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卷43 嚴棱 毛修之 唐和 劉休賓 房法夀

Volume 43: Yan Leng, Mao Xiuzhi, Tang He, Liu Xiubin, Fang Fashou

Chapter 48 of 魏書 · Book of Wei
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Chapter 48
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1
Yan Leng, Mao Xiuzhi, Tang He, Liu Xiubin, and Fang Fashou
2
Yan Leng came from Linjin in Fufeng Commandery. Amid the turmoil he took refuge in Henan, where Liu Yu made him General of Expansive Might and Administrator of Chenliu, stationed at Cangyuan. During the Taichang reign, Duke Xi Jin of Shanyang led a southern campaign; when his forces reached Yingchuan, Leng brought five hundred officials and officers to submit to Xi Jin, who had him escorted by relay to present himself to Emperor Taizong in Jizhou. The court praised his good faith, appointed him General Who Pacifies the Distance, enfeoffed him as Marquis of Heyang, and granted him acting authority as Inspector of Jingzhou. He followed the emperor on the southern expedition and, upon returning, was received as a distinguished guest at court. After Emperor Shizu ascended the throne, Leng was made Administrator of Zhongshan in reward for his surrender and gained a reputation for clean government. He died at home at the age of ninety.
3
His son Yayu succeeded to the marquisate. During the Zhenjun reign he was ordered to assist Yuan Lan, commander of the Chang'an garrison, in leading ten thousand troops to receive Hanzhong people who had come over, marching in through Xiegu as far as Ganting. Wang Xuanzai, Liu Yilong's Inspector of Liangzhou, sent officers to hold the defiles; the way was blocked and the force turned back. In the second year of Taihe he served as Grand Steward of the Granary. In the fifth year he was posted as General Who Pacifies the South and Inspector of Eastern Yanzhou, with provisional rank as Duke of Fufeng. When he died, his son Tan inherited the title.
4
祿 調
Mao Xiuzhi, whose courtesy name was Jingwen, came from Yangwu in Yingyang Commandery. His father Jin had been Inspector of Liang and Qin under Emperor Dezong of Jin. After Liu Yu took Yao Hong captive, he left his son Yizhen to hold Chang'an and made Xiuzhi chief of staff. When Helian Quju routed Yizhen at Qingni, Xiuzhi was captured and passed into Helian rule at Tongwan. When Emperor Shizu subdued Helian Chang, Xiuzhi came into his hands. During the Shenju reign he commanded Wu troops against the Rouran khan Datan and, for his service, was made General of Wu Troops and Colonel Director of Footsoldiers. He later accompanied Emperor Shizu on the Pingliang campaign, distinguished himself, and rose to Attendant-in-Ordinary, General of the Vanguard, and Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Xiuzhi knew how to prepare southern cuisine and cooked and seasoned dishes himself, usually to excellent effect. The emperor favored him personally, promoted him to Director of the Imperial Kitchen, enfeoffed him as Duke of Nancheng, gave him the additional title General of the Champions, and kept him in the kitchen service supervising the imperial table.
5
宿 祿
On the Helong campaign he separately reduced three strongholds and was rewarded with slaves, cattle, and sheep. At that time the armies were investing cities and most of the palace guards were on the front, leaving the mobile court lightly manned. Zhu Xiuzhi, the Yunzhong garrison commander and once a general of Liu Yilong, was with the campaign and plotted to rally Wu troops in a major rebellion, intending to enter Helong and flee by sea back to the south. He informed Mao Xiuzhi, who refused to go along, and the conspiracy was abandoned. Had Mao Xiuzhi not been there that day, a grave crisis would almost certainly have erupted. Zhu Xiuzhi thereupon fled to Feng Wentoong. As Xiuzhi's credit for capturing the three forts was great, he was advanced to Special Grand Master, General Who Pacifies the Army, and Grand Master of the Golden Chariot and Purple Canopy, standing in rank just below Cui Hao.
6
退𨄅 退
Because Xiuzhi came from an established Chinese family, Cui Hao valued him even though his scholarship was not wide, and often discussed texts with him. Their conversation turned to Chen Shou's Records of the Three Kingdoms, which Hao praised as having the spirit of the great ancient historians—elegant, authoritative, and subtle in judgment, unmatched since Ban Gu. Xiuzhi said, "When I was in Shu I heard elders say Chen Shou had served Zhuge Liang as a clerk and was beaten a hundred strokes, which is why he wrote of the Martial Lord that 'in adapting to circumstances and grand strategy he was not at his strongest.'" Hao replied that Chen Shou's assessment of Zhuge Liang was actually strained praise with a hidden point—that judged by Liang's record it was not unfair and did not arise from personal spite. Why do I say this? Liang aided Liu Bei at a time when the empire was in turmoil and heroes contended; though ruler and minister were said to be as close as fish and water, he could not vie with Cao Cao for the realm—he abandoned Jingzhou, retreated into Ba and Shu, wrested Liu Zhang's territory by deceit, made a show of alliance with Sun Quan, and held a desperate foothold on the frontier while claiming imperial title among border peoples. This was among the weakest possible strategies. He might be compared with Zhao Tuo, yet to rank him with Guan Zhong and Xiao He—is that not going too far? So Chen Shou's lowering of Liang's stature was not a distortion of the facts. Moreover, once Liang held Shu behind its mountain barriers, he failed to read the times and misjudged relative power. He imposed harsh laws and tight control on the people of Shu; trusting in his own talent, he held himself arrogantly aloof. He meant to pit a frontier population against the central realm. He marched into Longyou, attacked Qishan twice and Chencang once, was slow and lost his openings, and was beaten back in defeat; Later he entered Qinchuan, ceased storming walled towns, and sought open battle instead. The Wei commanders understood his aim, closed their walls and stood firm, and wore him down without giving battle. When he saw his strength exhausted, frustration consumed him and he died of illness. On this showing, how does he resemble the great commanders of antiquity who advance when they see advantage and retire when they know the odds are against them? Xiuzhi agreed that Hao was right.
7
In the second year of Taiyan he became Grand Director of the Outer Kitchen. He died and was given the posthumous title Duke Gong.
8
殿
Xiuzhi had four sons in the south, but only his son Faren came into the Northern Wei. At the start of Emperor Gaozong's reign he served as Director of the Gold Department and inherited the title. He was later moved to Director of the Palace Department with the additional post of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. Faren had a booming voice; on campaign or in the hunt, when he shouted commands they echoed through the hills. He died in the sixth year of Heping. He was posthumously appointed General Who Conquers the East and Prince of Nancheng, with the posthumous name Wei.
9
His eldest son Menghu, during Tai'an, served as master of documents in the Eastern Palace, then as palace attendant, then as Grand Master of the Palace. He first succeeded to the title and held the post of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. During Huangxing, when the Rouran invaded the border, he accompanied Emperor Xianzu on the campaign and earned a reputation for bold decision. He died early in Taihe and was posthumously made Inspector of Yu with the posthumous name Duke Gong.
