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卷100 高句麗 百濟 勿吉 失韋 豆莫婁 地豆于 庫莫奚 契丹 烏洛侯

Volume 100: Goguryeo, Baekje, Wuji, Shiwei, Doumolou, Didouyu, Kumo Xi, Khitan, Wuluohou

Chapter 106 of 魏書 · Book of Wei
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1
Goguryeo, Baekje, Wuji, Shiwei, Doumolou, Didouyu, Kumo Xi, Khitan, and Wuluohou
2
駿
The people of Goguryeo traced their origin to Buyeo and claimed Jumong as their founding ancestor. Jumong's mother was said to be a daughter of the River Lord. The king of Buyeo had shut her in a chamber, where sunlight fell upon her; she turned away to escape it, yet the sun's shadow followed her still. She soon conceived and bore an egg as large as a five-sheng measure. The king of Buyeo cast it out for the dogs, but they would not touch it; he gave it to pigs, and they too refused it; he left it on the road, and cattle and horses shunned it; finally he abandoned it in the wild, where flocks of birds warmed it with their down. The king tried to cut the egg open but could not break it, and so returned it to the mother. She wrapped it in cloth and set it in a warm spot until a boy hatched from the shell. When he came of age they styled him Jumong, which in their tongue meant 'skilled archer.' The Buyeo believed that Jumong, not born of ordinary men, would prove dangerous, and urged the king to kill him; the king refused and set him to tend horses instead. Jumong secretly tested the herds and could tell the good from the bad: he cut the rations of swift horses to keep them lean, while he fattened the slow ones with generous feed. The king kept the fat horses for himself and gave Jumong only the lean ones. Later, on a hunt, because Jumong was so fine an archer, they allowed him only a single arrow. With that one shaft he nevertheless brought down a great many animals. The ministers of Buyeo again conspired to kill him. Jumong's mother learned of the plot in secret and warned him: 'The realm means to destroy you. With your gifts, you should flee far beyond these borders.' So Jumong left Buyeo with Wuyin, Wuwei, and two companions and fled southeast. Midway they reached a broad river with no bridge, while Buyeo pursuers pressed hard behind them. Jumong cried to the river: 'I am the child of the sun and grandson of the River Lord. I flee for my life and the pursuers are upon me—how am I to cross?' Fish and turtles then rose and formed a living bridge; Jumong crossed safely, the creatures sank away, and the horsemen could not follow. Jumong came to the Puyeo River and met three men—one in hemp, one in coarse cloth, one in waterweed—and with them he reached Keshenggu, made it his seat, and took the name Goguryeo, which became their clan designation.
3
便 西[1] 使
While Jumong was still in Buyeo his wife had been with child; after his flight she bore a son styled Yuri. When the boy grew up and learned that Jumong ruled a kingdom, he went with his mother to join him; Jumong called him Yuri-da and placed the government in his hands. After Jumong's death, Yuri-da took the throne. Yuri-da was succeeded by his son Yuryu. Yuryu's son Mare came then reigned, marched against Buyeo, routed it utterly, and brought the kingdom under his sway. Mare's line held the throne until a distant descendant, Gong, was born with his eyes already open; the people loathed him. He grew vicious and cruel, and the realm was brought to ruin. Gong's great-grandson too was born with open eyes; because he seemed to mirror his forebear Gong, he was called Weigong, for in Goguryeo wei means 'to resemble.' Weigong was likewise bold and strong, expert with bow and horse. During Wei's Zhengshi reign he raided Liaoxi and Anping[1] but was crushed by Muqiu Jian, inspector of Youzhou. A distant descendant, Isagoru, was followed by his son Chao, who in the reign of Emperor Lie waged war back and forth with the Murong. In the fourth year of Jianguo, Murong Yuansun marched against him by way of Nanyang, defeated him at Mudi, swept on in pursuit, and entered Wandu while Chao fled alone on horseback. Yuansun opened Chao's father's tomb and carried off the corpse, together with Chao's mother and wife, his treasures, and more than fifty thousand captives; he burned the palaces, razed Wandu, and withdrew. Thereafter Chao sent envoys to court, but enemies and feuds barred the way and his missions could not reach us. Chao was later killed by Baekje.
