1
安樂王廣川王齊郡王河間王安豐王
The Princes of Anle, Guangchuan, Qi commandery, Hejian, and Anfeng
2
安樂王長樂，皇興四年封建昌王，後改封安樂王。 長樂性凝重，顯祖器愛之。 承明元年拜太尉，出為定州刺史。 鞭撻豪右，頓辱衣冠，多不奉法，為人所患。 百姓詣闕訟其過。 高祖罰杖三十。 貪暴彌甚，以罪徵詣京師。 後與內行長乙肆虎謀為不軌，事發，賜死於家。 葬以王禮，諡曰厲。
Changle, Prince of Anle, was made Prince of Changchang in Huangxing year 4 and later transferred to Anle. Changle was sober and steady in temperament; Xianzu prized and favored him. In the first year of Chenming he became Grand Commandant and went out as Dingzhou inspector. He lashed powerful clans and shamed the gentry; many broke the law under him, and he was widely hated. Commoners went to the capital to accuse him of misconduct. Gaozu had him beaten thirty strokes with the staff. His greed and brutality only deepened, until crimes brought him summoned to the capital. Later he plotted treason with Inner-Steward Chief Yi Sihu; when it was exposed he was ordered to take his own life at home. He was buried with princely honors and given the posthumous name Li (Fierce).
3
子詮，字搜賢，襲。 世宗初，為涼州刺史。 在州貪穢，政以賄成。 後除定州刺史。 及京兆王愉之反，詐言國變。 在北州鎮，咸疑朝廷有釁，遣使觀詮動靜。 詮具以狀告，州鎮帖然。 愉奔信都，詮與李平、高殖等四面攻燒，[3]愉突門而出。 尋除侍中，兼以首告之功，除尚書左僕射。 薨，諡曰武康。
His son Quan, styled Souxian, succeeded to the title. Early in Shizong's reign he became Liangzhou inspector. In his province he was corrupt; office went to the highest bidder. He was later transferred to the Dingzhou inspectorate. When Prince Yu of Jingzhao rose in rebellion, Yu spread false word of a dynastic crisis. Northern border provinces suspected trouble at court and sent agents to watch Quan. Quan reported the facts in full, and the provinces and garrisons calmed. Yu fled to Xindu; Quan, Li Ping, Gao Zhi, and others besieged him from four sides and set fires;[3] Yu broke through the gate and escaped. Soon he was palace attendant; for being first to report the rebellion he was also made left vice director of the Masters of Writing. He died and was posthumously titled Wukang.
4
子鑒，字長文，襲。 後除相州刺史、北討大都督，討葛榮。 仍兼尚書右僕射、北道行臺、尚書令，與都督裴衍共救信都。 鑒既庸才，諸弟粗暴，見天下多事，遂謀反，降附葛榮。 都督源子邕與裴衍合圍鑒，斬首傳洛，詔改其元氏。 莊帝初，許復本族，又特復鑒王爵，贈司空。
His son Jian, styled Changwen, succeeded. He was later made Xiangzhou inspector and grand commander of the northern campaign against Ge Rong. He still held the right vice directorship, the northern route mobile office, and the directorship of the Masters of Writing, and with Commissioner Pei Yan relieved Xindu. Jian was a mediocrity and his brothers violent; when the realm fell into chaos they plotted rebellion and went over to Ge Rong. Commissioner Yuan Ziyin and Pei Yan jointly besieged Jian; his head was sent to Luoyang, and an edict stripped the clan of the surname Yuan. At Emperor Zhuang's accession the clan was allowed to resume its original name; Jian's princely title was specially restored and he was posthumously made Minister of Works.
5
鑒弟斌之，字子爽。 性險無行，及與鑒反，敗，遂奔葛榮。 榮滅，得還。 出帝時，封潁川郡王，委以腹心之任。 帝入關，斌之奔蕭衍，後還長安。
Jian's younger brother Binzhi, styled Zishuang. Treacherous and without principle, he joined Jian's rebellion; when it failed he fled to Ge Rong. After Ge Rong's fall he was able to return. Under Emperor Chu he was made Prince of Yingchuan commandery and given the emperor's innermost trust. When the emperor entered the Pass, Binzhi fled to Xiao Yan; he later returned to Chang'an.
