Volume 56 Biographies 16: Xie Zhan, Kong Linzhi

列傳第十六謝瞻孔琳之

Biography 16: Xie Zhan and Kong Linzhi

謝瞻，字宣遠，一名簷，字通遠，陳郡陽夏人，衛將軍晦第三兄也。年六歲，能屬文，為《紫石英贊》、《果然詩》，當時才士，莫不歎異。初為桓偉安西參軍，楚台秘書郎。瞻幼孤，叔母劉撫養有恩紀，兄弟事之，同於至親。劉弟柳為吳郡，將姊俱行，瞻不能違，解職隨從，為柳建威長史。尋為高祖鎮軍、琅邪王大司馬參軍，轉主簿，安成相，中書侍郎，宋國中書、黃門侍郎，相國從事中郎。

Xie Zhan, whose courtesy name was Xuanyuan—he was also known as Yan, with the alternative courtesy name Tongyuan—came from Yangxia in Chen Commandery and was the third elder brother of Xie Hui, General of the Guard. At six he could already compose literary pieces, including "In Praise of Amethyst Quartz" and "The Guoran Poem," and every gifted writer of the time marveled at him. He began his career as a staff officer under Huan Wei in the Anxi command and later became Secretary Gentleman in the Chu court. Zhan was orphaned young; his aunt by marriage, the Liu lady, raised him with devoted care, and he and his brothers treated her exactly as they would their own parents. When Lady Liu's brother Liu Liu was appointed governor of Wu and took their elder sister along, Zhan could not bring himself to stay behind; he resigned and went with them, serving Liu as chief clerk of the Jianwei command. He was soon appointed staff officer to Emperor Gaozu's Zhenjun Army and to the Prince of Langye as Grand Marshal, then served successively as chief clerk, administrator of Ancheng, gentleman of the palace secretariat, secretariat and yellow gate gentleman of the Song state, and attendant of the chancellor of state.

弟晦時為宋台右衛，權遇已重，于彭城還都迎家，賓客輻輳，門巷填咽。時瞻在家，驚駭謂晦曰：「汝名位未多，而人歸趣乃爾。吾家以素退為業，不願干預時事，交遊不過親朋，而汝遂勢傾朝野，此豈門戶之福邪？」乃籬隔門庭，曰：「吾不忍見此。」及還彭城，言于高祖曰：「臣本素士，父、祖位不過二千石。弟年始三十，志用凡近，榮冠台府，位任顯密，福過災生，其應無遠。特乞降黜，以保衰門。」前後屢陳。高祖以瞻為吳興郡，又自陳請，乃為豫章太守。晦或以朝廷密事語瞻，瞻輒向親舊陳說，以為笑戲，以絕其言。晦遂建佐命之功，任寄隆重，瞻愈憂懼。

His younger brother Hui then held the post of Right Guard in the Song regime, and his influence was already formidable. When he returned from Pengcheng to the capital to bring the family home, guests thronged about him until the lanes before his gate were impassable. Zhan was at home at the time. Alarmed, he said to Hui, "Your rank and title are still modest, yet people are flocking to you like this. Our family has always made a virtue of modest retirement; we do not wish to meddle in public affairs, and our circle extends no farther than kin and friends—yet you have come to dominate court and countryside alike. Can this truly be a blessing for our house?" He then put up a hedge to screen off the courtyard, saying, "I cannot bear to look upon this." When he returned to Pengcheng he told Emperor Gaozu, "I was originally a man of no distinction; my father and grandfather never rose above the two-thousand-dan rank. My brother has only just turned thirty; his talents and ambitions are unremarkable, yet his honors outshine the whole regime and his offices are weighty and exposed. When fortune runs too high, disaster follows—and that day cannot be far off. I beg that he be demoted and removed from office, so that our declining house may be spared." He made this plea again and again. Emperor Gaozu appointed Zhan to Wu Commandery, but Zhan petitioned again on his own behalf and was instead made administrator of Yuzhang. When Hui confided court secrets to him, Zhan would promptly repeat them to relatives and old friends as a joke, so as to put an end to such disclosures. Hui went on to earn merit in establishing the new dynasty, and the trust placed in him grew ever heavier; Zhan's anxiety only deepened.