10
His son Taibao inherited the title. He served as chief clerk to the General Who Punishes the Barbarians. By precedent the rank was reduced to marquis. When he died, his son Qianyou succeeded.
11
歿
Zhu Xiuzhi had served as Attendant of the Masters of Writing in Liu Yilong's Secretariat. He held Huatai when An Li besieged it. His mother, still at home, suddenly began to lactate again. She cried out in grief and told the family, "I am too old to nurse again—when this happens unbidden, my son is surely doomed." On that very day he was indeed taken by An Li. Emperor Shizu praised his stubborn defense, gave him a post in the inner service, and married him to a woman of the imperial clan. Yet he was obsequious, cunning, and shallow, and men of standing looked down on him. He was appointed garrison commander of Yunzhong. When he went over to Feng Wentoong, Wentoong sent him on to the southern court.
12
[1]西
Tang He, whose courtesy name was Zhiqi, came from Ming'an in Jinchang Commandery. [1] His father You, when the Liang territories fell into chaos and the people were homeless, installed Li Gao at Dunhuang to restore order in the region. After the Li house was overthrown by Juqu Mengxun, He and his brother Qi fled with their nephew Li Bao to Yiwu, rallied more than two thousand families, and submitted to the Rouran. The Rouran made Qi king of Yiwu.
13
使 歿 使
After twenty years He and Qi sent envoys to surrender; harried by the Rouran, they eventually moved their people to Gaochang. The Rouran dispatched the tribal leader A Ruo with horsemen to strike at He. At Baili City He led five hundred riders in a prior assault on Gaochang; Qi fell in battle against A Ruo. He gathered the survivors and fled to the Former Department kingdom. Juqu Anzhou was then stationed at Hengjie City; He stormed it, killed Anzhou's nephew Shu, and also took the garrison towns of Gaoning and Baili, executing their defenders. He sent a formal report to court; Emperor Shizu commended his loyalty and rewarded him repeatedly. He later joined Che Yiluo, king of the Former Department, in defeating Anzhou and taking three hundred heads.
14
西
The emperor sent Duke Wan Duigui of Chengzhou against Yanqi and ordered He and Yiluo to bring their followers to Duigui. He obeyed the edict. When Duigui brought the six cities east of Liulü to terms, they jointly attacked Bojuluo and captured it. On the later campaign against Kucha, Duigui left He to hold Yanqi. When the Liulü garrison commander Yizhenjia rallied the frontier peoples in revolt, He rode into the city with a hundred light cavalry, seized and executed Yizhenjia, and the tribes then submitted. He played a major role in the pacification of the Western Regions.
15
His son Qin, whose courtesy name was Mengzhi. Trained in the Directorate of Documents, he inherited the title. During Taihe he was made General Who Guards the South and deputy commander of the Chang'an garrison, then Inspector of Shanzhou while keeping his general's rank. Later his noble rank was reduced to marquis. He died in the twentieth year.
16
His son Jingxuan inherited the title. He served in turn as chief clerk in the rear army staff of Prince Hui of Chengyang in Bingzhou, was given the additional title General of Firm Resolve, and became Administrator of Dongjun. He died during the Putai era. He was posthumously appointed General Who Pacifies the Army and Inspector of Qin.
17
Jingxuan's younger brother Jibi served as Vice-Prefect of Cangzhou during the Wuding reign.
18
西
Qi's son Xuanda was bold and decisive, with his father's bearing. He came to court with his uncle Tang He, and both were received as distinguished guests. He was appointed General Who Pacifies the West and enfeoffed as Duke of Jinchang. Under Emperor Xianzu he was posted as Inspector of Huazhou while keeping his general's rank. When Gai Pingding of Xingcheng raised a rebel band, the emperor sent Attendant Yang Zhongkui against him; Zhongkui failed and withdrew, and Xuanda was ordered to finish the campaign. Another Xingcheng leader, Cheng Chil, rallied followers, declared himself king, raided the districts, and terrorized the populace. Xuanda took two hundred cavalry, ambushed them in a defile, and routed them. When the rebel Cao Pingyuan rose again, Xuanda pursued and crushed the movement entirely. In the third year of Yanxing he was found guilty and removed from office. In the sixteenth year of Taihe his noble rank was reduced to marquis. He died.
19
His son Chong, whose courtesy name was Jizu, succeeded to the title. He served as Administrator of Shengle.
20
Chong's younger brother Xingye held the posts of Administrator of Dingyang and Chanxi. Liu Xiubin, whose courtesy name was Chugan, was originally from Pingyuan. His grandfather Chang accompanied Murong De across the Yellow River and established the family in Duchang County in Beihai. His father Fengbo had been Administrator of Beihai under Liu Yu. Xiubin loved study from youth and had literary gifts; of six brothers, Chenmin, Yanhe, and the rest all enjoyed contemporary renown.
21
使 簿
Xiubin served Liu Yu as General of the Tiger Guards of the Household, then rose to Inspector of Youzhou, stationed at Liangzou. When Murong Baiyao's army reached Shengcheng, he sent envoys urging surrender, but Xiubin refused. Cui Lingyan, Liu Yu's General of the Dragon Cavalry, Fang Lingjian, acting Administrator of Bohai, and dozens of other families entered Liangzou and jointly proclaimed Xiubin General Who Punishes the Barbarians and Inspector of Yanzhou. Liu Yu then sent envoys confirming Xiubin as General Who Supports the State and Inspector of Yanzhou. Xiubin's wife was a daughter of Cui Xieli; their son's courtesy name was Wenye. Lady Cui had earlier gone home to Lu Commandery; when Xieli submitted, Wenye and his mother came into the Northern Wei together. Baiyao now petitioned to have Lady Cui and Wenye brought forward. Once they arrived, Baiyao notified Xiubin; he also took Yanhe's wife captive in Beihai and paraded her before the walls of Liangzou. Xiubin answered Baiyao that he would surrender Licheng and submit promptly, while secretly dispatching Chief Clerk Yin Wenda to Licheng to spy on the imperial forces.
22
[2] 便
Wenda approached Baiyao and pretended he had come to pay his respects upon hearing the prince had reached the frontier. In private he asked Baiyao, "The Liu Xiubin clan has held one post after another—if they now read the times and surrender willingly, what honors would Your Highness grant them?" Baiyao replied, "Xiubin enjoyed high rank in the south; if he yields without a fight, not only will you prosper, but your wife and son will be restored to you as well. Even if Xiubin fears no assault, surely he pities his wife and child! They are in Shengcheng now; [2] go see them yourself." Wenda went on to Shengcheng and met Xiubin's family. Wenye clung to Wenda, crying loudly, and sent fingernail parings and locks of hair as proof. On his way back Wenda stopped again at Baiyao's camp, exchanged oaths, and departed. Baiyao told him, "You are Xiubin's trusted agent—you have seen his family and know our strength; weigh matters carefully with him and secure the best outcome you can." Back in Liangzou, Wenda showed the tokens and reported Baiyao's message and the imperial army's strength, urging Xiubin, "Shengcheng is lost and Licheng will fall within days—you must act soon." Xiubin caressed the tokens and wept, "My family is held hostage—who would not grieve for them? Yet the southern court favored me greatly and entrusted me with the frontier—if I surrender for my family's sake, where is a minister's honor? Still, he secretly discussed surrender with his nephew Wen Wei. Wen Wei said, "This must be Wenda's trickery. They raid us every year—how could they field a huge army? Train the troops, tighten the defenses—the terrain is rugged; why grow frightened at once and show the enemy we are weak?"
