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卷四十二 列傳第二 劉穆之 王弘

Volume 42 Biographies 2: Liu Muzhi, Wang Hong

Chapter 42 of 宋書 · Book of Song
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Chapter 42
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1
Biographies 2: Liu Muzhi and Wang Hong
2
簿
Liu Muzhi, whose style name was Daohe and childhood name Daomin, came from Ju in Dongguan and was descended from Prince Fei the Lamented and Kind of Qi of Han. His family had lived at Jingkou for generations. As a youth he loved the classics and their commentaries, read widely with deep understanding, and won the recognition of Jiang Ai of Jiyang. When Jiang Ai held the posts of General Who Establishes Martial Might and interior minister of Langye, he made Muzhi chief clerk of his headquarters.
3
簿
Earlier, Muzhi once dreamed that he and Emperor Gaozu were sailing the open sea together when a sudden gale struck, filling him with alarm. When he looked down from the boat, he saw two white dragons flanking the vessel on either side. Before long they reached a mountain whose peaks rose steep and graceful, its woods thick and lush, and he felt deep delight. After Emperor Gaozu captured the capital, he asked He Wuji, "I urgently need a chief clerk for headquarters. How can I find the right man?" He Wuji replied, "No one better than Liu Daomin." Emperor Gaozu said, "I know him too." He immediately sent a fast courier to summon him. Muzhi had heard shouting and uproar in the capital; rising early he went out to the roadside, where he happened upon the courier. Muzhi fixed his gaze ahead and remained silent for a long while. Then he went back inside, ripped his cloth robe to fashion trousers, and went to see Emperor Gaozu. Emperor Gaozu said to him, "I have just raised the great enterprise and am entering hard times. I urgently need a military clerk. Whom do you think is fit for the post?" Muzhi replied, "Your headquarters is only now being established and truly needs a capable military clerk. In this hurried moment, there is scarcely anyone who surpasses me." Emperor Gaozu laughed and said, "If you can humble yourself in this way, my cause is assured." He was appointed on the spot.
4
簿 西
When the capital was pacified and Emperor Gaozu first arrived, every major disposition was settled in haste, and all of it was Muzhi's work. He was then entrusted with the emperor's innermost confidence, and Gaozu consulted him in every move he made. Muzhi, for his part, gave his utmost loyalty and held nothing back. At that time the authority of Jin had grown lax, and law could not be enforced. Great clans and powerful houses bullied others at will, while common people were driven to destitution with nowhere to turn. On top of this, Sima Yuanxian's edicts were erratic and contradictory, while Huan Xuan's regulations were numerous and oppressive. Muzhi weighed the needs of the moment and corrected abuses as each case required. In less than ten days the customs of the region were transformed. He was promoted to gentleman of the Ministry of Rites in the Masters of Writing, again made chief clerk of headquarters and recording secretary with registrar duties, and concurrently served as grand administrator of Tangyi. For his merit in suppressing Huan Xuan he was enfeoffed as fifth-rank Viscount of Xihua.
5
便 宿 便 便
In the third year of Yixi, when Grand Administrator of Yangzhou Wang Mi died, Emperor Gaozu was next in line to enter the capital as chief minister. Liu Yi and others did not want him to do so and proposed making Central Commander of the Army Xie Hun governor of Yangzhou instead. Others wanted Emperor Gaozu to hold the province from Dantu while turning internal affairs over to Vice Director of the Masters of Writing Meng Chang. They sent Right Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing Pi Shen to present both proposals to Emperor Gaozu for his view. Shen first met with Muzhi and explained the court deliberations in full. Muzhi pretended to rise as if for the privy and at once sent a secret note to Emperor Gaozu: "Pi Shen has only just arrived. His proposal must not be accepted." After Emperor Gaozu had seen Shen and sent him out for the moment, he summoned Muzhi and asked, "You say Shen's proposal must not be accepted. What do you mean by that?" Muzhi said, "The Jin court lost its way long ago, and that was not a matter of a single day. Then Huan Xuan seized power, and the Mandate had already shifted. Your Lordship has restored the imperial house, and your merit towers above ten thousand ages. Having achieved great merit, you ought to hold great position. Great position and towering merit cannot long endure in this arrangement. Given your position today, how can you remain modest and weaken yourself until you become nothing more than a frontier commander guarding a border province? Liu, Meng, and the others rose with you from common cloth, raised the great cause together, and originally meant only to restore the ruler and win merit so as to gain wealth and rank. Matters have their order of precedence, so for a time they yielded merit to you. That was not because they had surrendered body and heart in lasting submission, or because the bond of lord and minister had been fixed long before. When strength is matched and power equal, in the end they will devour one another. Yangzhou is where the root foundation lies. It cannot be entrusted to another. Giving it earlier to Wang Mi was an expedient measure. How could that be the enduring grand design, necessarily to be done thus forever? If you now hand it to someone else again, you will at once fall under another man's control. Once you lose authority, there will be no way to regain it. Yet your merit is high and your honors weighty; you cannot simply be set aside. Suspicion and fear will press upon one another, strange factions will rise in turn, and the dangers ahead — can you not ponder them with care? Today's court deliberation runs as it does. You should answer in kind. To say outright that you want the post yourself would make the wording difficult. You should only say, "The capital region is the root of the realm, and chief ministers hold honored importance. The rise and fall of the state depend on this appointment, and the choice should receive careful deliberation." This matter is too great to debate at a distance. Let me enter court for a time so we may together settle agreement and difference." When you reach the capital, they will certainly not dare to pass you by and give the post to someone else. That much is clear." Emperor Gaozu followed his advice and thereby entered the capital as chief minister.
6
滿 [1]便滿 便 [2]
On the campaign against Guanggu and in the defense against Lu Xun, he constantly worked within the command tent drafting plans and deciding every major affair. Liu Yi and others resented Muzhi's favored intimacy. Whenever they spoke at leisure of his excessive power, Emperor Gaozu trusted and relied on him all the more. Whatever Muzhi heard or saw outside, great or small, he always reported. Even village gossip and roadside trifles he recounted one by one. Whenever Emperor Gaozu obtained confidential news from among the people to display his keen intelligence, it all came through Muzhi. He also loved to entertain guests, and his hall was always full. He spread eyes and ears throughout the realm, so that whatever differed in court and countryside Muzhi invariably knew. Even the faults and merits of those close to the emperor he reported without concealment. Some ridiculed him for it. Muzhi said, "Given your keen intelligence, in time you will hear of these things yourself. I have received your grace. By right I cannot conceal anything. That is why Zhang Liao reported to Guan Yu that someone wished to rebel." Emperor Gaozu's conduct and actions Muzhi all regulated from below. Emperor Gaozu's handwriting was by nature clumsy. Muzhi said, "Though this is a small matter, it is proclaimed to the four quarters. I hope Your Lordship will give it a little attention." Emperor Gaozu could neither set his mind to it nor alter what nature had allotted him. Muzhi then said, "Simply let the brush run in large characters, one character a foot across, and there is no fault. Large characters are sufficient to contain meaning, and their force is also beautiful." Emperor Gaozu followed this advice, and a single sheet held no more than six or seven characters before it was full. Of all he recommended for advancement, he did not stop until they were promoted. He often said, "Though I do not match Director Ling of Xun in recommending the worthy, I never recommend the unworthy." Muzhi and Zhu Lingshi were both adept at correspondence. Once, in Emperor Gaozu's presence, Muzhi and Lingshi answered letters together. From dawn until midday, Muzhi handled a hundred bundles and Lingshi eighty, yet Muzhi's replies never faltered. He was transferred to major of the army under the Central Army and Grand Commandant. In the eighth year he was additionally made intendant of Danyang.
7
西 西 [3]殿 [4]
When Emperor Gaozu marched west to attack Liu Yi, he placed Zhuge Changmin in charge of the rear headquarters to oversee all subsequent affairs. Emperor Gaozu doubted that Changmin could bear the burden alone and left Muzhi behind to assist him. Muzhi was given the additional title General Who Establishes Martial Might, with staff officers appointed and substantive forces allotted to him. Changmin did harbor a different design, yet hesitated and could not act. He dismissed attendants and said to Muzhi, "Loose talk everywhere says the Grand Commandant and I are at odds. How has it come to this?" Muzhi replied, "Your Lordship is campaigning far upstream while entrusting your aged mother and young children to his command. If he failed in the slightest, how could matters stand thus?" His mind was somewhat eased. When Emperor Gaozu returned, Changmin was executed. In the tenth year Muzhi was advanced to Forward General and granted ten thousand bolts of annual cloth for the Forward Army headquarters and three million in cash. In the eleventh year Emperor Gaozu marched west against Sima Xiuzhi. Central Army General Daolin nominally held the rear post, yet in affairs great and small Muzhi alone decided. He was transferred to right vice director of the Masters of Writing with charge of selection, while his generalship and intendancy remained as before. In the twelfth year Emperor Gaozu marched north. He left the heir as central army general to oversee the rear headquarters of the Grand Commandant. Muzhi was transferred to left vice director, concurrently overseeing the military supervisors of the Supervisory Army and Central Army headquarters, while his generalship, intendancy, and charge of selection remained as before. [3] He was granted fifty armed guards with permission to enter the hall. [4] He took up residence in the Eastern City.
