Volume 55 Biographies 15: Zang Dao, Xu Guang, F Long

列傳第十五臧燾徐廣傅隆

Biography 15 — Zang Dao, Xu Guang, and Fu Long

臧燾，字德仁，東莞莒人，武敬皇后兄也。少好學，善《三禮》，貧約自立，操行為鄉里所稱。晉孝武帝太元中，衛將軍謝安始立國學，徐、兗二州刺史謝玄舉燾為助教。

Zang Dao, whose courtesy name was De Ren, came from Ju in Dongguan and was the elder brother of Empress Wu Jing. From an early age he devoted himself to study and excelled in the Three Rites. Though poor, he made his own way, and his moral bearing won praise throughout his home district. During the Taixuan reign of Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, Defender-General Xie An founded the National Academy for the first time, and Xie Xuan, inspector of Xu and Yan, recommended Dao to serve as an assistant instructor.

孝武帝追崇庶祖母宣太后，議者或謂宜配食中宗。燾議曰：「《陽秋》，之義，母以子貴，故仲子、成風，咸稱夫人。《經》雲'考仲子之宮'。若配食惠廟，則宮無緣別築。前漢孝文、孝昭太后，並系子為號，祭於寢園，不配于高祖、孝武之廟。後漢和帝之母曰恭懷皇所，安帝祖母曰敬隱皇后，順帝之母曰恭湣皇后，雖不系子為號，亦祭於陵寢。不配章、安二帝。此則二漢雖有太后、皇后之異，至於並不配食，義同《陽秋》。唯光武追廢呂後，故以薄後配高祖廟。又衛後既廢，霍光追尊李夫人為皇后，配孝武廟，此非母以子貴之例，直以高、武二廟無配故耳。夫漢立寢於陵，自是晉制所異。謂宜遠准《陽秋》考宮之義，近摹二漢不配之典。尊號既正，則罔極之情申，別建寢廟，則嚴禰之義顯，系子為稱，兼明母貴之所由，一舉而允三義，固哲王之高致也。」議者從之。

When Emperor Xiaowu raised his father's concubine mother, Empress Dowager Xuan, to posthumous honor, some debaters argued that she ought to share sacrificial offerings in the temple of Emperor Zhongzong. Dao argued in a memorial: "According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, a mother is elevated through her son's rank; that is why Zhong Zi and Cheng Feng were both addressed as Lady. The Classic states, 'Inspect the temple of Zhong Zi.' If she were given a place in Emperor Hui's temple, there would be no occasion to erect a separate shrine. In Former Han, the empress dowagers Wen and Zhao both bore titles tied to their sons, received sacrifice in the tomb-park shrines, and were not installed as consorts in the temples of Gaozu and Emperor Wu. In Later Han, Emperor He's mother was known as Empress Gonghuai, Emperor An's grandmother as Empress Jingyin, and Emperor Shun's mother as Empress Gongmin; although their titles were not framed through their sons' reign names, they likewise received sacrifice at the tomb shrines. None of them was paired with the temples of Emperors Zhang and An. Thus, although Former and Later Han differed in whether the women were styled empress dowager or empress, in neither dynasty were they given shared temple offerings — a principle in keeping with the Spring and Autumn Annals. Only under Guangwu, who posthumously deposed Empress Lü, was Empress Bo installed as consort in Gaozu's temple. Again, after Empress Wei was deposed, Huo Guang posthumously honored Lady Li as empress and paired her with Emperor Wu's temple; that was not an instance of a mother elevated through her son, but merely because the temples of Gaozu and Emperor Wu had lacked consorts. Han practice of erecting tomb shrines at the mausoleums was in any case unlike Jin custom. I submit that we should take as our distant standard the Annals' principle of the separate temple, and as our near precedent the two Han rule against shared offerings. Once her title is properly fixed, the fullest measure of filial devotion is expressed; if a separate shrine is built, the solemn dignity of ancestral worship is preserved; and framing her title through her son's name makes clear the source of her elevation — to satisfy all three principles in a single measure is truly the mark of a sage ruler." The assembly adopted his view.

頃之，去官。以母老家貧，與弟熹俱棄人事，躬耕自業，約己養親者十餘載。父母喪亡，居喪六年，以毀瘠著稱。服闋，除臨沂令。義旗建，為太學博士，參右將軍何無忌軍事，隨府轉鎮南參軍。

Before long he resigned his post. His mother was old and the family poor, so he and his younger brother Xi withdrew from public life, worked the fields with their own hands, and for more than ten years lived frugally to support their parents. After his parents died he mourned for six years and became famous for the wasting grief that marked his observance. When the mourning period ended, he was appointed magistrate of Linyi. When the righteous armies rose, he was made an erudite of the Imperial Academy, joined General of the Right He Wuji's staff as military aide, and was later transferred with the headquarters to serve as aide of the Army of the South.

