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卷60 韓麒麟 程駿

Volume 60: Han Qilin, Cheng Jun

Chapter 65 of 魏書 · Book of Wei
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Chapter 65
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1
駿
Han Qilin and Cheng Jun
2
便
He later served on the staff of Murong Baiyao, the Campaign South general, in the assault on Shengcheng, where the army suffered heavy casualties. When the city fell, Baiyao prepared to massacre the captives by burying them alive. Qilin urged him: "We have only just entered the usurpers' territory and are still planning our advance. We ought to temper severity with generous clemency as a signal to the enemy—this is the same strategy Han Xin used to win over Fanyang. With formidable enemies still ahead, to slaughter the populace now would likely drive every commander east of here to hold his ground independently, making the region far harder to conquer. As the campaign drags on the army will tire, outsiders will seize their chance to stir up trouble, and the three Qi regions will no longer be easy to bring under control." Baiyao accepted his advice, restored everyone to their livelihoods, and the people of Qi were overjoyed. Baiyao later recommended Qilin for appointment as Champion General, to serve jointly with Fang Fashou as inspector of Jizhou. During Baiyao's siege of Dongyang, Qilin supplied six hundred thousand hu of grain as voluntary tribute, along with siege equipment, so that the army never wanted for provisions. After Baiyao was put to death, Qilin too was recalled to court and languished without appointment for many years. Under Emperor Xiaowen he was made Attendant Gentleman of the Yellow Gate and sent by post-chaise to pacify Xu and Yan; more than four thousand rebel households came back into allegiance.
3
退
He was soon appointed Champion General and inspector of Qizhou, with the provisional title Marquis of Weichang. In office Qilin was sparing with punishments. His aide Liu Puqing pressed him: "My lord, you hold imperial commission in the height of summer yet have not ordered a single execution—how can you inspire awe?" Qilin replied: "Punishment exists to restrain wickedness and should be used only when there is no other choice. The people are not breaking the law—whom am I to execute? If heads truly must fall to establish my reputation, then you yourself should supply the example." Puqing withdrew, ashamed and alarmed. Because men newly brought under the dynasty had not yet risen to court posts and local scholars remained sidelined, Qilin submitted a memorial: "Qi has long been under the southern regime; former prefectural staffs alone run to hundreds. Since Your Majesty's authority reached this land, offices were merged and trimmed; when prefects and magistrates were unfilled, local men were not permitted even to oversee affairs. I observe that newcomers still hold no court rank, that few posts remain open in the provinces, and that many capable men are shut out; those who seek official caps and robes therefore come and go with little loyalty. I humbly suggest that when prefects and magistrates are lacking, local leaders of standing should be promoted, the number of posts increased, and worthy men sought far and wide. Then eminent clans would share in honor, able men would find employment, and gratitude for imperial grace together with attachment to the land might be secured by this means." The court accepted his proposal.
4
In the eleventh year of the Taihe era a great famine struck the capital; Qilin submitted a memorial on urgent policy matters, stating:
5
The sage kings of antiquity, in ordering the state and establishing rule, laid up grain for nine harvests and called that true peace. They therefore plowed the sacred field themselves to encourage the people, so that food and clothing abounded and ritual and instruction flourished. Even in later ages rulers prized the same work: men who contributed grain were ennobled like men who slew enemies in battle, and diligent farmers were rewarded like men famed for filial piety—this has been the constant practice of the hundred kings and the foundation of good government.
6
Today in the capital many common people do not till the soil; idlers and dependents make up two thirds of the population. When one man fails to farm, others may go hungry; how much worse when the idle number in the tens of thousands. That is why, when floods struck Shandong in recent years, people there actually starved to death; and this autumn drought in the capital has sent grain prices soaring. The root cause is that farming has not been encouraged and no reserves have been built up.
7
使
Your Majesty is heaven-endowed with sagely brilliance; your Way surpasses even the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors; you rise before dawn in anxious toil to ease the people's hardships—yet even Emperor Shun's ten thousand affairs a day and King Wen's meals taken only at sunset scarcely suffice as comparisons. Yet while imperial grace covers all like heaven and earth, below there are people who freeze and starve—because the ministries have not framed clear laws and local chiefs have neglected the root of the problem. Peace has lasted so long and harvests have been rich for so many years that people compete in display until extravagance has become custom. Carriages, clothing, mansions, and estates know no limit of luxury or presumption; funerals, weddings, and betrothals consume vast sums; in rich and noble households even child concubines dress in finery; merchant and artisan families feast on delicacies and clothe themselves in brocade. While farmers eat chaff and bran, women who tend silkworms lack even coarse hemp to wear. Hence tillers grow fewer by the day and fields fall idle. Grain and cloth are drained from the treasuries while valuables pile up in the markets; yet food and clothing are scarce within homes while gorgeous dress spills into the streets. The root of hunger and cold lies here. I humbly propose that precious luxuries be banned outright, that rites for weddings and funerals be codified in full, and that distinctions of rank be enforced so the people may return to simplicity. Assign fields throughout the realm to men and women according to household size. Let chief officials tour the fields in all four seasons and imperial commissioners conduct an annual inspection. Encourage farming diligently and reward it generously. Within a few years there will surely be surplus grain; even if disaster strikes, the people will be spared mass flight.
8
宿
In recent years, when household registers were checked and compared, rents and levies were set low. In Qizhou, which I administer, grain rents barely cover official salaries and almost nothing reaches the public granaries. That may benefit the people in the short term, but it cannot be sustained. Should war break out or heaven send disaster, I fear there will be no reserve from which to draw relief. Silk and cloth levies could be reduced while grain rents are increased; store more in good years and release grain for relief in lean ones. This is what is meant by the people's grain held in trust by the state: when the government keeps reserves, the people need not face famine.
9
In the spring of the twelfth year he died in office at the age of fifty-six. He left instructions to his sons to bury him in an unadorned coffin and keep the funeral simple. Qilin was by nature respectful and cautious and always kept the law codes at his side. At his death he possessed only a few dozen bolts of his official salary silk—such was his integrity and poverty. He was posthumously honored as Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry, Pacification-East General, and Duke of Yan Commandery, with the posthumous name Kang.
10
His eldest son was Xingzong, whose style was Maoxian. He loved learning and possessed literary talent. At fifteen he entered the Imperial Academy. Later Minister of Works Gao Yun recommended him as Secretariat Gentleman to take part in the historiographical office. Prince Rui of Zhongshan enjoyed extraordinary favor in his day. 〈Lacuna in the text.〉 He composed literary pieces for the prince. He was promoted to Secretariat Palace Attendant. He died in the winter of the fourteenth year of the Taihe era. He was posthumously honored as Pacification-Distant General and administrator of Yuyang.