8
滿
Within, Muzhi oversaw court government; without, he supplied the armies. His decisions flowed like water, and no affair piled up in delay. Guests converged in crowds, and petitions came by the hundred paths. Memorials from within and without filled the steps and packed the rooms. With his eyes he scanned lawsuits, with his hands answered letters, with his ears he took in reports on the move, and with his mouth he answered all at once, none interfering with another, and all were fully handled. Again and again he entertained close guests in conversation, wit, and laughter, drawing out the day across hours, never weary or suffering. When he had a little leisure he copied books with his own hand, searched through chapters and sections, and collated canonical texts. By nature he was extravagant and grand. His meals always filled a square zhang, and each morning he had food prepared for ten men. Since Muzhi loved guests he never dined alone. Whenever mealtime came, even if guests numbered no more than ten, his staff still served the regular full meal. This was his constant practice. He once reported to Emperor Gaozu, "Muzhi's family was originally poor and lowly, and support for daily life was often lacking. Since receiving undeserved favor, though I have each time sought restraint, what is needed morning and evening is slightly excessive. Beyond this, not a hair's breadth have I failed you."
9
In the thirteenth year his illness grew grave, and an edict sent a rectitude gentleman of the Yellow Gate to inquire after his health. He died in the eleventh month, aged fifty-eight.
10
Emperor Gaozu was at Chang'an. On hearing the news he was startled and grieved, mourning in sorrow for several days. He had originally intended to halt in Guanzhong and plan operations in Zhao and Wei. When Muzhi died, the duties of the capital stood vacant. Emperor Gaozu galloped back to Pengcheng and had Secretariat Director Xu Xianzhi take over the rear post, while great affairs of court that Muzhi had regularly decided were all referred north for consultation. The civil and military staff of Muzhi's Forward Army headquarters numbered twenty thousand. Three thousand were allotted to Xianzhi's Establish Martial Might headquarters, and the rest all to the heir's Central Army headquarters. Posthumously Muzhi was enfeoffed as regular attendant of the scattered cavalry, defender general, and commissioner equal to the three excellencies with an office of his own.
11
[5] [6]
Emperor Gaozu again memorialized the throne, saying: "I have heard that exalting the worthy and honoring goodness is the first duty of kings; to remember service and mark out toil is the deepest form of reverence for the dead. Thus the Director of Merits keeps the register, and every act of service must be recorded; when virtue is bright and good, after death it shines all the more. The late Left Vice Director of the Masters of Writing and Former General, your servant Muzhi,[5] rose from commoner rank to assist from the very start of our righteous enterprise, setting plans straight within and diligently handling civil affairs without, attending confidentially to military and state matters until mind and strength were both spent. When promoted to the right hand of court, he governed the capital region, assisted the new royal transformation, and lent his counsel to the hundred officials. Recently, when the army marched on distant campaigns, he remained at the center as a bulwark; his achievements in holding what was entrusted truly won over court and countryside alike. Just as he was about to proclaim the great design and gather in a flourishing sage age, his intent and achievements were cut short, and near and far mourned him. Imperial grace has already praised and described him, ranking him with the Three Excellencies; glory and mourning were both complete, and favor was already generous. Your servant reflects in submission: from the founding of Yixi, hardship and calamity had not ceased; external threats pressed in and internal troubles ever tightened; the times were beset and not a year passed in brief peace. How could I, with my meager inadequacy, bear the heavy burden of state? In truth I depended on Muzhi's counsel and support. Was it only that his forthright words and excellent counsel overflowed into public hearing? As for loyal admonitions and far-reaching designs, hidden deliberations and secret strategies — counsel whispered at the knee in words no one could fully fathom — none could see where they ended. Achievements hidden from sight and hearing, affairs kept apart from the imperial court — [6] these cannot all be enumerated and recorded. Therefore, for a full twelve-year cycle he gave his strength and brought success; whether on campaign or in office, he did not disgrace his commission — without this gentleman's guidance at hand, none could have brought those affairs peacefully to completion. He practiced humility and dwelt in modesty, guarding it ever more firmly; whenever discussion touched on enfeoffment and reward, he deeply restrained and renounced it himself. Thus, though his merit was high in his own age, he never received fief and earth-altar sacrifice; to recall the matter still wounds forever — how could one knowingly obscure it? It is fitting to add posthumous gifts of the proper office and retrospectively grant territory, so that great rewards may reach him, a lasting rank be given to a good man, and the loyalty of the upright not perish after death. Your servant, through separation and reunion, adversity and ease, has looked back on beginning and end; our bond was righteous and deep, our affection close. Therefore I present what is in my heart and lay it before the court." Thereupon Muzhi was again posthumously granted palace attendant and minister of education, enfeoffed as Marquis of Nanchang County with a fief of fifteen hundred households.
12
When Emperor Gaozu received the abdication, thinking of the founding ministers who aided fate, he issued an edict: "The late palace attendant, minister of education, and Marquis of Nanchang Liu Muzhi — deep counsel and far-reaching design, laying the foundation of the royal enterprise, forging the great achievement with merit, sincere and devoted without sparing himself. Now the governing order is newly renewed and protective screens all newly established; moved by affairs and cherishing the man, my grief is truly deep. He may be promoted to Duke of Nankang Commandery with a fief of three thousand households. The late left general and inspector of Qing Province Wang Zhen'e — in the victories at Jing and Ying he cut down the rebel command; in the northern campaign his merit matched that of Fangshu. Recall his diligence and keep his achievements in mind; do not forget his devotion. He may be promoted to Marquis of Longyang County with an increase of fifteen hundred households to his fief." Muzhi was given the posthumous title Duke Wenxuan. In the ninth year of Yuanjia under Emperor Wu, he was allotted sacrificial food in Emperor Gaozu's temple court. In the fourth month of the twenty-fifth year, the imperial carriage traveled to Jiangning and passed Muzhi's tomb. An edict read: "The late palace attendant, minister of education, and Duke Wenxuan of Nankang, Muzhi — upholding virtue and aiding fate, brightening and supporting the radiant enterprise, counsel and design spanning far, founding merit flourishing abundantly, his achievements inscribed on tripods and cauldrons, his righteousness manifest in canonical records — thus already succeeding and emulating former sages and spreading influence among later generations. Recently, while traveling on an excursion, I gazed upon his grave; thoughts of the Nine Plains stirred deep grief and mourning sighs. Sacrifice may be performed at the tomb to express everlasting remembrance."
13
便 [7]
Muzhi had three sons. The eldest, Luzhi, succeeded and served up to extraordinary regular attendant of the scattered cavalry, then died. His son Yong succeeded. Previously, where commanderies and counties served as fief-states, the internal administrator and administrator both addressed the lord of the state as subject; when leaving office this ceased. By the Xiaojian period under Emperor Xiaowu, this system was first reformed so that lower officials gave formal respect. Prince of Hedong Xinzhi had once served as administrator of Nankang and always looked down on Yong. Later Xinzhi and Yong both attended the New Year's audience and sat together. Yong was fond of wine by nature. He said to Xinzhi: "You once called yourself my subject — can you not now urge me to drink a cup of wine?" Xinzhi, using Sun Hao's song in reply, answered: "Once I was your subject; now I stand shoulder to shoulder with you. I will neither urge you to drink, nor wish you long years." Wherever Yong went, he loved to eat scabs, thinking the flavor resembled abalone. Once he called on Meng Lingxiu. Lingxiu had earlier suffered moxibustion sores; scabs fell onto the bed, and Yong picked them up and ate them. Lingxiu was greatly alarmed. He replied: "It is what my nature loves." Every scab on Lingxiu that had not yet fallen off, he stripped away entirely to feed Yong. After Yong left, Lingxiu wrote to He Xu: "When Liu Yong turned and saw me being devoured, my whole body bled." About two hundred officials of the Nankang State,[7] regardless of guilt or innocence, were flogged in rotation; the scabs from flogging were regularly supplied for his meals. When he died, his son Tong succeeded. In the fourth year of Daming, for hacking his wife with a knife he was stripped of rank and fief; his younger brother Biao continued the enfeoffment. When Qi received the abdication, the title was reduced to marquis of Nankang County with a fief of one thousand households.