高祖鎮京口，與燾書曰：「頃學尚廢弛，後進頹業，衡門之內，清風輟響。良由戎車屢警，禮樂中息，浮夫恣志，情與事染，豈可不敷崇墳籍，敦厲風尚。此境人士，子侄如林，明發搜訪，想聞令軌。然荊玉含寶，要俟開瑩，幽蘭懷馨，事資扇發，獨習寡悟，義著周典。今經師不遠，而赴業無聞，非唯志學者鮮，或是勸誘未至邪。想複弘之。」參高祖中軍軍事，入補尚書度支郎，改掌祠部。襲封高陵亭侯。

While stationed at Jingkou, the Founding Emperor wrote to Dao: "Learning has lately fallen into neglect, the younger generation's devotion to study has waned, and within humble households the voice of upright conduct has fallen silent. This is surely because war has repeatedly broken out, rites and music have been interrupted, and restless men follow their whims until feeling is corrupted by circumstance — how can we fail to promote the classics and strengthen public morals? Talented men in this region are as plentiful as trees in a forest; I intend to seek them out at once and hope to hear of exemplary conduct among them. Yet jade from Jing hides its luster until it is cut and polished, and orchids in the shade need stirring to release their fragrance; solitary study brings little enlightenment — the Zhou classics themselves teach as much. Masters of the classics are close at hand, yet we hear nothing of students flocking to study — is it only that aspiring scholars are few, or perhaps that encouragement has not yet been offered? I trust you will take up this cause again." He then served on the Founding Emperor's central army staff as military aide, entered the capital as Director of Revenue in the Secretariat, and was later transferred to head the Sacrifices Bureau. He inherited the title Marquis of Gaoling district.

時太廟鴟尾災，燾謂著作郎徐廣曰：「昔孔子在齊，聞魯廟災，曰必桓、僖也。今征西、京兆四府君，宜在毀落，而猶列廟饗，此其征乎？」乃上議曰：「臣聞國之大事，在祀與戎，將營宮室，宗廟為首。古先哲王，莫不致肅恭之誠心，盡崇嚴乎祖考，然後能流淳化于四海，通幽感於神明。固宜詳廢興於古典，循情禮以求中者也。禮，天子七廟，三昭三穆，與太祖而七。自考廟以至祖考五廟，皆月祭之，遠廟為祧，有二祧，享嘗乃止。去祧為壇，去壇為墠，有禱然後祭之。此宗廟之次，親疏之序也。鄭玄以為祧者文王、武王之廟，王肅以為五世六世之祖。尋去祧之言，則祧非文、武之廟矣。文、武周之祖宗，何雲去祧為壇乎？明遠廟為祧者，無服之祖也。又遠廟則有享嘗之禮，去祧則有壇墠之殊，明世遠者，其義彌疏也。若祧是文、武之廟，宜同月祭于太祖，雖推後稷以配天，由功德之所始，非尊崇之義每有差降也。又禮有以多貴者，故傳稱德厚者流光，德薄者流卑。又雲自上以下，降殺以兩，禮也。此則尊卑等級之典，上下殊異之文。而雲天子諸侯俱祭五廟，何哉？又王祭嫡殤，下及來孫，而上祀之禮，不過高祖。推隆恩於下流，替誠敬於尊屬，亦非聖人制禮之意也。是以泰始建廟，從王氏議，以禮父為士，子為天子諸侯，祭以天子諸侯，其屍服以士服。故上及征西，以備六世之數，宣皇雖為太祖，尚在子孫之位，至於殷祭之日，未申東向之禮，所謂子雖齊聖，不先父食者矣。今京兆以上既遷，太祖始得居正，議者以昭穆未足，欲屈太祖于卑坐，臣以為非禮典之旨。所與太祖而七，自是昭穆既足，太祖在六世之外，非為須滿七廟，乃得居太祖也。議者又以四府君神主宜永同于殷祫，臣又以為不然。傳所謂毀廟之主，陳乎太祖，謂太祖以下先君之主也。故《白虎通》雲'禘祫祭遷廟者，以其繼君之體，持其統而不絕也。」豈如四府君在太祖之前乎。非繼統之主，無靈命之瑞，非王業之基，昔以世近而及，今則情禮已遠，而當長饗殷祫，永虛太祖之位，求之禮籍，未見其可。昔永和之初，大議斯禮，于時虞喜、范宣並以淵儒碩學，鹹謂四府君神主，無緣永存於百世。或欲瘞之兩階，或欲藏之石室，或欲為之改築，雖所秉小異，而大歸是同。若宣皇既居群廟之上，而四主禘祫不已，則大晉殷祭，長無太祖之位矣。夫理貴有中，不必過厚；禮與世遷，豈可順而不斷！故臣子之情雖篤，而靈厲之諡彌彰；追遠之懷雖切，而遷毀之禮為用。豈不有心于加厚，顧禮制不可逾爾。石室則藏於廟北，改築則未知所處，虞主所以依神，神移則有瘞埋之禮。四主若饗祀宜廢，亦神之所不依也，准傍事例，宜同虞主之瘞埋。然經典難詳，群言紛錯，非臣卑淺所能折中。」時學者多從燾議，竟未施行。