4
使 西 使
Under Emperor Shizu, Chao's great-grandson Lian first sent the envoy Andong with tribute and a request for the imperial taboo names. The emperor welcomed his loyalty, sent down the imperial genealogy and taboo names, and dispatched Li Ao, supernumerary gentleman of the palace attendant, to invest Lian as commander of all Liaohai forces, general who conquers the east, leader for pacifying the eastern Yi, duke who opens Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo. Ao reached their seat at Pyongyang and asked about their domain: more than a thousand li southeast of Liaodong, east to Chasung, south to the lesser sea, north to old Buyeo, with households several times greater than before. In Wei times their land stretched two thousand li east to west and more than a thousand li north to south. The people were all native to the soil, dwelling along the valleys, and dressed in cloth, silk, and fur. The land was thin and poor; silk and grain could not fully sustain them, so they were frugal in eating and drinking. Their customs were loose; they loved song and dance, and at night men and women mingled without regard to rank, though they took pride in cleanliness. Their king delighted in building palaces. Their offices bore such titles as yecha, taisha, da xiong, and xiao xiong. On their heads they wore the zhefeng, shaped like a cap with bird feathers at the sides, varied according to rank. Standing, they bowed with hands clasped behind; kneeling, they dragged one foot; walking, they moved as if in a hurry. Each year in the tenth month they worshipped Heaven in a great national assembly. At their public gatherings all wore brocade and embroidery adorned with gold and silver. They were fond of squatting on their heels. They ate from tables and stands. They bred horses only three feet high, said to be the strain Jumong once rode—the guoxia, or 'dwarf' horse. Later their envoys came in steady succession, each year bringing two hundred jin of gold and four hundred jin of silver.
5
When Feng Wentong fled to them with his followers, Emperor Shizu sent Feng Bo with orders to hand him over; Lian replied that he and Wen Tong would together accept royal rule, yet in the end he did not surrender him. The emperor was furious and meant to march against them, but the Prince of Leping and others urged delay, and he desisted; before long Lian had Wen Tong killed as well.
6
便 駿
Later, because Emperor Xianzu's inner palaces were not yet filled, Empress Dowager Wenming ordered Lian to present his daughter. Lian reported that his daughter was already married and offered his younger brother's daughter instead; the court agreed and sent the Prince of Anle and Minister Li Fu to the border with betrothal gifts. Lian was persuaded by his advisers that when the court had once married a Feng princess, that house was soon destroyed—a lesson not far in the past—and that he should find some polite excuse to refuse. Lian then falsely reported that the girl had died. The court suspected fraud and sent Acting Regular Attendant Cheng Jun to rebuke him sharply, adding that if she were truly dead they might choose another noble clanswoman. Lian replied: 'If the Son of Heaven will forgive my earlier offense, I shall respectfully obey.' But Emperor Xianzu died just then, and the matter came to nothing.
7
使
Under Emperor Gaozu, Lian's tribute doubled, and the gifts returned to him were increased as well. Guang Province then seized at sea envoys Lian had sent to Xiao Daocheng, including Yu Nu, and sent them to court. Emperor Gaozu rebuked Lian: 'Daocheng murdered his own ruler and usurped the throne south of the river. I mean to restore a fallen state and continue the Liu line—yet you traffic across borders with a distant rebel. Is this how a frontier vassal should keep faith? I will not let this one lapse efface your former loyalty. Return at once to your fief, be grateful for forgiveness, ponder your fault, obey the imperial statutes, keep your domain in order, and report all you do.'