11
His son was Zixi, whose style was Yuanyong. From youth he cultivated himself carefully and possessed considerable learning. Coming of age, he had not yet found a post on his own; Attendant-in-Ordinary Cui Guang recommended Zixi as regular attendant to Prince Yi of Qinghe, after which he rose to chief of the palace secretariat. Earlier Zixi's father had tried to yield his noble title to his younger brother Xianzong, who refused it. Honoring his father's longstanding wish, Zixi in the end did not inherit the title either. When Xianzong died, Zixi received a separate ennoblement and then yielded his original title to his younger brother Zhongmu. Such was the brothers' mutual devotion. When his father died he observed mourning with full propriety. Because the prince favored Zixi, he left the post vacant until mourning was finished and then took him back into service.
12
𢷋
When Yuan Cha brought about Prince Yi's death, proper burial was long delayed. Zixi was consumed with grief, withdrew to live in the countryside, and declared that unless the prince were restored to his fief and given a proper burial he would never take office again as long as he lived. Later, when Empress Dowager Ling resumed power, Yuan Cha was made Minister of the Masters of Writing and stripped of his command over the guards. Zixi, together with Prince Yi's palace grandee Liu Dingxing, director of studies Fu Lingxie, and retainer Zhang Zishen, prostrated themselves at the palace gate and submitted a memorial stating:
13
We humbly recall our late lord, the Grand Tutor Prince of Qinghe, who held the pivot of government and stood among those who counsel the throne, who served the public good with utter loyalty and gave his whole strength to the state. From the late emperor's death, when Your Majesty was still a child, he stood behind the screen and governed—the moral equivalent of the Duke of Zhou's regency. Song Wei was a vicious nobody, foul as the fly that soils what is white and blackens what is clean, devoted to slander and flattery. As Yuan Cha was the empress's nephew by marriage, power flowed to him; the two joined forces, schemed for advancement, invented evidence, and falsely accused the prince of high treason. Thanks to Your Majesty's luminous clarity and majestic authority, the mud has washed away of itself and the jade has regained its purity. We respectfully cite the law: whoever lodges a false accusation shall be punished with the crime he alleged. Yet Wei went unpunished and was sent to govern a great commandery—rewards and punishments were grossly out of balance, and court and countryside alike were appalled. Had Song Wei not been acting in concert with Yuan Cha, how could he have escaped with his life and now be governing a great territory?
14
殿西 退 [1] [2]
Because power lay with the favored faction and slander swirled about him, the prince grew ever more respectful and cautious; he left his own residence, moved to quarters west of the palace hall, kept his gates closed in quiet seclusion, and cut himself off from kin and guests. At that time the Ministry of Personnel consulted Liu Teng and memorialized an appointment for the prince's younger brother, with a concurrent garrison post in the commandery. When the proposal reached the inner court, the prince rejected it. Teng took offense at this and nursed a deep private grudge; he then arrogated to himself the deposing of the empress dowager, separated the two palaces, tortured Hu Ding, falsely accused the prince of poisoning, and every man and woman in the realm grieved. When the high ministers assembled to judge the prince's alleged crime, every man lowered his eyes and held his breath, daring only to echo what they were told. Vice Director You Zhao alone spoke out boldly and with fierce resolve; he fell ill from righteous anger and died for the prince's sake. The prince's loyalty was earnest and deep, his integrity pure—not merely held in his heart but set down in writing: he searched the historical records and compiled Records of Manifest Loyalty in ten sections across twenty scrolls. A man who sought to proclaim loyal hearts for ten thousand generations could hardly have plotted rebellion in a single morning. We beg that his surviving writings be examined—they are proof enough of his loyal heart.
15
[3] 使 使
Yuan Cha, relying on favor as the empress's kinsman and on his command of troops and horses, harbored a heart that acknowledged no sovereign and truly inverted right and wrong. He deposed the empress dowager on his own authority and wrongfully destroyed the prince; the power of life and death no longer rested with Your Majesty, and orders of reward and punishment issued from Yuan Cha alone. Famous principalities and strategic territories were all given to his kin and partisans; Every important post at court went to his own men. Prince Xi of Zhongshan had raised loyal troops without seeking the throne, yet they executed him for high treason and wiped out his whole clan, driving Yuan Lue south to become a grave menace to the realm. [3] Xi Kangsheng, one of the realm's fiercest generals, served with utter loyalty yet was cast out to public execution. The others wrongfully put to death are beyond numbering. Because of this the whole realm lost heart and grief and rage spread everywhere. This is why the northwest has raged in rebellion year after year and Jing and Xu have stirred in unrest. Long ago Zhao Gao seized Qin and set the east ablaze; today Yuan Cha holds power and throws the four quarters into turmoil. From antiquity to the present, in all that history records on bamboo and silk, no traitor or rebel minister has surpassed this.
16
祿 洿
The opening of rebellion began with Song Wei; the disaster was brought to completion chiefly by Liu Teng. Yet these vicious men and treacherous factions are installed one after another, taking high office and rich salaries at will—not only do we hate this for life, but the sacred court itself must bear shame for it. In our loyal and earnest view, they should be exposed at the palace gates and their dwellings defiled. Liu Teng's coffin should be broken open, his corpse cut down, and his entire clan destroyed. This would appease heaven's wrath above and repay loyal ministers' bitter wrongs below. Yet now Yuan Cha is honored next to the Three Excellencies and entrusted with the pivot of power—this is giving wings to a tiger. Court and countryside grind their teeth in rage; near and far clench their fists in helpless anger. Running weeds are hard to uproot—they must be removed to the last root. We have surveyed distant ages and traced back to antiquity: when rulers fail to act decisively, disaster springs up again. How much worse when Yuan Cha, suspicious and cruel, again holds the balance of power. We sigh through the night and our hearts grow cold; we beg Your Majesty's clear sight to act before it is too late.
17
We have lain hidden in our homes for six years, crying out by day to the sun and weeping by night to the stars, beating the silent earth and calling to heaven without answer. The grief of Wei Yi offering his liver and the night weeping in the court of Qin scarcely compare with ours. Now we are fortunate that Your Majesty's sagely brilliance personally governs the realm and the empress dowager's benevolent clarity again comforts the four seas; we dare come to the gate to lay bare our plea and beg redress for these poisonous wrongs.
18
When the memorial was submitted, Empress Dowager Ling approved its righteousness and appointed Zixi Secretariat Attendant. Later Liu Teng's coffin was broken open and Yuan Cha was sentenced to death.
19
He soon took part in compiling the national history and was given the additional title Pacification-North General. Before long he was appointed Compilation Gentleman and concurrently served as vice-prefect of Sizhou. He was transferred to Support-the-State General and vice minister of the Court of State Ceremonial. At the beginning of the Jianyi era he served concurrently in the Yellow Gate and soon received a regular appointment.
20
Zixi kept himself pure and aloof and did not mix in worldly affairs. Orphaned young, he was raised by his uncle Xianzong; when Xianzong died, Xianzong's son Bohua was still a child. Zixi treated him with the devotion of a full brother; even as adults they lived together, sharing horses, carriages, and property as needed without a trace of resentment in word or manner. He also memorialized asking to share his official rank with Bohua, who was then appointed administrator of Eastern Taiyuan. When Bohua was insulted in his commandery by Inspector Yuan Bi, Zixi wept and appealed to the court; Emperor Suzong ordered an investigation, and Bi was severely reprimanded.