When fire broke out at the finials of the Imperial Ancestral Temple, Dao said to Xu Guang of the Master of Writings office: "Long ago, when Confucius was in Qi and heard that Lu's ancestral temple had burned, he said the disaster must concern the shrines of Duke Huan and Duke Xi. Today the four ancestral lords of the Western Campaign and Jingzhao offices ought already to have been removed, yet they still receive temple sacrifice — is this not the same kind of sign?" He then submitted a memorial: "I have heard that the great affairs of a state are sacrifice and war, and that when palaces are to be built, the ancestral temple must come first. The sage kings of antiquity all brought reverent sincerity to their rites and showed the utmost honor to their ancestors; only then could pure teaching spread through the realm and the unseen world respond to their devotion. One ought therefore to weigh abolition and establishment against the ancient canon and seek the mean in light of ritual and human feeling. According to ritual, the Son of Heaven keeps seven temples — three zhao and three mu, with the Great Ancestor, for a total of seven. From the temple of the immediate forebear down through the five temples of more distant ancestors, all receive monthly sacrifice; the most remote temples become tiao, and once there are two tiao, only the seasonal offerings remain. When the tiao are removed they become altars; when the altars are removed they become open ritual mounds; and sacrifice is offered only when prayer is required. Such is the order of the ancestral temples and the gradation of kinship from near to remote. Zheng Xuan held that the tiao were the temples of Kings Wen and Wu, whereas Wang Su held that they were ancestors of the fifth and sixth generations. If we examine the phrase 'removing the tiao,' the tiao cannot be the temples of Wen and Wu. Wen and Wu were Zhou's founding ancestors — how could the rites speak of removing the tiao to make altars? This makes clear that temples made tiao are ancestors beyond the range of mourning obligation. Moreover, distant temples still receive seasonal offerings, whereas removed tiao are reduced to altars and open mounds — showing that the farther the generation, the more attenuated the ritual becomes. If the tiao were the temples of Wen and Wu, they ought to receive monthly sacrifice together with the Great Ancestor; although Hou Ji was elevated to match Heaven, that was because merit began with him, not because the principle of honor allows no gradation. Ritual also holds that greater merit confers greater honor; hence the tradition says that abundant virtue casts its radiance far, while meager virtue casts it low. It also says that from higher to lower ranks, ritual diminishes by steps of two. This is the canon governing rank and precedence, the written rule distinguishing higher from lower. Yet how can it be said that the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords alike sacrifice at five temples? Again, the king may sacrifice for legitimate heirs who died young, extending down to remote descendants, yet the rite of ascending sacrifice goes no higher than the great-grandfather. To extend lavish favor downward while displacing sincere reverence owed to honored forebears is not what the sages intended when they established ritual. Therefore, when the Taishi temples were established, Wang's proposal was adopted: by ritual the father had been a common officer while the son became Son of Heaven or feudal lord; sacrifice was performed with royal rites, but the impersonator wore an officer's garment. Sacrifice therefore extended up to the Western Campaign lord to complete six generations; although Emperor Xuan was the Great Ancestor, he still occupied the position of a descendant, and on the day of the great seasonal sacrifice the rite of facing east had not yet been accorded him — illustrating the rule that even a sage son does not take precedence over his father at the offering. Now that the shrines above Jingzhao have been moved, the Great Ancestor can at last take the central position; some debaters, believing the zhao and mu are not yet complete, wish to place the Great Ancestor in a lower seat — I hold that this violates the intent of the ritual canon. 'Seven temples with the Great Ancestor' means that the zhao and mu are already complete; the Great Ancestor stands beyond the sixth generation — he does not need seven temples to be filled before he may take the position of Great Ancestor. The debaters also argued that the spirit tablets of the four lords ought forever to share the great seasonal sacrifice — I again held that this was wrong. What the tradition calls 'the tablets of abolished temples displayed before the Great Ancestor' refers to the tablets of former lords below the Great Ancestor. Thus the Comprehensive Meaning states: 'The great seasonal sacrifices for moved temples are offered because those ancestors embodied succession to the lordship and preserved the line without break.' How could the four lords stand before the Great Ancestor? They were not rulers who succeeded to the throne, bore no mandate confirmed by heavenly signs, and were not the foundation of the royal enterprise; they were included before only because the generations were near, but now feeling and ritual have grown remote, yet they are to receive the great seasonal sacrifice forever while the Great Ancestor's place remains empty — I find no approval for this in the ritual canon. At the beginning of the Yonghe era this ritual was debated at length; Yu Xi and Fan Xuan, both profound and accomplished scholars, agreed that the spirit tablets of the four lords had no grounds to endure for a hundred generations. Some proposed burying the tablets between the temple steps, others storing them in the stone chamber, others rebuilding shrines for them; though their particular proposals differed, they agreed in principle. If Emperor Xuan already stands above the other temples while the four lords continue forever in the great seasonal sacrifice, then in Jin's great seasonal rites the Great Ancestor's place will remain permanently empty. Ritual principle values the mean and need not be excessive; ritual changes with the times — how can one follow custom without ever drawing a line! Thus although a subject's devotion may run deep, the posthumous title of the departed grows ever more distinct; and although longing for the distant past may be intense, the rite of moving and abolishing temples is what must govern. It is not that the heart lacks desire to show greater honor, but ritual cannot be overstepped. The stone chamber lies north of the temple; rebuilding would leave their resting place uncertain; the provisional tablet lodges the spirit, and when the spirit is transferred there is a rite of burial. If sacrifice to the four lords ought to cease, their spirits likewise have no further lodging; following parallel precedents, their tablets should be buried as provisional tablets are. Yet the classics are difficult to pin down and opinions conflict; this is more than my limited learning can reconcile." At the time most scholars sided with Dao, but in the end his proposal was not implemented.

