pattern shows that music of both barbarian and Chinese origin, ancient and modern, took the ancestral temple as its center and only then spread elsewhere. In performing the music of former kings, the point is to encompass it and put it to use; to admit the music of the four barbarians is the mark of far-reaching virtue. The temples of the High Emperor, Grand Emperor, Founding Emperor, Elevated Ancestor, and Wen Zhao should all employ both music of former ages and the Wu Shi and Tai Jun dances." The responsible offices memorialized: "The proposal should follow Wang Su's recommendation." The memorial was approved. Wang Su privately composed twelve temple hymns and eulogies, but they were never performed. In the second year of Taishi, Emperor Wu of Jin reformed the suburban and temple songs, but the music and dances themselves remained unchanged.
12
漢光武平隴、蜀,增廣郊祀,高皇帝配食,樂奏《青陽》、《朱明》、《西皓》、《玄冥》、《雲翹》、《育命》之舞。 北郊及祀明堂,並奏樂如南郊。 迎時氣五郊:春歌《青陽》,夏歌《朱明》,並舞《雲翹》之舞; 秋歌《西皓》,冬歌《玄冥》,並舞《育命》之舞; 夏季歌《朱明》,兼舞二舞。 章帝元和二年,宗廟樂,故事,食舉有《鹿鳴》、《承元氣》二曲。 三年,自作詩四篇,一曰《思齊皇姚》,二曰《六騏驎》,三曰《竭肅雝》,四曰《陟叱根》。 合前六曲,以為宗廟食舉。 加宗廟食舉《重來》、《上陵》二曲,合八曲為上陵食舉。 減宗廟食舉《承元氣》一曲,加《惟天之命》、《天之歷數》二曲,合七曲為殿中御食飯舉。 又漢太樂食舉十三曲:一曰《鹿鳴》,二曰《重來》,三曰《初造》,四曰《俠安》,五曰《歸來》,六曰《遠期》,七曰《有所思》,八曰《明星》,九曰《清涼》,十曰《涉大海》,十一曰《大置酒》,十二曰《承元氣》,十三曰《海淡淡》。 魏氏及晉荀勗、傅玄並為歌辭。 魏時以《遠期》、《承元氣》、《海淡淡》三曲多不通利,省之。 魏雅樂四曲:一曰《鹿鳴》,後改曰《於赫》,詠武帝; 二曰《騶虞》,後改曰《巍巍》,詠文帝; 三曰《伐檀》,後省除; 四曰《文王》,後改曰《洋洋》,詠明帝。 《騶虞》、《伐檀》、《文王》並左延年改其聲。 正旦大會,太尉奉璧,羣后行禮,東廂雅樂郎作者是也。 今謂之行禮曲,姑洗廂所奏。 案:《鹿鳴》本以宴樂為體,無當於朝享,往時之失也。
After Guangwu of Han pacified Long and Shu, he expanded the suburban sacrifices. The High Emperor received paired offerings, and the dances Qing Yang, Zhu Ming, Xi Hao, Xuan Ming, Yun Qiao, and Yu Ming were performed. At the northern suburb and at sacrifices in the Bright Hall, the same music was performed as at the southern suburb. At the five suburban rites welcoming the seasonal qi, spring sang Qing Yang and summer sang Zhu Ming, both accompanied by the Yun Qiao dance; autumn sang Xi Hao and winter sang Xuan Ming, both accompanied by the Yu Ming dance; in summer they sang Zhu Ming and performed both dances together. In the second year of Yuanhe under Emperor Zhang, ancestral temple music by precedent included two meal-accompaniment pieces: Deer Call and Receiving Primordial Qi. In the third year he composed four poems himself: Si Qi Huang Yao, Liu Qi Lin, Jie Su Yong, and Zhi Chi Gen. Combined with the previous six pieces, these formed the ancestral temple meal-accompaniment. Come Again and Ascending the Mound were added to the ancestral temple meal-accompaniment, making eight pieces in all for the Shang-ling meal-accompaniment. Receiving Primordial Qi was removed from the ancestral temple meal-accompaniment, and Mandate of Heaven and Heaven's Succession were added, making seven pieces for the palace meal-accompaniment. The Han Grand Music meal-accompaniment comprised thirteen pieces: Deer Call, Come Again, First Creation, Gallant Peace, Return, Far Horizon, I Have Someone in Mind, Bright Star, Clear Coolness, Crossing the Great Sea, Great Wine Feast, Receiving Primordial Qi, and Vast Sea. Under Wei and Jin, Xun Xu and Fu Xuan both composed new lyrics. Under Wei, Far Horizon, Receiving Primordial Qi, and Vast Sea were often awkward to perform and were dropped. Wei elegant music comprised four pieces: Deer Call, later renamed Majestic in praise of Emperor Wu; Zou Yu, later renamed Lofty in praise of Emperor Wen; Felling Sandalwood, later dropped; and King Wen, later renamed Abundant in praise of Emperor Ming. Zuo Yannian revised the melodies of Zou Yu, Felling Sandalwood, and King Wen. These were composed by the elegant music masters of the eastern side for the New Year's great assembly, when the Grand Commandant presented the jade disk and the feudal lords performed the rite. It is now called the Rite-Processional music and is performed from the Gu Xian side. It should be noted that Deer Call was originally a banquet piece and had no proper place at court audience—a mistake of earlier practice.
13
晉武泰始五年,尚書奏使太僕傅玄、中書監荀勗、黃門侍郎張華各造正旦行禮及王公上壽酒食舉樂歌詩。 詔又使中書郎成公綏亦作。 張華表曰:「按魏上壽食舉詩及漢氏所施用,其文句長短不齊,未皆合古。 葢以依詠弦節,本有因循,而識樂知音,足以制聲度曲法用,率非凡近所能改。 二代三京,襲而不變,雖詩章詞異,興廢隨時,至其韻逗曲折,皆繫於舊有由然也。 是以一皆因就,不敢有所改易。」 荀勗則曰:「魏氏歌詩,或二言,或三言,或四言,或五言,與古詩不類。」 以問司律中郎將陳頎,頎曰:「被之金石,未必皆當。」 故勗造晉歌,皆為四言,唯王公上壽酒一篇為三言五言,此則華、勗所明異旨也。 九年,荀勗遂典知樂事,使郭夏、宋識等造《正德》《大豫》之舞,而勗及傅玄、張華又各造此舞歌詩。 勗作新律笛十二枚,散騎常侍阮咸譏新律聲高,高近哀思,不合中和。 勗以為異己,出咸為始平相。 晉又改魏《昭武舞》曰《宣武舞》,《羽籥舞》曰《宣文舞》。 咸寧元年,詔定祖宗之號,而廟樂同用《正德》《大豫》之舞。
In the fifth year of Taishi, the Ministerial Court proposed that Fu Xuan, Grand Steward; Xun Xu, Director of the Secretariat; and Zhang Hua, Yellow Gate Attendant, each compose music and lyrics for the New Year's rite-processional and for the princes' birthday wine and meal-accompaniment. An edict also directed Secretariat Gentleman Cheng Gong Sui to compose pieces. Zhang Hua submitted a memorial: "Reviewing the Wei birthday meal-accompaniment poems and those used under Han, their lines vary in length and do not all conform to ancient practice. This is because they follow the rhythms of string accompaniment and inherit long-established practice. Only those who truly know music can set pitches and measure melodies by rule—work that ordinary men of the day cannot readily change. Across two dynasties and three capitals the forms were handed down unchanged. Though the wording of the poems differed and pieces were added or dropped with the times, their cadences and turns all depended on what had gone before, and for good reason. For this reason I followed the existing forms throughout and did not venture to alter them." Xun Xu, by contrast, argued: "Wei song-poems use lines of two, three, four, or five words—they do not resemble ancient poetry." He consulted Chen Yi, Director of Pitch Regulation, who replied: "When matched to bells and stones, not all of them necessarily fit." Xu therefore composed Jin songs entirely in four-word lines, except for one princely birthday wine piece in three- and five-word lines—this was the clear difference in approach between Zhang Hua and Xun Xu. In the ninth year Xun Xu assumed charge of music affairs. He had Guo Xia, Song Shi, and others create the Zheng De and Da Yu dances, while Xu, Fu Xuan, and Zhang Hua each composed lyrics for them. Xu made twelve new pitch-standard flutes. Ruan Xian, Attendant Cavalier at Large, criticized the new pitches as too high—too close to mournful longing and out of keeping with harmonious moderation. Xu took this as personal opposition and had Xian posted out as Administrator of Shiping. Jin also renamed Wei's Zhao Wu dance as Xuan Wu and the Yu Yue dance as Xuan Wen. In the first year of Xianning, an edict fixed the titles of the imperial ancestors, and temple music uniformly employed the Zheng De and Da Yu dances.
14
至江左初立宗廟,尚書下太常祭祀所用樂名,太常賀循答云:「魏氏增損漢樂以為一代之禮,未審大晉樂名所以為異。 遭離喪亂,舊典不存,然此諸樂,皆和之以鐘律,文之以五聲,詠之於歌詞,陳之於舞列,宮縣在下,琴瑟在堂,八音迭奏,雅樂並作,登歌下管,各有常詠,周人之舊也。 自漢氏以來,依放此禮,自造新詩而已。 舊京荒廢,今既散亡,音韻曲折,又無識者,則於今難以意言。」 于時以無雅樂器及伶人,省太樂并鼓吹令。 是後頗得登歌,食舉之樂,猶有未備。 明帝太寧末,又詔阮孚等增益之。 成帝咸和中,乃復置太樂官,鳩集遺逸,而尚未有金石也。
When the Eastern Court first established the ancestral temple, the Ministerial Court asked the Grand Master of Ceremonies for the names of music used in sacrifice. He Xun replied: "Wei had added to and trimmed Han music to form the rites of its dynasty; it is unclear why Great Jin's music names should differ. After the turmoil of exile and war the old canon no longer survives. Yet this music was harmonized with bells and pitch pipes, shaped by the five tones, sung in lyrics, and displayed in dance formations—suspended bells below, zithers and lutes in the hall, the eight sounds played in succession, elegant music performed together, ascending song and descending pipes each with fixed chants. This was the ancient practice of the Zhou. Since Han, each dynasty has followed this ritual framework and simply composed new poems of its own. The old capital lies in ruins, and what survives is scattered and lost. With no one left who knows the turns of tone and pitch, it is impossible to reconstruct the details today." At the time, lacking elegant music instruments and performers, the offices of Grand Music and Processional Drums were abolished. Afterward ascending song was partly recovered, but meal-accompaniment music remained incomplete. Near the end of Taining under Emperor Ming, an edict directed Ruan Fu and others to expand the repertoire further. Under Emperor Cheng in the Xianhe era, the Grand Music office was restored and scattered pieces were gathered together, but bells and stones were still unavailable.
15
初,荀勗既以新律造二舞,又更修正鐘磬,事未竟而勗薨。 惠帝元康三年,詔其子黃門侍郎蕃修定金石,以施郊廟。 尋值喪亂,遺聲舊制,莫有記者。 庾亮為荊州,與謝尚共為朝廷修雅樂,亮尋薨。 庾翼、桓溫專事軍旅,樂器在庫,遂至朽壞焉。 晉氏之亂也,樂人悉沒戎虜。 及胡亡,鄴下樂人,頗有來者。 謝尚時為尚書僕射,因之以具鐘磬。 太元中,破符堅,又獲樂工楊蜀等,閑練舊樂,於是四廂金石始備焉。 宋文帝元嘉九年,大樂令鍾宗之更調金石。 十四年,治書令史奚縱又改之。 語在《律歷志》。 晉世曹毗、王珣等亦增造宗廟歌詩,然郊祀遂不設樂。 何承天曰:「世咸傳吳朝無雅樂。 案孫皓迎父喪明陵,唯云倡伎晝夜不息,則無金石登歌可知矣。」 承天曰:「或云今之《神絃》,孫氏以為宗廟登歌也。」 史臣案:陸機《孫權誄》「《肆夏》在廟,《雲翹》承機,不容虛設」此言。 又韋昭孫休世上《鼓吹鐃歌》十二曲表曰:「當付樂官善歌者習歌。」 然則吳朝非無樂官,善歌者乃能以歌辭被絲管,寧容止以《神絃》為廟樂而已乎?