8
使 使 使[2] 使
In the fifteenth year of Taihe, Lian died at more than a hundred years of age. Emperor Gaozu mourned him in the eastern suburb and sent Li An, director of court gentlemen, with funeral gifts conferring grand general of chariots and cavalry, grand tutor, duke who opens Liaodong, and king of Goguryeo, with the posthumous name Kang. He also sent the grand herald to invest Lian's grandson Yun with the same ranks and insignia, and ordered Yun to send his heir to court for the suburban and mound ceremonies. Yun pleaded illness and sent only his cousin Shengyu with the embassy; the court rebuked him sharply. From then on tribute came every year without fail. During Zhengshi, Emperor Shizong received their envoy Ruixifu in the eastern hall.[2] Ruixifu said: 'Goryeo has bound its loyalty to the throne for generations; our land yields its native goods and we have never failed in tribute. Yet our gold came from Buyeo and our ke shells from Sheluo. Buyeo has now been driven out by Wuji and Sheluo swallowed by Baekje; our king Yun, honoring the duty to preserve fallen lines, has taken them all within our borders. It is solely because of these two foes that second-grade tribute no longer reaches the imperial treasury.' The emperor replied: 'Goryeo has long borne imperial commission and ruled the eastern seas; among the nine Yi and cunning tribes you may indeed chastise them. When the lesser vessel is empty, the greater is shamed—whose fault is that? In former days, when regional tribute fell short, the fault lay with the regional commander. Proclaim my will to your king: use both force and kindness, clear away those who harm the people, bring peace to the eastern lands, restore the two territories to their old seats, and see that tribute flows as before.'
9
使 使 使 使
During Shengui, Yun died; Empress Ling mourned him in the eastern hall and sent funeral gifts conferring grand general of chariots and cavalry, leader for pacifying the eastern Yi, duke who opens Liaodong, and king of Goguryeo. She also invested his heir An as general of pacifying the east, leader for pacifying the eastern Yi, duke who opens Liaodong, and king of Goguryeo. Early in Zhenguang, Guang Province again seized at sea the robes, sword, and belt that Xiao Yan had granted An as general of pacifying the east, together with the envoy Jiang Fasheng and others, and sent them to the capital. When An died, his son Yan succeeded him. Early in the reign of Emperor Chu, Yan was further invested as bearer of the staff, regular attendant, grand general of chariots and cavalry, leader for pacifying the eastern Yi, duke who opens Liaodong, and king of Goguryeo, with robes, insignia, chariots, and banners. During Tianping he was further made attendant-in-chief and general of agile cavalry, his other titles remaining as before. When Yan died, his son Cheng succeeded him. Down to the end of Wuding their envoys came every year without exception.
10
The kingdom of Baekje likewise traced its origin to Buyeo. Its realm lay more than a thousand li south of Goguryeo, on the southern shore of the lesser sea. Its people were native to the soil; the land was low and damp, and they mostly lived in the hills. They grew the five grains, and their dress and diet were the same as Goguryeo's.
11
使 西
In the second year of Yanxing their king Yu Qing first sent envoys with a memorial: 'Your servant has built a realm at the eastern edge of the world; wolves and jackals bar the road. Though we have long received your transforming grace, we have had no way to serve as vassals. Gazing toward the clouded gate, our longing knows no bound. As the autumn wind stirs, may Your Majesty harmonize with heaven's favor. Unable to contain our reverence, I send my general Fusi Hou, chief clerk Yu Li, and marshal Zhang Mao, governor of Daifang, to cast their boats upon the waves, thread the dark straits, trust to heaven's fortune, and offer this ten-thousandth part of our loyalty. May the spirits look with favor and imperial grace cover us, that we may reach your court and declare our will—even if we hear your reply at dawn and die at dusk, we shall have no regret.' He added: 'Goguryeo and we both spring from Buyeo; in former ages we held fast to old friendship. Their ancestor Chao lightly cast aside neighborly ties and led his army in person to trample our borders. My ancestor Xu gathered his troops like lightning, struck when the moment allowed, and after a brief clash took Chao's head and displayed it. Since then none has dared turn south against us. Since the fall of the Feng house their remnants fled to us; vile enemies grew strong and pressed upon us. For more than thirty years grievance piled on calamity until our wealth and strength