永初二年，在郡遇疾，不肯自治，幸於不永。晦聞疾奔往，瞻見之，曰：「汝為國大臣，又總戎重，萬里遠出，必生疑謗。」時果有訴告晦反者。瞻疾篤還都，高祖以晦禁旅，不得出宿，使瞻居於晉南郡公主婿羊賁故第，在領軍府東門。瞻曰：「吾有先人弊廬，何為於此！」臨終，遣晦書曰：「吾得啟體幸全，歸骨山足，亦何所多恨。弟思自勉厲，為國為家。」遂卒，時年三十五。

In the second year of Yongchu he fell ill while serving in his commandery; he refused medical care, hoping his life would not be prolonged. When Hui heard of his illness he rushed to his side. Zhan saw him and said, "You are a chief minister of state and hold supreme military authority; to travel a thousand li on such an errand is bound to invite suspicion and slander." And indeed, at that very time petitions were filed accusing Hui of rebellion. When Zhan's illness grew grave he returned to the capital. Because Hui commanded the palace guard and could not stay away overnight, Emperor Gaozu had Zhan lodged in the former residence of Yang Ben, son-in-law of the Jin Princess of Nan Commandery, east of the headquarters of the General of the Guards. Zhan said, "I have my forefathers' humble house—why should I stay here?" On his deathbed he sent Hui a letter: "I have been fortunate to leave this world with my body whole and to return my bones to the hills—what more could I regret? Brother, strive to discipline yourself—for the sake of the state and our house." He died soon after, at the age of thirty-five.

瞻善於文章，辭采之美，與族叔混、族弟靈運相抗。靈運父瑛，無才能。為秘書郎，早年而亡。靈運好臧否人物，混患之，欲加裁折，未有方也。謂瞻曰：「非汝莫能。」乃與晦、曜、弘微等共遊戲，使瞻與靈運共車；靈運登車，便商較人物，瞻謂之曰：「秘書早亡，談者亦互有同異。」靈運默然，言論自此衰止。

Zhan was a gifted writer; the brilliance of his style rivaled that of his clansman Hun and his younger kinsman Lingyun. Lingyun's father Ying was a man of no particular talent. He had served as secretary gentleman and died young. Lingyun loved to pass judgment on other people's merits and faults; Hun found this troubling and wanted to rein him in, but had not yet found a way. He said to Zhan, "No one but you can manage this." He then arranged outings with Hui, Yao, Hongwei, and the others and had Zhan share a carriage with Lingyun. The moment Lingyun got into the carriage he began ranking people's merits and faults. Zhan said to him, "The secretary gentleman died young, and even those who speak of him disagree among themselves." Lingyun fell silent, and from that day his habit of judging others faded away.

弟㬭，字宣鏡，幼有殊行。年數歲，所生母郭氏，久嬰痼疾，晨昏溫清，嘗藥捧膳，不闕一時，勤容戚顏，未嘗暫改。恐僕役營疾懈倦，躬自執勞。母為病畏驚，微踐過甚，一家尊卑，感㬭至性，鹹納屢而行，屏氣而語，如此者十餘年。初為州主簿，中軍行參軍，太子舍人，俄遷秘書丞。自以兄居權貴，己蒙超擢，固辭不就。徐羨之請為司空長史，黃門郎。元嘉三年，從坐伏誅，時年三十一。有詔宥其子世平，又早卒，無後。

His younger brother Jiao, whose courtesy name was Xuanjing, showed exceptional conduct from childhood. While still a small boy, he cared for his birth mother of the Guo clan, who had long suffered a chronic illness. Morning and evening he saw to her comfort, tasted her medicine, and brought her food without missing a single hour; his devoted manner and sorrowful face never changed, even for a moment. Fearing the servants who nursed her would grow slack, he took on the work himself. Because his mother feared being startled by noise in her illness, even the lightest footfall was too much; moved by Jiao's devotion, everyone in the household, high and low alike, removed their shoes and walked on tiptoe, speaking only in hushed breaths—for more than ten years. He first served as provincial chief clerk, staff officer of the central army, and attendant of the heir apparent, and was soon promoted to secretary director. Because his elder brother held power and rank and he himself had been promoted beyond his due, he firmly declined the appointment. Xu Xianzhi had him appointed chief clerk of the minister of works and gentleman of the yellow gate. In the third year of Yuanjia he was executed as an associate in the crime; he was thirty-one. An edict spared his son Shiping, but Shiping too died young, and the line came to an end.