21
祿 祿
When Erzhu Rong captured Ge Rong and sent him to the capital, Emperor Zhuang wished to see him face to face and rebuke him. Zixi argued that as the chief culprit Ge Rong knew he must die and might not be submissive, so the emperor ought not see him. Erzhu Rong heard this and was furious, demanding that Zixi be punished; Emperor Zhuang pardoned him. He was soon given the additional title Campaign-Barbarian General. When Xing Gao rose in rebellion, an edict ordered Zixi to go and console the troops. Gao feigned surrender and Zixi believed him; after returning to Leling, Gao rebelled again and Zixi withdrew. He was handed over to the Court of Justice and sentenced to death, but was pardoned and dismissed from office. Before long he served concurrently as director of the Ministry of Personnel. At the beginning of the Putai era he was appointed Regular Attendant of Scattered Cavalry for Direct Communication, Pacification-Army General, and Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, and soon received regular appointment as director of personnel. At the beginning of Emperor Chu's reign he again headed the historiographical office as Compilation Gentleman. For presenting the imperial register he was enfeoffed as Viscount of Licheng with a fief of five hundred households and given the additional titles Guard General and Right Grand Master of Splendid Happiness.
22
退
At the beginning of the Tianping era he served as lecturer-in-attendance and was appointed director of the Imperial Academy. Zixi was frugal and content in poverty and always preferred retirement and quiet; at the beginning of the move to Ye every office was allotted military retainers, but because the academy directorship was considered a light post, he was given only two. When someone urged him to petition for more, Zixi said: "If the court itself does not supply retainers to the academy director, what has that to do with Han Zixi?" Commentators esteemed him for this. He was soon appointed Valiant Cavalry General. In the Yuanxiang era he was given the additional title Guard Grand General.
23
Earlier Zixi had betrothed a woman of the Wang clan, his aunt's daughter, as wife for his younger brother; she bore two sons. Zixi himself was still unmarried; later he had an affair with the widow Lady Li, who bore three sons. Lady Wang and Lady Li were at odds and accused each other back and forth for years without end. Zixi was consumed with shame and resentment and fell ill. In the Xinghe era Emperor Xiaojing wished to perform the libation sacrifice to Confucius and ordered Zixi to serve as lecturer-in-attendance. He soon died, leaving instructions not to seek a posthumous title; his sons could not obey and went so far as to lobby for one. At the beginning of the Wuding era he was posthumously honored as Valiant Cavalry General, Palace Attendant of the Third Rank, and inspector of Youzhou.
24
Xingzong's younger brother was Xianzong, whose style was Maoqin. He was upright and blunt by nature, able to rebuke others face to face at court, and possessed talent and learning as well. The monk Fafu, famed in the three Qi regions for his keen intelligence, often tested himself against Xianzong: they would copy more than a hundred names, read each list once, then immediately call them back from memory. Fafu still made one or two mistakes; Xianzong made none. Fafu sighed and said: "In all my life as a monk I have admired only you, sir."
25
At the beginning of the Taihe era he was recommended as Cultivated Talent, ranked first in the policy examination, and was appointed Assistant Compilation Gentleman. When the emperor campaigned south he served concurrently as Secretariat Vice Director. Once the move of the capital was decided, Xianzong submitted a memorial:
26
輿 輿 [4] 調 輿
First: I have heard that if Your Majesty does not tour the three Qi this summer, you will visit Zhongshan—I humbly believe this is unwise. Why? Corvée labor ought to cease as soon as possible and the Luo capital ought to be completed quickly. Reduce expenses and corvée can be lightened; combine efforts and the Luo capital will be finished sooner. Last winter, when the imperial progress halted at Ye—a time of relative leisure—registered households still had to supply provisions, and the burden was severe. Your Majesty's compassionate regard and gracious edicts reached the aged and surrounded widows and orphans with gifts—yet even though relief was widely distributed, I still fear wan faces next summer. [4] How much worse at the crucial season of agriculture, when the six armies gather like clouds—the damage to livelihoods will be considerable. Even if levies are lightened, that scarcely counts as easing the burden—when the emperor comes in person, who dares rest? With attendants coming and going and the roads in turmoil, fields and silkworms will be neglected—and then the future will have no resources. This is a grave worry for the state. Moreover, in scorching heat the six armies will be exposed in the open—I fear pestilence may arise; this is the next worry. I beg that Your Majesty return early to the northern capital to save the provinces the cost of supplying the progress, and concentrate all effort on building the Luo capital. Then the southern provinces would be spared mixed corvée burdens, the northern capital would cease its laments over division, the Luo capital could be finished on schedule, and those who relocate would all come as if returning home.
27
使
Second: from antiquity sage emperors have prized frugality, while chaotic rulers have brought disaster through extravagance. Our former emperors kept their palaces modest and devoted themselves to statecraft, and therefore broadened the foundation and secured a lofty inheritance. The present foundations of Luoyang were built by Emperor Ming of Wei and drew mockery even in his own age. I humbly beg Your Majesty to reduce them again and again. Recently in the northern capital wealthy families competed in building grand mansions; with the move now at hand, prohibitions should be enforced so that noble and humble alike observe proper limits and none may exceed regulations. Straighten and broaden the avenues, open and improve the canals, let temples and offices be distinct and the four classes dwell apart—if an enduring model is left for a hundred generations, the realm will be greatly fortunate.
28
輿
Third: I have heard that when Your Majesty returns to Luoyang you will travel with only a few thousand horsemen. I strongly disapprove of this on Your Majesty's behalf. A man worth a thousand gold pieces still will not sit where a tile might fall—how much more the Son of Heaven, who possesses the four seas? Imperial guards within the palace gates are not mere display—they guard against the unexpected. Even when the road is cleared beforehand one still fears the horse may stumble—how much more when crossing mountains and rivers without careful thought! This is why your humble servant trembles with fear; I beg Your Majesty to reflect on this.
29
Fourth: Your Majesty's ears hear the sounds of law, your eyes peruse the classics, your mouth answers the hundred ministers, your mind worries over ten thousand affairs—you eat when the sundial slants and sleep only after night has divided. Added to this, filial devotion deepens with every season; and literary work daily completes new scrolls. Though your sagely brilliance makes this no burden, it is not the way to spare the spirit, nurture your nature, and secure boundless fortune. Zhuang Zhou said: the body has limits but the mind has none—to drive a limited body with an unlimited mind is perilous. This is what troubles your humble servant; I beg Your Majesty to fold your hands in rule, delegate responsibility below, and let the tasselled cap hang down while the realm governs itself.
30
Emperor Xiaowen largely accepted his advice.