were spent and we grew ever weaker. If Heaven's mercy bends to pity all within the four seas, send a general at once to save my kingdom. I shall offer my humble daughters to serve in the inner palace and send my sons and younger kin to care for your outer stables. Not a foot of ground nor a single subject would I hold for myself.' He added: 'King Lian is now guilty of crimes. The kingdom is being carved up like fish on a board; powerful ministers and great clans slaughter without cease. His crimes overflow and his wickedness piles high, and the common people are breaking away. This is the hour of their destruction—the moment to strike through another's hand. Moreover, the Feng clan's soldiers and horses still yearn for their homeland like caged birds and penned beasts; the old Lelang commanderies still yearn for their ancestral home. Once your celestial might moves, you shall campaign without needing to fight. Though I am not clever, I am resolved to give all my strength and to lead my forces to follow your banner. Goguryeo is faithless, and their treachery knows no end. Outwardly they mimic Kui Xiao's humble words of submission; inwardly they nurse violent schemes like a boar charging its pen. They traffic south with the Liu house and north with the Rouran, each other's lip to tooth, plotting to violate imperial sway. Even Tang Yao in his supreme sagacity punished the Dan River people; Mencius was praised for humanity yet did not spare the insulter on the highway. A trickle ought to be dammed early; fail to act now and regret will follow. After the gengchen year, on the northern sea off my western border at Little Stone Mountain we found more than a dozen corpses along with clothing, gear, and saddlery that were plainly not Goguryeo goods. We later learned they were your envoys seeking refuge in my kingdom. That long serpent barred their way and drowned them in the sea. Though the facts are not yet settled, my anger runs deep. When Song killed Shen Zhou, King Zhuang of Chu went barefoot in grief; when an osprey seized a dove, Lord Xinling would not eat—for he had shown mercy. To defeat the foe and win a name is glory that knows no end. If even our poor remote corner still hopes for a promise to last ten thousand generations, how much more should you, who unite your breath with heaven and earth and whose might overtops mountains and seas, suffer a petty rogue to block the road to the throne? The saddle we now present is offered as proof.'
12
使使 使 使 使便 便使
Emperor Xianzu, moved by their distant realm and the risks they took to present tribute, received them with exceptional courtesy and sent the envoy Shao An to escort their party home. An edict said: 'I have received your memorial and am glad to learn that you are well. You stand at the eastern edge, beyond the five zones, yet not far from mountain and sea you have turned in loyalty to the Wei court. I rejoice in your utmost sincerity and hold it close in my heart. I have inherited an empire meant to last ten thousand generations, rule over the four seas, and govern all living things. Today the realm is united and the eight directions submit; envoys arrive in numbers beyond count. Yu Li and his companions have themselves witnessed the peace of our customs and the strength of our armies. You and Goguryeo are at odds and they have repeatedly encroached upon you; if you uphold righteousness and govern with humanity, what need have you to fear your enemies? The envoys I once sent across the sea to reach the outer lands have been gone for years without return, and I have been unable to learn whether they live or die, or whether they ever arrived. The saddle you sent, when compared with our usual tack, is plainly not of Central States manufacture. One must not turn suspicion alone into a settled charge of guilt. The essentials of strategy have been set forth in separate instructions.' A further edict said: 'I know that Goguryeo blocks your way with force, raids your territory, nurses old feuds from former kings, and abandons the great virtue of giving the people peace. Years of fighting have made the frontier hard to settle. Your plight is like Wu Zixu's loyalty or the urgency of Chu and Yue; it would be right to extend righteousness, aid the weak, and strike like lightning when the moment comes. Yet Goguryeo has long called itself a vassal of the former court and performed its duties. Though you have old grievances against them, they have committed no breach of imperial orders. Your envoys have only just opened relations, yet you already ask for an expedition. On reflection, the matter is not yet ripe. That is why I sent Yu Li and his party to Pyongyang last year to verify the facts. But Goguryeo petitioned