孔琳之，字彥琳，會稽人。祖沈，晉丞相掾。父廞，光祿大夫。琳之強正有志力，好文義，解音律，能彈棋，妙善草隸。郡命主簿，不就，後辟本國常侍。桓玄輔政為太尉，以為西閣祭酒。桓玄時議欲廢錢用穀帛，琳之議曰：「《洪範》八政，以貨次食，豈不以交易之所資，為用之至要者乎？若使不以交易，百姓用力于為錢，則是妨其為生之業，禁之可也。今農自務穀，工自務器，四民各肄其業，何嘗致勤于錢。故聖王制無用之貨，以通有用之財，既無毀敗之費，又省運置之苦，此錢所以嗣功龜貝，歷代不廢者也。穀帛為寶，本充衣食，今分以為貨，則致損甚多。又勞毀于商販之手，耗棄於割截之用，此之為敝，著於自曩。故鐘繇曰：'巧偽之民，競蘊濕穀以要利，制薄絹以充資。 '魏世制以嚴刑，弗能禁也。是以司馬芝以為用錢非徒豐國，亦所以省刑。錢之不用，由於兵亂積久，自至於廢，有由而然，漢末是也。今既用而廢之，則百姓頓亡其財。今括囊天下之谷，以周天下之食，或倉庾充衍，或糧靡鬥儲，以相資通，則貧者仰富，致之之道，實假于錢。一朝斷之，便為棄物，是有錢無糧之民，皆坐而饑困，此斷錢之立敝也。且據今用錢之處不為貧，用穀之處不為富。又民習來久，革之必惑。語曰：'利不百，不易業。 '況又錢便於穀邪？魏明帝時，錢廢穀用，三十年矣。以不便於民，乃舉朝大議。精才達治之士，莫不以為宜複用錢，民無異情，朝無異論。彼尚舍穀帛而用錢，足以明穀帛之弊，著於已試。世或謂魏氏不用錢久，積累巨萬，故欲行之，利公富國。斯殆不然。昔晉文後舅犯之謀，而先成季之信，以為雖有一時之勳，不如萬世之益。于時名賢在列，君子盈朝，大謀天下之利害，將定經國之要術。若谷實便錢，義不昧當時之近利，而廢永用之通業，斷可知矣。斯實由困而思革，改而更張耳。近孝武之末，天下無事，時和年豐，百姓樂業，便自谷帛殷阜，幾乎家給人足，驗之事實，錢又不妨民也。頃兵革屢興，荒饉薦及，饑寒未振，實此之由。公既援而拯之，大革視聽，弘敦本之教，明廣農之科，敬授民時，各順其業，遊蕩知反，務末自休，固以南畝競力，野無遺壤矣。於是以往，升平必至，何衣食之足恤。愚謂救弊之術，無取于廢錢。」

Kong Linzhi, whose courtesy name was Yanlin, came from Kuaiji. His grandfather Shen had served as an aide to the Jin chancellor. His father Yin had held the post of grand master of splendid happiness. Linzhi was forceful and upright, a man of firm resolve; he loved letters and learning, understood music, played chess well, and was a master of cursive and clerical calligraphy. The commandery offered him the post of chief clerk, but he declined; he was later summoned as regular attendant of his native state. When Huan Xuan held power as grand marshal, he appointed Linzhi libationer of the Western Pavilion. At that time Huan Xuan proposed abolishing coin and using grain and cloth currency instead. Linzhi argued: "In the Eight Policies of the Hongfan, wealth ranks immediately after food—is this not because the medium of exchange is among the most essential instruments of government? If the people were not using coin for trade but were exhausting themselves minting money instead, that would indeed obstruct their livelihood—and forbidding it would be right. Today farmers devote themselves to grain and artisans to tools; the four classes each pursue their own calling—when have they ever lavished their labor on coin? That is why the sage kings created a token of no intrinsic use to circulate goods of real value, avoiding spoilage and sparing the cost of transport—this is why coin succeeded tortoise shells and cowries and has never been abandoned across the ages. Grain and cloth are treasures meant for food and clothing; if they are now parcelled out to serve as currency, the waste will be enormous. They are further worn down in merchants' hands and wasted in cutting and trimming—this harm has been plain since antiquity. As Zhong Yao said, "Crafty men compete to hoard damp grain for profit and weave thin silk to pass as currency." In the Wei dynasty severe punishments were imposed, yet the practice could not be stopped. That is why Sima Zhi argued that using coin not only enriches the state but also reduces the need for harsh punishments. Coin fell out of use because warfare and disorder persisted so long that it was abandoned of its own accord; there was a reason for it, as at the end of the Han. Now that coin is in use, to abolish it would be to strip the common people of their wealth overnight. If one gathered all the grain in the realm to feed everyone, some granaries would overflow while others would lack even a peck in store; to move supplies between them so the poor could draw on the rich—the means to do this truly depends on coin. Abolish it overnight and it becomes worthless scrap; those who hold coin but no grain would all sit helpless and starve—this is the immediate harm of cutting off coin. Moreover, judging from present conditions, regions that use coin are not poor, and regions that use grain are not rich. The people have long been accustomed to coin; to change the system would surely breed confusion. As the saying goes, "Unless the profit is a hundredfold, do not change your trade." How much more convenient is coin than grain? Under Emperor Ming of Wei, coin was abolished and grain used as currency—for thirty years. Because it proved inconvenient for the people, the whole court debated the matter at length. Talented statesmen all agreed that coin should be restored; the people had no objection, and the court had no dissent. They still abandoned grain and cloth in favor of coin—enough to show the defects of grain-and-cloth currency, as proven by experience. Some say the Wei restored coin because they had long gone without it and accumulated vast stores, hoping thereby to enrich the public treasury and strengthen the state. That is almost certainly wrong. Long ago Duke Wen of Jin deferred Jiu Fan's counsel but honored Ji Zi's pledge first, holding that a moment's merit was nothing compared to benefit lasting ten thousand generations. At that time famous worthies sat in the ranks and gentlemen filled the court; they debated the welfare of the realm and were about to settle the essential methods of statecraft. If grain had truly been more convenient than coin, they would never, in good conscience, have sacrificed a lasting institution for a moment's gain—that much is certain. They acted from hardship and sought reform—changing course and starting anew. Near the end of Emperor Xiaowu's reign the realm was at peace; seasons were mild and harvests abundant; the people were content in their work, and grain and cloth themselves grew plentiful, nearly to the point of abundance in every home—facts show that coin did the people no harm. Recently warfare has broken out again and again, famine has followed in its wake, and hunger and cold have not been relieved—that is the real cause. Your Lordship has already come to the people's aid, transforming what they see and hear, promoting the teaching of agriculture, clarifying statutes to expand farming, granting the seasons to the people so each may follow his calling; the idle will return home, those chasing profit will cease—and the fields will be tilled with vigor until no land lies fallow. From this point on, peace and prosperity are sure to follow—why worry whether there will be enough food and clothing? In my humble view, abolishing coin is no remedy for these ills."