Initially, after Xun Xu used the new pitch standards to create the two dances, he also began revising the bells and chime-stones, but the work was unfinished when he died. In the third year of Yuankang under Emperor Hui, an edict directed Xu's son Fan, Yellow Gate Attendant, to revise the bells and stones for use at suburban and temple rites. Soon afterward turmoil struck, and no records survived of the transmitted sounds and old system. While Yu Liang governed Jing Province, he and Xie Shang worked together to restore elegant music for the court, but Liang soon died. Yu Yi and Huan Wen devoted themselves to military campaigns, and the instruments stored in the warehouses eventually rotted away. During the Jin dynasty's collapse, all musicians were lost to barbarian captivity. After the Hu regime fell, a number of musicians from Ye made their way back. Xie Shang, then Vice Director of the Ministerial Court, used them to assemble a full set of bells and chime-stones. In the Taiyuan era, after the defeat of Fu Jian, musicians including Yang Shu were captured and practiced the old music at leisure. Only then were bells and chime-stones completed for all four sides. In the ninth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, Grand Music Director Zhong Zongzhi retuned the bells and stones. In the fourteenth year, Document Drafting Clerk Xi Zong revised them again. The details are recorded in the Treatise on Pitch Pipes and the Calendar. In Jin times Cao Pi, Wang Xun, and others also composed additional ancestral temple songs, yet suburban sacrifices thereafter went without music. He Chengtian observed: "It is widely said that the Wu court had no elegant music. Examining Sun Hao's reception of his father's coffin at Mingling, the record mentions only singers and performers day and night without cease—the absence of bells, stones, and ascending song is evident." He Chengtian added: "Some hold that today's Divine Strings was used by the Sun house as ancestral temple ascending song." The historiographer comments: Lu Ji's Eulogy for Sun Quan states, "Si Xia in the temple, Yun Qiao continuing the occasion—they cannot have been set up in vain." Also, Wei Zhao's memorial on the twelve Drum-and-Chime Processional pieces from Sun Xiu's reign states: "They should be entrusted to music officials skilled in singing to learn and perform." This shows the Wu court did have music officials, and skilled singers could set lyrics to string and wind instruments. How could temple music have consisted of nothing but Divine Strings?
16
孝建二年九月甲午,有司奏:「前殿中曹郎荀萬秋議:按禮,祭天地有樂者,為降神也。 故《易》曰:『雷出地奮豫。 先王以作樂崇德,殷薦之上帝,以配祖考。』 《周官》曰:『作樂於圜丘之上,天神皆降。 作樂於方澤之中,地祗皆出。』 又曰:『乃奏黃鐘,歌大呂,舞《雲門》,以祀天神。 乃奏大簇,歌應鐘,舞《咸池》,以祀地祗。』 由斯而言,以樂祭天地,其來尚矣。 今郊享闕樂,竊以為疑。 《祭統》曰:『夫祭有三重焉,獻之屬,莫重於祼,聲莫重於升歌,舞莫重於《武宿夜》,此周道也。』 至於秦奏《五行》,魏舞《咸熙》,皆以用享。 爰逮晉氏,泰始之初,傅玄作晉郊廟歌詩三十二篇。 元康中,荀蕃受詔成父勗業,金石四縣,用之郊廟。 是則相承郊廟有樂之證也。 今廟祀登歌雖奏,而象舞未陳,懼闕備禮。 夫聖王經世,異代同風,雖損益或殊,降殺迭運,未甞不執古御今,同規合矩。 方茲休明在辰,文物大備,禮儀遺逸,罔不具舉,而況出祗降神,輟樂於郊祭,昭德舞功,有闕於廟享。 謂郊廟宜設備樂。」 於是使內外博議。 驃騎大將軍竟陵王誕等五十一人並同萬秋議。
On the jiawu day of the ninth month in the second year of Xiaojian, the relevant offices memorialized: "Former Palace Bureau Gentleman Xun Wanqiu argued that by ritual, music at sacrifices to Heaven and Earth serves to summon the spirits downward. The Book of Changes therefore says: "Thunder emerges from the earth in the hexagram Yu. The former kings made music to exalt virtue; in the Yu sacrifice they presented offerings to the Supreme Lord, paired with the founding ancestors." The Rites of Zhou states: "Make music atop the Round Mound, and the celestial spirits all descend. Make music within the Square Pond, and the earthly spirits all emerge." It also says: "Then play the yellow bell, sing the great tube, dance the Cloud Gate, to sacrifice to the celestial spirits. Then play the great cluster, sing the responding bell, dance the Xian Chi, to sacrifice to the earthly spirits." From this it is clear that using music in sacrifices to Heaven and Earth is of long standing. Yet suburban sacrifice now lacks music, which I find troubling. The Record of Sacrifice states: "Among sacrificial offerings, nothing is weightier than the libation; among sounds, nothing is weightier than ascending song; among dances, nothing is weightier than Martial Night Vigil—this was the Zhou way." Qin performed the Five Elements, Wei danced Xian Xi—all were used in sacrificial rites. Down to the Jin dynasty, at the beginning of Taishi, Fu Xuan composed thirty-two suburban and temple song-poems for Jin. During Yuankang, Xun Fan received an edict to complete his father Xu's work; bells, stones, and four bell-sets were deployed at suburban and temple rites. This is transmitted proof that suburban and temple rites included music. Today ascending song is performed at temple sacrifice, yet the symbolic dance is not presented—I fear the full ritual is incomplete. Sage kings govern the age, and different eras share the same spirit. Though rites may be added to or reduced and gradations shift with the times, they have never failed to hold antiquity as guide for the present, keeping to the same measure and rule. In this flourishing age, cultural achievements are fully in place and lost rites have all been restored—how then can spirits be summoned downward while music is omitted from suburban sacrifice, and virtue displayed and merit danced be lacking from temple feasts? I propose that suburban and temple rites should have full musical accompaniment." The court then ordered broad deliberation among officials inside and outside the palace. Cavalry General in Chief, Prince of Jingling Dan, and fifty-one others all concurred with Wanqiu's proposal.
17
尚書左僕射建平王宏議以為:「聖王之德雖同,剏制之禮或異,樂不相沿,禮無因襲。 自寶命開基,皇符在運,業富前王,風通振古,朝儀國章,並循先代。 自後晉東遷,日不暇給,雖大典略備,遺闕尚多。 至於樂號廟禮,未該往正。 今帝德再昌,大孝御寓,宜討定禮本,以昭來葉。 尋舜樂稱《韶》,漢改《文始》,周樂《大武》,秦革《五行》。 眷夫祖有功而宗有德,故漢高祖廟樂稱《武德》,太宗廟樂曰《昭德》。 魏制《武始》舞武廟,制《咸熙》舞文廟。 則祖宗之廟,別有樂名。 晉氏之樂,《正德》《大豫》,及宋不更名,直為《前》《後》二舞,依據昔代,義舛事乖。 今宜釐改權稱,以《凱容》為《韶舞》,《宣烈》為《武舞》。 祖宗廟樂,總以德為名。 若廟非不毀,則樂無別稱,猶漢高、文、武,咸有嘉號,惠、景二主,樂無餘名。 章皇太后廟,依諸儒議,唯奏文樂。 何休、杜預、范寗注『初獻六羽』,並不言佾者,佾則干在其中,明婦人無武事也。 郊祀之樂,無復別名,仍同宗廟而已。 尋諸《漢志》,《永至》等樂,各有義況,宜仍舊不改。 宋及東晉,太祝唯送神而不迎神。 近議者或云廟以居神,恒如在也,不應有迎送之事,意以為並乖其衷。 立廟居靈,四時致享,以申孝思之情。 夫神升降無常,何必恒安所處? 故《祭義》云:『樂以迎來,哀以送往。』 鄭注云:『迎來而樂,樂親之來; 送往而哀,哀親之返,其享否不可知也。』 《尚書》曰『祖考來格。』 《詩》云:『神保遹歸。』 注曰:『歸於天地也。』 此並言神有去來則有送迎,明矣。 即周《肆夏》之名,備迎送之樂。 古以尸象神,故《儀禮》祝有迎尸送尸,近代雖無尸,豈可闕迎送之禮? 又傅玄有迎神送神歌辭,明江左不迎,非舊典也。」
Vice Director of the Left of the Ministerial Court, Prince of Pingjian Hong, argued: "Though the virtue of sage kings is the same, the rites each establishes may differ—music is not handed down unchanged, and ritual should not be inherited by rote. Since the sacred mandate founded the dynasty and the imperial destiny was in its course, achievements surpassed those of earlier kings, influence reached back to antiquity, and court ceremony and national statutes all followed former ages. After the Eastern Jin migration, there was no time to spare; though major ceremonies were roughly in place, many gaps remained. As for music titles and temple ritual, they no longer accorded with proper precedent. Now the emperor's virtue flourishes anew and great filial piety governs the realm—it is time to investigate and fix the ritual foundation for future generations. Consider: Shun's music was called Shao; Han renamed it Wen Shi; Zhou used Grand Martial; Qin replaced it with Five Elements. Since the founder honors merit and the temple ancestor honors virtue, Han Gaozu's temple music was called Martial Virtue, and Taizong's temple music was called Bright Virtue. Wei established Wu Shi for the martial temple and Xian Xi for the civil temple. Thus the founder's and temple ancestor's shrines each had its own music name. Jin's Zheng De and Da Yu dances were left unchanged by Song and simply called the Front and Rear dances—following former ages in name but wrong in both principle and practice. Now provisional titles should be corrected: Kai Rong should become the Shao dance, and Xuan Lie the Martial dance. Music for the founder's and temple ancestor's shrines should all be named for virtue. If temples are not demolished unless merited, then music needs no separate title—Han Gaozu, Wen, and Wu all had fine designations, while Emperors Hui and Jing had no additional music names. At Empress Dowager Zhang's temple, following the classicists' proposal, only civil music should be performed. He Xiu, Du Yu, and Fan Ning comment on 'first offering six feathers' and none mention row-dancers; row-dancers include shields and axes, showing that women have no martial role. Suburban sacrifice music needs no separate name and should simply follow ancestral temple practice. Consulting the Han Treatise, Yong Zhi and other pieces each have their own meaning and context—they should remain unchanged. Under Song and Eastern Jin, the Grand Invocator only escorted the spirits out and did not welcome them in. Recent debaters say the temple houses the spirit and it is always as if present, so there should be no welcoming or escorting—I consider both views to miss the point. Temples are erected to house the spirit and offerings are made through the four seasons to express filial devotion. Spirits ascend and descend without fixed pattern—why must they always remain in one place? The Meaning of Sacrifice therefore says: "Use joy to welcome arrival and grief to escort departure." Zheng's commentary explains: "Joy at welcoming arrival celebrates the kin's coming; grief at escorting departure mourns the kin's return—whether they have partaken is unknowable." The Documents say, "The founding ancestors come to the rite." The Odes say: "The spirit-protector swiftly returns." The commentary explains: "Returns to Heaven and Earth." All of these show that when spirits come and go there is welcoming and escorting—it is clear. This is the Zhou piece Si Xia, providing music for both welcoming and escorting. In antiquity the corpse represented the spirit, so the Ceremonies require the invocator to welcome and escort the corpse. Though later ages no longer use a corpse, how can the welcoming and escorting rites be omitted? Moreover Fu Xuan composed lyrics for welcoming and escorting spirits, showing that the Eastern Court's failure to welcome spirits is not the old canon."