14
使
Muzhi's second son Shizhi, courtesy name Yanshu, mastered the Changes and loved scholars. He was repeatedly promoted to central army aide of the chancellor's state, central palace attendant to the heir, gentleman of the Yellow Gate, and general who pacifies the north and administrator of both Xuancheng and Huainan commanderies. While in office his corrupt goods were scattered everywhere; Wang Hong, inspector of Yang Province, sent an aide to inspect and verify. The aide summoned and seized officials and commoners, intending to cross-examine them. Shizhi summoned the aide and said: "Go back and report to the inspector: Liu Shizhi has some slight standing with the state — what is stealing a few million cash? Much less not stealing! The officials, commoners, and documents are not obtainable." The aide returned and fully reported to Wang Hong. Hong said: "Liu Shizhi's defense is this reckless!" Because of this the investigation was halted. He later served as right leader of the heir's guard, left guard general, and administrator of Wu Commandery. When he died he was posthumously granted the title general who punishes the barbarians. For merit in campaigns at Guan and Luo he was enfeoffed as fifth-rank marquis of Deyang County, with the posthumous title Marquis Gong. The eldest son Ai, at the beginning of Emperor Xiaowu's reign, served as gentleman of the Yellow Gate. Ai's younger brother Yan, at the end of the Daming era, was appointed gentleman of the Yellow Gate and sent out as internal administrator of Yuzhang. When Prince of Jin'an Zixun proclaimed a false reign title, Yan was made central army guard general. When the affair failed he was executed.
15
使
Yan's younger brother Yu, courtesy name Maolin, from youth had talent and spirit, and was known to Emperor Wu. When Prince of Shixing Jun was governor of South Xuzhou, Yu was appointed as attendant master and staff officer and was favored by Jun. Yu by nature looked down on others and protected his own precedence; he did not wish anyone to stand above him. At the time Jun's northern campaign headquarters staff officer Gu Mai of Wu commandery was frivolous yet capable; Jun treated him very generously and shared profound secret matters, consulting with him on all of them. Yu then humbled himself to serve Mai, laying out deep affection and trust; matters within the household among women, things words could not reach — none were not copied out and fully told. Mai, because Yu's intimacy with him was complete, deeply felt and trusted him. The secret matters Jun spoke of — all were told to Yu. Yu and Mai together entered below the archery hall. Yu suddenly turned to his attendants asking for a plain cap and headcloth. Mai asked why. Yu said: "The prince treats you like family; you speak together hiding nothing — yet you leak it outside, so that everyone knows. I am the prince's official — how could I not report it?" And so he reported it. Jun was greatly angered and memorialized Emperor Wu to transfer Mai to Guangzhou. Mai was in Guangzhou when Xiao Jian raised rebellion; he exerted himself fully for Jian and died together with him.
16
[8] 使 使 [9]
Yu was promoted to staff officer and concurrently served as administrator of Huainan. In the twenty-ninth year of Yuanjia he was sent out as general who pacifies the distant and inspector of Yizhou. When the crown prince assassin usurped the throne, Yu was made inspector of Qing Province. When Yu heard the news, he immediately raised righteous troops and dispatched armies, and also sent supplies and goods to Jing Province. When Emperor Xiaowu ascended, Yu was summoned as imperial censor. Returning to Jiangling, he encountered Prince of Nanjun Yixuan in rebellion; Yu stated it could not be done, his words very urgent and direct. Yixuan made him left staff master to the chancellor; together they reached Liangshan. Yu still rode in his Shu-region boats and ships, and furthermore had Yixuan's former retainers secretly below Liangshan islet defect to the government army. [8] He was appointed left chief clerk of the minister of education. The next year he was transferred to imperial censor. Yu swaggered and looked down on others; as censor he was very satisfied with himself. He impeached Wang Sengda, saying: "By inherited registry he is high and splendid; in human quality he is coarse and base." Court gentlemen all feared his pen. Soon he was transferred to right guard general. Yu wished to become Palace Attendant but did not receive the post. He said to those close to him: "In official service one either goes in or goes out — how can one long remain on the threshold?" And so he requested Yizhou. Emperor Xiaowu understood this intent and granted it. In the third year of Xiaojian he was appointed general who assists the state and inspector of Yizhou. Once he set out, he was very discontented. Reaching Jiangling, he wrote to Yan Jun: "Zhu Xiuzhi — rebel soldier for three generations — suddenly holds Jing Province. Under the green-oil canopy he receives audiences like Xie Xuanyuan, and had ritual masters with long knives lead me down from my seat. What does that have to do with me? I only fear the Xiongnu will look down on Han." That year, for taking another man's wife as concubine he was dismissed from office. In the first year of Daming he returned to office as Grand Administrator of Dongyang. The following year he was transferred to Grand Administrator of Wuxing. Palace Attendant He Yan once wrote in a dossier: "He may be counted among the leading men of the age." Yu flew into a rage and said: "What place have I among the men of the age!" He broke with Yan entirely. Once he became Director of the Ministry of Personnel, his resentment only deepened. When his clansman uncle Xiuzhi became Intendant of Danyang, Yu wrote again to kinsmen and friends: "That dark-faced Little Xi of our house now sits among Liu Anzhong's crowd,[9] as though the court were no assembly of true talent." That year a carbuncle erupted on his back. He Yan developed the same affliction. Yu's illness was already grave; when he heard that Yan had died, he leaped for joy and cried out — and then he too died. He was posthumously titled Gengzi, "The Forceful." His son Juan served as Vice Director of Southern Xuzhou. Juan's younger brother Zang served as Left Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing.
17
Muzhi's youngest son Zhenzhi held the posts of Gentleman of the Yellow Gate at the Palace Secretariat, Right Commandant of the Heir Apparent's Guard, General Who Pacifies the North, and Interior Minister of Jiangxia. He died in office. His son Pou served as Chancellor of Shixing; for taking bribes he was imprisoned in the Eastern Workshop.
18
Muzhi's daughter had married Cai You of Jiyang; in her old age she was poor and destitute. Emperor Xiaowu appointed You's son Sun, a staff officer of the Army for Pacifying the South, Grand Administrator of Shi'an.
19
Wang Hong, courtesy name Xiuyuan, came from Langya commandery, Linyi county. His great-grandfather Dao had served as Chancellor of Jin. His grandfather Qia had served as Central Army Commander. His father Xun had served as Minister of Education.
20
簿 [10] 便
From boyhood Hong loved study and was known for pure, unassuming temperament; he was close to Xie Hun, Vice Director of the Masters of Writing. In his early twenties he served as chief clerk and staff officer to Cavalry General Sima Daozi, Prince of Kuaiji. At the time farming had suddenly stalled while corvée levies multiplied; Hong argued that garrison farms should be established and submitted a statement: "In our recent audience I discussed establishing garrison farms, and the matter has already been laid before your sagely mind. When planting in the southern fields begins, the season cannot be missed; field officers should be urged at once to secure the year's harvest. Yet the headquarters' labor pool is too thin,[10] with no reserves to draw on; even heavy incentives and stern threats would only fill the prisons without remedying the real shortage. I observe that the southern bureau's smelting works employ several hundred conscript clerks; though they receive grain rations, the revenue they yield is negligible. I suggest that if these men were reassigned to farming, the public benefit would increase a hundredfold. Military equipment cannot be abandoned entirely; I propose keeping one major smeltery at Tongguan and one small smeltery in the capital, doubling their labor quotas to Yang Province's standard so that provincial requisitions will not fall short, and abolishing the rest to supply the urgent work of spring planting. I also propose that each of the two bureaus' field offices establish recruiting officers for conscript clerks on the same scale as the smelting works, and that people of the lakes and mountains be allowed to join — all at no cost to private interests and with clear benefit to the public weal. Questions of measuring allotments, assigning rotations and leave, and setting grain rations should all be left entirely to the field office. The bureau in direct charge must know the work thoroughly; moreover, Na, staff officer of the Eastern Bureau's Board of Works and Water Board, recently assigned this duty, is quite capable and would suffice on his own. In recent years this work has been neglected; fields lie fallow and granaries empty — and the cause lies here. Hong has undeservedly received favor and promotion, and wishes only to offer whatever small service he can — how can we keep silent together and leave what weighs on the heart unspoken! Whether this is right, my lord will surely judge with far-reaching discernment. If what I submit is approved, I humbly hope it may be carried out in season, so that the year brings diligence in farming, the granaries fullness, and the flourishing of ritual and order may be awaited with folded hands." Daozi wished to appoint him Gentleman of the Yellow Gate, but Xun, citing his son's youth, firmly declined.