遷通直郎，高祖鎮軍、車騎、中軍、太尉諮議參軍。高祖北伐關、洛，大司馬琅邪王同行，除大司馬從事中郎，總留府事。義熙十四年，除侍中。元熙元年，以腳疾去職。高祖受命，征拜太常，雖外戚貴顯，而彌自沖約，茅屋蔬餐，不改其舊。所得奉祿，與親戚共之。永初三年，致仕，拜光祿大夫，加金章紫綬。其年卒，時年七十。少帝追贈左光祿大夫，加散騎常侍。

He was promoted to Regular Attendant and served as advisory aide on the staffs of the Founding Emperor as General Who Guards the Army, General of Chariots and Cavalry, Central Army Commander, and Grand Commandant. When the Founding Emperor marched north against Guanzhong and Luoyang, the Prince of Langye, serving as Grand Marshal, accompanied the campaign; Dao was appointed attendant gentleman on the Grand Marshal's staff and took charge of all affairs left behind at headquarters. In the fourteenth year of Yixi he was appointed Palace Attendant. In the first year of Yuanxi he resigned because of a foot ailment. When the Founding Emperor received the mandate, Dao was summoned as Minister of Ceremonies; though he was now a prominent imperial kinsman, he became only more restrained, keeping to his thatched dwelling and plain meals as before. He shared his official salary with his relatives. In the third year of Yongchu he retired and was appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness with the golden seal and purple cord. He died the same year, at the age of seventy. Emperor Shao posthumously honored him as Left Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry.

長子邃，護軍司馬，宜都太守。少子綽，太子中舍人，新安太守。邃長子諶之，尚書都官郎，烏程令。諶之弟凝之，學涉有當世才具，與司空徐湛之為異常之交。年少時與北地傅僧祐俱以通家子始為太祖所引見，時上與何尚之論鑄錢事，凝之便幹其語，上因回與論之。僧祐引凝之衣令止，凝之大言謂僧祐曰：「明主難再遇，便應正盡所懷。」上與往復十餘反，凝之詞韻銓序，兼有理證，上甚賞焉。曆隨王誕後軍記室錄事，欲以為青州，其事不果。遷尚書右丞，以徐湛之党，為元兇所殺。子夤，尚書主客郎，沈攸之征西功曹，為攸之盡節，事在《攸之傳》。凝之弟潭之，亦有美譽。太宗世，曆尚書吏部郎，禦史中丞。後廢帝元徽中，為左民尚書，卒官。潭之弟澄之，太子左積弩將軍。元嘉二十七年，領軍於盱眙，為索虜所破，見殺，追贈通直郎。綽子煥，順帝升明中，為武昌太守。沈攸之攻郢城，煥棄郡赴之；攸之敗，伏誅。

His eldest son Sui served as marshal of the Protector Army and as governor of Yidu. His younger son Chuo served as attendant in the heir apparent's household and as governor of Xin'an. Sui's eldest son Chenzhi served as a director in the Ministry of Justice and as magistrate of Wucheng. Chenzhi's younger brother Ningzhi was widely learned and gifted for his age; he formed an unusually close friendship with Xu Tanzhi, Minister of Works. In his youth he and Fu Shengyou of Beidi, both sons of allied families, were first presented to Emperor Taizu; when the emperor was discussing coinage with He Shangzhi, Ningzhi interjected, and the emperor turned to debate the matter with him. Shengyou tugged at Ningzhi's robe to stop him, but Ningzhi said loudly: "A wise ruler is seldom met twice; one should speak one's mind fully while one can." The emperor and he exchanged views more than ten times; Ningzhi's language was measured and orderly and supported by sound reasoning, and the emperor was greatly impressed. He later served as recorder on the staff of Prince Dan of Sui's rear army; there was a plan to appoint him regional inspector of Qingzhou, but it did not come to pass. He was promoted to Right Assistant Director in the Secretariat and, as an associate of Xu Tanzhi, was executed by the prime culprit. His son Yin served as Master of Guests in the Secretariat and as merit officer on Shen Youzhi's western campaign staff; he gave his full loyalty to Youzhi, as recounted in Youzhi's biography. Ningzhi's younger brother Tanzhi likewise enjoyed a fine reputation. Under Emperor Taizong he served successively as director in the Ministry of Personnel and as Imperial Censor. Under the deposed emperor, during the Yuanhui era, he served as Minister of the Left for the People and died in office. Tanzhi's younger brother Chengzhi served as Left Master of Strong Crossbows in the heir apparent's household. In the twenty-seventh year of Yuanjia he commanded troops at Xuyi, was defeated by the northern invaders, and was killed; he was posthumously awarded the title Regular Attendant. Chuo's son Huan served as governor of Wuchang during the Shengming era of Emperor Shun. When Shen Youzhi attacked Yingcheng, Huan abandoned his post and went to join him; when Youzhi was defeated, Huan was executed.

傅僧祐，祖父弘仁，高祖外弟也。以中表曆顯官，征虜將軍、南譙太守，太常卿。子邵，員外散騎侍郎，妻燾女也，生僧祐，有吏才，再為山陰令，甚有能名，末世令長莫及。亦以徐湛之党，為元兇所殺。

Fu Shengyou's grandfather Hongren was the Founding Emperor's brother-in-law. Through family connections he rose through prominent posts, serving as General Who Pacifies the Barbarians, governor of Nanqiao, and Minister of Ceremonies. His son Shao served as Attendant Gentleman of the Scattered Cavalry, married Dao's daughter, and fathered Shengyou. Shengyou had a gift for administration, served twice as magistrate of Shanyin with great renown, and in the dynasty's final years no district magistrate could rival him. He too, as an associate of Xu Tanzhi, was executed by the prime culprit.