18
散騎常侍、丹陽尹建城縣開國侯顏竣議以為:「德業殊稱,則干羽異容,時無沿制,故物有損益。 至於禮失道諐,稱習忘反,中興釐運,視聽所革,先代繆章,宜見刊正。 郊之有樂,盖生《周易》《周官》,歷代著議,莫不援准。 夫『掃地而祭,器用陶匏』,唯質與誠,以章天德,文物之備,理固不然。 《周官》曰:『國有故,則旅上帝及四望。』 又曰:『四圭有邸,以祀天旅上帝。 兩圭有邸,以祀地旅四望。』 四望非地,則知上帝非天。 《孝經》云:『郊祀後稷以配天,宗祀文王於明堂,以配上帝。』 則《豫》之作樂,非郊天也。 大司樂職,『奏黃鐘,歌大呂,舞《雲門》,以祀天神。』 鄭注:『天神,五帝及日月星辰也。』 王者以夏正月祀其所受命之帝於南郊,則二至之祀,又非天地。 考之眾經,郊祀有樂,未見明證。 宗廟之禮,事炳載籍。 爰自漢元,迄乎有晉,雖時或更制,大抵相因,為不襲名號而已。 今樂曲淪滅,知音世希,改作之事,臣聞其語。 《正德》《大豫》,禮容具存,宜殊其徽號,飾而用之。 以《正德》為《宣化之舞》,《大豫》為《興和之舞》,庶足以光表世烈,悅被後昆。 前漢祖宗廟處各異,主名既革,舞號亦殊。 今七廟合食,庭殿共所,舞蹈之容,不得廟有別制。 後漢東平王蒼已議之矣。 又王肅、韓祗以王者德廣,無外六代四夷之舞、金石絲竹之樂,宜備奏宗廟。 愚謂蒼、肅、祗議,合於典禮,適於當今。」
Attendant Cavalier at Large, Administrator of Danyang, Marquis of Jiancheng Yan Jun argued: "When virtue and achievement differ in title, shields and feathers differ in form; when the times do not transmit old systems, things are added to or reduced. When ritual loses the Way and goes astray, habit becomes so ingrained that one forgets to return. In this restoration and reordering, what eyes and ears must reform includes the erroneous statutes of former ages, which should be revised. Music at suburban rites originated in the Book of Changes and Rites of Zhou; dynasties recorded debates on the subject, all citing them as authority. The phrase 'sweep the ground to sacrifice, use pottery and gourds' values simplicity and sincerity to manifest Heaven's virtue—it does not mean that the full array of cultural artifacts is inappropriate in principle. The Rites of Zhou state: "When the state has an emergency, perform the itinerant rite to the Supreme Lord and the Four Outlooks." It also says: "Four jade tablets with bases, to sacrifice to Heaven and perform the itinerant rite to the Supreme Lord. Two jade tablets with bases, to sacrifice to Earth and perform the itinerant rite to the Four Outlooks." Since the Four Outlooks are not Earth, the Supreme Lord must not be Heaven. The Classic of Filial Piety says: "Sacrifice to Hou Ji at the suburb to pair with Heaven; honor King Wen in the Bright Hall to pair with the Supreme Lord." Therefore the music made for the Yu sacrifice is not suburban sacrifice to Heaven. The Grand Master of Music's office states: "Play the yellow bell, sing the great tube, dance the Cloud Gate, to sacrifice to the celestial spirits." Zheng's commentary explains: "Celestial spirits means the Five Emperors together with the sun, moon, and stars." The king sacrifices at the southern suburb in the first month of summer to the emperor from whom he received the mandate—so the two solstice sacrifices are again not sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. Examining the various classics, there is no clear proof that suburban sacrifice included music. Ancestral temple ritual is clearly documented in the written sources. From Han Yuan down to Jin, though systems sometimes changed, they largely continued—the only difference was in not inheriting titles. Now melodies are lost and those who understand music are rare—I have heard proposals for composing anew. Zheng De and Da Yu—their ritual forms fully survive; their titles should be distinguished and they should be adorned for use. Zheng De should become the Dance of Proclaiming Transformation and Da Yu the Dance of Raising Harmony—enough, perhaps, to glorify the dynasty's achievements and spread joy to posterity. In Former Han the founder's and temple ancestor's shrines stood in different places; their main titles already differed, and their dance names were distinct as well. Now the seven temples share combined offerings in a common hall and courtyard—the dance forms cannot have separate arrangements for each temple. Eastern Han's Prince of Dongping Cang already debated this point. Wang Su and Han Zhi also held that when the king's virtue is broad, the dances of six dynasties and four barbarians and the music of bells, stones, silk, and bamboo should all be fully performed at the ancestral temple. I believe the proposals of Cang, Su, and Zhi accord with canonical ritual and suit the present age."
19
左僕射建平王宏又議:「竣據《周禮》《孝經》,天與上帝,連文重出,故謂上帝非天,則《易》之作樂,非為祭天也。 按《易》稱『先王以作樂崇德,殷薦之上帝,以配祖考。』 《尚書》云:『肆類于上帝。』 《春秋傳》曰:『告昊天上帝。』 凡上帝之言,無非天也。 天尊不可以一稱,故或謂昊天,或謂上帝,或謂昊天上帝,不得以天有數稱,便謂上帝非天。 徐邈推《周禮》『國有故,則旅上帝』,以知禮天,旅上帝,同是祭天。 言禮天者,謂常祀也; 旅上帝者,有故而祭也。 《孝經》稱『嚴父莫大於配天』,故云『郊祀後稷以配天,宗祀文王於明堂,以配上帝。』 既天為議,則上帝猶天益明也。 不欲使二天文同,故變上帝爾。 《周禮》祀天之言再見,故鄭注以前天神為五帝,後冬至所祭為昊天。 竣又云『二至之祀,又非天地。』 未知天地竟應以何時致享? 《記》云:『掃地而祭,器用陶匏。』 旨明所用質素,無害以樂降神。 萬秋謂郊宜有樂,事有典據。 竣又云『東平王蒼以為前漢諸祖別廟,是以祖宗之廟可得各有舞樂。 至於祫祭始祖之廟,則專用始祖之舞。 故謂後漢諸祖,共廟同庭,雖有祖宗,不宜入別舞。』 此誠一家之意,而未統適時之變也。 後漢從儉,故諸祖共廟,猶以異室存別室之禮。 晉氏以來,登歌誦美,諸室繼作。 至於祖宗樂舞,何獨不可迭奏。 苟所詠者殊,雖復共庭,亦非嫌也。 魏三祖各有舞樂,豈復是異廟邪?」 眾議並同宏:「祠南郊迎神,奏《肆夏》。 初登壇,奏登歌。 初獻,奏《凱容》《宣烈》之舞。 送神,奏《肆夏》。 祠廟迎神,奏《肆夏》。 皇帝入廟門,奏《永至》。 皇帝詣東壁,奏登歌。 初獻,奏《凱容》《宣烈》之舞。 終獻,奏《永安》。 送神,奏《肆夏》。」 詔可。
Vice Director of the Left Prince of Pingjian Hong argued in reply: "Jun relies on the Rites of Zhou and Classic of Filial Piety—because Heaven and Supreme Lord appear together in repeated phrases, he concludes the Supreme Lord is not Heaven, and therefore that the Book of Changes' making of music is not for sacrificing to Heaven. Examining the Changes, it says: "The former kings made music to exalt virtue; in the Yu sacrifice they presented offerings to the Supreme Lord, paired with the founding ancestors." The Documents say: "Perform the general sacrifice to the Supreme Lord." The Spring and Autumn Commentary says: "Announce to Grand Heaven, Supreme Lord." Every reference to the Supreme Lord is none other than Heaven. Heaven's exaltation cannot be limited to a single title—thus it is sometimes called Grand Heaven, sometimes Supreme Lord, sometimes Grand Heaven Supreme Lord. One cannot because Heaven has several titles conclude that the Supreme Lord is not Heaven. Xu Miao inferred from the Rites of Zhou's 'when the state has an emergency, perform the itinerant rite to the Supreme Lord' that ritual to Heaven and the itinerant rite to the Supreme Lord are both sacrifices to Heaven. Speaking of ritual to Heaven refers to the regular sacrifice; the itinerant rite to the Supreme Lord refers to sacrifice when there is special cause. The Classic of Filial Piety says 'honoring the father—nothing greater than pairing with Heaven,' and therefore states 'sacrifice to Hou Ji at the suburb to pair with Heaven; honor King Wen in the Bright Hall to pair with the Supreme Lord." Since Heaven is the topic under discussion, the Supreme Lord as Heaven is all the clearer. The text does not wish two sentences on Heaven to read identically—hence the shift to Supreme Lord. The Rites of Zhou mention sacrificing to Heaven twice—thus Zheng's commentary takes the earlier celestial spirits as the Five Emperors and the later winter-solstice sacrifice as Grand Heaven. Jun also argues that 'the two solstice sacrifices are again not sacrifices to Heaven and Earth." But when, then, should Heaven and Earth actually receive sacrifice? The Record says: "Sweep the ground to sacrifice, use pottery and gourds." Its point is that what is used should be plain and simple—it does not forbid using music to summon the spirits downward. Wanqiu's view that suburban sacrifice should include music has canonical support. Jun also notes that 'Prince of Dongping Cang held that Former Han's various ancestors had separate temples, and therefore founder and temple ancestor shrines could each have their own dance music. At the joint sacrifice in the founding ancestor's temple, only the founding ancestor's dance was used. He therefore holds that Later Han's various ancestors shared temples and one courtyard, and that although there were founder and temple ancestors, separate dances should not be introduced." This is indeed one school's opinion, but it fails to account for changes suited to the times. Later Han practiced frugality, so various ancestors shared temples, yet separate chambers preserved the ritual of distinct rooms. Since the Jin dynasty, ascending song has chanted praise, with each chamber performing in succession. As for the music and dances of the founder and temple ancestors, why should they alone not be performed in succession? If what is sung differs, there is no objection even when they share the same courtyard. Wei's three founding emperors each had distinct dance music—surely they were not in separate temples?" The assembled deliberations all agreed with Hong: "At the southern suburban sacrifice, to welcome the spirits, play Si Xia. On first ascending the altar, perform ascending song. At the first offering, perform the Kai Rong and Xuan Lie dances. In escorting the spirits out, play Si Xia. At temple sacrifice, to welcome the spirits, play Si Xia. When the emperor enters the temple gate, play Everlasting Arrival. When the emperor proceeds to the eastern wall, perform ascending song. At the first offering, perform the Kai Rong and Xuan Lie dances. At the final offering, play Everlasting Peace. In escorting the spirits out, play Si Xia." The edict approved.
20
孝建二年十月辛未,有司又奏:「郊廟舞樂,皇帝親奉,初登壇及入廟詣東壁,並奏登歌,不及三公行事。」 左僕射建平王宏重參議:「公卿行事,亦宜奏登歌。」 有司又奏:「元會及二廟齊祠,登歌伎舊並於殿庭設作。 尋廟祠,依新儀注,登歌人上殿,弦管在下; 今元會,登歌人亦上殿,弦管在下。」 並詔可。 文帝章太后廟未有樂章,孝武大明中使尚書左丞殷淡造新歌,明帝又自造昭太后宣太后歌詩。
On the xinwei day of the tenth month in the second year of Xiaojian, the relevant offices memorialized again: "For suburban and temple dance music, when the emperor personally performs the rite, ascending song is played on first ascending the altar and on entering the temple and proceeding to the eastern wall—but not when the Three Excellencies perform the rite." Vice Director of the Left Prince of Pingjian Hong deliberated further: "When the high ministers perform the rite, ascending song should also be performed." The relevant offices memorialized again: "At the New Year's assembly and joint sacrifice at the two temples, ascending song performers were formerly stationed in the hall courtyard. Reviewing temple sacrifice, under the new ritual instructions ascending song performers go up to the hall while strings and pipes remain below; now at the New Year's assembly, ascending song performers also go up to the hall, with strings and pipes below." Both proposals were approved by edict. Emperor Wen's Empress Dowager Zhang temple had no musical sections. In the Daming era under Emperor Xiaowu, Left Assistant Director Yin Dan was ordered to compose new songs; Emperor Ming personally composed songs for Empress Dowagers Zhao and Xuan.