21
Xun had been fond of amassing wealth, with loans scattered far and wide among the people. When Xun died, Hong burned every bond and pressed no debtor for repayment; he turned the remainder of the family holdings over entirely to his younger brothers. Before his mourning was complete, Rear General Sima Yuansian wished to appoint him Adviser with the additional title General Who Pacifies the Distant and charge of secretarial affairs; Hong firmly declined. Daozi again wished to appoint him Adviser, add the title General Who Establishes Might, and put him in charge of the central army; again he firmly declined. The realm was racked by turmoil inside and out, and mourners could scarcely finish their rites — yet Hong alone held firm and was left in peace. When Huan Xuan seized the capital he delivered Daozi to the Court of Justice; clerks and officers were terrified and dared neither watch nor follow him. Hong was still in mourning, yet he alone bowed from the roadside, clinging to the carriage in tears — and commentators praised him for it.
22
使
When Emperor Gaozu served as General Who Guards the Army, he summoned Hong as Adviser. For his service he was enfeoffed as fifth-rank Marquis of Huarong County. He was transferred to Attendant Gentleman on the staff of the Grand Marshal, Prince of Langye. He was sent out as General Who Pacifies the Distant and Interior Minister of Langye, also serving as Gentleman of the Ministry of Personnel in the Masters of Writing and Chancellor of Yuzhang. When Lu Xun raided the commanderies around Nankang, Hong fled to Xunyang. Emperor Gaozu again appointed him Adviser to the Central Army, then promoted him to Right Chief Clerk of the Grand Marshal and transferred him to Interior Minister of Wu. In the eleventh year of Yixi he was summoned as Chief Clerk to the Grand Commandant and then transferred to Left Chief Clerk. During the northern campaign the vanguard had already taken Luoyang, but the Nine Bestowments had not yet been granted; Hong returned to the capital on embassy to nudge the court toward that step. Liu Muzhi was then in charge at the capital, but the emperor's intent arrived from the north; stricken with shame and fear, Muzhi fell ill and died. When Emperor Gaozu returned to Pengcheng, Hong also served as Administrator of Pengcheng.
23
忿 [11]𠴲
When the Song state was first established, he became Vice Director of the Masters of Writing with charge of appointments, while retaining his post as administrator. He submitted an impeachment of Xie Lingyun, saying: "I have heard that governing the household requires rectitude — so the Great Change teaches; that wielding authority and killing at will brings warning — so the Book of Zhou admonishes. When such canonical norms are violated, punishment must admit no pardon. Xie Lingyun, Left Commandant of the Heir Apparent's Guard and Duke of Kangle County, had a strongman named Gui Xing violate his favorite concubine; Lingyun killed Xing by the riverbank and threw the body into the torrent. The affair broke out in the capital region and was known far and wide. He should be impeached with full severity to rectify the tone of the court. I find that Xie Lingyun, Left Commandant of the Heir Apparent's Guard and Duke of Kangle County, has undeservedly received the court's grace and has repeatedly been granted honorable posts; he has long understood ritual and known what is forbidden. Yet he could not guard his inner household, and so this sordid affair arose; heedless of the law, he killed in unchecked rage. If this goes unpunished, the canonical punishments will fall into disuse. I request that, on the basis of this matter, Lingyun be removed from office, that the upper offices strip his rank and fief, and that he be handed over to the Grand Judge for punishment according to law. Wang Zhunzhi, Imperial Censor and Marquis of Duting,[11] holds a crucial post as the state's uprightness; rumors spread far and wide, yet he never impeached or reported the matter. If he knew and failed to investigate, then both sentiment and law are bent; if he truly did not know, then his oblivious dereliction is already extreme. How can he again stand in the pure ranks and embody the state's law? I request that he be removed from office and returned as marquis to the ranks of inactive nobles. The old rule of the inner censorate does not permit impeachment on hearsay alone; yet this affair blazes so brightly, exposed to court and realm, while the law-enforcer claims never to have heard — all offices follow the old ways, and the state norm is already in decay; the loss is grave. Your subject Hong undeservedly fills a post no one else could fill, with rank second only to the summit of court; if I again strictly hold to ordinary statutes, in the end nothing would be corrected. Therefore I dare not fold my hands in silence and make myself one who merely upholds the letter of the law. The offense of violating the old rule — I humbly await your judgment and decision. Emperor Gaozu ordered: "Strip Lingyun of office only; the rest as memorialized. You at the right hand of government have set the tone straight — truly matching what was hoped; how could one be bound by ordinary ritual? Let this stand as permanent practice from this day forward."
24
At a banquet Emperor Gaozu said to the assembled lords: "I began as a man in plain cloth and never expected to reach this height." Fu Liang and his fellows all drafted words wishing to lavishly praise his merit and virtue. Hong answered without premeditation: "This is what men call the Mandate of Heaven — sought, it cannot be obtained; pushed away, it cannot be removed." People of the time praised his brevity and aptness.
25
退 使
In the second year of Jingping under the deposed young emperor, Xu Xianzhi and his fellows plotted to depose and enthrone and summoned Hong to court. When Emperor Wen ascended, for helping settle the strategy and secure the realm he was promoted to Minister of Works and enfeoffed as Duke of Jian'an Commandery with a fief of one thousand households. He submitted a memorial firmly declining: "I have heard that Duke Wu of Zhao praised Suí Huì's household as well governed, saying that to the state of Jin there was no concealment. Your subject, at this once-in-a-thousand-years meeting of fortune, has undeservedly received glory and favor; though my intelligence is hollow and thin and my administrative merit has never been heard of, to speak without concealment is what I privately aspire to. If Heaven had opened my heart and I had shared in settling the great strategy, yet my name was entered in the merit rolls while my service went unrecorded, I would surely request the punishment of refusing reward and hang up the writ of dragon and snake — how could I delay contrary to the settled command and scrupulously polish small proprieties? But having no meritorious toil, to display this to the four seas — in advance I lack the gentleman's plan of laboring in mind, and in retreat I lack the small man's effect of laboring in strength; yet the sacred court extravagantly rewards from above while this foolish subject undeservedly disgraces from below — then we thickly deceive the age and forever bequeath a matter for mockery. The reproach of embezzling wealth is lighter by comparison; only the dust on the grand design — the stain and blemish is great. What my insignificant person treasures would in one morning likewise be exhausted — not only upward would I bear the dust of the state norm, but downward I would also bow in fear before friends. Anxious sorrow grows ever worse; what face remains to show? Moreover, in the dealings of ordinary men one still speaks plainly to an intimate — how much more under an enlightened lord may one appeal to reason? Therefore I dare persist in my stubborn refusal and hold to this unto death. Thereupon his request was granted. He was further granted the insignia of envoy and made Palace Attendant; his post as inspector was changed to military commissioner; his title was advanced to General of Chariots and Cavalry; his grand headquarters and provincial post remained as before.
26
使 西
When Xu Xianzhi and his fellows were about to be executed for deposing and murdering the emperor, Hong had not been the chief plotter, and his younger brother Tanshou was also trusted by the throne; as the affair was about to break, they secretly sent word to Hong. After Xu Xianzhi and his fellows were executed, Hong was summoned as Palace Attendant, Minister of Education, and Inspector of Yang Province, with charge of the chief records of the Masters of Writing. He was granted thirty ceremonial halberds. When the emperor marched west against Xie Hui, Hong and Cavalry General Prince of Pengcheng Yikang remained to guard the capital, taking up residence in the lower offices of the Palace Secretariat and entering and leaving with an armed escort. Staff officers were provisionally appointed in the Minister of Education's headquarters.