23
便 使 [3]
Xiubin also told Wenda, "Do not shrink from the danger—make another journey and watch the situation closely." He sent Wenda out by a hidden route to set a date with Baiyao for handing over the surrender pledge. When Wenda arrived, Baiyao rejoiced, "Not only will the Xiubin family be honored, but the city's leading men will receive posts as well. You shall be made lord of Liangzou at once." He poured wine on the ground and swore to heaven and earth, "If I break faith with Xiubin, may my whole army perish!" When Baiyao had earlier asked for Xiubin's family, Dao Gu had already rebelled, and the court had appointed Xiubin Bearer of the Staff, General Who Pacifies the South, Inspector of Jizhou, and Duke of Pingyuan. He now gave Wenda the edict and commission. Wenda returned and urged Xiubin, "Baiyao's oath is firm—decide quickly, or after a siege you may have no chance to surrender." Xiubin then told Wen Wei, "The matter is obvious—draft the surrender letter now." Wen Wei wavered and refused to write; [3] the agreed plan was therefore broken.
24
宿
Baiyao soon sent Editorial Assistant Xu Chihu by night to Liangzou's south gate, calling up, "Tell Liu Xiubin: why did he send Wenda again and again to my camp promising surrender, yet break faith and fail to appear on the appointed day!" The guards shouted the message and the whole city learned of it; the garrison restrained one another from surrendering, saying, "The Xiubins mean to buy their honors with our lives." Soon the siege pressed from winter into spring. When Licheng fell, Baiyao sent Dao Gu's son Jingye and Wenye to the foot of the walls. Learning that Dao Gu had submitted, Xiubin came out to beg mercy. Baiyao sent Xiubin and a dozen other men of note to the capital as honored guests. When Pingqi Commandery was organized, Liangzou's people became Huaining County and Xiubin was made magistrate. He died in the second year of Yanxing.
25
Wenye was ambitious, widely read, and prized integrity above money. During Taihe, when his cousin Wen Wei defected south, Wenye and his brothers Wenhao and Jiyou were banished north, until Emperor Gaozu specially permitted their return.
26
西 便 便 退
When the emperor visited Fangshan, Wenye shouted from the roadside, "I beg audience with the sage ruler to lay out long-suppressed wrongs." The emperor sent Li Chong of the Secretariat with an edict: "Speak your mind—you may plead your case in person." He was then brought in for audience. Wenye answered, "My humble clan came from Pingyuan; during the Yan turmoil we fled south of the river and have lived in Qi for eighty or ninety years. In the eleventh year of Zhenjun, when Emperor Taizu toured the Yangzi, I was two and followed my grandfather Cui Xieli, Administrator of Lu, in surrendering at Zou Mountain. Xieli received a fourth-rank enfeoffment and was made Administrator of Guangning. Because I was still a child I was not recorded in the rolls. At the start of Tian'an, when imperial power extended everywhere, my late father Xiubin, the Liu court's Bearer of the Staff and Inspector of Yanzhou, held Liangzou. Murong Baiyao saw that my father held the strategic heart of Qi, where land and water routes met and the Qing and Ji corridor lay open—three great cities stood like peaks, all defying the imperial army. Knowing my mother and I were already in the capital, Baiyao petitioned to have us sent to negotiate. I received the late emperor's edict and was dispatched by post to the front; my father's offices were also confirmed. Baiyao sent Right Chief Commandant Lu Henei and others to escort us to Zou. When I met my father I conveyed the emperor's favor in full. He said, "This court has favored me and entrusted me with the frontier; more than a hundred of our kin are in the two cities." If I yield first, they will all be killed; I would betray my sovereign and doom my family—how could I then serve Great Wei in good faith? Tell the Minister my decision is made: once Licheng falls I will lead the people out to submit." After Licheng fell, Baiyao sent Chihu with me, Cui Dao Gu's son Jingye, and others to Liangzou. Seeing Chihu's message, my father was moved that the court had sent his family from afar and recognized the turn of fate; he led ten thousand men in surrender. He rode post to the capital and was received as an honored guest. My own guilt runs deep: my father died in the second year of Yanxing before his loyalty could be rewarded. Men like me were ennobled, yet we remain sidelined and our merit set aside for personal reasons." The emperor said, "You ask honors for your father, but your father earned no merit. Licheng was Qi's western gate and submitted willingly. Liangzou was a minor post—how could it have held out? How does that amount to merit?" Wenye answered, "Your Majesty is right, yet this humble servant still has more to say. How so? When Yue Yi conquered more than seventy Qi cities, only Jimo remained—is that not a tree whose roots are gone but one branch still stands? Moreover, throughout history those who surrender have almost always done so under dire pressure. Huang Quan had no other path and submitted, and was enfeoffed as marquis. Xue Andu and Bi Zongjing, fleeing in extremity, both received fiefs and noble rank. The ancients did thus and the present should as well—yet in this enlightened age such cases are not matched. Liangzou was strongly fortified in central Qi, with ten years' grain and thousands of bowmen—Shengcheng was not in the same league. Shengcheng held for weeks and cost many lives; had my father stubbornly defended one city, it would not have fallen overnight." The emperor said, "Once Licheng fell, Liangzou was already in our grasp—why need more force?" He replied, "If so, Baiyao should have crushed the city at once—why swear by Chihu above and parade promises of mercy below?" The emperor said, "Your father's service was slight to begin with; with your gifts and station, why such earnest pleading?" He answered, "I am dull and unaccomplished in civil and military matters, cut off from the court's light—yet under your sage reign even death becomes life. Yet I see that Xu and Yan were vital to the rebel frontier; once they fell, every garrison should have followed. Yet Zhang Zhen, Inspector of Eastern Xu, held Tuancheng with only two commanderies. After Xu and Yan submitted he still barred his gates until given a regional post, only then yielding. Father and son were both enfeoffed as marquises. Judged by merit and effort, they were not ahead of my father." The emperor said, "You cite Zhang Zhen—but his case differs." He replied, "I do not know the particulars of that difference." The emperor said, "Zhang Zhen came offering allegiance from the start and never broke faith. Your father neither sensed the moment nor yielded promptly—how can the cases be the same?" He answered, "The Zhens first earned a name for submission, then committed the fault of holding out—using merit to offset fault was already lenient. I also saw Cui Sengyou's mother and brother with their uncle Dao Gu in Licheng. Hearing of the imperial army's approach, Sengyou feared for his kin and led his township to rescue them. He reached Yuzhou too late; Licheng had fallen, and he submitted empty-handed to save his family. The court praised his submission and rewarded him with third rank. How could my father's loyalty rank below Sengyou's?" The emperor said, "Sengyou lived in Donghai and could come or go freely—arrive and receive office, leave and belong elsewhere; that is why he was rewarded. Your father was trapped in a lone city already within our grasp; that is why he was not rewarded." He answered, "My father held the city and submitted to the state—that was public duty; Sengyou came by private calculation. Private motives win reward while public duty goes unpaid—I do not see how that is just." The emperor smiled and said no more.