31
便
Xianzong submitted another memorial, stating: "Advancing the worthy and seeking talent is what the hundred kings put first. Former ages, in selecting officials, first rectified names, and therefore had titles such as Worthy and Upright and Upright and Direct. Today's provincial and commandery recommendations bear only the names Cultivated and Filial, without the reality of cultivated talent or filial virtue. Yet the court only verifies their pedigree and no longer holds anyone accountable for fraud. In that case, you might as well establish a separate recommendation track for pedigree and use it to appoint officials—why bother with the pretense of Cultivated and Filial titles at all? Family pedigree is nothing but the inherited renown of one's ancestors—what good does that do the throne? What the age needs is talent, nothing more. If a man has talent, even one as humble as a butcher, fisherman, bondsman, or captive, the sage ruler will not hesitate to take him into service; If he lacks talent, even a descendant of the Three Sage Kings will sink to the status of a menial. Great talent should fill great office, lesser talent lesser office—each in his proper place, until the realm knows peace and prosperity. Some argue that no one in our generation has truly exceptional talent, and that it would be better to recruit officials from distinguished families. That view is mistaken as well. Would you abolish the office of chancellor altogether just because no Duke of Zhou or Duke of Shao walks the earth? One need only weigh whoever has even the smallest measure of merit and appoint him promptly—and no worthy talent will be left behind."
32
[5]
He also said: "An emperor holds the highest place and governs those below through authority; The reason the myriad common people turn from wickedness and embrace goodness is law. Whoever holds a state or a household must govern through law and punishment; the lives of the people depend on it. When guilt is certain, punishment must follow, and punishment must fit the offense—then even if the penalty is no more than flogging, no one will dare to transgress. When rules exist but go unenforced and people can count on luck, even the extermination of three clans will not restore discipline. Since the Taihe era, relatively few thieves have been executed in the public market,[5] yet order has been restored near and far. From this it follows that suppressing crime depends on prevention and enforcement, not on ever harsher punishments. Today provincial and commandery governors and prefects, chasing reputations of the moment, impose sweeping harsh measures; Central offices and officials everywhere treat brutal severity as proof of impartiality and humane leniency as indulgence of crime. Each office urging the next on, this has hardened into custom. Your Majesty dwells deep within the palace and treats the people like infants; The hundred offices, each handling vital affairs, treat those beneath them like mortal enemies. In effect there is only one Yao or Shun, but Jie and Zhou by the hundreds and thousands. That harmonious spirit never reaches the people—likely for this very reason. The Documents say: 'Better to err through excess than to put the innocent to death. It would truly be fitting to instruct all officials accordingly, for the sake of the common people's lives."
33
西 便
He also said: "In antiquity the Zhou king was driven off by the Quan Rong and moved east to the Luo River region; Hao was still called 'Ancestral Zhou' in order to preserve the original foundation. Although Emperor Guangwu is called a restorer, he in fact founded a new order; still the Western Capital kept its capital commandant, and the old capital was not abandoned. Now Your Majesty has gloriously advanced the prior enterprise, moved the capital to the Central Lands, and looked to antiquity to restore ritual—an achievement greater than any before. How can this be compared with Zhou and Han, where relocation was born of necessity? According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, a place with an ancestral temple is called a capital; without one it is called a settlement—an immutable rule. Moreover, Northern Dai holds the ancestral temples, entrusts the imperial tombs, founded the royal enterprise, and nurtured Your Majesty's own person—as a sacred homeland and blessed ground, its significance is truly profound. To treat it now as just another commandery or kingdom leaves me deeply uneasy. I respectfully suggest that the Dai capital should have a capital region established and a commandant appointed, following precedent—honoring the root and valuing the old, to glorify ten thousand generations."
34
[6]
He also said: "I humbly observe that under Luoyang's regulations, residents are grouped by official rank rather than by clan or social class. Yet official rank is not permanent; when a man is honored in the morning and ruined by evening, the gentry sink into neighborhoods of menials while bondservants rise into the finest districts. The world turned upside down can reach this extreme. The sage kings of old required the four classes of people to live apart so that each occupation would be settled and each mind focused. When occupation is settled, there is no pretense; when the mind is focused, there is no dissipation. What eye and ear grow accustomed to is mastered without supervision; The teaching of fathers and elder brothers takes hold without harsh discipline. Reflecting on Emperor Daowu, who founded the state amid chaos and had scarcely a free hour in the day, he still separated gentry from commoners, forbade mixed residence, and assigned artisans, butchers, and wine sellers each to their proper place. But because no statutory prohibitions were imposed, buying and selling followed whim, the costly was traded for the cheap, and neighborhoods became jumbled and mixed. Suppose in one place zithers are plucked and flutes blown, with languid dances and long songs; In another place stern teachers labor over their pupils, reciting the Odes and expounding ritual. If children were told to follow their own inclination, tens of thousands would rush to the dance hall and not one would go to the study hall. This is clear proof that artisans must not live intermingled and that men of learning should dwell together rather than scattered apart. That is why Master Kong praised the beauty of dwelling among the benevolent, and Mencius's mother honored the lesson of the three moves—the wise and sage treat such teaching with this weight. If artisan households are now made to learn the customs and rites of scholar-officials, a hundred years may not suffice; If the children of scholar-officials are made to imitate the postures of artisans, it can be done in a single morning. When men of learning dwell together, ritual teaching is easily fostered; When artisans live intermingled, custom is hard to change. Whenever the court selects and recommends men, it scrutinizes a single marriage and a single office appointment to determine rank—how meticulous that is! Yet as for opening the official path to artisans,[6] allowing them to live eave to eave with noble-born families of the highest standing—how lax that is! This is what your humble subject finds perplexing. Now, in examining antiquity to establish the supreme norm and illuminating the Central Realm, all who have moved reside on public land; separating artisans requires only a word of command—what is there to doubt, and why neglect so great an improvement?"
35
[7] 祿 [8]
He also said: "Since the Southern usurpers succeeded one another, holding the region north of the Huai, they wished to monopolize the title of Central States and entice frontier peoples, and so provisionally established Central Province commanderies and counties. Since imperial influence spread south, this has continued unchanged; duplicated place names are now extremely numerous. This confuses the records and disarranges the territorial realm—it is no way to demarcate lands and classify terrain; this is precisely what is meant by 'the rectification of names must come first.' I respectfully suggest that the old geographical names be followed and all of them reformed accordingly. Small districts should be merged; large ones subdivided. As for Central Province commanderies and counties, which were formerly merged and abolished when households were few—now that the population has grown, the old divisions can be restored as well. [7] One who rules the people takes all under Heaven as his home and must not show partiality. Storehouses are stocked to await flood and drought and to supply the army and state; only when there is merit and virtue are additional grants made. By the late age, what favorites received had grown exalted, and gifts and grants knew no limit. Since then as well, this has gone too far. The nobles at court already receive generous salaries; their buildings are draped in brocade and silk, their servants and concubines surfeit on fine grain and meat—yet heavy grants are repeatedly added, often running to the thousands. If distributed instead to widowers and widows, the relief would be far greater. If this is not reformed, is this not the very opposite of 'aid the urgent, not enrich the already wealthy'? [8] I respectfully suggest that when something deserves reward, let a clear edict praise it and add grants commensurate with the deed to encourage good conduct—you must not, out of intimacy with favorites, rashly drain the imperial treasury."