27
[12] 西便
In the spring of the fifth year, during a great drought, Hong took blame upon himself and yielded his post, saying: "I have heard that though Heaven, Earth, and Man differ, their attainment is one. Thus when the age's way is flourishing and bright, the Five Blessings respond in kind; When government loses virtue, signs of blame are sure to manifest. I have also heard that the chief ministers' duty is to expound the Way and maintain harmony with the sovereign, to assist the ruler from above, and to harmonize yin and yang. When office is granted on the basis of virtue, harmonious qi becomes pure and solemn; When unworthy men usurp posts they do not deserve, reproach appears in Heaven. Thus Chen Ping had cause to decline and did not improperly assume the ruler's position; Bing Ji halted his carriage, deeply alarmed at what the panting ox might signify. This is indeed what all states hold in common — the far-reaching purpose that links Heaven and humanity. Your Majesty is sage and wise in governing the age, gloriously bringing the restoration to fruition, [12] and ought to see auspicious signs and sweet springs gushing forth abundantly. Yet recently yin and yang have fallen out of balance, severe drought has brought disaster, autumn has known no hard frost, winter no accumulated snow, and pestilence has spread through all four seasons. Is this not the fault of putting the wrong man in office — the calamity of the overturned soup kettle? I am mediocre and limited, no more than one of the common run, who by sheer fortune encountered a blessed age and undeservedly received favor in years past. Your Majesty overlooked my unworthiness and further burdened me with my present appointment. I hold the highest ministerial posts, govern the heartland, wear the fur of office and the ceremonial robe, and oversee all affairs at court — every weighty post within and without has been heaped upon my insignificant person; favor and rank could go no higher, and no minister compares. Even a man of outstanding virtue might scarcely fill such a role; how much less could someone as base and dull as I hope to bear the charge? This is easy enough to see and requires no keen insight to understand. But when I first took office, the times were desperate — the barbarians threatening at the borders, the altars of soil and grain in peril — and it was truly a moment for subjects to devote themselves utterly. What heart could I have had to trouble Your Majesty's ear? Therefore I applied myself diligently, clinging to the wall and pressing forward, intent only on doing what I could, with no thought for the long term. Once the great enemies had been broken and the western regions pacified, I ought to have expressed my true feelings and yielded to better men while confessing my inadequacy. Yet like any ordinary man I sought ease and grew content day by day — in truth also awed by Heaven's favor upon me, and unable to stop myself. Time flowed on, and before I knew it three years had passed. Thus the omen of the unfit rider has become plain to both the living and the dead; Disasters born of hidden faults now afflict the common people. Above, it blemishes the radiance of the imperial court's governance; below, it increases official scandal and the calamity of ruin. Prostrate in reflection, I am fearful and ashamed, my every feeling scattered — shameless though I may be called, how can I rest at ease? Not going far before turning back — this the Book of Changes praises; a small punishment can serve as a great warning, and that is the petty man's blessing. I dare not hope for the glory of a swift return; I can only pray for the fortune of receiving correction. Now at the year's beginning, once the court celebration is finished, I would return to my private home, there to reflect on my faults, hoping in some small measure to avert Heaven's reprimand and ease the slander against me. I humbly pray that Your Majesty will discern my sincerity and grant my request. As I present this memorial, shame overwhelms me and I cannot say all I feel."
28
[13] 退
Earlier, Prince of Pengcheng Yikang had served as Inspector of Jing Province, stationed at Jiangling. Pinglu Magistrate Cheng Can of Henan wrote to Hong, saying: "I have heard that to regulate affairs and establish instruction one must adapt to the times and suit circumstances; Dynasties rise and fall, and policy must rise and fall with them. Positions of power should be held by none but those closest to the throne. Thus in the Zhou enfeoffment system, those of different surnames ranked below. The pivot of power should rest with the royal kin — this was the enlightened design of former ages and is the plain path for our own day. My lord stands at the pinnacle of government, the whole realm looks to you, toiling from dawn to dusk with a devotion equal to Duke Zhou's "spitting in his palm and clasping hands." Yet you oversee all affairs of state and govern the capital domain as well — your power is truly immense, and none can compare. Heaven's Way blesses humility; you ought to preserve modest restraint. Cavalry General the Prince of Pengcheng possesses shining virtue, is the emperor's honored younger brother and the root of the royal house — he should be placed first, [and ought to take charge of court governance and support the imperial design. The Princes of Jingling and Hengyang have come of age as well,] and ought to take up command of the various domains, sharing in the glory of the ancient marquisates of Lu and Wei. [13] My lord could then rest at ease, expounding the Way and harmonizing yin and yang — all under Heaven would be at peace, disasters would cease, your blessings would rise and fall with the Song dynasty, your years would match those of the immortals Song and Qiao, and your name would endure for ten thousand generations — would that not be splendid! Hong had already wished to retire; bolstered by Cheng Can's letter, he pressed his request all the more firmly and was reduced to General of the Guard with grand headquarters and ceremonials equal to the Three Excellencies.
29
輿 使
In the sixth year, Hong again submitted a memorial, saying: "I have heard that those of different surnames rank below — the enlightened principle by which the Zhou honored their royal house; Keeping kin close and outsiders at arm's length — this is what every state puts first. Thus the Elder Lord of Teng in Lu was praised in the Spring and Autumn Annals, while Chu sent Qi Ji into exile — the earlier histories preserve both the model and the warning. How much more when an illustrious prince of shining virtue, the light of his age, serves in the marquisate domains yet cannot attend to court governance — while a vulgar, flashy minister of common birth surpasses the precedents of old and sits at the center harmonizing with the throne: how can this be the way to follow ancient models and achieve radiant governance? Cavalry General Yikang possesses far-reaching wisdom and ever-growing virtue; he has spread good governance across the Jiang and Han, and his influence has reached all of southern Jing. Officials and gentry look to him with affection and eagerness, and all agree he is fit to bear the trust that Zhou Gong once bore. Though the division of governance at Shaan was weighty, it was lighter than this charge. I am truly empty and obtuse, raised beyond my deserts through your grace; I have eaten my salary without earning it and tarnished your glorious rule — in public and private alike I find nothing in myself worth defending. When Sun Shu had not yet risen to office, You Meng wept for the state; When Zhan Ji remained in a low post, Zang Wen was mocked for it. How much more when virtue is eminent and kinship is close — the principle here combines the rites of antiquity. Compared with the ancients I am fit for nothing; I am an unfit rider clinging to my post — what would the world say of me? Shameless though I may be called, how can I remain? The fear of disaster this inspires truly afflicts my heart. I beg to be relieved of my provincial post and charge over the chief records, to satisfy the people's expectation. I humbly pray that Your Majesty will look to impartiality above all, discern the sincerity of my heart, follow the wishes of court and countryside, and transfer this appointment to a worthy kinsman. Would this not spare your humble servant alone from great blame — would not every official under Heaven rejoice? If Heaven's favor will not release me and Your Majesty still hesitates, please publish my memorial and make it known throughout the realm, so that court and public debate may yield something worth choosing. An edict said: "Having read your memorial — which draws from afar on the statecraft of flourishing Zhou and expounds from near the humble shepherd's intent in the Book of Changes — I have read its modest message again and again and am deeply moved. My lord embodies the Way with profound clarity and far-reaching wisdom; you have supported me through hardship, and your meritorious service shines bright — you have enabled me to sit at ease upon the throne while entrusting you with the seal of governance. How can I permit you to yield your overall charge and firmly refuse the heartland, letting great affairs suffer and thereby compounding my own lack of virtue! I earnestly hope you will continue to care for the state and rely on your loyal assistance. The trust placed in the Cavalry General as a close kinsman equals that once placed in the Duke of Zhou and Duke of Shao; let him return within as inner counsellor and take part in critical affairs. I respectfully defer to your wish in this. Yikang thereupon replaced Hong as Minister of Education, and the two divided the chief records between them.
30
[14] 退 [15]
Hong again submitted a memorial, saying: "I recently presumed to lay my views before you, hoping Heaven would discern and honor my utmost sincerity. Yet I received in reply an edict that did not answer my plea — my words merely troubled Your Majesty's eye while you extended gracious words to me; looking at my own shadow, I am ashamed and alarmed, not knowing where to turn. I have undeservedly borne weighty office for four years now — already violating the admonition of the histories to know one's limits, and falling short of the ancients' ideal of advancing the worthy. I have clung to my post and my favor, and official scandal accumulates day by day; looking at my colleagues around me, my shame is already deep. Now that a worthy kinsman has the devotion of court and countryside, the moment I thought to withdraw, how could I hope to make good the loss? I have already blemished the great enterprise in countless ways. Yet unaware of how great Heaven's favor has been, you again bestowed grace upon me — my titles unchanged, favored as before — and in my foolish confusion I find myself, [14] lost as though in boundless darkness. Since Yikang already oversees all affairs of state and supports your glorious rule, I can humbly stand in his lee and turn to him for counsel when needed. Minor affairs of the inner court I might perhaps manage without exhausting myself, but the heartland carries weighty responsibility and demands both reputation and real ability — who am I to go on usurping a post I do not deserve? Yet I go on procrastinating, and ruin draws near; even if no human fault were involved, calamity of yin and yang would surely follow. Prostrate in reflection, my worry is like a sickness in the head; I cannot see by what right I might rest at ease. Yet your decree had already been settled and could not easily be reversed; added to my own cowardice and weakness — I had little of such resolve — I could not advance to speak boldly and hold my ground even unto death, nor retreat to wrap myself in cocoon or walk on ice until I grew thin from fasting. Reverent before Heaven's majesty, I could only bow once more in submission. As for supervising my own staff and reviewing documents, the bureau clerks and attendants I need are not many; the rest of my civil and military officials are all superfluous. Since the chief minister's headquarters has only just been established and may not yet be fully staffed, I ask only to retain enough colleagues for daily work; everything else, including all resources and supplies, I would send to the Minister of Education. Having received your grace so deeply, sharing in your joys and sorrows, I cannot offer empty ceremony — I speak only to diminish myself. I humbly pray that Your Majesty will discern my sincerity and grant my request, and not let my honest plea be set aside. [15] The emperor again issued an edict: "The General of the Guard's memorial reads as follows. The Minister of Education will need staff; in deference to your refined wishes, two thousand men may be cut from your staff and assigned to his headquarters. As for resources and stores, do not trouble yourself to send them."