21
後漢正月旦,天子臨德陽殿受朝賀,舍利從西方來,戲於殿前,激水化成比目魚,跳躍嗽水,作霧翳日; 畢,又化成黃龍,長八九丈,出水游戲,炫燿日光。 以兩大絲繩繫兩柱頭,相去數丈,兩倡女對舞,行於繩上,相逢切肩而不傾。
On New Year's Day in Later Han, the Son of Heaven attended Deyang Hall to receive court congratulations. A shari came from the west and performed before the hall, spraying water that transformed into flatfish leaping and spouting, making mist that shaded the sun; When finished, it transformed again into a yellow dragon eight or nine zhang long, emerging from the water to sport and dazzling in the sunlight. Two great silk ropes were tied to pillar tops several zhang apart; two singing girls danced facing each other on the rope, meeting shoulder to shoulder without tipping.
22
魏晉訖江左,猶有《夏育扛鼎》《巨象行乳》《神龜抃舞》《背負靈岳》《桂樹白雪》《畫地成川》之樂焉。
From Wei and Jin down to the Eastern Court, performances such as Xia Yu Carrying the Ding, Great Elephant Giving Milk, Divine Tortoise Clapping Dance, Bearing Spirit Mountains on the Back, Cassia Tree White Snow, and Drawing Earth to Make a River still survived.
23
晉成帝咸康七年,散騎侍郎顧臻表曰:「臣聞聖王制樂,賛揚治道,養以仁義,防其邪淫,上享宗廟,下訓黎民,體五行之正音,協八風以陶氣。 以宮聲正方而好義,角聲堅齊而率禮,弦歌鐘鼓金石之作備矣。 故通神至化,有率舞之感; 移風改俗,致和樂之極。 末世之伎,設禮外之觀,逆行連倒,頭足入筥之屬,皮肩外剝,肝心內摧。 敦彼行葦,猶謂勿踐,矧伊生民,而不惻愴。 加以四海朝覲,言觀帝庭,耳聆《雅》《頌》之聲,目覩威儀之序,足以蹋天,頭以履地,反兩儀之順,傷彝倫之大。 方今夷狄對岸,外御為急,兵食七升,忘身赴難,過泰之戲,日稟五斗。 方埽神州,經略中甸,若此之事,不可示遠。 宜下太常,纂備雅樂,《簫韶》九成,惟新於盛運; 功德頌聲,永著于來茲。 此乃《詩》所以『燕及皇天,克昌厥後』者也。 雜伎而傷人者,皆宜除之。 流簡儉之德,邁康哉之詠,清風既行,民應如草,此之謂也。 愚管之誠,惟垂采察。」 於是除《高絙》《紫鹿》《跂行》《鱉食》及《齊王捲衣》《笮兒》等樂。 又減其稟。 其後復《高絙》《紫鹿》焉。
In the seventh year of Xiankang under Emperor Cheng of Jin, Attendant Cavalier Gu Zhen submitted a memorial: "I have heard that sage kings establish music to praise the way of governance, nurture with benevolence and righteousness, guard against licentious evil, serve the ancestral temple above and instruct the people below, embody the correct tones of the Five Phases, and harmonize the eight winds to cultivate the spirit. The gong tone is square and upright and loves righteousness; the jue tone is firm and orderly and leads ritual—string songs, bells, drums, and metal and stone instruments are all in place. Thus in communicating with spirits and reaching full transformation, there is the feeling of spontaneous following dance; transforming customs and changing habits to reach the utmost harmony and joy. Performances of decadent ages set spectacles outside ritual—walking inverted and tumbling head over heels, putting head and feet into baskets, flaying skin from shoulders, crushing liver and heart within. Thick are those reeds by the road—still we are told not to trample them; how much more should we feel compassion for living people? Moreover the four seas come to court expecting to observe the imperial court—yet their ears hear not the sounds of the Odes and Hymns, their eyes see not dignified ceremony; it is as if feet tread on Heaven and heads walk on earth, reversing the order of the Two Principles and violating the great human bonds. Just now barbarians face us across the river and external defense is urgent—soldiers subsist on seven sheng of grain and risk their lives in hardship, while excessive entertainments receive five dou per day. Just as we sweep clean the divine land and strategize the central realm, such things must not be displayed to distant peoples. The Grand Master of Ceremonies should be ordered to compile and prepare elegant music—the nine movements of Xiao Shao, renewed for this flourishing age; hymns of merit and virtue, forever recorded for generations to come. This is what the Odes mean by 'feasting and reaching Grand Heaven, making posterity flourish.' Mixed acrobatics that harm people should all be abolished. Spread the virtue of simplicity and frugality, surpass the hymn 'How Grand'—when the clear wind blows, the people respond like grass; this is what is meant. This humble opinion I offer—may Your Majesty graciously examine it." Thereupon High Rope, Purple Deer, Handwalking, Turtle Eating, Prince of Qi Rolling Clothes, Zha Child, and other such performances were abolished. Their grain rations were also reduced. Later High Rope and Purple Deer were restored.
24
宋文帝元嘉十三年,司徒彭城王義康於東府正會,依舊給伎。 總章工馮大列:「相承給諸王伎十四種,其舞伎三十六人。」 太常傅隆以為:「未詳此人數所由。 唯杜預注《左傳》佾舞云諸侯六六三十六人,常以為非。 夫舞者,所以節八音者也。 八音克諧,然後成樂。 故必以八八為列,自天子至士,降殺以兩,兩者,減其二列爾。 預以為一列又減二人,至士止餘四人,豈復成樂。 按服虔注《傳》云:『天子八八,諸侯六八,大夫四八,士二八。』 其義甚允。 今諸王不復舞佾,其總章舞伎,即古之女樂也。 殿庭八八,諸王則應六八,理例坦然。 又《春秋》,鄭伯納晉悼公女樂二八,晉以一八賜魏綘,此樂以八人為列之證也。 若如議者,唯天子八,則鄭應納晉二六,晉應賜綘一六也。 自天子至士,其文物典章,尊卑差級,莫不以兩,未有諸侯既降二列,又列輙減二人,近降太半,非唯八音不具,於兩義亦乖,杜氏之謬可見矣。 國典事大,宜令詳正。」 事不施行。
In the thirteenth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wen of Song, Grand Steward Prince of Pengcheng Yikang held the formal assembly at the Eastern Residence, and performers were supplied as before. Zongzhang artisan Feng Dalie reported: "By tradition princes are supplied fourteen kinds of performers; dance performers number thirty-six." Grand Master of Ceremonies Fu Long argued: "The origin of this number is unclear. Only Du Yu's commentary on the Zuo Commentary on row-dance says feudal lords use six-six, thirty-six people—I have always considered this incorrect. Dancers are what regulate the eight sounds. Only when the eight sounds are harmonized does music become complete. Therefore rows must be eight-by-eight; from Son of Heaven down to gentleman, gradation decreases by twos—'by twos' means reducing two rows. Yu held that each row further reduces by two people—down to gentlemen only four remain; how could that still constitute music? Examining Fu Qian's commentary on the Commentary: "Son of Heaven eight-eight, feudal lords six-eight, grand officers four-eight, gentlemen two-eight." Its meaning is very fitting. Now princes no longer perform row-dances; their Zongzhang dance performers are the ancient women's music. The hall courtyard uses eight-eight; princes should use six-eight—the principle is plainly clear. Also in the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Earl of Zheng presented Duke Dao of Jin female musicians two-eight; Jin gave one-eight to Wei Jiang—this proves that music uses eight people per row. If as the debaters hold only the Son of Heaven uses eight per row, then Zheng should have presented Jin two-six, and Jin should have given Jiang one-six. From Son of Heaven to gentleman, cultural artifacts and statutes, high and low gradations—all decrease by twos. Never have feudal lords both reduced two rows and then each row reduced by two people, nearly cutting by more than half—not only are the eight sounds incomplete, but the principle of twos is also violated; Du's error is evident. National statutes are weighty matters—they should be investigated and corrected." The proposal was not implemented.
25
民之生,莫有知其始也。 含靈抱智,以生天地之間。 夫喜怒哀樂之情,好得惡失之性,不學而能,不知所以然而然者也。 怒則爭鬪,喜則詠歌。 夫歌者,固樂之始也。 詠歌不足,乃手之舞之,足之蹈之,然則舞又歌之次也。 詠歌舞蹈,所以宣其喜心,喜而無節,則流淫莫反。 故聖人以五聲和其性,以八音節其流,而故謂之樂能移風易俗,平心正體焉。 昔有娥氏有二女,居九成之臺。 天帝使䴏夜往,二女覆以玉筐,既而發視之,䴏遺二卵,五色,北飛不反。 二女作歌,始為北音。 禹省南土,嵞山之女令其妾候禹於嵞山之陽,女乃作歌,始為南音。 夏后孔甲田於東陽萯山,天大風晦冥,迷入民室。 主人方乳,或曰:「后來是良日也,必大吉。」 或曰:「不勝之子,必有殃。」 后乃取以歸,曰:「以為余子,誰敢殃之?」 後析橑,斧破斷其足。 孔甲曰:「鳴呼! 有命矣。」 乃作《破斧》之歌,始為東音。 周昭王南征,殞於漢中。 王右辛餘靡長且多力,振王北濟,周公乃封之西翟,徙宅西河,追思故處作歌,始為西音。 此蓋四方之歌也。
The birth of the people—no one knows its beginning. Embodying spirit and holding intelligence, they are born between Heaven and Earth. The feelings of joy, anger, grief, and delight, the nature of loving gain and hating loss—these come without learning; one does not know why, yet so they are. When angry, one fights; when joyful, one sings. Song is indeed the beginning of music. When chanting song is not enough, one moves the hands in dance and the feet in stepping—thus dance follows song. Chanting song and dancing express the joyful heart; joy without measure flows into licentiousness with no return. Therefore the sage harmonizes human nature with the five tones and regulates its flow with the eight sounds—thus it is said that music can transform customs, change habits, settle the heart, and correct the body. In antiquity the E clan had two daughters who lived on the Terrace of Nine Completes. The Celestial Emperor sent the dark swallow by night. The two daughters covered it with a jade basket, then opened it to look—the swallow had left two five-colored eggs and flew north, never to return. The two daughters composed a song—this was the origin of northern music. When Yu inspected the southern lands, a woman of Mount Tu had her attendant wait for Yu on the mountain's southern slope. The woman composed a song—the origin of southern music. Xia ruler Kong Jia was hunting at Mount Fu in Dongyang when a great wind arose and the sky darkened. He lost his way and entered a commoner's house. The master was just nursing a child when someone said: "The queen's arrival on this auspicious day will surely bring great fortune." Another said: "A child the household cannot support will surely bring disaster." The queen took the child and returned, saying: "I will make him my son—who would dare bring disaster upon him?" Later, while splitting rafters, an axe broke and cut off his foot. Kong Jia said: "Alas! It was fated." He then composed the song Broken Axe—the origin of eastern music. King Zhao of Zhou marched south and perished in Hanzhong. The king's attendant Xin Yumi was tall and very strong; he lifted the king and crossed north. The Duke of Zhou enfeoffed him in Western Di and moved his residence to Western River. Longing for his old home, he composed a song—the origin of western music. These were roughly the songs of the four directions.