27
[4] [5]
Minister of Justice Lu Rui rebuked Wenye, "If the former court erred in rewarding Sengyou, must we err again in rewarding you?" Wenye said, "The late emperor was a sage comparable to Yao and Shun; to call his rewards mistaken is to slander him." Minister Gao Lu asked, "Which weighs heavier for you—mother and brother, or wife and children?" Wenye said, "Mother and brother weigh heavier." Gao Lu said, "You admit mother and brother matter more; the court was right to reward Sengyou. Your father came for his wife and children—the cases are opposite, are they not?" He asked, "If Sengyou had no mother and brother, would he still have come?" Gao Lu said, "He would not." Wenye said, "If Sengyou came for his family's distress, that was private feeling. My father was a man of standing—how could he trade honor for his family! When Yue Yi ate his son, did he look back? My father's true heart did not waver; he submitted knowing he could not resist and that Heaven had chosen." The emperor told Wenye, "Your plea [4] has some merit. Rewards should be generous and punishments light; I shall order due compensation." Wenye wept, "I am at my wit's end; I may never see you again—yet if Your Majesty shows mercy, I beg the officials to judge me with compassion." The emperor said, "A ruler does not jest—why plead so urgently?" He soon enfeoffed Wenye as Viscount of Duchang and treated him with marked favor. He was appointed Harmonizer-in-Chief, [5] then made Supervisor of the Feathered Forest. Under Emperor Shizong he served as Administrator of Gaoyang. He died during the Yanchang reign. He was posthumously appointed General Who Pacifies the Distance and Inspector of Guang, with the posthumous name Zhen.
28
His son Yuan succeeded. He served as Outer Palace Gentleman, General of Majestic Might, and Vice-Prefect of Qingzhou. He died.
29
Wenhao was humane, filial, and deeply sincere by nature. He was Cavalry Commandant in the household of the Prince of Anfeng of Xuzhou.
30
Jiyou served as recorder in the Left Army staff of Southern Qingzhou.
31
Wen Wei was learned and resourceful. By the Yanxing era he had defected south.
32
[6] [7]
Xiubin's uncle by marriage Xuanzhi left Lady Xu and sons Fafeng and Fawu. [6] Xuanzhi had died young. When Dongyang fell, Lady Xu brought the sons north; destitute and dissolute, they were scorned by respectable society. Mother and sons took monastic vows; [7] later they returned to lay life. During Taihe the emperor promoted men of the highest reputation, and talented scholars from Henan were elevated. The Fafeng brothers were deemed unfit and received no appointment. Later both fled south. Fawu later took the name Xiaobiao.
33
簿
Fang Fashou, childhood name Wutou, came from Yimo in Qinghe Commandery. Orphaned young, he loved hunting and was reckless and bold, leading a band of robbers. His cousins Yuanqing and Fanzhen suffered repeated prosecution because of him, to the clan's great distress. At twenty he was invited to serve as the province's chief clerk. When his mother grew old he refused further provincial appointments. He often stole livestock to feed his mother. He gathered fighting men and usually commanded several hundred.
34
西
A year after his mother's death, Shen Wenxiu and Cui Daogu rose for Liu Zixun. Ming Sengao and Liu Chenmin rose for Liu Yu and attacked Wenxiu. Fashou joined Qinghe Administrator Wang Xuanmiao in a western camp to attack Daogu. Xuanmiao made him chief of staff; he repeatedly defeated Daogu and was greatly feared at Licheng. He was made General Who Pacifies the Frontier and Administrator of Wei Commandery. When Zixun died, Daogu and Wenxiu submitted to Yu and the armies dispersed. Daogu feared he would stir the populace and ordered him away at once. Fashou pretended to pack for departure but inwardly refused to leave.
35
His cousin Chongji was in Shengcheng when Baiyao took it; Fashou's mother and wife fell captive. Chongji fled home. Fashou and Chongji were close in age and temperament and were first cousins. Chongji, with his family captive, asked Fashou for a plan. Fashou, unwilling to go south, resented Daogu's pressure and pitied Chongji. Daogu had Fang Lingbin of the Secretariat hold Qinghe and Guangchuan and garrison Panyang. Fashou and Chongji secretly attacked Lingbin and seized Panyang. He then submitted to Baiyao to ransom his family. Baiyao sent Zhangsun Guan through Ma'er Pass to Panyang and restored Chongji's family. Daogu had besieged Panyang for over twenty days. When Guan's troops arrived the enemy scattered. Guan entered the city and Fashou was appointed General Who Pacifies the Distance, paired with Han Qilin as Inspector of Ji to collect grain taxes. A host of Fang cousins received prefectural posts across the region for their early submission.
36
[8]
When Licheng and Liangzou fell, Fashou, Chongji, Daogu, and Xiubin all came to the capital. Fashou was received as chief guest, Chongji as second guest, Cui and Liu as lower guests. His stipend ranked just below men like Bi Zongjing. For merit he was enfeoffed Marquis of Zhuangwu, given further rank, [8] and granted estates, slaves, and servants. He loved wine and generosity; kin and guests shared feast or famine alike, and he was often short of means. Bi Zongjing and others admired his open-handed warmth. He died during Taihe. He was posthumously made General Who Pacifies the East and Inspector of Qing, with the posthumous name Marquis Jing.
37
His son Bozu succeeded; by precedent the rank was reduced to earl. He served as inner administrator of Qi Commandery. Bozu was weak and left affairs to Zhang Senghao, who took heavy bribes while Bozu went wanting. Later, when Prince Yu of Guangling governed Qingzhou, Bozu served on his staff and as Administrator of Pingyuan. He became chief clerk in the Youzhou rear army staff, then was dismissed for an official offense. He died.
38
His son Yi succeeded. He was General of Manifest Might and commander of the Dacheng garrison. During Yong'an he served on the Grand Tutor's Qingzhou staff.
39
Bozu's younger brother Shuzu was separately enfeoffed Viscount of Weichang for merit. He was director of the masters of writing for Prince of Guangling, administered Changguang and Donglai, and held general and palace posts. During Yong'an he was General Who Pacifies the East and Inspector of Ying.