6
廣川王略，延興二年封。 位中都大官，性明敏，鞫獄稱平。 太和四年薨，諡曰莊。
Lue, Prince of Guangchuan, received his fief in Yanxing year 2. He served as grand director of the inner palace; bright and keen by nature, he won a name for fairness in trials. He died in Taihe year 4 and was posthumously titled Zhuang.
7
子諧，字仲和，襲。 十九年薨。 詔曰：「朕宗室多故，從弟諧喪逝，悲痛摧割，不能已已。 古者，大臣之喪，有三臨之禮，此蓋三公已上。 至於卿司已下，故應。 闕自漢已降，多無此禮。 朕欲遵古典，哀感從情，雖以尊降伏，私痛寧爽。 欲令諸王有期親者為之三臨，大功之親者為之再臨，小功緦麻為之一臨。 廣川王於朕大功，必欲再臨。 再臨者，欲於大殮之日，親臨盡哀，成服之後，緦衰而弔。 既殯之緦麻，理在無疑，大殮之臨，當否如何？ 為須撫柩於始喪，為應盡哀於闔棺？ 早晚之宜，擇其厥中。」 黃門侍郎崔光、宋弁，通直常侍劉芳，典命下大夫李元凱，中書侍郎高聰等議曰：[4]「三臨之事，乃自古禮，爰及漢魏，行之者稀。 陛下至聖慈仁，方遵前軌，志必哀喪，慮同寧戚。 臣等以為若期親三臨，大功宜再。 始喪之初，哀之至極，既以情降，宜從始喪。 大殮之臨，伏如聖旨。」 詔曰：「魏晉已來，親臨多闕，至於戚臣，必於東堂哭之。 頃大司馬、安定王薨，朕既臨之後，復更受慰於東堂，今日之事，應更哭否？」 光等議曰：「東堂之哭，蓋以不臨之故。 今陛下躬親撫視，羣臣從駕，臣等參議，以為不宜復哭。」 詔曰：「若大司馬戚尊位重，必哭於東堂，而廣川既是諸王之子，又年位尚幼，卿等議之，朕無異焉。」 諧將大殮，高祖素服深衣哭之，入室，哀慟，撫尸而出。 有司奏，廣川王妃薨於代京，未審以新尊從於卑舊，為宜卑舊來就新尊。 詔曰：「遷洛之人，自茲厥後，悉可歸骸邙嶺，皆不得就塋恒代。 其有夫先葬在北，婦今喪在南，婦人從夫，宜還代葬； 若欲移父就母，亦得任之。 其有妻墳於恒代，夫死於洛，不得以尊就卑； 欲移母就父，宜亦從之； 若異葬亦從之。 若不在葬限，身在代喪，葬之彼此，皆得任之。 其戶屬恒燕，身官京洛，去留之宜，亦從所擇。 其屬諸州者，各得任意。」 詔贈諧武衞將軍，諡曰剛。 及葬，高祖親臨送之。
His son Xie, styled Zhonghe, succeeded. He died in Taihe year 19. An edict read: "The imperial house has suffered too many losses; my cousin Xie is gone, and grief cuts so deep I cannot master it. In antiquity great ministers were mourned with three personal visits—a rite reserved for the Three Excellencies and above. Ministers and offices below them were expected to attend in due measure. Since Han times the rite has largely fallen away. I mean to follow the ancient canon and let compassion follow feeling; though rank demands restraint, private pain will not ease. I would have princes in the closest mourning circle pay three visits, those in the great-achievement circle two, and those in lesser or finest mourning one. Prince Guangchuan stands to me in the great-achievement circle; I shall certainly mourn him twice. By two visits I mean: on the day of the great encoffment to come in person and exhaust grief, and after the mourning garments are complete to return in finest hemp and offer condolence. Condolence in finest hemp after encoffment is plainly required; but is a visit at the great encoffment itself fitting? Should one comfort the bier at the first mourning, or exhaust grief only when the coffin is closed? Whether early or late is better—choose the mean." Cui Guang and Song Bian of the Yellow Gate, Liu Fang, regular attendant of direct transmission, Li Yuankai, master of ceremonies lower grandee, Gao Cong, secretariat attendant, and others replied:[4] "Three visits are an ancient rite, yet from Han through Wei few have practiced it. Your Majesty is supremely sagely and benevolent and means to follow the former track; your will is true mourning, your heart the same as one dwelling in the mourning hut. We hold that if the closest kin pay three visits, great-achievement kin should pay two. At the beginning of mourning grief is at its height; since feeling has already bent rank, the first visit should fall at the beginning of mourning. As for the visit at the great encoffment, we bow to Your Majesty's intent." An edict said: "Since Wei and Jin, emperors have rarely mourned in person; for ministerial kin they wept in the Eastern Hall instead. When the Grand Marshal, Prince of Anding, died I visited him in person and still received condolences in the Eastern Hall; for today's rite, should I weep there again?" Guang and the others replied: "The Eastern Hall weeping existed because the emperor did not visit in person. Now Your Majesty will comfort the bier in person and the ministers will follow your carriage—we hold there should be no second weeping." An edict said: "For the Grand Marshal, kin of the