玄又議複肉刑，琳之以為：「唐、虞象刑，夏禹立辟，蓋淳薄既異，致化實同，寬猛相濟，惟變所適。《書》曰'刑罰世輕世重'，言隨時也。夫三代風純而事簡，故罕蹈刑辟；季末俗巧而務殷，故動陷憲網。若三千行于叔世，必有踴貴之尤，此五帝不相循法，肉刑不可悉複者也。漢文發仁惻之意，傷自新之路莫由，革古創制，號稱刑厝，然名輕而實重，反更傷民。故孝景嗣位，輕之以緩。緩而民慢，又不禁邪，期於刑罰之中，所以見美在昔，歷代詳論而未獲厥中者也。兵荒後，罹法更多。棄市之刑，本斬右趾，漢文一謬，承而弗革，所以前賢恨恨，議之而未辯。鐘繇、陳群之意，雖小有不同，而欲右趾代棄市。若從其言，則所活者眾矣。降死之生，誠為輕法，然人情慎顯而輕昧，忽遠而驚近，是以盤盂有銘，韋弦作佩，況在小人，尤其所惑，或目所不睹，則忽而不戒，日陳於前，則驚心駭矚。由此言之，重之不必不傷，輕之不必不懼，而可以全其性命，蕃其產育，仁既濟物，功亦益眾。又今之所患，逋逃為先，屢叛不革，逃身靡所，亦以肅戒未犯，永絕惡原。至於餘條，宜依舊制。豈曰允中，貴獻管穴。」

Xuan also proposed restoring corporal mutilation. Linzhi argued: "Tang and Yu used symbolic punishments, while Yu of Xia established capital statutes—because simplicity and decadence differed, yet the goal of transforming society was the same. Leniency and severity complement each other; each must change as circumstances require. The Documents says, "Punishments are light in one age and heavy in another"—meaning they must follow the times. In the Three Dynasties customs were pure and affairs simple, so few fell under penal statutes; but at the end of an age customs grow crafty and affairs pressing, and people constantly fall into the net of the law. If the three thousand statutes were applied in a declining age, the innocent would surely suffer excess punishment—this is why the Five Emperors did not follow one another's laws, and why corporal mutilation cannot be fully restored. Emperor Wen of Han acted from compassion, grieving that offenders had no path to reform; he reformed the ancient laws and claimed punishments were set aside—yet the names were mild while the reality was harsh, and in the end the people suffered all the more. When Emperor Xiaojing succeeded to the throne, he lightened and softened the penalties. Softened penalties made the people lax and failed to restrain wrongdoing; the ideal of hitting the mean in punishment is why past ages praised it—yet generation after generation debated the matter without finding the true balance. After warfare and famine, ever more people fell under the law. The punishment of exposure in the marketplace originally meant amputation of the right foot; Emperor Wen made one error, and later rulers inherited it without reform—this is why former worthies grieved over it, debating the matter without resolution. Zhong Yao and Chen Qun differed slightly in their views, but both wished to replace exposure in the marketplace with amputation of the right foot. Had their counsel been followed, many more lives would have been spared. Commuting death to lesser penalties is indeed a lightening of the law, yet people heed what is visible and ignore what is hidden, forget what is distant and fear what is near—hence inscriptions on bowls and bowstrings worn as reminders. Petty men are especially prone to this: what the eye does not see they neglect; what is set before them daily startles the heart. From this it follows that harsh punishments do not necessarily prevent harm, and mild ones do not necessarily fail to inspire fear—yet one can preserve lives and allow families to flourish; benevolence aids society, and the benefit extends to all. Moreover, today's chief problem is flight and evasion; habitual rebels who will not reform have nowhere to hide—visible punishment would warn those not yet guilty and cut off evil at its root. As for the remaining statutes, the old system should stand. I do not claim to have found the perfect mean—I offer only this limited view through a narrow tube."