40
Shuzu's younger brother Youmin administered Anfeng and Xincai. Stripped of office, he was at home when he heard visitors, found no one outside, and was killed by the household dogs in the courtyard.
41
As Zhangsun Guan approached Panyang the garrison grew fearful. Liu Yu's attendant Cui Pingzhong tried to flee south and spoke with Fashou outside the walls; Lingbin had him seized. After taking Panyang Fashou kept Lingbin under house arrest. Once Pingzhong was captured, Fashou feasted him and explained the imperial army's imminent entry. That night they lowered Pingzhong, Lingbin, and a dozen others over the north wall. At dawn the imperial troops arrived and Lingbin fled to Liangzou.
42
Lingbin was less literary than his brother Lingjian but quicker in debate. Lingjian in the south rose to provincial chief clerk and Administrator of Bohai, famed for talent. Both brothers came north and became Pingqi subjects. Though displaced and ruined, they kept their integrity. Both died in Pingqi.
43
[9]
Lingjian's son Xuanming was also literary and resembled his father. Emperor Gaozu made him an erudite of the Secretariat. After the move to Luoyang he became a reviewer and acting Administrator of Eastern Qinghe. In Zhengshi, Prince Yu of Jingzhao went east as commander of Ji and made Xuanming his recorder. When Yu rebelled he forced Xuanming to serve as administrator. [9] Text is missing here; after Yuan Yu forced Xuanming to serve as administrator, the account breaks off in the received text.
44
Lingbin's cousin Jian, courtesy name Qianqiu, was talented and famed from youth. He too was resettled as a Pingqi subject. Early in Taihe he was made secretary gentleman, then consultant to the Minister of Works and chief rectifier of Qi Province. At court the emperor ordered chief rectifiers to recommend talent; Qianqiu and Youzhou's Yang Ni each nominated their sons. The emperor said, "Once one Qi made history; now two Xis should do the same." He was posted Administrator of Puyang. Under Emperor Shizong he again consulted for the Minister of Works and was made General Who Establishes Loyalty. He died and was posthumously made Inspector of Southern Qing with the posthumous name Yi.
45
His eldest son Zuyuan was Supervisor of the Feathered Forest. Following Prince Rong of Zhangwu against Ge Rong he fell in battle. He was posthumously made General Who Pacifies the East and Inspector of Ji.
46
歿
Zuyuan's younger brother Zuhao was Colonel Director of the Long River. Later, fighting a Liang general at Jiushan, he died in battle. He was posthumously made General Who Pacifies the Army and Inspector of Yan.
47
Cui Pingzhong fled south from Dongyang while his family entered the north from Licheng. During Taihe the emperor allowed his return south.
48
西
Si'an was strong and brave; Boyu was bold and strategically gifted. Si'an was enfeoffed Viscount of Xi'an, made General Who Establishes Might and Administrator of Beiping, then served on the Grand Marshal's and Prince of Qi's staffs in Qi. On the southern campaign he was summoned as colonel of footsoldiers, direct attendant general, and central army commander. He was skilled at rallying troops and won the emperor's praise. After Hanyang fell he again served Prince Wuchang, governed Eastern Wei, was made General Who Pacifies the North, enfeoffed Viscount of Qinghe, and died in office. His son Jingbao succeeded.
49
Jingbao was also robust. He served at court and on northern campaigns as staff officer and commander, winning merit in every fight. He died young. His son Qubing succeeded.
50
Boyu was banished north because his brother Shuyu defected south. He later defected south and became Xiao Luan's Administrator of Nanyang. When the emperor took Wan's outer walls, he had Gongsun Yanjing proclaim to Boyu, "Heaven admits no second sun— I lead the six armies to pacify the realm. How can this little fortress resist imperial might? Think carefully—titles and fiefs hang on your next move." Boyu replied, "I owe the state deep grace and hold the frontier; as a minister I dare not obey. I pray Your Majesty's distant march will not tax your health." The emperor wrote again, "I have come far to clear the Yangzi and Han— this petty post is not worth detaining the imperial army. Wherever my army passes, resistance will be crushed— measure your strength and choose wisely. You enjoyed Xiao Ze's special favor yet repaid it with nothing. Xiao Luan usurped the throne while Ze's line was extinguished. You failed your former lord yet serve a usurper— that is your first crime. You have harmed our armies— your second crime. If you do not bind yourself and submit before my banners— that is your third crime. This fortress will fall within a year, a hundred days, or thirty— choose before it is too late. Think well— regret will come too late." Boyu answered, "I received Emperor Wu's kindness at court and have not forgotten it night or day. The successor lost virtue and the people's hope turned elsewhere. Our present lord ascended legitimately, fulfilling both the people's hope and the late emperor's will. Therefore I serve earnestly and dare not falter. When northern armies raided the frontier I rallied troops to protect the people. That was a garrison's ordinary duty— Your Majesty should not blame me for it."
51
使 西
When Wan fell Boyu came out bound in surrender. The emperor received Boyu and two hundred staff and said, "I rule under Heaven and mean to pacify all lands; you dared resist the six armies— by rights you should not be pardoned." Boyu said, "I am a petty man under orders; because my family remained in the south I resisted— deserving death ten thousand times." The emperor said, "Loyalty must have its proper object. Serving a usurper while claiming integrity— the ancients did not do that. How could you serve Xiao Luan and bring this on yourself?" Boyu said, "I was slow to understand and deserve death; now I beg Your Majesty for my life." The emperor said, "Every man has two paths— seize the moment and live, or resist and perish. You exhausted our armies for years— who would call such a surrender innocent? I sent Gongsun Yanjing to tell you, 'Heaven has no second sun.'" You answered, 'The throne is here, not there.'" Heaven's way is vast and changeable— do you know whether today it is here or there?" Boyu could only beg for life and said no more. Because Si'an pleaded for him repeatedly, the emperor specially pardoned Boyu.
52
[10]
In the south Boyu had sent his concubine Lady Yang to become a nun. In the north he had her return to lay life and favored her again. The authorities reported this and Emperor Gaozu allowed it. [10] Under Emperor Shizong he became chief clerk and General of Mobile Strikes, served as Administrator of Fengyi, and died in office.
53
Chongji was bold from youth and served Shen Wenxiu as a staff officer. When Taiyuan's Fu Lingyue abandoned his post for Zixun, Wenxiu put Chongji in charge of the commandery. He later turned against Wenxiu and joined Liu Yu. His mother and uncle were held in Licheng; Daogu threatened to execute them publicly, yet Chongji showed no wavering. When Daogu submitted to Yu he released Chongji's mother. Yu made Chongji General of the Dragon Cavalry and Inspector of Bing, holding Taiyuan and garrisoning Shengcheng. Chongji made his cousin Lingxian chief clerk and his cousin Jia Yannian chief of staff.