36
宿
He also said: "All palace guards on internal duty should have military officers practice the bow and civil officers recite the classics and histories. Yet now they are supplied with gambling equipment, fostering an air of coarse familiarity, nurturing contentious pride, and indulging clamorous disrespect—they only harm court decorum and serve no practical purpose. Matters of this kind should all be forbidden."
37
Emperor Xiaowen approved of this.
38
使
Later he submitted a request for the post of consulting adjutant on the staff of the Prince of Song, Liu Chang, wishing to render service on the southern frontier; Emperor Xiaowen did not permit it. Emperor Xiaowen once said to Xianzong and Cheng Lingqiu: "The charge of compilation is to manage the state chronicle. Your writings—I know them thoroughly myself; the appraisals of the inner secretariat—you have heard them. If one wishes to compare with the ancients, the likes of Ban Gu and Sima Qian are naturally far beyond reach. If one seeks literary ability in the present age, you should rank Cui Xiaobo first. He also said to Xianzong: "Having seen your Yan Chronicles and the poems you wrote while in Qi, they far surpass your recent writings. Yet I have not seen the merit of your compilations myself; I must inquire further of the director and chief. Judging your talent, you can be placed in the middle rank. He also said to Cheng Lingqiu: "Compared with Xianzong you rank somewhat lower; you can be placed in the lower-middle rank. Xianzong replied: "Your subject's talent and rank are shallow and slight; to hear the words of Heaven at all is presumptuous enough, and to be compared with Cui Guang is truly overwhelming favor. Yet your subject privately thinks that Your Majesty values the ancient and undervalues the present. My learning is slight and my talent limited—I truly dare not aspire to the ancients. Yet having encountered a sage and enlightened age, witnessed renewing rites, and taken brush to plain silk to record the events of the time, I would not yet feel ashamed before posterity. Formerly Yang Xiong wrote the Classic of Supreme Mystery; at the time he could not escape talk of a covered jar, but two hundred years later he surpassed all the other masters. What your subject has compiled, though insufficient to gloriously set forth the imperial record or add even a grain of light to sun and moon, yet ten thousand generations hence, looking up to the towering achievements of the ancestors and above to Your Majesty's luminous virtue—why should it fall short of reverent brilliance in the Documents of Tang, or careful virtue in the Documents of Yu? Emperor Xiaowen said: "Suppose I am not unworthy of Emperor Shun—how then do you compare with the ministers of Yao? Xianzong said: "Your subject has heard that a ruler cannot govern alone, and therefore the hundred offices were established to assist in affairs. Your Majesty walks in the footsteps of Yao and Shun; are the ministers and high officials not the peers of the Two Assistants and Eight Worthies? Emperor Xiaowen said: "You serve as compiler in name only—you are not yet a good historian. Xianzong said: "Your subject has fortunately encountered an enlightened age, writes with a straight brush without fear, and accepts no bribes—I sleep in peace and eat well. In that respect your subject surpasses Sima Qian and Ban Gu. Emperor Xiaowen smiled at this. Later he joined Adjunct Officer Cui Yi and others in drafting court ceremony.
39
使
Emperor Xiaowen once issued an edict to the officials, saying: "Since recent times, high and low in origin have always had fixed divisions. At one moment my mind finds this acceptable, at the next unacceptable. You should weigh this together. Li Chong replied: "I do not yet know whether, from high antiquity onward, offices and ranks were established to carve out positions for the sons of noble families, or to benefit governance and assist the age? Emperor Xiaowen said: "Both were meant for governance. Li Chong said: "If the aim is governance, why does Your Majesty today exclusively exalt family rank, without an edict to elevate talent? Emperor Xiaowen said: "If a man has extraordinary talent, he need not fear going unnoticed. Yet in a gentleman's household, even when someone lacks immediate use for the times, if his virtue and conduct are pure and steadfast, that is reason enough for me to employ him." Li Chong said: "Fu Yue of Fu Cliff and Lü Wang — were they ever raised up because of their family rank?" Emperor Xiaowen said: "Men who can save the age are rare — an era may produce only one or two." Li Chong said to the assembled ministers and worthies: "I was on the point of asking you gentlemen to save the argument." Secretary Director Li Biao said: "Our allies are too few to lend weight to the debate; I have something in mind, but dare not speak it fully before Your Majesty on this august day. If Your Majesty relies solely on family status, I ask: compared with the three ministerial houses of Lu, how do they measure against Confucius's Four Categories?" Emperor Xiaowen said: "As I explained earlier." Xianzong stepped forward and said: "Your Majesty has gloriously established the capital at Luoyang, and every rite is being made anew; the fate of the state turns on this one choice of men. My own learning is shallow, and I cannot summon antiquity and the present to prove this point; let me speak instead from the affairs of state. I ask: must the sons of central and secretariat supervisors and directors inevitably become secretariat gentlemen? In recent years, have all the sons of men appointed supervisor or director truly been fit for the post?" Emperor Xiaowen said: "Why do you not speak of the wealthy and eminent families who hold the posts of supervisor and director today?" Xianzong said: "Your Majesty holds that things cannot be lumped together; one ought not have the noble inherit nobility, or the base inherit baseness." Emperor Xiaowen said: "If someone is brilliant and outstanding, with talent that rises above the rest, I do not bind myself to this rule either." Later he was appointed Rectifier of his native province.
40
退
In the twenty-first year, when the emperor marched south on campaign, Xianzong served as chief clerk of the Right Army headquarters, General Who Conquers the Barbarians, and commander of the army. When the army halted at Zheyang, Cheng Gongqi, garrison commander under Xiao Luan, sent his commanders Hu Song and Gao Fayuan, among others, together with tribal allies to strike the camp; Xianzong personally led the defense and cut off Fayuan's head. When Xianzong reached Xinye, Emperor Xiaowen sent an edict: "You broke the enemy and beheaded their commander, greatly strengthening our army's momentum; I am pressing a hard siege — why did you not publish a victory bulletin?" Xianzong said: "I recently heard that General Who Pacifies the South Wang Su captured two or three enemies and a few donkeys and horses, yet still issued victory bulletins; when I served at the Eastern Hall, I privately laughed at that every time. Recently, though I leaned on your august power and was able to break the foul enemy, my troops were few and my strength slight; captures and kills were not many. If I now unfurled long silk banners and falsely inflated my achievements, copying that fault and making it my own, my offense would be all the graver. That is why I put away brush and silk and submitted only a plain report." Emperor Xiaowen smiled and said: "Merit such as yours truly deserves a fief of earth and altar; once Zheyang is pacified, I shall review the matter and reward you properly." When Xinye was pacified, Xianzong was appointed consulting adjutant on the staff of Prince Jia of Guangyang under the General Who Pacifies the South. Later Xianzong submitted a memorial, rather full of self-praise, pleading his earlier campaign merit. An edict said: "Xianzong's polished prose is very much to be censured; his conduct lacks restraint in advance and retreat, and it tarnishes our pure ethos. If this is not corrected, corrupt custom may take deeper root. Let the matter be referred to the Masters of Writing for investigation and report." Concurrent Master of Writing Zhang Yi memorialized to dismiss Xianzong from office. An edict said: "Though Xianzong's vanity brought him to fault, his talent is still usable — how can he be cast off forever! He may continue as adviser in plain clothes and prove his worth hereafter. But his coarse and obstinate nature makes him unfit for elegant company; his privilege of audience may be revoked, and he is forbidden to call upon or inquire after the princes."