31
使 [16]
Hong was thoroughly versed in the principles of governance, attentive to everyday affairs, weighing each situation on its merits, and always inclined toward generous approval. In a letter to the heads of the chief ministries and their department directors, he wrote: "When members of the same household register violate the law, there is no statute that punishes men of the gentry class directly, yet whenever punishment is imposed, appeals are always lodged. If mercy is granted, the law becomes unenforceable; if punishment is imposed according to the law, people complain bitterly. A new regulation should be created that strikes a fair balance between leniency and severity. [16] He also noted that stealing five bolts was punishable by death for a chief storekeeper and forty bolts for an ordinary keeper — punishments all agreed were too severe. He proposed raising the threshold to ten bolts for a chief keeper and fifty for an ordinary keeper before imposing death, with theft of forty bolts reduced to conscription as a soldier. This would slightly ease the burden on the people while still serving as a deterrent. I would like each of you to state your views."
32
Left Assistant Director Jiang Ao argued: "When a man of the gentry commits theft or embezzlement short of execution, once his sentence is served he still falls under the category of corrupt theft — he bears the stain of public censure for life, and amnesty does not restore him. Those who suffer this penalty have their guilt answered, and those who hear of it receive a sufficient warning. If members of the same register were again treated alike and relegated to military service along with common offenders, I believe that would be unduly harsh. Members of the same register may be neighbors under the same roof, but between gentry and commoners the gap is as wide as heaven itself; the crime of harboring stolen goods cannot reasonably connect them. When slaves and retainers interact with members of the register, any concealment can be discovered — that is why punishment may reach slaves and retainers. In such cases it is the retainer himself who commits the offense — not the gentleman master who suffers punishment on his behalf. If a gentleman has no retainers, he should not be implicated."
33
[17]
Right Assistant Director Kong Mozhi argued: "Gentlemen and commoners are already mixed within the same household registers, and mutual supervision is unavoidable in principle. Though gentry and commoners differ, principle still requires oversight — just as when the hundred offices sit in authority above, those below need not be personally involved to share liability. Therefore when an offense is committed, liability naturally extends to those connected by register. [17] To punish a gentleman's adopted son or steward is essentially to maintain the principle of holding servants accountable. If that is so, then how could a household without slaves rest at ease? Yet since the gentleman is to be restored to status, he should be allowed to pay a fine in redemption. For ordinary theft, the threshold would be forty bolts; for a chief storekeeper, five bolts — with the death penalty reduced to conscription as a soldier. Although much is done to show leniency and ease the burden on common people, officials of rank and gentry who have lost their integrity do sometimes offend — their crimes merit execution, and I fear they should not be reduced to conscription. This regulation may be applied to commoners; for men of the gentry, the old law should still apply."
34
使 使 使 使西 使[18]
Minister of the Masters of Writing Wang Zhunzhi argued: "When I served as Magistrate of Shanyin, gentlemen enrolled in the household register were called register-pledges. When a fellow member of the register committed an offense, a gentleman could avoid joint punishment; but when a gentleman himself committed an offense, the register ward would investigate him. This was not a separate legal regime for gentry and commoners — it simply ensured that punishment matched the offense. Men who have passed through formal schooling are insulated from commoners, and there is no ready way to supervise them. When unrestrained gentlemen become involved in petty affairs, since they are on the same register ward, it is only right that they be investigated. At that time this practice was not limited to a single locality. The Left Assistant Director argued that bond-servants and retainers are connected to neighboring ward registers and can therefore be supervised; when an offense appears on the register, their masters should bear criminal liability. Judged by the facts of the matter, this departs from sound principle. Households with bond-servants and retainers mostly send them out on errands, scattering them far and wide; few remain at home. Even those who remain are kept running about on every errand and rarely leave the premises; stewards who actually stay at home are fewer than one in ten. Punishing bond-servants and retainers through ward liability would inevitably multiply excessive punishments, and I fear this is not what the law intended when it required punishment to fit the crime. The Right Assistant Director argued that when a gentleman commits theft short of capital punishment, he should be pardoned from death but conscripted as a soldier. Although the aim is to show mercy to men of the gentry, I fear there will be no means of deterring misconduct. He who follows principle is a gentleman; he who violates it is a common offender. Even when the law is strict, people still offend against it; because the penalty is lenient, offenders may become numerous. The purpose of leniency is to make offenders fear the law and reform their hearts — that is how one greatly pardons. Besides, gentry and commoners are governed by different rules, and their situations are not alike."
35
殿[19] [20]使 [21][22] [23] 使 使
Supervisor of Attendants Xie Yuan argued: "In any matter one must first set right the root,[19] and only then can the branches be ordered. Is the purpose of binding gentlemen and officials to the register ward to supervise commoners? [20] Or is it to make them subject to inspection by commoners? [21] The Left Assistant Director says gentry and commoners are as far apart as heaven and earth,[22] which gives gentlemen no reason to show commoners the same leniency. Yet if they are bound to the ward register without knowledge of commoners' affairs, they are made subject to supervision by commoners. If that is so, when commoners are guilty and the gentleman himself is blameless, what crime have his servants committed that they should be punished for it? If one holds them liable on the ground of actual connection and demands that they keep watch,[23] the reasoning is incomplete. Why is that? Title and reality follow different rules, and public law and private status are not the same. Slaves are not enrolled on the register — they have no official standing; and the people who lack wealth are privately held in low status. To assign privately held, unregistered persons to duties that properly belong to the public realm is to blur public and private law — the arrangement is neither proper in name nor in reality. For this reason, I say they should not bear joint punishment. The matter should be referred back to the master — that would be the proper course. Gentlemen without slaves are not covered by this rule. If the original purpose was for gentlemen to supervise commoners, then when commoners offend the gentleman himself should be held liable, while his slaves should be punished according to the principle of holding servants accountable. But then a gentleman without slaves cannot simply rest at ease — requiring him to pay a fine in redemption would not be unreasonable. The two penalties that apply here concern only the fundamental structure of the law. This is simply a matter of distinguishing the two basic categories and letting each follow its proper rule. In my humble view, one should follow the earlier statute and distinguish gentry from commoners — that would be fair in principle. On the theft statutes, following the Left Assistant Director's view: since gentlemen are never conscripted as soldiers in any case, they may as well share in the leniency proposed. There is no need to apply the old law — and on this point all present agreed."
36
殿
Gentleman of the Ministry of Personnel He Shangzhi argued: "Following Right Assistant Director Kong's proposal: when a gentleman is held liable through the register ward, if he has slaves the slaves are punished; if he has none, he pays a fine in redemption. Since gentry and commoners are held to be widely separated, mutual awareness is naturally difficult. One should not impose a law requiring certain knowledge for what is in fact hard to know. Having slaves does not make a man unworthy, and lacking slaves does not necessarily make him virtuous. Today those with many household slaves defy the royal statutes with impunity, while those without servants are trapped by the law — so mercy always falls on the Cheng and Zhuo, while punishment always falls on the Yan and Yuan. In my humble view, this is deeply unsatisfying. Supervisor Xie is right that slaves are not legally bound to their masters in the register system — there is real force to that objection. Yet servants and attendants are in fact connected to neighborhood ward registers, and if we ignore that entirely, something important may be lost. My view agrees with the Left Assistant Director's proposal."