repeatedly with polished arguments; our envoys could not refuse their pleas, and the judicial office could not fix guilt upon them. I therefore accepted their account and ordered Yu Li's party to return. If they now defy the edict again, their guilt will stand revealed; even if they plead later, they cannot escape punishment. Then to raise an army against them will be justified. The peoples of the nine yi have always lived beyond the sea: when the Way prevails they submit as vassals; when grace rests upon them they guard their borders. Hence the classics record them under restraint-and-attachment, and their tribute of huo-arrows may lapse for years. You have fully described their strength and weakness and traced the record of past ages. Customs differ and circumstances differ, so some of your comparisons miss the mark—yet the broad outline of the grand design still holds. Now the Central Lands are united and the realm is at peace. I have long wished to extend my majesty to the eastern edge, plant my banners beyond the borders, rescue the wild peoples of remote corners, and spread imperial grace over distant lands. Only because Goguryeo has lately kept the peace have I not yet chosen a day for campaign. If they now disobey the edict, your proposal will fully accord with my intent, and the main army will march—not far off. You may then muster your forces in advance, make ready for action, and send envoys from time to time to report swiftly on their conduct. When the army marches, you shall lead the guides; after a great victory you shall receive the highest reward. Would that not be well? Though not all the brocade, cloth, and sea-products you sent have reached us, your utmost sincerity is clear. Gifts of various goods are now bestowed as set forth in the accompanying list.' The court also ordered King Lian to escort Shao An and his party.
13
使
When Shao An and his party reached Goguryeo, King Lian claimed an old feud with Yu Qing and refused to let them pass eastward. Shao An and the others therefore all turned back. The emperor then issued an edict sternly rebuking him. In the fifth year he sent Shao An and his party by sea from Donglai, bestowing on Yu Qing an imperial letter of credence and praising his loyalty. Shao An and his party reached the coast, were blown about by storms, and in the end failed to arrive and turned back.
14
便 便
The state of Wuji lay north of Goguryeo; it was the old land of Sushen. Each settlement had its own chief and they were not united under a single ruler. Its people were fierce and stalwart—the strongest among the Eastern Yi. Their language was wholly distinct. They constantly looked down on Doumolou and other states, and those states likewise feared them. It lay five thousand li from Luoyang. Some two hundred li north of Helong stood Mount Shanyu; thirteen days' march north of it brought one to Mount Qili, and seven days further north to the Ruluogui River, over a li wide. Fifteen days north lay the Tailu River, and eighteen days northeast brought one to their country. Within the country ran a great river more than three li across, called the Summo River. The land was low and damp; they built walled pit dwellings whose roofs resembled burial mounds, with openings above and ladders for entry and exit. They had no cattle but did have carts and horses; they plowed in pairs, and pushed their carts by hand. They grew millet and wheat, and among vegetables they had mallow. Brine condensed from the damp air; salt formed on trees, and there were salt ponds as well. They kept many pigs but had no sheep. They chewed rice to brew wine, and a draught of it could bring intoxication. Women wore cloth skirts; men wore coats of pig and dog hide. On the wedding night the man went to the woman's house, took her breast in his hand, and with that the marriage was fixed and they became husband and wife. It was their custom to wash hands and face with human urine. They wore tiger and leopard tails in their hair. They were skilled archers and hunters; their bows were three feet long, their arrows a foot and two inches, with stone points. When parents died in spring or summer they buried them at once, built a shelter over the mound, and kept the rain off; if in autumn or winter they used the corpse to trap sable—the sable ate the flesh and they caught many. Each seventh or eighth month they made poison, smeared it on arrowheads, and shot game; whatever was struck died at once, and the fumes from boiling the poison could kill a man. South of the country stood Mount Taitai—'Great White' in Wei speech—where tigers, leopards, bears, and wolves harmed people. No one might relieve himself on the mountain; travelers carried vessels for that purpose.