54
Soon Baiyao's army arrived. Baiyao summoned him, but Chongji refused to yield and shut the gates. Shengcheng was tiny, with fewer than seven hundred armed men; Baiyao underestimated it and assaulted the walls. Chongji raised earthworks and beams, beating back assaults, and the city held. Baiyao built triple circumvallations and new siege engines, attacking day and night. From February to April supplies ran out; Chongji broke out, hid among the people, and his wife and mother were taken. Daogu sent Fang Lingbin to negotiate; Chongji refused, returned to his village, secretly raised men to rescue his mother, and planned to flee south. Baiyao anticipated this and tightened the guard. Later he joined Fashou in taking Panyang and both submitted.
55
When Pingqi was organized, Licheng became Gui'an County with Chongji as magistrate. He nursed old grievances and was bitter when dealing with Daogu. He later left his post and sued Daogu on several charges at court. An amnesty intervened and the case was dropped. Chongji asked to resign the magistracy and was allowed. After half a year in the capital he fled south. Husband and wife traveled separately, shaved their heads as monks, Chongji taking the name Sengda, and sought refuge with his kinsman Fayan. After a year the Qinghe knight Zhang Lüezhi, aided by Chongji's gifts, helped him escape. His wife came south from Youzhou and they reunited. Chongji reached the south and soon died.
56
Chongji's cousin Sanyi, courtesy name Jing'an, submitted from Nanyang. The emperor met him, was pleased, and said, "Sanyi is sharp—quite promising." He was made Outer Palace Cavalier Attendant. He served as Administrator of Taishan and then on Yanzhou's left army staff, earning repute for fair and humane rule. On returning to court he was made General of the Left. He died during Zhengguang at sixty-three. He had nine sons.
57
The eldest, Shilong, during Xinghe governed Eastern Qinghe and commanded the Panyang garrison.
58
Shilong's brother Shida was talented and spirited from youth. His kinsman Jingxian often said, "This lad is daring and will glorify the clan." He began as granary officer on Ji Province's left army staff. Prince Ji of Jingzhao, campaigning west, heard of him and made him cavalry commandant of his personal guard.
59
西 西
During Xiaochang, local leaders Liu Cangsheng, Liu Jun, and Fang Xu rebelled, seized districts, and repeatedly beat provincial troops. Shida was mourning his father when Inspector Yuan Xin tried to force him into command; he refused on ritual grounds. Xin had Feng Yuanxing urge him, "The whole region rebels—if the province falls, can your family survive alone? In such a crisis, how can you cling to propriety?" Shida reluctantly rallied over two thousand men, crushed the rebels in every direction, and restored order. Early in Wutai he became Administrator of Pingyuan, curbed the powerful, and restored order. The rebel Xing Gao feared his reputation and marched west of the commandery without attacking.
60
Late in Yong'an he was transferred to Jinan. Shida never went to the capital but repeatedly served his home region—a point of honor.
61
Late in Yong'an Erzhu Zhao seized Luoyang; Inspector Xiao Zan was expelled and the city was leaderless. Luozhou and others, trusting local loyalty to Shida, asked him to govern the province. He died in the second year of Yongxi at thirty-eight, to general regret. He was posthumously made General Who Pacifies the East and Inspector of Qi with the posthumous name Wu.
62
Shida's brother Shisu ended as consultant in the Grand Marshal's office under Wuding.
63
Shisu's brother Shizhang was a gentleman of the Masters of Writing.
64
駿
Fashou's kinsman Jingbo, courtesy name Changhui. The clan ancestor Chen fled across the river and settled at Yimo in Eastern Qinghe. Grandfather Yuanqing served Liu Jun as administrator of seven commanderies and later on Shen Wenxiu's Qingzhou staff. When Liu Yu killed Ziye and seized power, Zixun rebelled; Wenxiu sent Liu Zhenzhi to aid Yu. Wenxiu later defected to Zixun; Yuanqing refused and was killed. His father Aiqin led the township against Wenxiu. Liu Yu praised him and first made him General of the Dragon Cavalry. When Wenxiu submitted to Yu, he stood down. When the three Qi fell under Emperor Xianzu, the family was resettled as Pingqi subjects. After his father's violent death he wore mourning garb for life.
65
西 滿
Jingbo was born at Sanggan, lost his father young, and was famed for filial piety. Poor, he copied books for a living and cared for his mother devotedly. Lu Yuan recommended him to Li Chong, who appointed him court gentleman, libationer, attendant, and ritual officer. He became chief clerk in Qi; when the inspector died he was ordered to govern the province. His rule was lenient and the people were at peace. When Qinghe's Du Chang rebelled and bandits swarmed the hills, he was made administrator. Liu Jianhu, who had once insulted him, fled with his whole family when Jingbo arrived. Jingbo had him captured, appointed his son clerk, and sent him to persuade the mountain bandits. The bandits, seeing he bore no grudge, surrendered en masse—to general praise. When his six-year term ended, three hundred locals petitioned to keep him, and he served two more years. He later served in the Grand Marshal's and Secretariat offices and as the Minister of Works' chief clerk. He resigned when his mother fell ill.
66
[11] [12]
Jingbo was gentle, widely read, and his brothers revered him like a father. When a younger brother's concubine died, [11] he ate plain food through mourning, abstained from the inner chambers for a year, and grieved as for a parent. When Jingxian died, the youngest brother Jingyuan mourned a full year without entering the inner quarters. Locals said, "Righteous and ritual-minded—the Fang brothers." Minister of Justice Cui Guangshao, [12] who rarely praised anyone, said Jingbo had a true gentleman's conduct. Mourning his mother, he ate no salt or vegetables, fell ill with edema, and never fully recovered. He died at home in the third year of Xiaochang at fifty. He was posthumously made General of the Left and Inspector of Qi.
67
His son Wenlie under Wuding served in the Three Dukes Bureau.
68
使
Jingxian, whose courtesy name was Guangzhou. Orphaned and poor, he could not afford a teacher; his mother taught him the Mao Odes and the Record of Rites. At twelve he told his mother, "I cannot let my brother hire himself out to pay for my schooling. Let me earn my own clothes, then study." His mother, pitying his youth, refused. He pleaded until she agreed; he got a sheepskin coat and was content. By day he gathered fuel; by night he read the classics until he mastered them. During Taihe he returned home and was recruited as merit officer. The province nominated him presented scholar, but the commander died before he could sit the examination. He entered service as erudite of the Imperial University. Liu Fang and Cui Guang, leading scholars of the age, admired his learning; Guang had him appointed editorial assistant on the national history. He soon became libationer of the Secretariat and outer palace gentleman. Attendant Mu Shao also had him compile Emperor Shizong's court diary. He rose through military and secretariat posts and as chief rectifier of Qi, excelling in every office.
69
Deep, sharp, and upright, he served his brother with ritual punctilio—they treated each other like honored guests. When his brother fell ill he nursed him without undressing, haggard with care. Kin and friends were moved to grief.