玄好人附悅，而琳之不能順旨，是以不見知。遷楚台員外散騎侍郎。遭母憂，去職。服闋，除司徒左西掾，以父致仕自解。時司馬休之為會稽內史、後將軍，仍以琳之為長史。父憂，去官。服闋，補太尉主簿，尚書左丞，揚州治中從事史，所居著績。

Xuan loved men who attached themselves to him and flattered him, but Linzhi could not bend to his will and therefore won no favor. He was transferred to extraordinary attendant of the scattered cavalry in the Chu regime. When his mother died he resigned his office. When his mourning ended he was appointed left western aide of the minister of works, but because his father had retired from office he resigned on his own account. At that time Sima Xiuzhi was interior administrator of Kuaiji and rear general, and he again appointed Linzhi as his chief clerk. When his father died he left office. When mourning ended he served as chief clerk of the grand marshal, left assistant of the masters of writing, and attendant clerk of Yang Province, distinguishing himself in each post.

時責眾官獻便宜，議者以為宜修庠序，恤典刑，審官方，明黜陟，舉逸拔才，務農簡調。琳之於眾議之外，別建言曰：「夫璽印者，所以辯章官爵，立契符信。官莫大于皇帝，爵莫尊于公侯。而傳國之璽，歷代迭用，襲封之印，奕世相傳，貴在仍舊，無取改作。今世唯尉一職，獨用一印，至於內外群官，每遷悉改，討尋其義，私所未達。若謂官各異姓，與傳襲不同，則未若異代之為殊也。若論其名器，雖有公卿之貴，不若帝王之重；若以或有誅夷之臣，忌其凶穢，則漢用秦璽；延祚四百，未聞以子嬰身戮國亡，而棄之不佩。帝王公侯之尊，不疑於傳璽，人臣眾僚之卑，何嫌于即印。載籍未聞其說，推例自乖其准。而終年刻鑄，喪功肖實，金銀銅炭之費，不可稱言，非所以因循舊貫易簡之道。愚謂眾官即用一印，無煩改作。若有新置官，又官多印少，文或零失，然後乃鑄，則仰裨天府，非唯小益。」

At that time all officials were ordered to submit practical proposals; deliberators held that schools should be restored, punishments administered justly, official posts reviewed, promotions and demotions clarified, hidden talent promoted, and agriculture and levies simplified. Beyond the general deliberations, Linzhi submitted a separate proposal: "Seals and stamps distinguish offices and ranks and establish bonds of trust. No office is greater than the emperor's, and no rank more exalted than duke or marquis. Yet the imperial seal passes from dynasty to dynasty, and hereditary seals pass from generation to generation—their value lies in continuity, and there is no need to remake them. Today only the commandant's post keeps a single seal throughout; all other officials within and without the court receive a new seal with every transfer—and I cannot see the rationale for this. If the argument is that officials bear different surnames and therefore differ from hereditary succession, the difference between successive dynasties is far greater still. If one speaks of rank and regalia, the honor of duke and minister does not equal the weight of emperor and king; if the fear is the ill omen of executed ministers, then the Han used the Qin seal; their dynasty lasted four hundred years, and no one ever heard that because Ziying was executed and the state fell, the seal was cast aside. The honor of emperors and dukes does not hesitate over a transmitted seal—why should humble ministers scruple over keeping their present stamps? Historical records know nothing of this practice; by analogy it contradicts its own standard. Yet year-round carving and casting wastes labor and material; the expense in gold, silver, copper, and charcoal is beyond reckoning—this is not the way to follow established practice and simplify affairs. I hold that all officials should use a single seal without the trouble of remaking them. Only when new offices are created, or seals are too few for the officials, or inscriptions are damaged, should new seals be cast—then it would aid the imperial treasury, not merely bring a small benefit."

又曰：「凶門柏裝，不出禮典，起自末代，積習生常，遂成舊俗。爰自天子，達于庶人，誠行之有由，卒革必駭。然苟無關於情，而有愆禮度，存之未有所明，去之未有所失，固當式遵先典，厘革後謬，況複兼以游費，實為民患者乎！凡人士喪儀，多出閭裏，每有此須，動十數萬，損民財力，而義無所取。至於寒庶，則人思自竭，雖複室如懸磬，莫不傾產殫財，所謂葬之以禮，其若此乎。謂宜謹遵先典，一罷凶門之式，表以素扇，足以示凶。」

He also said, "The cypress gate and funeral display do not appear in the ritual canon; they arose in late antiquity, custom hardened into habit, and thus they became established practice. From the Son of Heaven down to the common people, the practice has its reasons; to abolish it suddenly would surely cause alarm. Yet if it serves no genuine purpose but violates ritual propriety, keeping it offers no clear benefit and removing it no clear loss—one should follow the ancient canon and reform later errors, especially since the wasteful expense truly harms the people! Most funeral rites for gentlemen come from village custom; each occasion costs tens of thousands, draining the people's wealth while serving no worthy purpose. Among the poor and humble, each strives to exhaust himself; though his house may be as bare as a hanging bell, none fail to pour out property and spend every penny—is this what is meant by burying with ritual? I hold that one should strictly follow the ancient canon, abolish the cypress-gate display entirely, and mark mourning with a plain fan—enough to show bereavement."