26
黃帝、帝堯之世,王化下洽,民樂無事,故因擊壤之歡,慶雲之瑞,民因以作歌。 其後《風》衰《雅》缺,而妖淫靡漫之聲起。 周衰,有秦青者,善謳,而薛談學謳於秦青,未窮青之伎而辭歸。 青餞之於郊,乃撫節悲歌,聲震林木,響遏行雲。 薛談遂留不去,以卒其業。 又有韓娥者,東之齊,至雝門匱糧,乃鬻歌假食。 既而去,餘響繞梁,三日不絕。 左右謂其人不去也。 過逆旅,逆旅人辱之,韓娥因曼聲哀哭,一里老幼,悲愁垂涕相對,三日不食。 遽而追之,韓娥還,復為曼聲長歌,一里老幼,喜躍抃舞,不能自禁,忘向之悲也。 乃厚賂遣之。 故雝門之人善歌哭,效韓娥之遺聲。 衛人王豹處淇川,善謳,河西之民皆化之。 齊人綿駒居高唐,善歌,齊之右地,亦傳其業。 前漢有虞公者,善歌,能令梁上塵起。 若斯之類,並徒歌也。 《爾雅》曰:「徒歌曰謠。」 凡樂章古詞,今之存者,並漢世街陌謠謳,《江南可采蓮》《烏生十五子》《白頭吟》之屬是也。 吳歌雜曲,並出江東,晉、宋以來,稍有增廣。
In the ages of the Yellow Emperor and Emperor Yao, royal transformation spread throughout the realm and the people rejoiced in peace. From the joy of pounding earth and the auspiciousness of celebratory clouds, the people composed songs. Afterward the Airs declined and the Hymns were wanting, and seductive, licentious, and dissolute sounds arose. When Zhou declined, there was Qin Qing, skilled in song. Xue Tan studied song from Qin Qing but left for home before mastering his art. Qing saw him off in the suburbs and, striking the beat, sang a mournful song—his voice shook the forest trees and halted the passing clouds. Xue Tan then stayed and did not leave, completing his training. There was also Han E, who went east to Qi. Reaching Yong Gate her provisions ran out, so she sold her songs to borrow food. When she had gone, her lingering sound circled the beams for three days without ceasing. Those beside her thought she had not left. Passing an inn, the innkeeper insulted her. Han E sang a drawn-out mournful cry, and for a li around, old and young wept in grief facing one another and did not eat for three days. They hurried after her. Han E returned and sang a drawn-out long song—for a li around, old and young leaped for joy, clapped and danced, unable to restrain themselves, forgetting their former grief. They then gave her rich gifts and sent her on her way. Therefore the people of Yong Gate are skilled at singing and weeping, imitating Han E's lingering sound. Wang Bao of Wei lived on the Qi River and was skilled in song; the people west of the river all learned from him. Mian Ju of Qi lived in Gaotang and was skilled in song; the western lands of Qi also transmitted his art. In Former Han there was Duke Yu, skilled in song, who could make dust rise from the beams. Such as these were all unaccompanied song. The Erya says: "Unaccompanied song is called yao." The ancient lyrics of music sections that survive today are all street ballads and songs of Han times—works such as Lotus Picking in Jiangnan, Fifteen Sons of the Crow, and White-Haired Song. Wu songs and miscellaneous pieces all originated east of the river; since Jin and Song they have been slightly expanded.
27
《子夜歌》者,有女子名子夜造此聲。 晉孝武太元中,琅邪王軻之家有鬼歌《子夜》。 殷允為豫章時,豫章僑人庾僧度家亦有鬼歌《子夜》。 殷允為豫章,亦是太元中,則子夜是此時以前人也。
The Ziye Song was created by a woman named Ziye. During Taixi under Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, a ghost in Wang Ke's household in Langya sang the Ziye Song. When Yin Yun governed Yuzhang, the émigré Yu Sengdu's household there also had a ghost sing the Ziye Song. Since Yin Yun's governorship of Yuzhang also fell in the Taixi era, Ziye must have lived before that time.
28
《鳳將雛歌》者,舊曲也。 應琚《百一詩》云:「為作《陌上桑》,反言《鳳將雛》。」 然則《鳳將雛》其來久矣,將由譌變以至於此乎?
Phoenix Welcomes the Fledgling Song is an old melody. Ying Qu's Hundred-and-One Poems says: "It was written as On the Roadside Mulberry Tree, but speaks instead of Phoenix Welcomes the Fledgling." Phoenix Welcomes the Fledgling is of long standing—did it reach its present form through corruption and change over time?
29
《前溪歌》者,晉車騎將軍沈玩所制。
Front Stream Song was composed by Jin Cavalry General Shen Wan.
30
《阿子》及《歡聞歌》者,晉穆帝升平初,歌畢輙呼「阿子! 汝聞不?」 語在《五行志》。 後人演其聲,以為二曲。
Azi and Huanwen Song—at the beginning of Shengping under Emperor Mu of Jin, after songs ended people would call out, "Azi! Did you hear?" The account is recorded in the Treatise on the Five Phases. Later people developed its sound into two separate melodies.
31
《團扇歌》者,晉中書令王珉與㛐婢有情,愛好甚篤,㛐捶撻婢過苦,婢素善歌,而珉好捉白團扇,故制此歌。
Round Fan Song—Jin Director of the Secretariat Wang Min was deeply in love with a concubine maid. His wife beat the maid too harshly; the maid was skilled in song, and Min liked holding white round fans—so he composed this song.
32
《督護歌》者,彭城內史徐逵之為魯軌所殺,宋高祖使府內直督護丁旿收斂殯霾之。 逵之妻,高祖長女也,呼旿至閣下,自問斂送之事,每問,輙歎息曰:「丁督護!」 其聲哀切,後人因其聲,廣其曲焉。
Supervisor Song—Pengcheng Administrator Xu Kuizhi was killed by Lu Gui. Song Gaozu had palace supervisor Ding Mou collect the body and bury it. Kuizhi's wife was Gaozu's eldest daughter. She summoned Mou to the pavilion and questioned him about the collection and burial. Each time she sighed, "Supervisor Ding!" Her tone was mournful. Later people took its sound and expanded it into a full melody.
33
《懊憹歌》者,晉隆安初,民間譌謠之曲。 語在《五行志》。 宋少帝更制新歌,太祖常謂之《中朝曲》。
Aonao Song—a popular ballad of corrupted speech among the people at the beginning of Long'an in Jin. The account is recorded in the Treatise on the Five Phases. Emperor Shao of Song composed new songs, which the Founding Emperor often called the Central Court Melody.
34
《六變》諸曲,皆因事制歌。
The Six Changes and related melodies all compose songs in response to specific events.
35
《長史變》者,司徒左長史王廞臨敗所制。
Chief Clerk Transformation was composed by Wang Dan, Left Chief Clerk of the Grand Steward, as he faced defeat.
36
《讀曲歌》者,民間為彭城王義康所作也。 其歌云「死辠劉領軍,誤殺劉第四」是也。 凡此諸曲,始皆徒歌,既而被之弦管。 又有因弦管金石,造歌以被之,魏世《三調歌詞》之類是也。
Reading-the-Melody Song was composed by the people for Prince of Pengcheng Yikang. The song runs, "The guilty General Liu, wrongly killed Liu the fourth"—that is the one. All these melodies began as unaccompanied song and were later set to strings and pipes. There are also cases where songs were composed to be set to strings, bells, and stones—Wei-era Three Modes lyrics belong to this category.
37
古者天子聽政,使公卿大夫獻詩,耆艾修之,而後王斟酌焉。 秦、漢闕采詩之官,歌詠多因前代,與時事既不相應,且無以垂示後昆。 漢武帝雖頗造新歌,然不以光揚祖考、崇述正德為先,但多詠祭祀見事及其祥瑞而已。 商周《雅》《頌》之體闕焉。
In antiquity when the Son of Heaven attended to governance, grand officers and grandees presented poems, elders revised them, and then the king deliberated over them. Qin and Han lacked an office for collecting poems; songs mostly followed earlier ages, neither matching current affairs nor serving to instruct posterity. Although Emperor Wu of Han composed many new songs, he did not prioritize glorifying his ancestors and exalting correct virtue, but mostly praised sacrifices, visible portents, and their auspicious signs. The Shang and Zhou form of Hymns and Eulogies was absent.
38
《鞞舞》,未詳所起,然漢代已施於燕享矣。 傅毅、張衡所賦,皆其事也。 曹植《鞞舞歌序》曰:「漢靈帝《西園故事》,有李堅者,能《鞞舞》。 遭亂,西隨段煨。 先帝聞其舊有技,召之。 堅既中廢,兼古曲多謬誤,異代之文,未必相襲,故依前曲改作新歌五篇,不敢充之黃門,近以成下國之陋樂焉。」 晉《鞞舞歌》亦五篇,又《鐸舞歌》一篇,《幡舞歌》一篇,《鼓舞伎》六曲,並陳於元會。 今《幡舞歌》詞猶存,舞並闕。 《鞞舞》,即今之《鞞扇舞》也。 又云晉初有《桮槃舞》《公莫舞》。 史臣按:《桮槃》,今之《齊世寧》也。 張衡《舞賦》云:「歷七槃而縱躡。」 王粲《七釋》云:「七槃陳於廣庭。」 近世文士顏延之云:「遞間關於槃扇。」 鮑昭云:「七槃起長袖。」 皆以七槃為舞也。 《搜神記》云:「晉太康中,天下為《晉世寧舞》,矜手以接桮柈反覆之。」 此則漢世唯有柈舞,而晉加之以桮,反覆之也。
Shield Dance—its origin is unclear, yet Han already performed it at banquets. The rhapsodies of Fu Yi and Zhang Heng both treat this subject. Cao Zhi's Preface to Shield Dance Songs states: "In the Western Garden story of Han Lingdi, there was Li Jian, who could perform the Shield Dance. Caught in the turmoil, he went west with Duan Gui. The Former Emperor heard that he retained his old skill and summoned him. Jian was disabled midway through his career, and the ancient melodies contained many errors. Texts of different ages need not be handed down unchanged—so following the old melody he composed five new songs, not daring to supply the Yellow Gate, but merely completing humble music for a lesser state." Jin also had five Shield Dance Songs, plus one Bell Dance Song, one Banner Dance Song, and six Drum Dance pieces—all performed at the New Year's assembly. Today the Banner Dance Song lyrics still survive, but the dances are all lost. Shield Dance is the present Shield-Fan Dance. It also records that early Jin had the Cup-and-Tray Dance and the Lord-Mo Dance. The historiographer notes: the Cup-and-Tray Dance is today's Qi-Era Peace. Zhang Heng's Dance Rhapsody says: "Traversing seven trays while leaping lightly." Wang Can's Seven Explorations says: "Seven trays arrayed in the broad courtyard." The recent literatus Yan Yanzhi wrote: "Passing in succession among trays and fans." Bao Zhao wrote: "Seven trays raise long sleeves." All describe the dance as performed on seven trays. Records of Searching for Spirits says: "In Taikang under Jin, people everywhere performed the Jin-Era Peace Dance, catching cups and trays in their hands and flipping them." This shows that Han had only the tray dance, while Jin added cups and the flipping motion.
39
《公莫舞》,今之巾舞也。 相傳云項莊劍舞,項伯以袖隔之,使不得害漢高祖。 且語莊云:「公莫。」 古人相呼曰「公」,云莫害漢王也。 今之用巾,盖像項伯衣袖之遺式。 按《琴操》有《公莫渡河曲》,然則其聲所從來已久,俗云項伯,非也。
Lord-Mo Dance is the present Kerchief Dance. Tradition holds that Xiang Zhuang performed a sword dance and Xiang Bo blocked him with his sleeve so that he could not harm Han Gaozu. He also said to Zhuang, "Lord, do not—" Ancient people addressed one another as "lord"; saying "do not" meant do not harm the King of Han. Today's use of kerchiefs probably imitates the remnant form of Xiang Bo's sleeve. Qin Melodies records a Lord-Mo Crosses the River melody—its sound therefore dates from long ago. The folk tale about Xiang Bo is incorrect.
40
江左初,又有《拂舞》。 舊云《拂舞》,吳舞。 檢其歌,非吳詞也,皆陳於殿庭。 揚泓《拂舞序》曰:「自到江南,見《白符舞》,或言《白鳧鳩舞》,云有此來數十年。 察其詞旨,乃是吳人患孫皓虐政,思屬晉也。」 又有《白紵舞》,按舞詞有巾袍之言; 紵本吳地所出,宜是吳舞也。 晉《俳歌》又云:「皎皎白緒,節節為雙。」 吳音呼緒為紵,疑白紵即白緒。
At the beginning of the Eastern Court, there was also the Whisk Dance. It was formerly called the Whisk Dance, a Wu dance. Examining its lyrics, they are not in Wu dialect; all are performed in the palace hall. Yang Hong's Preface to Whisk Dance says: "Since arriving in Jiangnan, I have seen the White Talisman Dance, also called the White Duck-Dove Dance, said to have existed for several decades. Examining its words and intent, it expresses Wu people's grievance against Sun Hao's tyranny and their wish to submit to Jin." There is also the White Zhu Dance; its dance lyrics mention kerchiefs and robes; Zhu cloth originally came from Wu territory—it should therefore be a Wu dance. Jin Banquet Song also says: "Bright, bright white floss, section by section paired." In Wu pronunciation floss is called zhu—White Zhu is probably white floss.