70
In Shengui, when a Liang general held Dongyiyang and submitted, Jingxian was sent with Jing troops to aid; he fell ill and returned. That year he died at home at forty-three. He was posthumously given the staff, made General of the Champions and Inspector of Luo, with the posthumous name Wenjing. He had earlier written more than a hundred chapters of Doubts on the Five Classics; though the full text is extensive, what follows samples passages relevant to moral teaching:
71
Question on the king's receiving the mandate and the mutual generation of wood and fire: The five agents succeed one another in turn, and those who receive the numinous ascend. When the metal phase rose in glory, auspicious signs appeared at Hua Zhu; when the water phase proclaimed prosperity, Yaoguang inaugurated the reign. Human order follows heaven; heaven's principle answers to reality; the transfer of mandate is manifest, the hidden decree like a bond. Mutual generation is consistent and not contradictory. Yet when Tang and Wu revolutionized, they used force; water followed fire in the sequence without alteration. Though their acts ended a dynasty, their numbers still matched receiving the mandate. Rebellion and submission differ, yet omens did not diverge—is the sign-system therefore doubtful?
72
Question: Yu paired Gun with Heaven though Shun did not honor his father—'Bright is Heaven above, covering earth below.' The highest way burdens the ruler who faces four directions; accumulated spirit makes one lord of field and altar. Therefore regulating heaven cannot favor one's son privately; succeeding Yao cannot boldly exalt one's father. Gun's guilt was shown in mountains and rivers; he was executed in the wilds and became a creature among fish and reptiles. His spirit could not ascend to the stars, yet he was grandly honored at Guoyang in the great sacrifice. If one preserves personal benefit and thereby disorders the sacrificial canon— making the Lord on High guest to guilty ghosts and playing the jiazhong for creeping things—has not the way of serving heaven collapsed?
73
綿
Question: Tang honored Ji and demoted Zhu—'Spirit endures and the way abides; different ages honor alike;' Lie Mountain was sacrificed to through former ages. Cheng Tang received heaven's mandate yet, in a yang period of fate, demoted primal merit for a hundred generations without regard to cosmic timing. Bi and Ji answered with wind and rain in differing signs—honoring the grain spirit while begging rain— is not elevating the demoted absurd? If Zhu were unworthy of sacrifice, Yu and Xia should have erred earlier; if because time passes one should shift altars, the hundred spirits could be replaced daily. Pursuing this in several texts, the ancients' intent is still unclear.
74
Question: Tang overcame Jie and wished to move the Xia altar but could not; King Wu destroyed Zhou and used the Bo altar as warning of a fallen state—'Spirits have no fixed place; only man is lord; abandon virtue and the hundred spirits change their worship.' Zhou Wu received heaven, yet elevated Hou Ji to four-jade honor while demoting the earth lord to lesser offerings. If Ji truly deserved elevation, the earth lord was not Shang's ancestor—why is only Yin singled out for warning?
75
Question: The Changes presents revolution yet no yielding—'When heaven and earth divided, the human way was honored and rule began with the sovereign.' Thus the flying dragon opens the sign and the great man is established. When dynastic fortune shifts, imperial orders differ in sequence. Shun's yielding as guest was a fine ending, yet incomplete; the Changes shows 'already day' without displaying full yielding— how can great treason bequeath a plan to posterity and teach ten thousand generations cruel forbearance [text damaged]? Judged by inner principle, this is hard to reconcile with forgiveness.
76
祿
Question: In the Rites of Zhou the Torch Master, when the state executes house punishment, makes a bright tomb—'The kingly way values life; law honors grace.' Old merit is nourished; the eight signs bear their beauty; the five pardons and three interrogations—the classics treasure humanity. thus Lu's enfeoffed father had great fault yet Yin rites continued; the Three Overseers rebelled yet Cai Yin still survived. No crime exceeds treason against heaven. In capital punishment calamity should not reach the clan; guilt should stop with the person. What evil deserves extermination of the clan? What offense deserves total destruction?
77
Question: When a stepmother remarries, the Ritual says one follows her in mourning because one 'honors the end of her kindness'—a stepmother is not kin by nature but gains standing through the father. Raising and nurturing add obligation; ritual garments are weighty. If she destroys kindness, joins another house, and becomes ghost of another clan—how can kindness be 'ended' in mourning? To wear qi mourning and weep in the wild—is that not going beyond what is due?
78
[13]
Question: The Record of Rites says if one never knew grandparents, parents wear tax mourning but the grandchild does not—'Garments follow affection; ritual stands on righteousness.' A loving mother may be mourned three years, yet a grandson wears no hemp for grandparents he never knew—nurture, not blood, sets the limit. Though grandparents are distant and kindness did not reach you, as their direct descendant can there be no mourning? The white cap and dark robe are patrilineal mourning garb. After the bleached and dyed stages the hemp is removed, yet one still wears somber garb and cannot yet accept joy—how much more in the case of the hem. When the great wound is fresh, [13] even condolence guests change to black—can filial sons ignore the change of garments required by principle?
79
[14]
Question: The Zuo Commentary says the Qi killed Ai Jiang and the gentleman disapproved—'Receiving the ritual cup from heaven, human relations are weighty.' She was nurtured in another clan and undertook the suburban sacrifice. Yet she practiced extreme debauchery, overturning the honor of marriage; relying on disorder without end, destroying love for the child she bore. Duke Huan of Qi rectified the four quarters and preserved punishment as measure. Cutting off kindness he could not spare, he executed public law. At birth she was demoted for violation; execution was the extreme penalty. Yet the spirit's way is subtle and calamity comes unlooked-for; though poor Bo appears in court, [14] I should not judge—since spirits are involved, guilt has its place; which is the better balance?
80
便
Question: The Gongyang says kings' descendants sacrifice to heaven—'Spirits do not accept mistaken offerings; the emperor has no empty honor.' Even partial sacrifice at Jieqiu did not accept the Ji clan's offering; how can vast heaven accept the vain sincerity of a abolished rite? Before Tang and Yu there was no such canon; after the Three Sovereigns it first appears in writing. Descendants of yielding succession do not ascend in ritual; the last embers of a fallen house should not hold the four jades. This is the utmost succession of the Way; Heaven admits no second lord. When pure custom is corrupted, the dark ox is wildly honored; ritual should not change in vain—may this clarify the issue.
81
Question: Guliang on Lu Xigong's failed suburban divination—'then' means the words of a perishing man—'Music observes the wind; ritual is the root of teaching—when minutiae grow extreme, the people cannot bear the burden.' Qi did not add troops, yielding to Zhou's canon. Duke Xi was Lu's flourishing lord; he sacrificed sincerely and divined reverently, yet good omens did not come. If blame lies with heaven, spirits do not abandon the mirror; if fault lies with man, praise should cease. The tortoise was ordered at the wrong season; numinous majesty did not attend; the suburban rite failed—heaven was not matched. As the commentary says, this is hardly empty praise—on what basis should regulation stand?