41
Disappointed in office, when orders came directing him toward Luoyang, Xianzong composed a five-character poem for Li Biao, Vice Censor, saying: "Jia Yi was exiled to Changsha; Dong Zhongshu went to Linjiang. Ashamed that I lack the footprints of such men, I suddenly find myself walking in the traces of two sages. Recalling our old companionship at the library pavilion, I drove my sorry nag to stand among dragons. How was my heart's wish torn away, that I drift alone on a distant posting? Weeping, I leave the old country; holding back tears, I arrive in a new land. Alas for the people left without aid — they cry out like a goose that has lost its mate. Heaven does not hear me; across a thousand li I declare that our hearts are one." In the twenty-third year he died. Xianzong compiled the Annals of Yan of the Feng clan and Filial Piety and Friendship, ten scrolls each; his writings circulated widely in his time. At the beginning of the Jingming era, his merit at Zheyang was posthumously honored with the title Baron of Zhangwu.
42
His son Wuhua inherited the title. He was appointed General Who Punishes Bandits, Attendant at Court, and Administrator of Taiyuan.
43
駿 使
Cheng Jun, style Linju, was originally from Qu'an in Guangping. His sixth-generation ancestor Liang served as Jin Director of Waterworks; punished for an offense, he was exiled to Liangzhou. His grandfather Zhao was Minister of the People under Lü Guang.
44
駿 駿駿
Jun was orphaned young and poor; in mourning he was famed for filial piety. He studied under Liu Bing; quick-witted and devoted to learning, he toiled day and night without weariness. Bing told his disciples: "One who is shown one corner and infers the other three — this youth ranks next to such a man." Jun said to Bing: "Confucian scholars of the age all hold that Laozi and Zhuangzi speak empty and false words, ungrounded in practical essentials and unfit to govern the world — I do not think so. Laozi wrote on embracing unity; Master Zhuang expounded the original nature of things — teachings such as these may be called perfectly harmonious. When men depart from unity, fuss and falsehood arise; when they violate their nature, pure truth is lost." Bing said: "You are still young, yet speak like a seasoned elder — splendid!" Thereupon his reputation spread further, and Juqu Mujian promoted him to lecturer in the Eastern Palace.
45
使 駿 駿 駿 駿西
In the fifth year of Taiyan, after Emperor Shizu pacified Liangzhou, he moved to the capital and came to the notice of Minister Cui Hao. When Emperor Wencheng acceded, he was appointed Associate Master of Letters; soon after, he was promoted to Master of Letters. As Director of the Palace for Prince Yun of Chengyun, he presented admonitions to the prince, who accepted and praised them. During Huangxing, he was appointed Administrator of Gaomi. Master of Writing Li Fu memorialized: "When a ruler employs a minister, the minister must see his charge through to the end. Jun is truly a historian's talent, now wielding the straight brush; for the charge of a thousand li, one man in ten households would suffice. Please retain him several years to complete the earlier records; afterward appoint him regional governor — I deem this acceptable." The memorial was submitted and approved. Emperor Xianzu repeatedly summoned Jun to discuss the meanings of the Changes and Laozi, and turning to the ministers said: "When I speak with this man, my mind opens freely." He also asked Jun: "How old are you?" He replied: "Your subject is sixty-one." Emperor Xianzu said: "In olden days Taigong was already aged when he met King Wen. You now meet me — is this not early?" Jun said: "Though my talent falls short of Lü Wang, Your Majesty's honor surpasses the Western Earl. I hope Heaven grants me remaining years to exhaust the efficacy of the Six Strategies."
46
駿 駿 駿忿駿
Near the end of Yanxing, King Rian of Goguryeo sought to send a daughter into the inner court; Emperor Xianzu agreed, temporarily appointing Jun Attendant Cavalier at Large, bestowing the title Baron of Anfeng, adding General Who Subdues the Waves, and sending him with staff of authority to Goguryeo to receive the princess, with a gift of a hundred bolts of cloth and silk. Jun reached Pyongyang. Someone advised Rian: "Wei once married with Yan, then attacked it — because the envoy had mapped their mountains and passes. If you now send a daughter, I fear it will be no different from the affair of Lady Feng." Rian then falsely claimed the girl had died. Jun and Rian exchanged messages for a year; Jun upbraided Rian on moral principle; Rian, unable to contain his anger, cut off wine and food for Jun's attendants. Rian wished to humiliate him but feared to do so and did not dare harm him. When Emperor Xianzu died, he returned and was appointed Secretary Director.
47
駿 沿 駿
When the spirit tablets were first moved to the Grand Temple, the relevant office memorialized: by precedent, officials serving in the temple were routinely ennobled; the old custom should be followed. An edict ordered the hundred officials to discuss; all the ministers held that the old custom should be followed; Jun alone disagreed. He memorialized: "I have heard that titles and instruments are what emperors treasure, and mountains and rivers are the weight of the central realm. Therefore Han's Founding Emperor had a covenant: no enfeoffment without merit. One must have been entrusted with mandate at the great ruler's accession and exerted mind and strength on days of battle and planning — only then may one receive the grant of earth and altar. I have never seen one who merely attended affairs in the ancestral temple rewarded with territory; I have only seen descendants of Jin and Zheng honored for assisting the throne, and men like Wu and Deng prized for military achievements. Zhou and Han left no such records in distant ages; Wei and Jin likewise preserved no such precedents in recent years. Since the imperial way opened its mandate and the heavenly enterprise founded its succession, striving to match the standards of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors and to elevate the tracks of the hundred kings — punishments were somewhat lighter than antiquity, rewards more real than before. At the time, because the spirit tablets were re-enshrined and the pure temple made solemn, offices were granted nine-rank appointments and functionaries given five-grade titles. Though imperial institutions do not simply follow one another, can that moment's grace suffice as a standard for generations? My fault of opposing the multitude — I submit and await punishment." The memorial was submitted and accepted. Empress Dowager Wenming told the ministers: "To speak on affairs should indeed be upright and measured against classical models — how can one cling to temporary old precedents?" She bestowed on Jun one suit of clothes and two hundred bolts of silk.