徐廣，字野民，東莞姑幕人也。父藻，都水使者。兄邈，太子前衛率。家世好學，至廣尤精，百家數術，無不研覽。謝玄為州，辟廣從事西曹。又譙王司馬恬鎮北參軍。晉孝武帝以廣博學，除為秘書郎，校書秘閣，增置職僚。轉員外散騎侍郎，領校書如故。隆安中，尚書令王珣舉為祠部郎。

Xu Guang, whose courtesy name was Yemin, came from Gumu in Dongguan. His father Zao served as Commissioner of Waterways. His elder brother Miao served as Commandant of the Heir Apparent's Forward Guard. His family had long valued learning, and Guang surpassed them all, studying every branch of the hundred schools and the arts of calculation without exception. When Xie Xuan served as regional inspector, he recruited Guang as an aide in the Western Bureau. He also served as northern campaign aide on the staff of Sima Tian, staff officer to Prince Qiao. Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, recognizing Guang's erudition, appointed him Secretary Gentleman to collate books in the Secret Archive and expanded the staff. He was promoted to Attendant Gentleman of the Scattered Cavalry while continuing to oversee collation as before. During the Longan era, Minister of Works Wang Xun recommended him as Director of the Sacrifices Bureau.

時會稽王世子元顯錄尚書，欲使百僚致敬，台內使廣立議，由是內外並執下官禮，廣常為愧恨焉。元顯引為中軍參軍，遷領軍長史。桓玄輔政，以為大將軍文學祭酒。

At the time Yuanxian, heir of the Prince of Kuaiji, controlled the Secretariat and wished all officials to pay him homage; Guang was ordered to draft the proposal within the capital, and thereafter officials inside and outside the court observed subordinate rites toward him — a matter that often filled Guang with shame and regret. Yuanxian recruited him as aide on the central army staff and later promoted him to chief clerk of the Army of the Interior. When Huan Xuan served as regent, he appointed Guang libationer of letters on the Grand Marshal's staff.

義熙初，高祖使撰車服儀注，乃除鎮軍諮議參軍，領記室。封樂成縣五等侯。轉員外散騎常侍，領著作郎。二年，尚書奏曰：「臣聞左史述言，右官書事，《乘》、《志》顯于晉、鄭，《陽秋》著乎魯史。自皇代有造，中興晉祀，道風帝典，煥乎史策。而太和以降，世曆三朝，玄風聖跡，倏為疇古。臣等參詳，宜敕著作郎徐廣撰成國史。」詔曰：「先朝至德光被，未著方策，宜流風緬代，永貽將來者也。便敕撰集。」

At the beginning of Yixi the Founding Emperor commissioned him to compile regulations for carriages, robes, and ceremonial protocol, and appointed him advisory aide on the Army Who Guards the Army staff, with charge of the secretariat. He was enfeoffed as fifth-rank Marquis of Lecheng county. He was promoted to Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry and appointed head of the Master of Writings office. In the second year the Secretariat memorialized: "We have heard that the left historiographer records speech and the right official records events; the Cheng and Zhi gained renown in Jin and Zheng, and the Spring and Autumn Annals were preserved in Lu's chronicle. Since the founding of the imperial house and the restoration of Jin's rites, the moral example of the imperial canon has shone brilliantly in the historical records. Yet from the Taihe era onward three reigns have passed, and the sage's legacy has swiftly receded into the distant past. We your subjects have reviewed the matter and submit that Xu Guang of the Master of Writings office should be ordered to complete the national history." The edict replied: "The supreme virtue of the former court spread its radiance yet was not recorded in the annals; its influence should span generations and be preserved for posterity. Let the compilation proceed at once."

六年，遷散騎常侍，又領徐州大中正，轉正員常侍。時有風雹為災，廣獻書高祖曰：「風雹變未必為災，古之聖賢輒懼而修己，所以興政化而隆德教也。嘗忝服事，宿眷未忘，思竭塵露，率誠于習。明公初建義旗，匡複宗社，神武應運，信宿平夷。且恭儉謙約，虛心匪懈，來蘇之化，功用若神。頃事故既多，刑德並用，戰功殷積，報敘難盡，萬機繁湊，固應難速，且小細煩密，群下多懼。又谷帛豐賤，而民情不勸；禁司互設，而劫盜多有，誠由俗弊未易整，而望深未易炳。追思義熙之始，如有不同，何者？好安願逸，萬物之大趣，習舊駭新，凡識所不免。要當俯順群情，抑揚隨俗，則朝野歡泰，具瞻允康矣。言無可采，願矜其愚款之志。」又轉大司農，領著作郎皆如故。十二年，《晉紀》成，凡四十六卷，表上之。遷秘書監。

In the sixth year he was promoted to Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry, also served as great rectifier of Xu province, and was later made a full regular attendant. When wind and hail brought disaster, Guang wrote to the Founding Emperor: "Such omens are not necessarily calamities; the sages of antiquity always took them as warnings to refine themselves — and thereby raised good government and exalted moral teaching. I once had the honor to serve you and have not forgotten your kindness; I wish to offer whatever humble strength remains and speak with all sincerity from my experience. When you first raised the righteous banner and restored the ancestral altars, your divine martial prowess answered Heaven's mandate, and peace was restored within days. Moreover you are respectful, frugal, and modest, never slack in self-cultivation; the relief you bring to the people works as if by divine power. Recently affairs have multiplied, punishment and reward are applied together, military merit has piled up and rewards are hard to dispense, and the myriad tasks are pressing — swift action is naturally difficult; moreover petty matters are intricate and many subordinates live in fear. Grain and cloth are abundant and cheap, yet the people are not encouraged to prosper; prohibitory offices multiply upon one another, yet robbery remains common — truly because popular abuses are hard to correct and deep expectations are hard to satisfy at once. Looking back to the beginning of Yixi, if something has changed, what is it? The love of ease is the great tendency of all things, and alarm at the new when accustomed to the old is what ordinary minds cannot avoid. What matters is to heed the feelings of the people and adjust policy to custom — then court and countryside will rejoice in peace, and all who look to you will find true well-being. My words may have little worth; I only ask that you regard the sincerity of my humble counsel." He was then appointed Minister of Agriculture while continuing to head the Master of Writings as before. In the twelfth year he completed the Annals of Jin in forty-six volumes and submitted them to the throne. He was appointed Director of the Secretariat.