82
使 耀 便
Question: In the Documents' Yin Campaign, Xi and He are charged though it was the eighth month and the morning star did not meet in the House—'The balance mark does not move; sun and moon have measure.' Heat and cold open the seasons; lodges have no replacement. The year begins repeatedly; intercalation completes the remainder. Therefore Xi and He were ordered to align the calendar so gnomon and seasons matched. Making the moon lag and the sun miss its sequence. Long neglect of office could be fault. One astral discrepancy is not yet great crime. Moreover late autumn is not the season of retrograde stars; mis-timed garments are fault enough— must temporary deviation in measure warrant extinction? The army of the benevolent does not rise without cause; the king's wrath must have a different explanation. Question: Mao Odes—'Tenth month, new day xinmao, eclipse—very ugly'—'Sun and moon complete the cycle; solstice points are not faults.'
83
Why is the same morning deeply inauspicious? Because metal and wood mutually injure, making the day an omen. Astronomical steps differ—can this be so? If the reproof appears at proper yang on wuwu day, birth and restraint follow like son to mother—can yin and yang have no deep taboo? If it is taboo, the new moon should also be calamity; if not taboo, why is xinmao alone ugly? if not taboo, why is xinmao alone ugly? Moreover the fan's beginning attaches to the month; tying it to the day has clear contrary examples. Righteousness does not fabricate vainly—on what principle does it rely?
84
退
Question: Analects—'The river produced no chart; he wept over the unicorn'—'The sage receives spirit from heaven and earth, equalizing life and death and honor and shame.' Confucius was born untimely; the music master was trained and the uncrowned king thereby appeared. He sighed 'it is I' and ended in grief of turning the sleeve—advancing with heart of nothing above, retreating in fear of the staff. Sage penetration of principle—is it not lacking?
85
Seal Officer Wang Shengui answered in Discerning Doubts in ten scrolls—also worth viewing. It was submitted in the reign of the deposed emperor. The emperor personally debated the text with Shengui, praised his effort, and specially made Shengui's son Hongyan a court gentleman.
86
Jingxian's son Yanyou, late in Wuding, was master of the heir apparent's household.
87
簿
Jingyuan, whose courtesy name was Shuxia. He valued his word and was generous. In years of famine he supported his clan and fed the hungry at the roadside, saving many lives. Liu Yu of Pingyuan was traveling through Qi and Yan when he met bandits who had already killed more than ten people. When they reached Yu he cried, "I am from your region—how can you kill me!" The bandits asked, "If you claim kinship, who is your relative?" Yu said, "Fang Yang, chief clerk in Qi Province, is my cousin." Yang was Jingyuan's childhood name. They said, "We survived on his porridge—how can we kill his kin!" They returned his clothes and spared more than twenty lives. Jingyuan loved history and did not write parallel prose. He was quick-tempered unlike the family norm, yet served his elder brothers devotedly and raised their orphans with great care. Inspector Fu Shuyan admired him and offered a staff post; he declined because his mother was old, to Shuyan's displeasure. He died at home.
88
His son Jingdao served on a headquarters staff in the Yongxi era.
89
The historian writes: Yan Leng's early good faith was commendable. Xiuzhi proved loyal in his later years. Tang He came from afar in loyalty and achieved merit upon submission. Xiubin, brought to bay, entrusted himself to the dynasty. Fashou and Boyu in the end could not fully submit to the mandate. The Jingbo brothers' Confucian cultivation and elegant achievement are truly praiseworthy.
90
Textual collation notes
91
For 'native of Ming'an in Jinchang,' editions read the cited text for the cited text; the Northern History Tang He biography has the cited text. Ming'an was an old Han county named for the Ming River, abolished under Northern Zhou—see Yuanhe Gazetteer 40 and Sui Geography 29. the cited text is a corruption; the text now follows the Northern History.
92
All editions omit the cited text in 'now in Shengcheng'; it is restored from Cefu Yuangui 426. 〈p. 5076〉 Supplemented.
93
For 'stubbornly would not write,' editions wrongly have the cited text for the cited text; corrected per Northern History 39 and Cefu Yuangui. 〈same juan and page〉 Changed.
94
For 'what you plead,' editions wrongly have the cited text for the cited text; corrected per Cefu Yuangui 834. 〈p. 9904〉 Changed.
95
For Harmonizer-in-Chief, editions read the cited text for the cited text; Northern History 39 has the cited text. Wei rank lists and Tongdian 25 show the cited text; the biography's the cited text is an inversion-now corrected.
96
For the two sons Fafeng and Fawu, Cefu Yuangui 940 (p. 11067) 〈p. 11067〉 reads the cited text for the cited text. Northern History 39 also has the cited text. The Wei History may originally have had the cited text, changed in Northern History for Tang taboo, then copied back here. Cefu Yuangui preserves the older reading. Without further evidence the text is retained.
97
After 'became nuns' Northern History 39 adds the cited text. Zhang Senkai says: "If the mother became a nun, the son should not become a nun; the character 'monk' is correct."
98
使
Qian Daxin notes Fashou was already General Who Pacifies the Distance; the duplicated title suggests error. Examining Fang Yanzhi's stele, 〈Collected Inscriptions on Metal and Stone 43〉 his forebears show Fashou enfeoffed Marquis of Zhuanghou after serving as Administrator of Wei, 〈the graphs 'Zhuang' and 'Zhuang' are interchangeable in antiquity.〉 Bearer of the Staff, General of the Dragon Cavalry, Inspector of Eastern Ji. The later addition was probably General of the Dragon Cavalry. Pacifies the Distance is fourth rank, Dragon Cavalry third—hence 'added.'"
99
After Yuan Yu forced Xuanming to serve as administrator, the account breaks off—text is missing below.
100
Editions read the cited text for the cited text in 'Gaozu permitted'; the Juye edition has the cited text. The passage above reads Emperor Gaozu. Boyu's capture occurred under Emperor Gaozu (Yuan Hong) 〈Emperor Gaozu〉 the cited text is clearly wrong; the Juye reading is followed.
101
When the younger brother's concubine died—the Northern History, juan 39, Fang Jingbo biography, lacks the character "concubine"; Cefu Yuangui, juan 852 (p. 10126), 〈p. 10126〉 reads the cited text for the cited text. It is suspected that below "younger brother" there was originally the younger brother's name, corrupted to "concubine"; the original graph cannot be known and the Northern History simply deleted it. Cefu Yuangui probably changed it to "younger sister" by conjecture; according to the ritual customs of the time, mourning for a younger sister would not receive such weight.
102
Editions read the cited text for the cited text in Cui Guangshao's name; Cefu Yuangui has the cited text. 〈same juan and page〉 reads the cited text. Cui Guangshao's biography in juan 66 shows the cited text is wrong; corrected accordingly.
103
The phrase about the hem and 'great wound just begins' is obscure. the cited text may be inverted the cited text; without evidence the line is punctuated after the cited text.
104
See Zuozhuan Min 2 for the Qi killing of Ai Jiang. "Poor Bo" has no known source.
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