48
駿 西
Jun again memorialized: "The Spring and Autumn Annals says: seeing one who shows courtesy to his ruler is like a filial son nourishing his parents; seeing one who shows discourtesy to his ruler is like a hawk pursuing sparrows. This is to admonish the future and leave a model for ten thousand generations. Formerly when Chen Heng killed his ruler, Confucius asked for punitive action — though he wished to rest at ease, could he have desisted? Now heaven itself favors our plans in the temple; seven provinces rise like storm clouds; on the rivers we shall wash away the great rebels, on land sweep away the violent enemy. Yet warfare prizes avoiding pitched battle — this the strategists praise. We should first send Liu Chang to summon and persuade Huainan. If they respond gladly in echo and rise together in unity, the Yangzi's barrier could be crossed in court robes by morning; Xiao Daocheng's head could be hung by noon. If the frivolous south betrays the Liu family's grace and righteousness, the fault lies with them — why would we owe Heaven anything? Even a righteous proclamation to Jiangnan, followed by rallying the army and turning home, would show enough benevolence in relieving distress and spread our righteous repute across the realm. Moreover, attack is hard and defense easy, so the disparity in strength may run a hundredfold — this demands deep thought and careful deliberation. Though the realm is at peace, the frontiers still give cause for worry — Shiyin of Tuyuhun seeks advantage in the southwest, while fierce enemies on the northern steppe watch for their chance. If the campaign falls short of expectations, the army may not be withdrawn quickly; and if the army cannot be withdrawn quickly, our worries will only deepen. Anyone planning for the state's welfare must put securing the foundation first. I respectfully suggest that in displaying troops on the Yangzi's banks and projecting imperial majesty, special care should be taken to reassure and comfort the people. If not even the slightest harm is done, the people will know our virtue and good faith; when they know our virtue and good faith, they will come bringing even their infants on their backs; once they come flocking in, north of the Huai can be secured; once north of the Huai is secured, the Wu enemy will change their plans; when the enemy changes their plans, disaster and strife will break out among them. Only then, watching for the opening to strike, we would not be too late. I ask that the armies of the provinces be halted pending a later campaign. This is what is meant by securing the foundation. Humbly reflecting, Your Majesty and the Grand Empress Dowager possess brilliant stratagems and divine wisdom extending beyond mere battlefield triumph; adapting to circumstances and grasping change with insight known only in your own heart. Your servant's shadow fades like the sun at Yu-yuan — old age is upon me; though my heart is full of concern for the state, I can offer nothing of use." His advice was not accepted.
49
駿
The monk Faxiu plotted rebellion and was executed when his plot was uncovered. Jun memorialized: "Your servant has heard that the Odes were composed essentially to give voice to one's intent. Near at hand they guide filial duty to fathers; at a distance they guide loyal service to rulers — touching on every custom, nothing is left out. Above they can praise sage virtue; below they can promote moral transformation — those who speak them incur no blame, and those who hear them receive adequate admonition. This was the ancients' original purpose in using poetry. In my declining years I have been fortunate enough to live in this flourishing age; though old age is upon me, I still aspire to the spirit of Lian Po, who kept his vigor to the end. Humbly reflecting, Your Majesty and the Grand Empress Dowager — your Way accords with Heaven and Earth, your brilliance equals sun and moon: as Heaven's chosen, you match the solemn virtue of Tang; as rightful sovereigns, you share in the numinous Way of Zhou. Thus when mad rebels harbor treachery, they have nowhere to hide their plots; unseen spirits cut them down in secret, and they face execution the moment their plot is discovered. By this the ancestral temples receive unseen endorsement, and both men and spirits lend their support. Your servant is overcome with joy. I respectfully offer these verses from my aging mind — sixteen stanzas celebrating the state, with introductions to the virtues shown in the imperial tour and the sweet rain." The eulogy reads:
50
Heaven's virtue is silent, yet the four seasons follow in turn. O resplendent Great Wei — Heaven's chosen, blessed from above. Sage succeeds sage through three reigns, doubly luminous through four founders. Not merely the Yin and Zhou — they reach back to match the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors. Radiantly enthroned on high, sage reverence grows day by day. Vast in wisdom, the sage ruler embodies good governance and extends benevolence to all. Virtue spreads gently as the wind; instruction joins transformation like a ford across the waters. A thousand-year age of prosperity — the Way reaches its height in this hour.
51
This year the sovereign tours the realm, hunting in the fields as Heaven ordains. He inspects the provinces and inquires into suffering; he seeks the counsel of the aged on governance. He properly ranks the hundred spirits; he burns offerings and gazes toward the mountains and rivers. Who would say rites have fallen into disuse? Under a sage, they flourish anew. When the imperial enterprise was first established, Zhongshan was the path taken. The grandeur of the imperial visit shows special tenderness and care. Looking up, he sings the ancestors' achievement; looking down, he delights in the gentle spring. Great is the general amnesty — it washes away the people's every care. Once every care is washed away, the people begin anew. In harmony, countless multitudes — every household sings of renewal and relief.
52
羿 忿
Suddenly a mad rebel plotted treason against the sacred capital. Bright spirits gave secret warning; the plot was discovered and he was executed. Chaos came with Yi and Han Zhuo; the First Emperor's thousand-year destiny. Madness flowering in winter — this has always happened. How beautiful the imperial measure — the Way endures for a thousand generations. The hundred spirits cut them down in secret — treachery never gets the chance to rise. When treachery cannot rise, the guilty receive what they deserve. By the statutes of penal law, even the five punishments seem lenient. So solemn are the two sages — their benevolence equals the renewing force of spring. Leaving Zhou and Han behind, they follow the distant model of Fuxi's court. Why leave Zhou and Han behind? Because of their harsh severity. Why follow Fuxi's court? Because they aspire to benevolence and honor virtue. One flourish of their noble voice — civilizing instruction fills the four corners of the realm. Not only the capital region — their transforming influence reaches every land.
53
調
Sincerity and trust win unseen blessing — yin and yang fall into harmony. The valley breeze blows at evening; sweet rain falls at dawn. Fine crops show their budding tips; deep and flourishing grow the verdant seedlings. Widowers and the poor sing in the lanes; widows chant in their homes. Those versed in the Odes say it is proclaimed in the "Clouded Heavens." Its verses stand uniquely splendid — its brilliance illumines the great elegancies of the canon. How much more in this resplendent age — virtue is exalted and the Way profound. Not only the double bounty of rain — divine signs herald a harvest year. The harvest year is rich indeed — transformation nowhere fails to reach. With rites and music, no aspect of governance fails to thrive. Your minister leaps with joy, delighting to sing of this harmonious age. Who would say such an age is easily met? Once in a lifetime one may encounter it.
54
鹿
High Heaven shows no partiality — only virtue draws its favor. Rejoice in this resplendent age — though wearied, do not slacken. A miss of a hair's breadth can become an error of a thousand li. I pray for humble diligence — seeking benevolence without regret. As men say, the sage ruler is careful of the smallest things. Five kingdoms joined in war — year after year, season after season. Convoys stream like fleeing deer — strategic planning loses its way. The responsible officials show no mercy. Demands eat away like silkworms — corvée labor grows unbearable. The people cannot bear their plight — families flee to the mountains. Those in charge should be overseen — majesty and virtue must be proclaimed. What should majesty and virtue look like? Gathering the masses until rivers brim with people. The people's obedience truly depends on food and clothing. When farming and sericulture lose their foundation — who will plow, who will weave? With hunger and cold at their door — they exchange children to eat. When I reflect quietly on this, my heart can only sigh. I have heard the canonical teaching: outside one's office, do not meddle in policy. The Lady of Lacquer Chamber worried for the state — her fame lives on, for good or ill. Your humble minister, old and dim of sight, has been specially favored with grace. Forgetting my reckless blindness, I dare offer this humble counsel.