初，桓玄篡位，安帝出宮，廣陪列悲慟，哀動左右。及高祖受禪，恭帝遜位，廣又哀感，涕泗交流。謝晦見之，謂之曰：「徐公將無小過？」廣收淚答曰：「身與君不同。君佐命興王，逢千載嘉運；身世荷晉德，實眷戀故主。」因更歔欷。

Earlier, when Huan Xuan usurped the throne and Emperor An was driven from the palace, Guang stood in attendance weeping so bitterly that he moved all those around him. When the Founding Emperor accepted the abdication and Emperor Gong yielded the throne, Guang was again overcome with grief, tears streaming down his face. Xie Hui saw this and said to him: "Master Xu, are you not going a little too far?" Guang wiped away his tears and replied: "My situation and yours are not the same. You assisted the mandate and helped raise the new dynasty, meeting a once-in-a-millennium fortune; my family and I received Jin's grace and truly remain attached to the former sovereign." He then sobbed afresh.

傅隆，字伯祚，北地靈州人也。高祖咸，晉司隸校尉。曾祖晞，司徒屬。父祖早亡。隆少孤，又無近屬，單貧有學行，不好交遊。義熙初，年四十，始為孟昶建威將軍，員外散騎侍郎。坐辭兼，免。複為會稽征虜參軍。家在上虞，及東歸，便有終焉之志。曆佐三軍，首尾八年。除給事中。尚書僕射、丹陽尹徐羨之置建威府，以為錄事參軍，尋轉尚書祠部郎、丹陽丞，入為尚書左丞。以族弟亮為僕射，緦服不得相臨，徙太子率更令，廬陵王義真車騎諮議參軍，出補山陰令。太祖元嘉初，除司徒右長史，遷禦史中丞。當官而行，甚得司直之體。轉司徒左長史。

Fu Long, whose courtesy name was Bozuo, came from Lingzhou in Beidi. His ancestor Xian served as Metropolitan Commandant under Jin. His great-grandfather Xi served as an attendant in the Ministry of Works. His father and grandfather died while he was still young. Long was orphaned in youth, had no close relatives, and though poor possessed learning and integrity; he cared little for socializing. At the beginning of Yixi, at the age of forty, he first entered service under Meng Chang as General Who Establishes Might and Attendant Gentleman of the Scattered Cavalry. He was dismissed for declining a concurrent appointment. He later served as aide on the Kuaiji campaign staff. His family lived in Shangyu, and when he returned east he resolved to end his days there. He served on three army staffs in succession for eight years altogether. He was appointed Palace Attendant. Xu Xianzhi, Vice Minister of Works and governor of Danyang, established an Establishing Might headquarters and appointed Long recorder-aide; he was soon transferred to Director of the Sacrifices Bureau and assistant governor of Danyang, then entered the Secretariat as Left Assistant Director. Because his clansman Liang became Vice Minister, ritual mourning rules forbade them from serving together; Long was transferred to Commandant of the Heir Apparent's Rate Regulation, then advisory aide on Prince Yizhen of Luling's staff, and finally went out to serve as magistrate of Shanyin. At the beginning of Yuanjia under Emperor Taizu he was appointed Right Chief Clerk of the Minister of Works and promoted to Imperial Censor. He performed his duties with integrity and fully embodied the censor's role. He was promoted to Left Chief Clerk of the Minister of Works.

時會稽剡縣民黃初妻趙打息載妻王死亡，遇赦，王有父母及息男稱、息女葉，依法徙趙二千裏外。隆議之曰：「原夫禮律之興，蓋本之自然，求之情理，非從天墮，非從地出也。父子至親，分形同氣，稱之於載，即載之于趙，雖雲三世，為體猶一，未有能分之者也。稱雖創巨痛深，固無仇祖之義。若稱可以殺趙，趙當何以處載？將父子孫祖，互相殘戮，懼非先王明罰，咎繇立法之本旨也。向使石厚之子、日磾之孫，砥鋒挺鍔，不與二祖同戴天日，則石碏、秺侯何得流名百代，以為美談者哉！舊令雲，'殺人父母，徙之二千裏外'。不施父子孫祖明矣。趙當避王期功千里外耳。令亦雲，'凡流徙者，同籍親近欲相隨者，聽之'。此又大通情體，因親以教愛者也。趙既流移，載為人子，何得不從；載從而稱不行，豈名教所許？如此，稱、趙竟不可分。趙雖內愧終身，稱當沈痛沒齒，孫祖之義，自不得永絕，事理固然也。」從之。