又曰：「昔事故饑荒，米穀綿絹皆貴，其後米價登複，而絹於今一倍。綿絹既貴，蠶業者滋，雖勤厲兼倍，而貴猶不息。愚謂致此，良有其由。昔事故之前，軍器正用鎧而已，至於袍襖裲襠，必俟戰陣，實在庫藏，永無損毀。今儀從直衛及邀羅使命，或有防衛送迎，悉用袍襖之屬，非唯一府，眾軍皆然。綿帛易敗，勢不支久。又晝以禦寒，夜以寢臥，曾未周年，便自敗裂。每絲綿新登，易折租以市，又諸府競收，動有千萬，積貴不已，實由於斯，私服為脂艱貴，官庫為之空盡。愚謂若侍衛所須，固不可廢，其餘則依舊用鎧。小小使命送迎之屬，止宜給仗，不煩鎧襖。用之既簡，則其價自降」

He also said, "Formerly, during famine, grain and silk were both costly; afterward grain prices recovered, but silk is now twice as dear. As silk has grown costly, sericulture has expanded; though diligence has doubled, prices still do not fall. I believe there is a clear reason for this. Before the recent troubles, military equipment used only armor; robes, padded coats, and vests were reserved for battle, stored in armories, and never damaged. Today ceremonial guards, palace guards, and envoys on patrol or escort duty all use robes and padded coats—not in one office alone, but in every army alike. Silk and cloth wear out easily and cannot last long. Worn by day against the cold and by night for sleep, they are torn and ruined before a year has passed. Whenever new silk reaches market, people exchange tax grain to buy it; government offices compete to purchase in sums of millions; prices keep rising—private clothing grows costly and government storehouses are emptied. What the palace guard requires cannot be abolished, but for the rest one should return to armor as before. For minor escort and reception missions, weapons alone should suffice—no need for armor and padded coats. If use is simplified, prices will naturally fall."

又曰：「夫不恥惡食，唯君子能之。肴饌尚奢，為日久矣。今雖改張是弘，而此風未革。所甘不過一味，而陳必方丈，適口之外，皆為悅目之費，富者以之示誇，貧者為之殫產，眾所同鄙，而莫能獨異。愚謂宜粗為其品，使奢儉有中；若有不改，加以貶黜，則德儉之化，不日而流。」

He also said, "Not to be ashamed of plain food—only a gentleman can manage this. Luxury at table has been the fashion for a long time. Though broad reform is now under way, this custom has not changed. What pleases the palate is a single flavor, yet the spread must fill a square zhang; beyond what suits the mouth, all is expense to please the eye—the rich display pride, the poor exhaust their estates; all despise it, yet none can stand apart. I hold that grades should be set so that luxury and frugality have a proper mean; those who do not reform should be demoted and censured—then the transformation toward virtue and frugality will spread within days."

遷尚書吏部郎。義熙六年，高祖領平西將軍，以為長史，大司馬琅邪王從事中郎。又除高祖平北、征西長史，遷侍中。宋台初建，除宋國侍中。出為吳興太守，公事免。

He was promoted to gentleman of the ministry of personnel in the masters of writing. In the sixth year of Yixi, when Emperor Gaozu held the post of general who pacifies the west, he appointed Linzhi chief clerk and attendant of the prince of Langye as grand marshal. He was also appointed chief clerk to Emperor Gaozu's pacify-the-north and campaign-the-west commands and promoted to palace attendant. When the Song regime was first established, he was appointed palace attendant of the Song state. He was sent out as administrator of Wu Commandery and was dismissed for official misconduct.