highest rank, the Eastern Hall is required; but Guangchuan is a prince's son and still young in years and station—deliberate as you see fit; I raise no objection." On the eve of Xie's great encoffment Gaozu came in plain white and deep mourning, wept, entered the chamber, was overcome, comforted the corpse, and withdrew. The relevant office reported: the Princess of Guangchuan died in the Dai capital; it was unclear whether the newly honored dead should follow the humbler old, or the humbler old should be brought to the newly honored. An edict said: "For families who moved to Luoyang, from now on all may rest their bones on Mount Mang; none may bury in the old Dai tombs. If the husband was buried first in the north and the wife dies in the south, the wife follows the husband and should return to Dai for burial; if one wishes to move the father's grave to the mother's side, that may also be done. If the wife's tomb lies in Dai and the husband dies in Luoyang, rank may not draw the lofty down to the humble; if one wishes to move the mother to the father, that should be allowed; separate burial may also be chosen. If the case falls outside these limits and the mourner is in Dai, burial on either side is at choice. Where registers remain in Heng and Yan but office and person are in Jing and Luo, staying or leaving is likewise at choice. Those attached to other provinces may each decide for themselves." An edict posthumously made Xie General of Martial Guard and gave him the posthumous name Gang. At the burial Gaozu attended in person to see him off.
8
子靈道，襲。 卒，諡悼王。 [5]
His son Lingdao succeeded. He died and was posthumously titled Prince Dao. The text is deficient.
9
琛字曇寶，幼而敏慧，高祖愛之。 世宗時，拜定州刺史。 琛妃，世宗舅女，高皇后妹。 琛憑恃內外，多所受納，貪惏之極。 及還朝，靈太后詔曰：「琛在定州，惟不將中山宮來，自餘無所不致，何可更復敍用。」 由是遂廢于家。 琛以肅宗始學，獻金字孝經。 又無方自達，乃與劉騰為養息，賂騰金寶巨萬計。 騰屢為之言，乃得兼都官尚書，出為秦州刺史。 在州聚斂，百姓吁嗟。 屬東益、南秦二州氐反，詔琛為行臺，仍充都督，還攝州事。 琛性貪暴，既總軍省，求欲無厭，百姓患害，有甚狼虎。 進討氐羌，大被摧破，士卒死者千數，率眾走還。 內恃劉騰，無所畏憚，為中尉糾彈，會赦，除名為民。 尋復王爵，後討鮮于脩禮，敗，免官爵。 後討汾晉胡、蜀，卒於軍，追復王爵。
Chen, styled Tanbao, was clever even as a child; Gaozu doted on him. Under Shizong he became Dingzhou inspector. Chen's consort was Shizong's niece by marriage, the younger sister of Empress Gao. Chen leaned on court and family ties and took endless bribes; his greed had no bottom. On his return Empress Dowager Ling issued an edict: "In Dingzhou Chen took everything but the Zhongshan Palace itself—how can he be used again?" He was thereupon dismissed and kept at home. When Suzong first took up his studies, Chen presented a gilt-letter Classic of Filial Piety. With no other path forward he became Liu Teng's adopted son and paid him bribes in gold and jewels beyond counting. Teng spoke for him again and again until he won the directorship of the Court for the Imperial Clan and went out as Qinzhou inspector. In his province he amassed wealth while the people groaned. When the Di of Eastern Yi and Southern Qin rebelled, an edict named him to a mobile office and kept him as commissioner while he resumed the provincial post. Greedy and brutal by nature, he now held army and province together and took without end; the people suffered worse than from wolves. He marched against the Di and Qiang and was shattered; a thousand soldiers died and he fled with the remnant. Backed by Liu Teng within, he feared nothing until the chief commandant impeached him; an amnesty spared his life but he was stripped of rank and made a commoner. His princely title was soon restored; later, campaigning against Xianyu Xiuli, he was defeated and lost office and title. Later, campaigning against the Hu of Fen and Jin and the Shu, he died on campaign; his princely title was posthumously restored.