At the time in Yan county of Kuaiji, Huang Chu's wife Zhao beat her stepson Zai's wife Wang to death. Though an amnesty was granted, Wang had parents and children Cheng and Ye from a former marriage; by law Zhao was to be exiled two thousand li. Long submitted a deliberation: "Ritual and law arise from what is natural and seek what accords with reason — they did not fall from Heaven or spring from Earth. Father and son are the closest of kin, sharing one flesh and breath; Cheng is Zai's son and thus Zhao's grandson; though called three generations, in substance they are one body — none can be divided from the rest. Though Cheng suffers wound beyond measure, there is no principle by which he may take vengeance on his grandmother. If Cheng may kill Zhao, what is Zhao to do regarding Zai? Are father, son, grandson, and grandmother to slaughter one another in turn? I fear this is not what the former kings intended in clarifying punishments, nor what Gao Yao intended in establishing law. Suppose the sons of Shi Hou and the grandsons of Rizhi had drawn swords and refused to live under the same sky as their ancestors — how could Shi Que and the Marquis of Di have won praise for a hundred generations! The old statute states: 'Those who kill another's parents are banished two thousand li.' That it does not apply among father, son, grandson, and grandmother is clear. Zhao need only keep a thousand li's distance from Wang's parents and close kin in mourning. The statute also states: 'For all who are banished, close kin of the same registry who wish to accompany them may do so.' This again accords with human feeling and teaches love through the bonds of kinship. Since Zhao is banished, how can Zai as her son fail to follow her; and if Zai follows while Cheng does not, is that permitted by moral teaching? Thus Cheng and Zhao cannot ultimately be separated. Though Zhao may bear lifelong shame and Cheng lifelong grief, the bond between grandson and grandmother cannot be severed forever — such is the nature of the case." His proposal was adopted.

又出為義興太守，在郡有能名。征拜左民尚書，坐正直受節假，對人未至，委出，白衣領職。尋轉太常。十四年，太祖以新撰《禮論》付隆使下意，隆上表曰：「臣以下愚，不涉師訓，孤陋閭閻，面牆靡識，謬蒙詢逮，愧懼流汗。原夫禮者，三千之本，人倫之至道。故用之家國，君臣以之尊，父子以之親；用之婚冠，少長以之仁愛，夫妻以之義順；用之鄉人，友朋以之三益，賓主以之敬讓。所謂極乎天，播乎地，窮高遠，測深厚，莫尚於禮也。其樂之五聲，《易》之八象，《詩》之《風雅》，《書》之《典誥》，《春秋》之微婉勸懲，無不本乎禮而後立也。其源遠，其流廣，其體大，其義精，非夫睿哲大賢，孰能明乎此哉。況遭暴秦焚亡，百不存一。漢興，始徵召故老，搜集殘文，其體例紕繆，首尾脫落，難可詳論。幸高堂生頗識舊義，諸儒各為章句之說，既明不獨達，所見不同，或師資相傳，共枝別幹。故聞人、二戴，俱事後蒼，俄已分異；盧植、鄭玄，偕學馬融，人各名象。又後之學者，未逮曩時，而問難星繁，充斥兼兩，摛文列錦，煥爛可觀。然而五服之本或差，哀敬之制舛雜，國典未一于四海，家法參駁於縉紳，誠宜考詳遠慮，以定皇代之盛禮者也。伏惟陛下欽明玄聖，同規唐、虞，疇咨四嶽，興言《三禮》，而伯夷未登，微臣竊位，所以大懼負乘，形神交惡者，無忘夙夜矣。而複猥充搏采之數，與聞爰發之求，實無以仰酬聖旨萬分之一。不敢廢默，謹率管穴所見五十二事上呈。蚩鄙茫浪，伏用竦赧。」

He was again sent out as governor of Yixing, where he earned a reputation for capable administration. He was summoned as Minister of the Left for the People; because on a festival leave he left before the person he was to meet arrived, he was dismissed but retained his post in plain robes. He was soon appointed Minister of Ceremonies. In the fourteenth year Emperor Taizu entrusted Long with the newly compiled Discourses on Rites to obtain his views; Long submitted a memorial: "I am lowly and unlearned, without teachers' guidance, ignorant and obscure; wrongly called upon for your inquiry, I am ashamed and fearful beyond measure. Ritual is the root of the three thousand norms and the highest way of human relations. Applied in state and family, it lends honor to lord and subject and closeness to father and son; applied in marriage and capping rites, it fosters kindness between young and old and harmony between husband and wife; applied among neighbors, it brings the three benefits to friendship and respect and yielding to host and guest. What reaches to Heaven, spreads over Earth, exhausts height and distance, and measures depth and thickness — nothing surpasses ritual. The five tones of music, the eight trigrams of the Changes, the Feng and Ya of the Odes, the Canon and Announcements of the Documents, and the subtle admonitions of the Spring and Autumn Annals — none is established except upon ritual as its foundation. Its source is remote, its flow broad, its substance great, and its meaning refined — who but a sage of penetrating wisdom can fully grasp it? Moreover, it suffered the burning destruction of brutal Qin, and scarcely one part in a hundred survives. When Han arose, it summoned old scholars and gathered surviving texts, but the categories were tangled and passages were lost at beginning and end — they are hard to discuss in detail. Fortunately Gaotang Sheng preserved something of the old meaning; the various scholars each produced exegetical commentaries — clarity did not come to any one alone, views differed, and teacher and pupil transmitted separate branches from a common trunk. Thus Wenren and the two Dai all studied under Hou Cang, yet soon diverged; Lu Zhi and Zheng Xuan both studied under Ma Rong, yet each devised his own interpretive system. Later scholars did not match their predecessors, yet disputations multiplied like stars, filling volume after volume with brilliant prose — splendid to behold. Yet the roots of the five mourning grades sometimes err, regulations of grief and reverence are confused, the national canon is not unified throughout the realm, and family rules clash among the gentry — truly we should examine these matters with far-seeing care to establish the great rites of the imperial age. Your Majesty is reverent, bright, and sage, matching the standards of Tang and Yu, consulting the four peaks and raising discourse on the Three Rites; yet the ritual masters have not yet taken their places while I, a petty official, hold my post unworthily — I greatly fear exceeding my capacity, and body and spirit alike are troubled; I dare not forget vigilance day and night. Yet I am again unworthily counted among those who gather materials and have heard your request — truly I have no means to repay your intent even one part in ten thousand. I dare not remain silent; respectfully I submit fifty-two observations from my limited understanding. Ignorant and confused as I am, I prostrate myself in shame."