41
《鞞舞》,故二八,桓玄將即真,太樂遣眾伎,尚書殿中郎袁明子啟增滿八佾,相承不復革。 宋明帝自改舞曲歌詞,並詔近臣虞龢並作。 又有西傖羌胡諸雜舞。 隨王誕在襄陽造《襄陽樂》; 南平穆王為豫州造《壽陽樂》; 荊州刺史沈攸之又造《西烏飛歌曲》,並列於樂官。 歌詞多滛哇不典正。
Shield Dance was originally performed in two rows of eight. When Huan Xuan was about to usurp the throne, Grand Music dispatched all performers, and Palace Department Gentleman Yuan Mingzi memorialized to increase the formation to a full eight rows—a practice handed down without further change. Emperor Ming of Song personally revised dance lyrics and ordered his close minister Yu He and others to compose them. There were also various dances from the Western Rong, Qiang, and Hu peoples. Prince of Sui Wang Dan composed Xiangyang Music at Xiangyang; Prince of Nanping Mu composed Shouyang Music as governor of Yuzhou; Jing Province Inspector Shen Youzhi also composed Western Crows Fly, and all were listed among the music officials. Their lyrics were mostly licentious and improper.
42
前世樂飲,酒酣,必起自舞。 《詩》云「屢舞僊僊」是也。 宴樂必舞,但不宜屢爾。 譏在屢舞,不譏舞也。 漢武帝樂飲,長沙定王舞又是也。 魏、晉已來,尤重以舞相屬。 所屬者代起舞,猶若飲酒以桮相屬也。 謝安舞以屬桓嗣是也。 近世以來,此風絕矣。
In former ages at music feasts, when the wine had warmed, guests always rose to dance themselves. As the Odes say, "Repeatedly dancing lightly"—that is the reference. Banquet music must include dance, but not repeated dancing. The criticism targets repeated dancing, not dancing itself. Emperor Wu of Han at music feasts and the Prince of Changsha Ding dancing are further examples. Since Wei and Jin, people especially valued passing the dance to the next person. The person so honored would rise in turn to dance, just as cups are passed when drinking wine. Xie An danced and passed the turn to Huan Si—this is an example. In recent times this custom has died out.
43
孝武大明中,以《鞞》《拂》、雜舞合之鐘石,施於殿庭。 順帝昇明二年,尚書令王僧虔上表言之,並論三調歌曰:「臣聞《風》《雅》之作,由來尚矣。 大者繫乎興衰,其次者著於率舞。 在於心而木石感,鏗鏘奏而國俗移。 故鄭相出郊,辯聲知戚; 延陵入聘,觀樂知風。 是則音不妄啟,曲豈徒奏。 歌倡既設,休戚已徵,清濁是均,山琴自應。 斯乃天地之靈和,升降之明節。 今帝道四達,禮樂交通,誠非寡陋所敢裁酌。 伏以三古缺聞,六代潛響,舞詠與日月偕湮,精靈與風雲俱滅。 追餘操而長懷,撫遺器而太息,此則然矣。 夫鐘縣之器,以雅為用,凱容之制,八佾為體。 故羽籥擊拊,以相諧應,季氏獲誚,將在於此。 今總章舊佾二八之流,袿服既殊,曲律亦異,推今校古,皎然可知。 又歌鐘一肆,克諧女樂,以歌為稱,非雅器也。 大明中,即以宮縣合和《鞞》《拂》,節數雖會,慮乖雅體。 將來知音,或譏聖世。 若謂鐘舞已諧,不欲廢罷,別立歌鐘,以調羽佾,止於別宴,不關朝享,四縣所奏,謹依雅則,斯則舊樂前典,不墜於地。 臣昔已制歌磬,猶在樂官,具以副鐘,配成一部,即義沿理,如或可安。 又今之《清商》,實猶銅雀,魏氏三祖,風流可懷,京、洛相高,江左彌重。 諒以金縣干戚,事絕於斯。 而情變聽改,稍復零落,十數年間,亡者將半。 自頃家競新哇,人尚謠俗,務在噍危,不顧律紀,流宕無涯,未知所極,排斥典正,崇長煩滛。 士有等差,無故不可以去禮; 樂有攸序,長幼不可以共聞。 故諠醜之制,日盛於廛裏; 風味之韻,獨盡於衣冠。 夫川震社亡,同靈畢戒,哀思靡漫,異世齊驩。 咎征不殊,而欣畏並用,竊所未譬也。 方今塵靜畿中,波恬海外,《雅》《頌》得所,實在茲辰。 臣以為宜命典司,務勤課習,緝理舊聲,迭相開曉,凡所遺漏,悉使補拾。 曲全者祿厚,藝敏者位優。 利以動之,則人思自勸; 風以靡之,可不訓自革。 反本還源,庶可跂踵。」 詔曰:「僧虔表如此。 夫鐘鼓既陳,《雅》《頌》斯辨,所以憓感人祗,化動翔泳。 頃自金籥弛韻,羽佾未凝,正俗移風,良在茲日。 昔阮咸清識,王度昭奇,樂緒增修,異世同功矣。 便可付外遵詳。」
During Daming under Emperor Xiaowu, Shield, Whisk, and miscellaneous dances were combined with bells and stone chimes and performed in the palace hall. In the second year of Shengming under Emperor Shun, Ministerial Director Wang Sengqian memorialized on the matter and also discussed Three Modes songs: "I have heard that the creation of the Airs and Hymns has been honored since antiquity. In great matters they are bound up with rise and fall; in lesser matters they appear in the dance of following. It resides in the heart and moves wood and stone; when resoundingly played, national custom is transformed. Thus when the prime minister of Zheng went to the suburbs, he recognized sorrow from the sound; Yanling entered on a diplomatic mission and discerned the customs from observing the music. Thus tones are not sounded without purpose, nor melodies played in vain. Once singers are established, joy and sorrow are already signified; when clear and muddy tones are balanced, the zithers respond of themselves. This is the spiritual harmony of Heaven and Earth, the bright measure of ascent and descent. Now the imperial way reaches in all directions and ritual and music are in harmony—I truly dare not judge as one of narrow learning. I submit that the three antiquities lack transmitted reports and the six dynasties' hidden sounds—dance and song have sunk away with sun and moon, and their spirit has perished with wind and clouds. To pursue remaining melodies and cherish them long, to stroke surviving instruments and sigh deeply—so it is. Suspended bell instruments serve elegant music; the Kai Rong dance takes eight rows as its standard form. Thus feather flutes strike and clap in mutual response—Ji family's reproach will lie in this. Now the old Zongzhang row-dance in two rows of eight—garments already differ and melodies also differ; comparing present with past, this is plainly clear. Also, a set of song-bells harmonizes with women's music—it is named for song, not an elegant instrument. In Daming, palace bell-sets were combined with Shield and Whisk dances. Though the phrase counts match, I fear this violates elegant form. Future connoisseurs may reproach this sage age. If the bell-and-dance combination is already harmonized and one does not wish to abolish it, then separately establish song-bells to tune the feather row-dances, limiting them to separate banquets and not to court sacrifice. The four bell-sets would then strictly follow elegant rule, and old music and former canon would not fall to the ground. Your minister has already made song chime-stones, which remain with the music officials. Fitted with subsidiary bells, they form one complete set—following principle and reason, this may perhaps be acceptable. Today's Clear Shang is in essence like the Copper Sparrow music of Wei's three founding emperors—their elegance is still cherished, the capitals held it in high esteem, and the Eastern Court valued it even more. Surely because suspended bells and shield-axes belong to a tradition that ended there. But tastes changed and audiences shifted, and the repertoire gradually declined—within a dozen years, nearly half will be lost. Recently households have competed in new tunes and people have favored popular ballads, striving for perilous sounds without regard for regulation, drifting without bounds toward an unknown limit, rejecting canonical orthodoxy and exalting prolonged licentiousness. Scholars have gradations of rank, and without cause one may not abandon ritual; music has its proper order, and elder and younger may not listen together. Thus clamorous and vulgar forms flourish daily in the market lanes; refined flavor and charm are found only among the gentry. When rivers quake and altars perish, all spirits alike are warned; grief and longing spread boundlessly, yet different ages share joy alike. The ominous signs are the same, yet joy and fear are invoked together—I have never understood this. Now dust has settled in the capital and waves are calm beyond the seas—the Ya and Song find their proper place, and truly the time is now. Your subject thinks it fitting to order the music officials to practice diligently, put old repertoire in order, instruct one another in turn, and make up all that has been lost. Those who know complete pieces should receive generous salary, and those with nimble skill should receive superior rank. Use profit to motivate them, and people will strive to improve themselves; use custom to transform them, and they will reform themselves without being taught. Return to the root and restore the source, and perhaps others may follow in their footsteps." The edict said: "Sengqian's memorial reads thus. When bells and drums are arrayed and the Ya and Song are distinguished, by this people are harmonized and moved to reverence, and all living things are stirred to transformation. Recently, since metal pitch-pipes have slackened in tone and feather dancers are not yet settled, correcting customs and shifting popular taste truly lies in this day. Formerly Ruan Xian had clear insight and Wang Du displayed marvels—music was refined and expanded, and different ages achieved the same goal. It may be handed to the outer offices to follow up and examine in detail."
44
樂器凡八音:曰金,曰石,曰土,曰革,曰絲,曰木,曰匏,曰竹。
Musical instruments fall into eight sounds: metal, stone, earth, hide, silk, wood, gourd, and bamboo.
45
八音一曰金。 金,鐘也,鎛也,錞也,鐲也,鐃也,鐸也。 鐘者,《世本》云「黃帝工人垂所造。」 《爾雅》云「大鐘曰鏞」。 《書》曰「笙鏞以間」是也。 中者曰剽,剽音瓢。 小者曰棧,棧音醆,晉江左初所得棧鐘是也。 縣鐘磬者曰筍虡,橫曰筍,從曰虡。 蔡邕曰:「寫鳥獸之形,大聲有力者以為鐘虡,清聲無力者以為磬虛,擊其所縣,知由其虡鳴焉。」 鎛如鐘而大。 史臣案:前代有大鐘,若周之無射,非一,皆謂之鐘; 鎛之言,近代無聞焉。
The first of the eight sounds is metal. Metal includes the bell, bo, chun, duo, nao, and duo. As for bells, the Genealogical Annals says "the Yellow Emperor's artisan Chui made them." The Erya says "a large bell is called yong." The Documents says "sheng and yong to interpose"—this is what it means. Medium ones are called piao, pronounced piao. Small ones are called zhan, pronounced zhan—the zhan bell first obtained in early Eastern Jin is an example. The frames suspending bells and chimes are called sun and ju—the horizontal frame is sun, the vertical frame is ju. Cai Yong said: "Depicting bird and beast forms—those with loud, forceful sound were made into bell frames, and those with clear sound without force into chime frames; strike what they suspend, and you know the sound comes from the frame." The bo is like a bell but larger. The historiographer notes: former ages had large bells, like Zhou's Wushe—not just one—all were called bells; as for the term bo, recent times have not heard of it.
46
錞,錞于也。 圜如碓頭,大上小下,今民間猶時有其器。 《周禮》「以金錞和鼓」。
Chun is the chunyu. It is round like a pestle head, large above and small below—this instrument still occasionally exists among the people today. The Rites of Zhou says "use the metal chun to harmonize drums."
47
鐲,鉦也。 形如小鐘,軍行鳴之,以為鼓節。 《周禮》「以金鐲節鼓」。
Duo is the zheng. It is shaped like a small bell and is sounded on army marches to mark the drum beat. The Rites of Zhou says "use the metal duo to mark drums."