15
使 西𣳅西 使 使
During the Yanxing era they sent the envoy Yili Zhi to present tribute at court. At the opening of the Taihe reign they again presented five hundred horses as tribute. Yili Zhi reported: 'When we first left our country we sailed up the Nahan River westward to the Tailu River, scuttled our boats, marched south overland, crossed the Luogu River, and reached Helong by way of the Khitan western frontier.' He said their state had already overrun ten Goguryeo settlements and had secretly joined Baekje in a plan to strike Goguryeo by sea; Yili Zhi had been sent to the great state to ask whether this might be done. An edict replied that all three states were imperial vassals and should live in harmony and not attack one another. Yili Zhi then returned home. He retraced his route, recovered their original boats, and sailed back to his country. In the ninth year they again sent the envoy Houni Zhi to present tribute. The following year they sent tribute again.
16
[3][4]使
Nearby lay the states of Damolu, Fuzhong, Moduohui, Kulou, Suhe, Jufufu, Pilier, Badah, Yuyuling, Kufuzhen, Lulou, and Yuzhenhou, each of which sent envoys to court with tribute in its turn.
17
使 使 使 使 使
In the twelfth year of Taihe Wuji again sent envoys to the capital with huo-arrows and local products. In the seventeenth year they sent the envoy Ren Pofei and more than five hundred others to present tribute. In the fourth year of Jingming they again sent the envoy Houligui and others with tribute. From then until the Zhengguang era, tribute envoys came in an unbroken stream. Afterward China fell into turmoil and their missions often failed to arrive. In the sixth month of the second year of Xinghe they sent envoys led by Shi Jiuyun with local products, and tribute continued without break until the Wuding era.
18
鹿 穿 使使
The state of Shiwei lay a thousand li north of Wuji and six thousand li from Luoyang. The road ran more than a thousand li north of Helong into Khitan country, then ten days north to the Chuo River, three days north to the Gai River, and three days north to lofty Mount Duliao, which circled more than three hundred li. Three days north lay the great Quli River, three days further north the Ren River, and five days north brought one to Shiwei. A great river flowed down from the north, more than four li across, called the Na River. The land was low and damp. Their language was the same as that of the Kumo Xi, Khitan, and Doumolou. They grew millet, wheat, and kaoliang, ate chiefly pork and fish, and raised cattle and horses; like Wuji, they kept no sheep. In summer they lived in walled settlements; in winter they followed the pastures. They also had many sable pelts. Men wore their hair loose. They used horn bows, and their arrows were especially long. Women bound their hair and wore it in the crossed-hands bun. Theft was rare in their country; a single theft drew a threefold penalty, and murder carried a fine of three hundred horses. Men and women alike dressed in jackets and trousers of white deerskin. They brewed wine from grain mash. They prized red pearls as women's ornaments, strung about the neck—the more the better—and a woman without them might not marry at all. When parents died, men and women wailed together for three years, then set the body on the forest trees. In the fourth month of the second year of Wuding they first sent envoys such as Zhang Yandoufa with local products; tribute missions continued without break until the end of the Wuding era.
19
Doumolou lay a thousand li north of Wuji and six thousand li from Luoyang; it had once been Northern Buyeo. It lay east of Shiwei, extending east to the sea, about two thousand li on a side. The people were sedentary and had dwellings and storehouses. The land had many hills and broad marshes, yet among the Eastern Yi it was the most level and open. The soil supported the five grains but not orchard fruits. They were tall and sturdy, brave yet sober and honest, and did not raid their neighbors. Their chiefs named offices after the six kinds of livestock, and each settlement had its powerful headmen. They ate with stands and platters as well. They wove hemp cloth in a Goguryeo style but wider in the bolt, and their leading men trimmed it with gold and silver. Punishment was harsh: murderers were put to death and their families enslaved. Lust ran deep in their customs, and jealous wives were especially hated—they were executed and left on the southern hill until the flesh rotted away. The bride's family demanded cattle and horses before the match was granted. Some held that this had been Yemaek territory in antiquity.
20
[5]西 使使 西 使
Didouyu lay more than a thousand li west of Shiwei. They kept great herds and famed horses, dressed in hides, grew no grain, and lived on meat and dairy. In the eighth month of the second year of Yanching they first sent tribute envoys, and missions continued until the sixth year of Taihe. In the fourteenth year they raided the frontier repeatedly, until Emperor Gaozu ordered the Prince of Yangping, Yi, general who conquers the west, to drive them away. Thereafter they periodically appeared at court, and tribute missions continued until the end of Wuding.