明年，致仕，拜光祿大夫。歸老在家，手不釋卷，博學多通，特精《三禮》。謹于奉公，常手抄書籍。二十八年，卒，時年八十三。

The following year he retired and was appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. In retirement at home he never laid aside his books; broadly learned and accomplished in many fields, he was especially expert in the Three Rites. Conscientious in public duty, he often copied books by hand. In the twenty-eighth year he died, at the age of eighty-three.

史臣曰：選賢於野，則治身業弘；求士子朝，則飾智風起。《六經》奧遠，方軌之正路；百家淺末，捷至之偏道。漢世登士，閭黨為先，崇本務學，不尚浮詭，然後可以俯拾青組，顧蔑籝金。於是人厲從師之志，家競專門之術，藝重當時，所居一旦成市，黌舍暫啟，著錄或至萬人。是故仕以學成，身由義立。自魏氏膺命，主愛雕蟲，家棄章句，人重異術。又選賢進士，不本鄉閭，銓衡之寄，任歸台閣。以一人之耳目，究山川之險情，賢否臆斷，萬不值一。由是仕憑藉譽，學非為己，崇詭遇之巧速，鄙稅駕之遲難，士自此委笥植《經》，各從所務，早往晏退，以取世資。庠序黌校之士，傳經聚徒之業，自黃初至於晉末，百餘年中，儒教盡矣。高祖受命，議創國學，宮車早晏，道未及行。迄於元嘉，甫獲克就，雅風盛烈，未及曩時，而濟濟焉，頗有前王之遺典。天子鸞旗警蹕，清道而臨學館，儲後冕旒黼黻，北面而禮先師，後生所不嘗聞，黃發未之前睹，亦一代之盛也。臧燾、徐廣、傅隆、裴松之、何承天、雷次宗，並服膺聖哲，不為雅俗推移，立名於世，宜矣。潁川庾蔚之、雁門周野王、汝南周王子、河內向琰、會稽賀道養，皆托志經書，見稱於後學。蔚之略解《禮記》，並注賀循《喪服》，行於世雲。

The historiographer writes: When worthies are chosen from the countryside, self-cultivation flourishes; when scholars are sought at court, the fashion of displaying cleverness takes hold. The Six Classics are profound and remote — the straight path and correct road; the hundred schools are shallow and marginal — the shortcut and side path. In Han, advancement to office began with the local community; men honored fundamentals and devoted themselves to learning, scorning empty cleverness — only then could they win official rank with ease and disdain mere wealth. Thus men sharpened their resolve to follow teachers, families competed in specialized learning, and scholarship weighed heavily in the age — a master's dwelling could become a marketplace overnight, and when the academy opened, enrollment sometimes reached ten thousand. Thus office came through completed learning, and personal standing through moral principle. From the time Wei received the mandate, rulers loved ornamental prose, families abandoned classical exegesis, and men prized unorthodox arts. Again, in selecting worthies and advancing scholars, local roots were ignored, and the power of evaluation passed to the central offices. With one man's eyes and ears to judge the conditions of every region, worth and unworth were decided by guesswork — scarcely one judgment in ten thousand was correct. Hence office depended on borrowed reputation and learning was not pursued for its own sake; men honored quick cleverness and despised slow mastery; scholars set the Classics aside, each following his own pursuit, coming early and leaving late to gain worldly advantage. The scholars of the academies and the profession of transmitting the classics and gathering disciples — from Huangchu to the end of Jin, for more than a hundred years, Confucian teaching was exhausted. When the Founding Emperor received the mandate, there was discussion of founding a National Academy, but he died before the plan could be carried out. By Yuanjia it was at last accomplished; its elegant culture did not match former ages, yet in abundance it preserved much of the former kings' legacy. The emperor, his procession clearing the way, came by the purified road to the academy; the heir apparent in full regalia faced north to honor the former master — what the young had never heard and the aged had never seen was truly the splendor of an age. Zang Dao, Xu Guang, Fu Long, Pei Songzhi, He Chengtian, and Lei Cizong all devoted themselves to the sages, were not swayed by fashion, and won renown in their age — as was only fitting. Yu Weizhi of Yingchuan, Zhou Yewang of Yanmen, Zhou Wangzi of Runan, Xiang Yan of Henei, and He Daoyang of Kuaiji all devoted themselves to the classics and were praised by later scholars. Weizhi had a partial understanding of the Record of Rites and also annotated He Xun's Mourning Garments, which circulated in his day.

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