37
使 [24] 便 使便 便 [25] 祿 使
Hong argued: "The statutes do not distinguish gentry from commoners, and gentlemen punished through same-ward liability can be found everywhere — though in practice many are pardoned by imperial grace, so the full penalty is rarely imposed. In Wu and Yixing, members of the Xu and Lu clans were implicated through register liability and turned over for punishment; the provincial governors memorialized with documents in red ink. During the jiwei reign period, gentry in Kuaiji reported that more than ten years earlier four clans had been punished on the same grounds, but execution was stayed by imperial grace. Yet Minister Wang claims that same-ward punishment did not exist in the past — a claim I do not understand. Perhaps during his tenure he simply never encountered such a case. Under a sage emperor, gentlemen need not fear the worst, yet each case still requires individual consideration, and flooding the throne with petitions creates turmoil. It would be better to establish a fixed statute now so that penalties are consistent. Examining the household register system again, gentlemen are merely exempt from transmitting their registers personally; clerks and dismissed officials enjoy the same exemption. Members of the register mutually guarantee one another and are investigated when violations occur — there is no gradation of liability, and gentlemen are not exempt from neighborhood obligations. Some argue that gentry and commoners are vastly separated and have no knowledge of one another — yet if that were so, would commoners truly be unaware when gentlemen break the law? If commoners may not plead ignorance, why should gentlemen be allowed to? Commoners, unless they live in utter seclusion, live door to door and eave to eave; with a little attention they will eventually learn what is happening around them — daily contact is not required. The Right Assistant Director's account of office practice broadly reflects the reality. Declining gentry in particular are in fact connected to their lanes and alleys,[24] well aware of local circumstances — they should be treated like any other registered commoner. If we call a man a gentleman, he is immediately exempt from the commoner's penalty; yet if he is registered as a commoner, he immediately receives the gentleman's penalty. Is this not contrary to both reason and law? Moreover, capital ordinances do not apply to the gentry class, who are treated leniently — yet common ordinances make them share in punishment. This creates mutual denunciation and undermines the purpose of ward liability. Gentlemen need only be exempt from direct ward punishment; punishing their bond-servants and retainers — what harm is there in that? If he has no bond-servants or retainers, he may pay a fine in redemption; or if everyone knows he has no slaves, the two-thousand-dan official should personally investigate and render judgment according to the facts. As for the five-bolt threshold for chief storekeepers and forty bolts for ordinary theft,[25] the proposed leniency is meant for petty clerks who, ignorant and tempted by opportunity, or through carelessness commit offenses punishable by death — offenses that often inspire pity. The intent was merely to raise the threshold slightly and spare their lives. As for officials of rank and above, who enjoy salary and honor and are entrusted with public office — they should discipline themselves, uphold the law, and supervise their subordinates. When they personally violate the law for profit, leniency at five bolts is already generous enough. There is no reason for a gentleman to steal forty bolts on his own account; even if a case reached that threshold, clear punishment would be entirely appropriate — how could further leniency be justified? Moreover, these gentlemen may be executed but should not be publicly reproved — as the various memorials show, that was never the point under discussion. I recently heard discussion of this on the street and merely wished to join the debate — without formal convocation, the matter is hard to resolve with precision. Since opinions are so tangled, perhaps it would be better to let the matter drop. If the debate cannot simply be dropped, I propose that the matter be referred for collective discussion and memorialized to the throne for imperial decision." Emperor Taizu issued an edict: "The General of the Guard's proposal is approved."
38
[26] [27]
Hong submitted another memorial: "Under the old system, commoners performed half corvée duty at age thirteen and full duty at sixteen. The assumption was that from age thirteen a person could manage private and public affairs on his own and was therefore fit for corvée. Yet in practice this has not always proved to be the case. Physical strength varies, and not all match their age. At home, each person works at his own pace and bears only what he can — the labor cannot be excessive. Public corvée follows fixed quotas. A conscientious official may show compassion, but a mediocre magistrate simply follows convention — and the burden is already severe. Under harsh administration, the suffering is beyond words. Some officials inflate corvée quotas and advance people's registered ages; the isolated, distant, and poor suffer most deeply. People are left with nowhere to turn; life and death go unreported. Desperate individuals flee to escape service; families are hunted down from afar; pregnancies miscarry; and cunning evasion of the law — all stem from this. Now that the imperial order is newly restored and the realm is at peace, corvée requirements[26] should be calibrated accordingly. Ages fifteen and sixteen should count as half laborers; seventeen as full laborers." [27] The proposal was approved.
39
祿[28] 便
Thereafter Hong fell seriously ill and repeatedly memorialized asking to retire; the emperor always issued gracious edicts refusing. In the ninth year he was promoted to Grand Mentor and Director of the Palace Secretariat; his other posts remained unchanged. That same year he died. He was fifty-four years old. He was posthumously granted the titles of Grand Mentor and Director of the Palace Secretariat, presented with the imperial staff, feather canopy, and martial pipes, and given a guard of sixty halberds; his posts as Attendant-in-Ordinary, Recorder of the Masters of Writing, and Inspector remained as before. He was posthumously titled Duke Wenzhao. He was granted a place in the sacrificial rites at Emperor Gaozu's temple. That year an edict declared: "When the three rebels recently fanned rebellion, their followers were many indeed. From initial restraint through to open punishment, we faced threats abroad and anxiety at home — a time of genuine hardship. The late Grand Mentor, Duke of Huarong, Hong; the late General of the Guard, Hua; and the late Left Grand Master of the Bright, Tan Shou — all embraced righteousness and loyalty with equal devotion, counseled in the throne room, and exhausted their wisdom and strength in steering the state through peril.[28] They were chosen from the bottom of my heart. When national humiliation was avenged, they were duly granted fiefs — yet all remained humble and refused to overstep their station. Accordingly they awaited further court appointments that were never issued. Their great work unfinished, they fell one after another — my grief and bitter regret are endless. Hong's fief was increased by one thousand households; Hua and Tan Shou were enfeoffed as founding marquises of a county, each with a fief of one thousand households. General Who Protects the Army, Duke of Jianchang, Yanzhi — who served with deep loyalty and secret counsel, equal to the others in merit — had his prior fief restored as reward for his service." Another edict stated: "I have heard that Grand Mentor Wang's household is already in want — the austerity of his life matched that of the ancients. Reflecting on his lifelong devotion, my grief only deepens. Let one million coins and one thousand hu of rice be granted to his household."
40
祿[29] 便使
In the fifth year of Daming, Emperor Shizu passed Wang Hong's tomb during an imperial tour. An edict was issued: "The late Attendant-in-Ordinary, Director of the Palace Secretariat, Grand Mentor, Recorder of the Masters of Writing, and Inspector of Yangzhou — Duke Wenzhao of Huarong, Hong — whose virtue and counsel were radiant, whose discernment was bright and far-reaching. The late General of the Cadet Cavalry Attendant-in-Ordinary, Left Grand Master of the Bright, and Crown Prince's Chamberlain — Marquis Wen of Yunin, Tan Shou —[29] who from youth cherished simplicity and whose conduct was upright and principled. Both enjoyed the founder's intimate favor, endured separation and hardship together, inwardly upheld the royal way, and outwardly won fine renown. Their merit matched the state's design, and the people remember their abundant kindness. On a brief tour outside the capital I viewed their tombs; my lasting remembrance and grief are truly deep in my heart. Let envoys be sent at once to offer sacrifice at their tombs."
41
[30] 祿
Hong was bright, keen, and thoughtful. As the people looked up to him, he unfailingly observed ritual and law in every circumstance. Every movement, action, letter, and formal gesture was imitated by later generations — they called it the household code of Grand Mentor Wang. Although he served repeatedly as a regional counselor,[30] he never pursued profit; after his death his household had no surplus property. Yet he was rash and lacked dignified bearing; his nature was also narrow and intolerant — whoever crossed him he would immediately face and berate. In youth he once played liubo at Ziye's lodge at Gongcheng; later when he held power, someone came to Hong seeking a county post and pleaded his case quite urgently. This man had once offended through liubo gambling; Hong questioned him: "You know how to spend money on games — what need have you of a salary!" He replied: "May I ask where Ziye of Gongcheng is now?" Hong fell silent.
42
His son Xi succeeded him. As a prime minister's son, he began his career in youth as Supernumerary Cadet Cavalry Attendant-in-Ordinary; he passed through pure offices — Gentleman of the Palace Secretariat, Left Commandant of the Crown Prince's Guard, and Interior Administrator of Jiangxia. He held himself in high esteem for his rank and treatment. When Grand Commandant Liu Yigong, Prince of Jiangxia, held court, Xi sat sprawling with legs spread — scarcely showing deference. He died in office. His son Sengliang succeeded him. When Qi received the abdication, his rank was reduced to marquis with a fief of five hundred households. Hong's youngest son Sengda has a separate biography.
43
祿
Hong's younger brother Yu served as Minister of Justice. Yu's son Shen had a fine reputation and rose to Administrator of Xin'an. Yu's younger brother Yi served as Grand Master for Splendor. Yi's younger brother Ru served as Attendant-in-Ordinary. Ru's younger brother Tanshou has a separate biography.