48
鐃,如鈴而無舌,有柄,執而鳴之。 《周禮》「以金鐃止鼓」。 漢《鼓吹曲》曰鐃歌。
Nao is like a bell but without a clapper; it has a handle and is grasped and sounded. The Rites of Zhou says "use the metal nao to stop drums." The Han Acclamations Pieces are called nao songs.
49
鐸,大鈴也。 《周禮》「以金鐸通鼓」。
Duo is a large bell. The Rites of Zhou says "use the metal duo to signal drums."
50
八音二曰石。 石,磬也。 《世本》云叔所造,不知叔何代人。 《爾雅》曰:「形似犂錧,以玉為之。」 大曰毊。 毊音囂。
The second of the eight sounds is stone. Stone is the qing. The Genealogical Annals says Shu made it—it is not known in which era Shu lived. The Erya says: "It is shaped like a plow share and made of jade." Large ones are called xiao. Xiao is pronounced xiao.
51
八音三曰土。 土,塤也。 《世本》云,暴新所造,亦不知何代人也。 周畿內有暴國,豈其時人乎? 燒土為之,大如鵝卵,銳上平底,形似稱錘,六孔。 《爾雅》云大者曰嘂,嘂音叫。 小者如鷄子。
The third of the eight sounds is earth. Earth is the xun. The Genealogical Annals says Bao Xin made it—it is also not known in which era he lived. Within Zhou's domain was the state of Bao—perhaps he was a man of that time? It is made of fired earth, as large as a goose egg, with a sharp top and flat bottom, shaped like a steelyard weight, with six holes. The Erya says large ones are called jiao, pronounced jiao. Small ones are like a chicken egg.
52
八音四曰革。 革,鼓也,鞉也,莭也。 大曰鼓,小曰朄,又曰應。 應劭《風俗通》曰:「不知誰所造。」 以桴擊之曰鼓,以手搖之曰鞉。 鼓及鞉之八面者曰雷鼓、雷鞉; 六面者曰靈鼓、靈鞉; 四面者曰路鼓、路鞉。 《周禮》:「以雷鼓祀天神,以靈鼓社祭,以路鼓致鬼享。」 鼓長八尺者曰鼖鼓,以鼓軍事。 長丈二尺者曰鼜鼓,凡守備及役事則鼓之。 今世謂之下鼜。 鼜,《周禮》音戚,今世音切豉反。 長六尺六寸者曰晉鼓,金奏則鼓之。 應鼓在大鼓側,《詩》云「應朄懸鼓」是也。 小鼓有柄曰鞀。 大鞀謂之鞞。 《月令》「仲夏修鞀、鞞」。 是也。 然則鞀、鞞即鞉類也。 又有鼉鼓焉。 節,不知誰所造。 傅玄《節賦》云:「黃鐘唱歌,《九韶》興舞。 口非節不詠,手非節不拊。」 此則所從來亦遠矣。
The fourth of the eight sounds is hide. Hide includes the drum, tao, and jie. Large ones are called drum, small ones yue, also called ying. Ying Shao's Customs and Manners says: "It is not known who made them." Those struck with a mallet are called drum; those shaken by hand are called tao. Drums and tao with eight faces are called thunder drum and thunder tao; six-faced ones are called spirit drum and spirit tao; four-faced ones are called road drum and road tao. The Rites of Zhou says: "Use the thunder drum to sacrifice to the Heavenly Spirit, the spirit drum for earth altar sacrifice, and the road drum to summon ghosts for offering." Drums eight chi long are called fen drums, used to signal military affairs. Those one zhang two chi long are called qi drums—they are beaten for all guard duty and corvée work. The present age calls it the lower qi. Qi—in the Rites of Zhou it is pronounced qi; in today's pronunciation it is qie shi fan. Those six chi six cun long are called Jin drums—they are beaten when metal sounds play. The ying drum is placed at the side of the large drum—the Odes says "ying yue suspended drum," which is this. A small drum with a handle is called tao. A large tao is called pi. The Monthly Ordinances says "in mid-summer repair the tao and pi." This is what it refers to. Thus tao and pi belong to the tao category. There is also the crocodile drum. As for the jie, it is not known who made it. Fu Xuan's Jie Rhapsody says: "Yellow Bell sings the song, and the Nine Shao rises in dance. The mouth does not chant without the jie, and the hand does not clap without the jie." Its origin is also remote.
53
八音五曰絲。 絲,琴瑟也,筑也,箏也,琵琶、空侯也。
The fifth of the eight sounds is silk. Silk includes the qin, se, zhu, zheng, pipa, and konghou.
54
琴,馬融《笛賦》云:「宓羲造琴。」 《世本》云:「神農所造。」 《爾雅》「大琴曰離」,二十絃。 今無其器。 齊桓曰號鐘,楚莊曰繞梁,相如曰燋尾,伯喈曰綠綺,事出傅玄《琴賦》。 世云燋尾是伯喈琴,伯喈傳亦云爾。 以傅氏言之,則非伯喈也。
As for the qin, Ma Rong's Flute Rhapsody says: "Fuxi made the qin." The Genealogical Annals says: "Shennong made it." The Erya says "a large qin is called li," with twenty strings. Today there is no such instrument. Duke Huan of Qi called his Haozhong, King Zhuang of Chu his Raoliang, Xiangru his Jiaowei, and Boyong his Lüqi—these accounts come from Fu Xuan's Qin Rhapsody. The world says Jiaowei was Boyong's qin, and Boyong's biography also says so. According to Fu's account, it was not Boyong's.
55
瑟,馬融《笛賦》云「神農造瑟。」 ,世本:「宓羲所造。」 《爾雅》云:「瑟二十七絃者曰灑。」 今無其器。
As for the se, Ma Rong's Flute Rhapsody says "Shennong made the se." , while the Genealogical Annals says: "Fuxi made it." The Erya says: "A se with twenty-seven strings is called sa." Today there is no such instrument.
56
筑,不知誰所造。 史籍唯云高漸離善擊筑。
As for the zhu, it is not known who made it. Historical records only say that Gao Jianli was skilled at playing the zhu.
57
箏,秦聲也。 傅玄《箏賦序》曰:「世以為蒙恬所造。 今觀其體合法度,節究哀樂,乃仁智之器,豈亡國之臣所能關思哉?」 《風俗通》則曰:「筑身而瑟絃。」 不知誰所改作也。
The zheng is a Qin sound. Fu Xuan's Zheng Rhapsody Preface says: "The world believes Meng Tian made it. Examining its form, it conforms to regulation and its measures fully express joy and grief—it is an instrument of benevolence and wisdom. How could a minister of a fallen state have conceived it?" Customs and Manners says: "It has the body of a zhu but the strings of a se." It is not known who remade it.
58
琵琶,傅玄《琵琶賦》曰:「漢遣烏孫公主嫁昆彌,念其行道思慕,故使工人裁箏、筑,為馬上之樂。 欲從方俗語,故名曰琵琶,取其易傳於外國也。」 《風俗通》云:「以手琵琶,因以為名。」 杜摯云:「長城之役,弦鼗而鼓之。」 並未詳孰實。 其器不列四廂。
Pipa—Fu Xuan's Pipa Rhapsody says: "Han sent the Wusun princess to marry Kunmi. Mindful of her journey and longing, workers were ordered to adapt the zheng and zhu into music for horseback performance. Wishing to follow local speech, it was named pipa, meaning that it could easily spread to foreign lands." Customs and Manners says: "It is played by plucking with the hands—pipa—and thus received its name." Du Zhi says: "During the Great Wall labor, they strung tambourines and beat them." None of these accounts clearly establishes which is true. This instrument is not listed among the four side-chambers.
59
空侯,初名坎侯。 漢武帝賽滅南越,祠太一后土用樂,令樂人侯暉依琴作坎侯,言其坎坎應節奏也。 侯者,因工人姓爾。 後言空,音訛也。 古施郊廟雅樂,近世來專用於楚聲。 宋孝武帝大明中,吳興沈懷遠被徙廣州,造繞梁,其器與空侯相似。 懷遠後亡,其器亦絕。
The konghou was originally called the kanhou. After Emperor Wu of Han defeated Nanyue, music was used in sacrifice to Grand Unity and Earth. He ordered the musician Hou Hui to model the kanhou on the qin, saying its kan-kan sound responds to the rhythm. Hou comes from the artisan's surname. The later form kong is a corruption of the sound. In antiquity it was used in suburban and temple elegant music; in recent times it has been used exclusively for Chu sounds. During Daming under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, Shen Huaiyuan of Wuxing was exiled to Guangzhou and created the Rao Liang, an instrument resembling the konghou. After Huaiyuan's death, the instrument also disappeared.
60
八音六曰木。 木,柷也,敔也。 並不知誰所造。 《樂記》曰:「聖人作為椌、楬、塤、篪。」 所起亦遠矣。 柷如漆筩,方二尺四寸,深尺八寸,中有椎柄,連底挏之,令左右擊。
The sixth of the eight sounds is wood. Wood includes the zhu and the yu. It is not known who made either of them. The Record of Music says: "The sage made the kuang, jie, xun, and chi." Their origin is also remote. The zhu is like a lacquer tube, two chi four cun square and one chi eight cun deep, with a mallet handle inside connected to the bottom so that left and right can strike it.
61
敔狀如伏虎,背上有二十七鉏鋙。 以竹長尺,名曰止,橫擽之,以節樂終也。
The yu is shaped like a crouching tiger, with twenty-seven studs on its back. A bamboo rod one chi long, called the zhi, is struck horizontally to mark the end of the music.
62
八音七曰匏。 匏,笙也,竽也。 笙,隨所造,不知何代人。 列管匏內,施簧管端。 宮管在中央,三十六簧曰竽; 宮管在左傍,十九簧至十三簧曰笙。 其他皆相似也。 竽今亡。 大笙謂之簧,小者謂之和。 其笙中之簧,女媧所造也。 《詩》傳云:「吹笙則簧鼓矣。」 蓋笙中之簧也。 《爾雅》曰:「笙十九簧者曰巢。」 漢章帝時,零陵文學奚景於舜祠得笙,白玉管。 後世易之以竹乎。
The seventh of the eight sounds is gourd. Gourd includes the sheng and the yu. The sheng was made as occasion arose—it is not known in which era. Pipes are arrayed within the gourd, with reeds placed at the pipe ends. With the gong pipe at the center and thirty-six reeds, it is called a yu; with the gong pipe at the left side and from nineteen down to thirteen reeds, it is called a sheng. The rest are all similar. The yu is now lost. A large sheng is called huang; a small one is called he. The reeds within the sheng were made by Nüwa. The commentary on the Odes says: "When the sheng is blown, the reeds resound." This refers to the reeds within the sheng. The Erya says: "A sheng with nineteen reeds is called chao." In the time of Emperor Zhang of Han, Xi Jing, a literary scholar of Lingling, obtained a sheng at Shun's temple with white jade pipes. Later ages perhaps replaced them with bamboo.
63
八音八曰竹。 竹,律也,呂也,簫也,管也,篪也,籥也,笛也。 律呂在《律呂志》。
The eighth of the eight sounds is bamboo. Bamboo includes pitch-pipes, lü, xiao, guan, chi, yue, and di. Pitch-pipes and lü are treated in the Treatise on Pitch-pipes and Lü.
64
簫,《世本》云:「舜所造。」 《爾雅》曰:「編二十三管,尺四寸者曰言; 十六管長尺二寸者筊。」 筊音爻。 凡簫,一名籟。 前世有洞簫,其器今亡。 蔡邕曰:「簫,編竹有底。」 然則邕時無洞簫矣。
As for the xiao, the Genealogical Annals says: "Shun made it." The Erya says: "Bound with twenty-three pipes, one chi four cun long, is called yan; sixteen pipes one chi two cun long is called jiao." Jiao is pronounced yao. All xiao are also called lai. Former ages had the hollow xiao; that instrument is now lost. Cai Yong said: "The xiao is bound bamboo with a bottom." Thus in Yong's time there was no hollow xiao.