10
安豐王猛，字季烈。 太和五年封，加侍中。 出為和龍鎮都大將、營州刺史。 猛寬仁雄毅，甚有威略，戎夷畏愛之。 薨于州。 贈太尉，諡曰匡。
Meng, Prince of Anfeng, styled Jilie. In Taihe year 5 he received his fief and was made palace attendant. He went out as grand general of Helong garrison and Yingzhou inspector. Meng was broad, benevolent, bold, and resolute, with real martial presence; the frontier peoples both feared and loved him. He died in his province. He was posthumously made Grand Commandant and given the posthumous name Kuang.
11
子延明，襲。 世宗時，授太中大夫。 延昌初，歲大飢，延明乃減家財，以拯賓客數十人，并贍其家。 至肅宗初，為豫州刺史，甚有政績，累遷給事黃門侍郎。
His son Yanming succeeded. Under Shizong he was made grand master of the palace. Early in Yanzhang, in a year of great famine, Yanming spent his household wealth to save several dozen guests and support their families as well. At Suzong's accession he became Yuzhou inspector with a strong record of governance and rose to attendant of the yellow gate.
12
延明既博極羣書，兼有文藻，鳩集圖籍萬有餘卷。 性清儉，不營產業。 與中山王熙及弟臨淮王彧等，並以才學令望有名於世。 雖風流造次不及熙、彧，而稽古淳篤過之。 尋遷侍中。 詔與侍中崔光撰定服制。 後兼尚書右僕射。 以延明博識多聞，敕監金石事。
Yanming had read widely and wrote well; he collected more than ten thousand scrolls of maps and books. He was by nature frugal and did not amass property. He, Prince of Zhongshan Xi, and his younger brother Prince of Linhuai Yu were among those whose learning and reputation shone across the age. He lacked Xi and Yu's easy brilliance, but in scholarship and sober depth he outpaced them. Soon he was made palace attendant. He was ordered with Palace Attendant Cui Guang to draft court dress rules. He later served concurrently as right vice director of the Masters of Writing. His wide learning earned him charge of epigraphic and bell-cauldron matters.
13
及元法僧反，詔為東道行臺、徐州大都督，節度諸軍事，與都督臨淮王彧、尚書李憲等討法僧。 蕭衍遣其豫章王綜鎮徐州。 延明先牧徐方，甚得民譽，招懷舊土，遠近歸之。 綜既降，延明因以軍乘之，復東南之境，至宿豫而還。 遷都督、徐州刺史。 頻經師旅，人物凋弊，延明招攜新故，人悉安業，百姓咸附。
When Yuan Faseng rebelled, he was named eastern-route mobile secretariat and grand commander of Xuzhou, with command of all armies, and marched with Prince of Linhuai Yu, Minister Li Xian, and others against Faseng. Xiao Yan posted his Prince of Yuzhang, Zong, to hold Xuzhou. Having once governed Xu with a strong popular name, he called back the old land and won submission from far and near. When Zong surrendered, Yanming pressed the pursuit, recovered the southeast as far as Suyu, and withdrew. He was made commander-in-chief and inspector of Xuzhou. War had repeatedly ravaged the region; he gathered old and new inhabitants until every household had its livelihood and the people clung to him.
14
莊帝時，兼尚書令、大司馬。 及元顥入洛，延明受顥委寄，率眾守河橋。 顥敗，遂將妻子奔蕭衍，死於江南。 莊帝末，喪還。 出帝初，贈太保，王如故，諡曰文宣。 所著詩賦讚頌銘誄三百餘篇，又撰五經宗略、詩禮別義，注帝王世紀及列仙傳。 又以河間人信都芳工算術，引之在館。 其撰古今樂事九章十二圖，又集器準九篇，芳別為之注，皆行於世。
Under Emperor Zhuang he served concurrently as director of the Masters of Writing and grand marshal. When Yuan Hao took Luoyang, Yanming was entrusted with his cause and held Heqiao with an army. Hao's fall sent him south to Xiao Yan with his family; he died in Jiangnan. Late in Zhuangdi's reign his coffin came home. When the Deposed Emperor came to the throne he was posthumously titled grand mentor, his princedom left as before, with the temple name Prince Wenzuan. He left more than three hundred poems, fu, hymns, inscriptions, and dirges, compiled Summaries of the Five Classics and Separate Meanings of the Odes and Rites, and annotated the Chronological Record of Emperors and Kings and the Biographies of Transcendents. He also summoned Xin Du Fang of Hejian, a master of mathematics, to his library. His nine chapters and twelve diagrams on music through the ages, and nine chapters on instrument measures with Fang's separate commentary, all circulated.