44
Hong's paternal cousin Lian was the son of Min, Central Secretariat Director of Jin. During Yuanjia he passed through eminent offices — Attendant-in-Ordinary and Director of the Masters of Writing for Revenue. Lian's son Zhao — during Daming under Emperor Shizu also passed through pure offices: Gentleman at the Yellow Gate, Chief Clerk to the General Who Subdues Barbarians and to the Front Army under Prince Zixu of Linhai and Prince Zixun of Jin'an, and Director of the Masters of Writing for the Left People. At the beginning of Emperor Taizong's reign he served as Left Chief Clerk to the Minister of Education. He followed Minister of Education Liu Xiuren, Prince of Jian'an, out to Zhechi; at the time he was in mourning for his mother and was additionally made General Who Conquers Champions. He offended Xiuren and was sent out as Chancellor of Shixing. Xiuren's resentment never ceased; Emperor Taizong then had him arrested and handed to the Court of Justice, and granted death.
45
The historian writes: Jin's imperial order slackened into disorder, and the process had its causes. Emperor Xiaowu above preserved the written tradition, yet his influence never reached those below; Daozi, debased in virtue, held the imperial lineage, and the laws and statutes collapsed. Compounded by Wang Guobao's instigation of rebellion and Sima Yuanxian's cruel succession, the ancestral codes and the ministers' old regulations scattered like leaves and melted like ice until nothing remained. Sovereign authority was not established and ministerial conduct ran unchecked. State codes and human relations diverged; court norms and household customs differed. The lives of registered households were drained by great clans, and princely storehouses became private hoards. Hence the foundation of calamity arose in the east's sorcery, and difficulties bound the realm — the kingly way hung by a thread as if on a single strand. The Founding Emperor in one stroke raised righteous arms in a torrential age. He mended disorder's statutes, spread the way of peace, and fixed the principle of honoring the sovereign and subordinating ministers between strokes of the riding crop. Once authority and command were applied, inner and outer obeyed and were restrained; with the style of Jianwu and Yongping he transformed the customs of Taiyuan and Long'an. This was surely the achievement of Duke Wenxuan. As a pillar minister of his generation, honored with sacrifice in the Pure Temple — was it for nothing!
46
Collation notes
47
'And moreover its situation is also fine': all editions read 'name' for 'situation'; corrected from the History of Southern Dynasties and Yuan Gui, juan 722.
48
'From dawn to midday': all editions omit the character 'day'; supplemented from the History of Southern Dynasties, Art and Literature Collection juan 58, Veritable Record of Jiankang, Yuan Gui 388, 718, and 850, and Imperial Readings juan 595.
49
'General Yin continuing selection as before': all editions omit the character 'general'; supplemented from the History of Southern Dynasties.
50
殿殿
'Fifty sets of armor and weapons entering the hall': all editions omit the two characters 'entering the hall'; supplemented from the History of Southern Dynasties.
51
'Former Vice Director of the Masters of Writing, General of the Van, your minister Muzhi': all editions read 'General of the Front Army' for 'General of the Van'; the character 'army' was removed per the History of Southern Dynasties. Sun Biao's Critical Study of the Book of Song observes: "The title is General of the Van — the character 'army' was added in error."
52
'Matters separated from the imperial court by': all editions omit the character 'by'; supplemented from the History of Southern Dynasties.
53
'Two hundred or so clerks of the Principality of Nankang': all editions read 'histories' for 'clerks'; corrected from the History of Southern Dynasties, Yuan Gui 928, and Imperial Readings, juan 742.
54
'Again there were Yixuan's former retainers secretly outside Liangshan Isle going down to join the government army': 'there were' is suspected to read 'with,' or the text is corrupt and incomplete.
55
'Then occupied Liu An's crowd's place': all editions read 'remain' for 'Liu'; corrected from the History of Southern Dynasties and Yuan Gui 944. Sun Biao's Critical Study of the Book of Song observes: "Remain should be Liu — meaning Liu Zhan. Zhan's father Liu was enfeoffed in Jin times; Zhan inherited the enfeoffment as Baron of Anzhong." Note: Liu Zhan was adopted to his paternal uncle Dan and inherited the fifth-rank barony of Anzhong county.
56
'Yet the headquarters' labor resources were scant': all editions omit the character 'labor'; supplemented from Yuan Gui 503. Note: 'headquarters resources scant' means the military headquarters' prestige was insufficient. 'Headquarters labor resources scant' means the military headquarters' labor power was insufficient. The Cavalry General's headquarters cannot be said to have insufficient prestige; therefore the character 'labor' should be added.
57
殿
'Supervisor of Attendants, Marquis of Duting, Wang Zhunzhi': the Three Dynasties, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions all read 'Wang Huaizhi'. Note: the Song fragment on which the Three Dynasties edition is based originally read 'Wang Zhunzhi'. Zhang Yuanji's collation note states: "It should read Wang Zhunzhi, as seen in Biography 20." When the photolithographic patchwork edition was produced, those assisting in collation again changed it to 'Wang Huaizhi' based on the erroneous text. Now corrected. Yuan Gui 518 also reads 'Wang Zhunzhi' without error. The graph zhun was originally the full-form graph; because of Emperor Shun of Song's taboo, it was changed to the simplified graph.
58
'Glorious restoration': all editions omit the two characters 'restoration'; supplemented from Yuan Gui 332.
59
'Ought to enter and hold court governance, assist and support the imperial design; Princes of Jingling and Hengyang, their years already grown; again ought to go out and occupy the various fiefs, equal to the glory of Lu and Wei': all editions omit 'ought to enter and hold court governance'. 〈to〉 'Their years already grown, again' — eighteen characters in all; supplemented from the Veritable Record of Jiankang.
60
'Foolish and perplexed, self-examining': all editions read 'moved and foolish' for 'foolish and perplexed'; Yongle Encyclopedia juan 6831 reads 'grateful'; Yuan Gui 331 reads 'foolish and perplexed'. Now corrected from Yuan Gui.
61
'Seeing his suppression and seizure': all editions read 'his seeing' for 'seeing his'; corrected from Yuan Gui 331.
62
使
'So as to enable the expression of heartfelt hardship': all editions read 'anxiety' for 'expression'; corrected from Yuan Gui 615.
63
'Principle naturally mutually connected': all editions omit the character 'mutually'; supplemented from Yuan Gui 615.
64
使
'Make them fear the law and reform their hearts': all editions read 'their' for 'reform'; corrected from Yuan Gui 615.
65
殿
'Affairs must first rectify the root': the four characters 'affairs must first rectify' are blank in the Song edition; the Hongzhi, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions read the three characters 'ought first govern'; now supplemented from Yuan Gui 615.
66
殿
'The root reason for binding gentlemen and officials to the register ward is to inspect commoners for wrong, is it not': all editions read 'probe' for 'bind'; corrected from Yuan Gui 615. The three characters 'ward groups what' are blank in the Song fragment; the Hongzhi, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions read the three characters 'and end what'; now supplemented from Yuan Gui 615.
67
使殿
'To make them receive inspection from petty people for wrong': the character 'to make' is blank in the Song fragment; the Hongzhi, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions read 'may'; Yuan Gui 615 reads 'to make'. Now supplemented from Yuan Gui.
68
殿
'Note: the Left Assistant Director said gentlemen and commoners are separated by heaven': the four characters 'Note Left Assistant Director said' are blank in the Song fragment; the Hongzhi, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions read the five characters 'gentleman commits offense bond-servant is'; now supplemented from Yuan Gui 615.
69
'Blame their failure to investigate and report': all editions read 'honor' for 'blame'; corrected from Yuan Gui 615.
70
殿
'In fact connected with lanes and alleys': 'connected' is blank in the Song fragment; the Hongzhi, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions read 'communicate'; now supplemented from Yuan Gui 615.
71
'Again chief theft five bolts, ordinary theft forty bolts': all editions read 'theft five bolts, forty bolts'; corrected and supplemented from the History of Southern Dynasties.
72
'The propriety of corvée summons': all editions omit the character 'propriety'; supplemented from the Treatises on Food and Commodities in the Comprehensive Institutions and Yuan Gui 486.
73
'Seventeen makes a full adult male': all editions omit the character 'adult male'; supplemented from the History of Southern Dynasties, Treatises on Food and Commodities in the Comprehensive Institutions, and Yuan Gui 486.
74
殿
'Governing through peace and peril': the Song fragment reads 'governing □□ peril'; the Hongzhi, Northern Directorate, Mao, Palace, and Bureau editions read 'managing hardship and peril'; Yuan Gui 218 reads 'governing through peace and peril'. Now supplemented from Yuan Gui.
75
'Marquis Wen of Yunin Tanshou': all editions read 'Yuzhang' for 'Yunin'; corrected from the biography of Wang Tanshou. Note: according to the Treatise on Provinces and Commanderies, Yuzhang commandery had Yunin county but no Yuzhang county — reading Yunin is correct.
76
'Although repeatedly serving as regional counselor': all editions read 'regional bulwark' for 'regional counselor'; corrected from the History of Southern Dynasties.
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