永初二年，為禦史中丞。明憲直法，無所屈橈。奏劾尚書令徐羨之曰：「臣聞事上以奉憲為恭，臨下以威嚴為整。然後朝典惟明，蒞眾必肅。斯道或替，則憲綱其頹。臣以今月七日，預皇太子正會。會畢車去，並猥臣停門待闕。有何人乘馬，當臣車前，收捕驅遣命去。何人罵詈收捕，咨審欲錄。每有公事，臣常慮有紛紜，語令勿問，而何人獨罵不止，臣乃使錄。何人不肯下馬，連叫大喚，有兩威儀走來，擊臣收捕。尚書令省事倪宗又牽威儀手力，擊臣下人。宗雲：'中丞何得行兇，敢錄令公人。凡是中丞收捕，威儀悉皆縛取。 '臣敕下人一不得鬥，凶勢輈張，有頃乃散。又有群人就臣車側，錄收捕樊馬子，互行築馬子頓伏，不能還台。臣自錄非，本無對校，而宗敢乘勢凶恣，篡奪罪身。尚書令臣羨之，與臣列車，紛紜若此，或雲羨之不禁，或雲羨之禁而不止。縱而不禁，既乖國憲；禁而不止，又不經通。陵犯監司，凶聲彰赫，容縱宗等，曾無糾問，虧損國威，無大臣之體，不有準繩，風裁何寄。羨之內居朝右，外司輦轂，位任隆重，百辟所瞻。而不能弘惜朝章，肅是風軌。致使宇下縱肆，淩暴憲司，凶赫之聲，起自京邑，所謂己有短垣，而自逾之。又宗為篡奪之主，縱不糾問，二三虧違，宜有裁貶。請免羨之所居官，以公還第。宗等篡奪之愆，已屬掌故禦史隨事檢處。」詔曰：「小人難可檢禦，司空無所問，餘如奏。」羨之任居朝端，不欲以犯憲示物。時羨之領揚州刺史，琳之弟璩之為治中，羨之使璩之解釋琳之，停寢其事。琳之不許。璩之固陳，琳之謂曰：「我觸忤宰相，正當罪止一身爾，汝必不應從坐，何須勤勤邪！」自是百僚震肅莫敢犯禁。高祖甚嘉之，行經蘭台，親加臨幸。又領本州大中正，遷祠部尚書。不治產業，家尤貧素。景平元年，卒，時年五十五。追贈太常。

In the second year of Yongchu he became imperial censor. He was clear in statutes and upright in law, yielding to no pressure. He memorialized to impeach the minister of works Xu Xianzhi: "I have heard that serving superiors by upholding the law is respect, and governing subordinates with authority is order. Only then are court statutes clear and the multitude governed with dignity. When this way is neglected, the net of law collapses. On the seventh day of this month I attended the crown prince's regular assembly. When the assembly ended the carriages departed, and I waited at the gate for the audience to close. A man on horseback blocked my carriage; I had my officers seize him and ordered him driven away. The man cursed my officers; I questioned him and intended to take his name. Whenever there is official business I always fear disorder and tell my men not to pursue it—but this man alone would not stop cursing, so I ordered his name taken. The man would not dismount and kept shouting; two ceremonial attendants ran up and struck my officers. Ni Zong, clerk of the minister of works, also pulled the ceremonial attendants' men and struck my subordinates. Zong said, "How dare the censor commit violence and seize the minister's men! Every man the censor seizes, the ceremonial attendants bind and take away. I ordered my subordinates not to fight; the violence was overwhelming, and only after a while did it disperse. Another crowd gathered beside my carriage; my officers had seized Fan Mazi—they beat him until he collapsed and could not return to the censorate. I was taking the record myself; there was no confrontation—yet Zong dared, riding the wave of violence, to seize the prisoner by force. The minister of works Xu Xianzhi was in the same row of carriages; with such disorder, some say he did not restrain it, others say he tried but could not stop it. To indulge without restraint already violates the statutes of the state; to restrain yet fail to stop is likewise without proper authority. He allowed assault on the censorate; his violent reputation was notorious; he indulged Zong and the rest without inquiry or correction—damaging the state's authority and lacking the bearing of a great minister; without standards, upon what can moral discipline rest? Xianzhi holds the foremost position at court and administers the capital region; his office is weighty, and all officials look to him. Yet he could not uphold the court's statutes and enforce this standard of conduct. The result was that subordinates ran wild and insulted the censorate; violence arose from the capital itself—what is called having a low wall and leaping over it oneself. Moreover Zong led the forcible seizure; even if he is not prosecuted, these breaches warrant censure and demotion. I request that Xianzhi be removed from office and sent home with the title of duke. The offense of Zong and the rest has already been referred to the clerical censor for investigation and disposition." An edict said, "Petty men are hard to restrain; the minister of works is not to be questioned; the rest as memorialized." Xianzhi, holding the foremost post at court, did not wish to display a violation of law before others. At that time Xianzhi also governed Yang Province; Linzhi's younger brother Qiong was attendant clerk, and Xianzhi had Qiong intercede with Linzhi to suspend the case. Linzhi would not agree. Qiong pressed him repeatedly. Linzhi said, "I have offended the chancellor; the punishment should stop with me alone. You certainly ought not to suffer by association—why press so earnestly?" From then on the hundred officials were awed into dignity and none dared violate the prohibitions. Emperor Gaozu greatly praised him; passing the Orchid Terrace, he paid a personal visit. He also served as grand rectifier of his native province and was promoted to minister of the imperial ancestral temple. He did not manage estates; his household was especially poor and plain. In the first year of Jingping he died, at the age of fifty-five. He was posthumously enfeoffed as minister of ceremonies.