15
校勘記
Textual notes
16
魏書卷二十諸本目錄此卷注「闕」字，卷後當有宋人校語，傳本脫去。 殿本考證云：「魏收書闕，後人所補。」 檢傳文除少數字句外與北史卷一九文成五王傳同。
Every Wei shu juan 20 table of contents marks this scroll "lacuna"; Song collation notes after the scroll are missing from transmitted copies. The Palace Edition notes: "Wei Shou's text is missing; later hands supplied this." The received text, save a few phrases, matches Beishi juan 19 (Wenzong's Five Princes).
17
孝元皇后生獻文皇帝卷一三后妃傳文成元皇后單諡「元」，卷八三上外戚李峻傳 〈補〉 、卷八九酷吏李洪之傳補也只稱「元皇后」，唯墓誌集釋元顥妃李元姜墓誌 〈圖版一八三〉 稱「元恭皇后」，但未見有「孝元」之號，疑「孝」乃「李」字之訛。
"Empress Xiaoyuan bore Emperor Xianwen": in juan 13 she is posthumous "Empress Yuan" only; juan 83 upper, Li Jun of the maternal kin, 〈supplement〉 and the juan 89 supplement on the cruel official Li Hongzhi likewise say only "Empress Yuan"; only Muzhi jishi, epitaph of Yuan Hao's consort Lady Li Yuanchiang, 〈plate 183〉 titles her "Empress Yuangong," yet no "Xiaoyuan" title appears; "Xiao" likely corrupts "Li."
18
詮與李平高殖等四面攻燒張森楷北史校勘記云：「高肇傳 〈魏書卷八三下，即以北史卷八０補〉 『殖』作『植』。 按傳稱高植以濟州刺史「率州軍討破元愉，別將有功」，顯與此「高殖」為一人。 當時習慣人名地名常通用同音字，但這裏當是「植」字形訛。
"Quan, Li Ping, Gao Zhi, and others attacked and burned from four sides": Zhang Senkai's Beishi collation reads "Biography of Gao Zhao 〈Wei shu juan 83 lower (supplied from Beishi juan 80)〉 The text reads the plant-graph Zhi where the multiply-graph Zhi is meant. Note: Gao Zhi as Jizhou inspector "led provincial troops to defeat Yuan Yu with merit as detached commander"—clearly this Gao Zhi with the multiply graph. Homophones in names were common then, but here the plant-graph Zhi is clearly wrong.
19
中書侍郎高聰等議曰諸本「聰」作「敏」。 北史卷一九文成五王傳、冊府卷五八０ 〈六九五七頁〉 作「聰」。 按卷六八高聰傳，他在太和中自中書博士為侍郎，當時別無「高敏」其人，「敏」字訛，今據改。
"Secretariat attendant Gao Cong and others submitted": editions read Cong as Min (clever graph). Beishi juan 19 (Wenzong Five Princes); Cefu juan 580 〈folio 6957〉 have "Cong." Note: juan 68 (Gao Cong) has him promoted from secretariat doctor to attendant in Taihe; no "Gao Min" then existed—Min is corrupt and the text is emended.
20
子靈道襲卒諡悼王墓誌集釋元煥墓誌 〈圖版一六一之二〉 「靈道」作「靈遵」，這裏「道」字當是「遵」形近而訛。 又「悼王」作「哀王」，諸墓誌諡號不但常與史異，而且誌與誌也有不同，未必定是傳誤。
"Son Lingdao inherited, died, titled Prince Dao": Muzhi jishi, epitaph of Yuan Huan 〈plate 161, no. 2〉 reads Lingzun for Lingdao; dao here is a near-graph corruption of zun. "Prince Dao" appears as "Prince Ai" on epitaphs; posthumous titles often diverge from histories and from stone to stone—not necessarily a biographical error.
21
子祐字伯授墓誌集釋元祐墓誌「授」作「援」，疑「授」字訛。
"Son You, courtesy name Bosou": Muzhi jishi, epitaph of Yuan You reads shou as yuan; shou is likely corrupt.