65
管,《爾雅》曰:「長尺,圍寸,並漆之,有底。」 大者曰簥。 簥音驕; 中者曰篞; 小者曰篎,篎音妙。 古者以玉為管,舜時西王母獻白玉琯是也。 《月令》:「均琴、瑟、管、簫。」 蔡邕章句曰:「管者,形長尺,圍寸,有孔無底。」 其器今亡。
As for the guan, the Erya says: "One chi long, one cun in circumference, all lacquered, with a bottom." Large ones are called jiao. Jiao is pronounced jiao; medium ones are called nie; small ones are called miao, pronounced miao. In antiquity jade was used for guan—the white jade guan presented by the Queen Mother of the West in Shun's time is an example. The Monthly Ordinances says: "Tune the qin, se, guan, and xiao." Cai Yong's commentary says: "The guan is one chi long and one cun in circumference, with holes but no bottom." That instrument is now lost.
66
篪,《世本》云:「暴新公所造。」 舊志云,一曰管。 史臣案:非也。 雖不知暴新公何代人,而非舜前人明矣。 舜時西王母獻管,則是已有其器,新公安得造篪乎? 《爾雅》曰:「篪,大者尺四寸,圍三寸,曰沂。」 沂音銀,一名翹。 「小者尺二寸」。 今有胡篪,出於胡吹,非雅器也。
As for the chi, the Genealogical Annals says: "Duke Bao Xin made it." Old records say it was also called guan. The historiographer notes: this is incorrect. Although it is not known in which era Duke Bao Xin lived, it is clear that he was not before Shun. In Shun's time the Queen Mother of the West presented guan—so the instrument already existed. How could Duke Xin have made the chi? The Erya says: "The chi—large ones are one chi four cun long and three cun around, called yi." Yi is pronounced yin, also called qiao. "Small ones are one chi two cun." Today there is the Hu chi, from Hu blowing—it is not an elegant instrument.
67
籥,不知誰所造。 《周禮》有籥師,掌教國子秋冬吹籥。 今《凱容》《宣烈》舞所執羽籥是也。 葢《詩》所云「左手執籥,右手秉翟」者也。 《爾雅》云:「籥如笛,三孔而短小。」 《爾雅》云,七孔,大者曰產,中者曰仲,小者曰箹。 箹音握。
As for the yue, it is not known who made it. The Rites of Zhou mentions a yue master, in charge of teaching the sons of the state to blow the yue in autumn and winter. The feather yue held in today's Kai Rong and Xuan Lie dances are these. This is what the Odes mean by "the left hand holds the yue, the right hand grasps the pheasant feathers." The Erya says: "The yue is like the di, with three holes and short and small." The Erya also says, with seven holes—large ones are called chan, medium ones zhong, small ones zhuo. Zhuo is pronounced wo.
68
笛,案馬融《長笛賦》,此器起近世,出於羌中,京房備其五音。 又稱丘仲工其事,不言仲所造。 《風俗通》則曰:「丘仲造笛,武帝時人。」 其後更有羌笛爾。 三說不同,未詳孰實。
As for the di, according to Ma Rong's Long Flute Rhapsody, this instrument arose in recent times and came from among the Qiang; Jing Fang completed its five tones. It is also said that Qiu Zhong was skilled at it, but it does not say that Zhong invented it. Customs and Manners says: "Qiu Zhong made the di; he was a man of Emperor Wu's time." Afterward there was further the Qiang di. The three accounts differ, and it is not clear which is true.
69
䈔,杜摯《笳賦》云:「李伯陽入西戎所造。」 漢舊注曰:「箛,號曰吹鞭。」 《晉先蠶注》:「車駕住,吹小箛; 發,吹大箛。」 箛即䈔也。 又有胡笳。 漢舊《箏笛錄》有其曲,不記所出本末。
As for the jia, Du Zhi's Jia Rhapsody says: "Li Boyang made it when he entered the Western Rong." An old Han commentary says: "Gu, also called the blowing whip." The Jin commentary on the First Silkworm rite says: "When the imperial carriage stops, blow the small gu; when departing, blow the large gu." Gu is the jia. There is also the Hu jia. The old Han Zheng and Di Record contains its melodies, but does not record their origin.
70
鼓吹,葢短簫鐃歌。 蔡邕曰:「軍樂也,黃帝岐伯所作以揚德建武,勸士諷敵也」《周官》曰:「師有功則愷樂。」 《左傳》曰:「晉文公勝楚,振旅,凱而入」。 《司馬法》曰:「得意則愷樂愷歌。」 雍門周說孟甞君,「鼓吹於不測之淵」。 說者云,鼓自一物,吹自竽、籟之屬,非簫、鼓合奏,別為一樂之名也。 然則短簫鐃歌,此時未名鼓吹矣。 應劭漢《鹵簿圖》,唯有騎執箛。 箛即笳,不云鼓吹,而漢世有黃門鼓吹。 漢享宴食舉樂十三曲,與魏世鼓吹長簫同。 長簫短簫,《伎錄》並云:「絲竹合作,執節者歌。」 又《建初錄》云:「《務成》《黃爵》《玄雲》《遠期》,皆騎吹曲,非鼓吹曲。」 此則列於殿庭者為鼓吹,今之從行鼓吹為騎吹,二曲異也。 又孫權觀魏武軍,作鼓吹而還,此又應是今之鼓吹。 魏、晉世,又假諸將帥及牙門曲,葢鼓吹,斯則其時謂之鼓吹矣。 魏、晉世給鼓吹甚輕,牙門督將五校,悉有鼓吹。 晉江左初,臨川太守謝摛每寢,輙夢聞鼓吹。 有人為其占之曰:「君不得生鼓吹,當得死鼓吹爾。」 摛擊杜弢戰沒,追贈長水校尉,葬給鼓吹焉。 謝尚為江夏太守,詣安西將軍庾翼於武昌咨事,翼與尚射,曰:「卿若破的,當以鼓吹相賞。」 尚射破的,便以其副鼓吹給之。 今則甚重矣。
Acclamations are probably short xiao and nao songs. Cai Yong said: "It is military music, made by the Yellow Emperor and Qibo to display virtue and establish martial prowess, encourage soldiers and satirize enemies." The Rites of Zhou says: "When the army achieves merit, then play triumphant music." The Zuo Commentary says: "Duke Wen of Jin defeated Chu, marshaled his troops, and entered in triumph." The Methods of Sima says: "When successful, then triumphant music and triumphant song." Yongmen Zhou persuaded Lord Mengchang with "acclamations at the unfathomable abyss." Commentators say that drumming is one thing and blowing comes from yu, lai, and the like—not xiao and drum combined into one performance, but a separate name for a kind of music. Thus short xiao and nao songs had not yet been named acclamations at that time. Ying Shao's Han Procession Chart shows only mounted riders holding gu. Gu is the jia, and the chart does not mention acclamations—yet Han had Yellow Gate Acclamations. Han had thirteen banquet pieces when raising the cup, the same as Wei acclamations with long xiao. Long xiao and short xiao—the Performers Record says of both: "Silk and bamboo combined, with the beat-keeper singing." The Jianchu Record also says: "Wucheng, Yellow Sparrow, Dark Clouds, and Long Journey are all mounted-blow pieces, not acclamation pieces." Thus those listed for the palace hall are acclamations, while today's traveling acclamations are mounted-blow—the two kinds of pieces differ. Sun Quan also viewed Cao Cao's army, performed acclamations, and returned—this too should be what are now called acclamations. In the Wei and Jin periods, acclamations were also granted to various generals and gate-guard pieces—thus at that time they were called acclamations. In the Wei and Jin periods, acclamations were granted very freely—gate-guard supervisors, generals, and the five colonels all had them. In early Eastern Jin, Xie Chi, governor of Linchuan, always dreamed of hearing acclamations whenever he slept. Someone divined for him and said: "You will not receive acclamations in life—you will receive them in death." Chi attacked Du Tao and died in battle. He was posthumously enfeoffed as Changshui colonel, and acclamations were granted for his burial. When Xie Shang was governor of Jiangxia, he went to Anxi General Yu Yi at Wuchang to consult on affairs. Yi had an archery contest with Shang and said: "If you hit the target, I shall reward you with acclamations." Shang hit the target, and Yi immediately gave him his deputy acclamations. Today it is highly prized.
71
角,書記所不載。 或云出羌胡,以驚中國馬; 或云出吳越。 舊志云:「古樂有籟、缶。」 今並無。 史臣按:《爾雅》,籟自是簫之一名耳。 《詩》云:「坎其擊缶。」 毛傳曰:「盎謂之缶。」
The horn is not recorded in written accounts. Some say it came from the Qiang and Hu peoples, to startle Chinese horses; some say it came from Wu and Yue. Old records say: "Ancient music had lai and fou." Today both are gone. The historiographer notes: in the Erya, lai is simply another name for the xiao. The Odes says: "Kan—strike the fou." Mao's commentary says: "A basin is called fou."
72
築城相杵者,出自梁孝王。 孝王築睢陽城,方十二里,造倡聲,以小鼓為莭,築者下杵以和之。 後世謂此聲為《睢陽曲》,至今傳之。
City-building ramming-pole songs originated with King Xiao of Liang. King Xiao built Suiyang city, twelve li square, and created lead-singer chants with a small drum as beat—the builders lowered their poles in time with it. Later ages called this sound the Suiyang Piece, and it is transmitted to the present day.
73
魏、晉之世,有孫氏善弘舊曲,宋識善擊莭倡和,陳左善清歌,列和善吹笛,郝索善彈箏,朱生善琵琶,尤發新聲。 傅玄著書曰:「人若欽所聞而忽所見,不亦惑乎! 設此六人生於上世,越古今而無儷,何但夔、牙同契哉!」 案此說,則自茲以後,皆孫、朱等之遺則也。
In the Wei and Jin periods, the Sun clan was skilled at spreading old pieces, Song Shi at beating the jie and leading chorus, Chen Zuo at clear song, Lie He at the di, Hao Suo at the zheng, and Zhu Sheng at the pipa—they especially created new sounds. Fu Xuan wrote in his book: "If people admire what they hear yet neglect what they see, is that not confusion! If these six men had been born in former ages, they would surpass past and present without peer—how much more than Kui and Ya sharing accord!" According to this account, from then on all were the transmitted standards of Sun, Zhu, and the like.
74
宋書卷十九考證
Song Shu, Scroll Nineteen—Textual Verification
75
樂志一「以五聲和其性以八音莭其流,而故謂之樂能移風易俗平心正體焉。」 〈○尋繹文義,「故」字當在「樂」字下。〉
Treatise on Music One: "Use the five tones to harmonize their nature and the eight sounds to mark their flow, and thus call it music, which can shift winds, change customs, level hearts, and correct bodies." 〈○Tracing the text's meaning, the character gu should be placed after the character yue.〉
76
「昔有娥氏有二女。」 〈○娥一本作娀者是。〉
"Formerly the E clan had two daughters." 〈○One edition reads Song instead of E—this is correct.〉
77
「乃作破斧之歌,始為東音。」 〈○臣承蒼按:「既破我斧,又缺我斨」周公東征之詩也。 以此為東音之始可矣,乃謂夏后孔甲田於東陽萯山取民間之子為子,其後,析橑斧斷其足,孔甲始作此歌,何其荒謬也。〉
"Then made the Broken Axe song, which became the first Eastern sound." 〈○Your subject Cheng Cang notes: "Already broken our axe, also chipped our adze"—this is the poem of the Duke of Zhou's eastern expedition. To take this as the beginning of Eastern sound suffices—yet to say that Xia ruler Kong Jia hunted at Dongyang Fu Mountain, took a commoner's son as his own, later split a beam-axe and cut off his foot, and that Kong Jia then made this song—how absurd!〉
78
樂器凡八音。 〈○諸本誤連前一行,今改正。〉
Musical instruments fall into eight sounds. 〈○Various editions wrongly joined this to the previous line—now corrected.〉