55
駿 駿 駿
Empress Dowager Wenming issued an order: "I have reviewed your poetry memorial and received it. Praise of the ancestors' achievements is fitting enough, but your words about the present age go too far. Your admonitions in the sections below — I will keep them and not forget. Jun also submitted an eulogy cycle of ten pieces, opening with "Solid Foundation" and closing with "Non-Action." Most of the text is omitted here. Empress Dowager Wenming issued an order: "I have reviewed your memorial and the ten eulogies and received them. Your mirrors and warnings are complete — I greatly esteem and delight in them. This is what is meant by honoring the aged and soliciting counsel. An edict also said: "Cheng Jun served in office with purity and discretion, and his memorials were always to the point. His gate admitted no guests bearing flashy gifts, yet his house held men devoted to the Way. Grant him six hundred bolts of silk to honor his frugal virtue. Jun distributed the entire gift among relatives and old friends.
56
駿使[9]
By nature upright and direct, he did not compete for worldly advancement. In the first month of the ninth year of the Taihe era, his illness grew grave, and he left testamentary instructions: "In life I still valued thrift and simplicity — how could I in death be buried in luxury? In antiquity Wang Sun was buried naked, moved by principle to do so; Shi An chose a bamboo mat and coarse cloth — also rather an extreme corrective. The present age is already enlightened and all affairs follow ritual — those examples are not my intent. Wrap me in seasonal dress and use utensils according to ancient custom. He then died, aged seventy-two. Earlier, when Jun's illness was severe, Emperor Xiaowen and Empress Dowager Wenming sent emissaries repeatedly to inquire after him, ordered Imperial Physician Xu Qian to examine him, [9] and granted him decoctions and medicines. On his deathbed, an edict appointed his youngest son Gongcheng as Palace Attendant and his nephew Lingqiu as Assistant Compilation Gentleman. When he died, Emperor Xiaowen and Empress Dowager Wenming mourned him deeply, granted Eastern Garden funerary regalia, one set of court dress, and three hundred bolts of silk, and posthumously honored him as Champion General, inspector of Yanzhou, and Marquis of Qu'an, with the posthumous name Xian. His literary compositions were collected in a separate compilation.
57
駿
Jun had six sons; Yuanji, Gongda, Gongliang, and Gongli all held no office.
58
使
Gongyi served as Attending Censor, Director of the Masters of Ceremonials, Commissioner of Waterworks, military administrator for the Prince of Wuchang, and administrator of Pei. Gongcheng served as Chief Textual Palace Attendant, Palace Attendant Within the Gates, and Master of Writing Gentleman. Both died young.
59
簿
Gongli's son was Ji, whose style was Shibo. He loved learning and had considerable literary talent. He served as chief clerk of the Jingzhou prefectural office.
60
駿 駿
Jun's younger cousin from the great-grandfather's line was Boda, whose given name violated the temple taboo of Emperor Xianzu. He was the same age as Jun and was also known for literary eloquence. 〈Lacuna in the text.〉 During Juqu Mujian's reign, both were chosen to attend the heir as carriage companions in and out of court, and contemporary opinion praised them. Boda died young.
61
駿 駿 祿
Jun's nephew Lingqiu was orphaned young and had considerable literary talent, yet for long he languished in lowly clerical posts. He served in clerical posts for more than ten years before being dismissed for an offense. When Jun submitted a petition on his deathbed, Lingqiu was promoted to Assistant Compilation Gentleman. Later he was convicted for claiming to have no close kin in the capital, but Emperor Xiaowen knew that he and Jun's son Gongyi were of the same founding clan, and so had him censured and dismissed. When he reached Luoyang he held no office and was poor and ill. After a long time, Cui Guang petitioned to have him appointed Supervisor of the Feathered Forest; he was then selected and appointed administrator of Liang commandery in Xuzhou, but was indicted for drunkenness by the inspector, Prince of Wuchang Jian, and lost his office. Once he took up his post in Liang commandery, his resolve and strength declined somewhat, yet he was still sometimes overcome by wine. Long deprived of official salary, he could not escape hunger and cold and repeatedly went to the Masters of Writing begging to serve again in his former capacity. Vice Director Gao Zhao, overseeing selection, again had him appointed Compilation Gentleman; with Cui Guang holding the concurrent post, an edict ordered his appointment recorded externally.
62
駿
The historian writes: Han Qilin, through talent, capacity, and discernment in employment, came to be recorded in Qi territory. Xianzong established himself through literary learning and repeatedly presented affairs of the age, but as for achievement in truthful recording, none has been heard. Zixi was pure and high-minded in self-restraint, yet the honors he received exceeded his capacity. Cheng Jun's talent and achievement were not great — was what the world recognized in him perhaps the far-reaching policies of his age?
63
Textual Collation Notes
64
[Passage "beat and plunder Hu Ding"] In all editions the character the cited text is absent; Cefu yuangui, juan 715 〈p. 8502〉 reads the cited text; the character the cited text is now supplied on that evidence.
65
[Phrase "the cited text"] In Cefu, same juan and page, the cited text appears as the cited text. Comment: The phrase "the cited text" is obscure in meaning; the cited text must be a corruption of the cited text.
66
[Phrase "the cited text"] In all editions the cited text appears as the cited text; only the Ju ben has the cited text. Comment: Read as the cited text the phrase makes no sense; Cefu yuangui 〈same juan and page〉 also has the cited text; the text now follows the Ju ben.
67
[Passage "the cited text"] All editions lack the cited text and the sense is incomplete; it is now supplied from Cefu yuangui, juan 472 〈p. 5625〉 Supplied. Moreover, in Cefu the cited text appears as the two characters the cited text; both readings are acceptable, and no change is made.
68
便
[Passage "the cited text"] All editions lack the cited text before the cited text; Beishi, juan 40, appended biography of Han Xianzong under Han Qilin; Cefu yuangui, juan 472 〈p. 5626〉 have it. Comment: Xianzong means that harsh punishments were ineffective; without the cited text the sense would be reversed, and it is now supplied on that evidence.
69
[Passage "the cited text"] In all editions the cited text is corrupted as the cited text; it is now corrected on the authority of Beishi, juan 40, and Cefu yuangui, juan 472 〈p. 5627〉 Corrected.
70
[Phrase "the cited text"] All editions have the cited text above the cited text; Beishi, juan 40; Cefu yuangui, juan 472 〈p. 5627〉 do not have it. Comment: If it read "the cited text", further explanation would be unnecessary. The character the cited text is superfluous and is now deleted on that evidence.
71
[Phrase "the cited text"] In all editions the cited text is corrupted as the cited text. It is now corrected on the authority of Beishi, juan 40, and Cefu yuangui 〈same juan and page〉 and the original text of the Yong ye chapter of the Analects.
72
駿
[Passage "the cited text"] In Beishi, juan 40, Cheng Jun biography, the character the cited text appears before the cited text; this agrees with the Xu Qian biography in juan 91 of this book - here the cited text must have been omitted.
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