子邈，有父風，官至揚州治中從事史。邈子覬，別有傅。覬弟道存，世祖大明中，曆黃門吏部郎，臨海王子頊前軍長史、南郡太守。晉安王子勳建偽號，為侍中，行雍州事。事敗自殺。

His son Miao had his father's manner and rose to attendant clerk of Yang Province. Miao's son Ji has a separate biography. Ji's younger brother Daocun, in the Daming era of Emperor Shizu, served as gentleman of the yellow gate in the ministry of personnel, chief clerk of the vanguard army of the prince of Linhai Zixu, and administrator of Nan Commandery. When the prince of Jin'an Zixun established a rival regime, Daocun became palace attendant and acted for Yong Province. When the affair failed he took his own life.

史臣曰：民生所貴，曰食與貨。貨以通幣，食為民天。是以九棘播于農皇，十朋興於上代。昔醇民未離，情嗜疏寡，奉生贍己，事有易周。一夫躬稼，則餘食委室；匹婦務織，則兼衣被體。雖懋遷之道，通用濟乏，龜貝之益，為功蓋輕。而事有訛變，奸敝代起，昏作役苦，故穡人去而從商，商子事逸，末業流而浸廣，泉貨所通，非複始造之意。於是競收罕至之珍，遠蓄未名之貨，明珠翠羽，無足而馳，絲罽文犀，飛不待翼，天下蕩蕩，鹹以棄本為事。豐衍則同多稌之資，饑凶又減田家之蓄。錢雖盈尺，既不療饑於堯年；貝或如輪，信無救渴于湯世，其蠹病亦已深矣。固宜一罷錢貨，專用穀帛，使民知役生之路，非此莫由。夫千匹為貨，事難於懷璧；萬斛為市，未易於越鄉，斯可使末伎自禁，遊食知反。而年世推移，民與事習，或庫盈朽貫，而高廩未充，或家有藏鏹，而良疇罕辟。若事改一朝，廢而莫用，交易所寄，旦夕無待，雖致乎要術，而非可卒行。先宜削華止偽，還淳反古，抵璧幽峰，捐珠清壑。然後驅一世之民，反耕桑之路，使縑粟羨溢，同於水火。既而蕩滌圓法，銷鑄勿遺，立制垂統，永傳於後，比屋稱仁，豈伊唐世。桓玄知其始而不覽其終，孔琳之睹其末而不統其本，豈慮有開塞，將一往之談可然乎。

The historian writes: What the people's livelihood values above all are food and wealth. Wealth circulates currency; food is the heaven of the people. Therefore the nine measures were spread by the Agricultural Sovereign, and strings of cowries arose in high antiquity. Formerly, when the pure people had not yet dispersed, desires were few and sustaining life was easily accomplished. When one man plowed the fields, surplus grain filled the room; when one woman wove, she had clothes enough to cover her body. Though vigorous trade universally aided the needy, the benefit of tortoise shells and cowries was on the whole slight. Yet affairs corrupt and change; deceit arises in succession; toiling in darkness and suffering forced labor, farmers left their fields for trade; merchants' work was easy, secondary pursuits spread and grew, and the currency in circulation was no longer what the first makers intended. Thereupon they competed for rarities seldom seen, hoarding from afar goods scarcely known; pearls and kingfisher feathers sped without feet, silk rugs and patterned rhinoceros horn flew without wings; all under Heaven was adrift, and all alike abandoned the root for secondary pursuits. In times of abundance they shared the resources of many harvests; in famine and disaster they again diminished what farming households had stored. Though coin might fill a foot measure, it could not relieve famine in the age of Yao; though cowries might be wheel-sized, they truly could not quench thirst in the age of Tang—the pestilence of this harm has already grown deep. It would indeed be fitting to abolish coin altogether and use only grain and cloth, so that the people know the path of laboring for life—there is no other way. A thousand bolts of cloth as currency is harder to manage than carrying a jade disk in one's bosom; ten thousand bushels as a market transaction is not easier than crossing a district—thus secondary crafts could restrain themselves and wandering idlers would know to return home. Yet as years pass, the people grow accustomed to the system: some treasuries overflow with rotting strings of cash while the high granaries stand empty; some households hoard coin while good fields lie untilled. If the system were changed overnight, abolished and unused, the medium on which exchange depends would vanish from one day to the next—though this reaches the heart of the matter, it cannot be done at once. First one should cut ornament and stop falsity, return to simplicity and revert to antiquity, cast jade disks into hidden peaks and pearls into clear ravines. Then drive the people of an age back to farming and sericulture, until silk and grain overflow in abundance, common as water and fire. Then wash away round coin, melt and cast until none remain, establish institutions to last forever—every household praising benevolence: would this not surpass even the age of Tang? Huan Xuan grasped the beginning but not the end; Kong Linzhi saw the end but not the root—did they consider that circumstances open and close? Can a one-sided argument truly stand?

Cite this Chapter