21
使
The Kumo Xi were originally a branch of the Yuwen of the eastern regions. They were first shattered by Murong Yuansun, and survivors hid in the Pine Desert. The people cared little for cleanliness, were skilled hunters and archers, and delighted in raiding. In the third year of Dengguo Emperor Taizu marched in person to the south bank of the Ruoluo River and crushed them, taking four tribes and more than a hundred thousand head of livestock. The emperor said, "These barbarian peoples know neither virtue nor duty; they prey on one another, and when they offend against the realm, I must campaign against them. Mere rat-and-dog pilfering is scarcely worth a full campaign. The Central Plain is in turmoil; I shall settle that first, then extend authority and grace—and nothing will remain unsubdued. Thereupon the emperor returned south to Yunzhong, and Yan and Zhao submitted in heart. Within a dozen years the frontier peoples, Kumo Xi among them, all grew strong again. When the Liao coast was opened and garrisons placed at Helong, the tribes were awed and sent their tribute. Under Emperors Gaozong and Xianzu the Kumo Xi presented famous horses and fine furs annually. In the early years of Emperor Gaozu they sent tribute missions. In the fourth year of Taihe they entered the borders, pleading fear of Didouyu raids; the court answered with a sharp reprimand. In the twenty-second year they raided Anzhou until several thousand troops from Ying, Yan, and You drove them off. They later submitted again and repeatedly asked to enter the borders to trade with Chinese settlers. Emperor Shizong decreed: "Before the twenty-first year of Taihe the Kumo Xi mingled with settlers on the An and Ying frontiers and traded freely, without any breach of trust. Since their rebellion in the twenty-second year they have fled far away. Though they have submitted again, they remain beyond the passes and repeatedly ask to enter and trade with our people. To refuse them outright would alienate their goodwill; yet to allow them without precaution might invite trouble. They may no longer trade as freely as before: markets shall be regulated, and on trading days each prefecture shall send a senior official to supervise." Thereafter they sent annual tribute without break until the end of Wuding.
22
使 [6][7][8] 使 使
The Khitan state lay east of the Kumo Xi; though a distinct people, they were kin, and both had taken refuge in the Pine Desert. During the Dengguo era the imperial army crushed them, and they fled, separating from the Kumo Xi. Within a few decades they grew again into tribes several hundred li north of Helong and largely took to raiding. From the Zhenjun era onward they sought audience at court and sent famous horses each year. Under Emperor Xianzu the envoy Mohefu He Chen brought tribute and was seated at the feast among the tributary states, though in the lowest place. On their return they spoke among themselves of the splendor of the realm, and every heart was filled with longing; when word spread among the northeastern tribes, all wished to submit. The Xiwan Dan, He Dahe, Fufu Yu, Yuling, Rilian, Pijie, Li, Tuliuyu, and other branches each sent famous horses and fine furs to the imperial treasury and asked to do so regularly. They were allowed to trade between Helong and Miyun, and their tribute never ceased. In the third year of Taihe Goguryeo secretly conspired with the Rouran to seize Didouyu and divide it between them. Fearing attack, the Khitan chief He Wuyu led his people—three thousand carts and more than ten thousand souls—with their herds to seek refuge within the borders, settling east of the White Wolf River. From then on they sent tribute every year. When famine was reported later, Emperor Gaozu took pity and allowed them to enter the passes to buy grain. Under Emperors Shizong and Suzong they regularly sent envoys with local products. During the Xiping era, when thirty Khitan envoys led by Zu Zhen were returning home, Empress Dowager Ling—knowing that blue felt was their finest dress for weddings—gave each man two bolts of blue felt to honor their loyalty; other gifts followed the usual scale. Their tribute missions continued without break even through Qi's accession to the throne.
23
穿 西 西 西西
Wuluohou lay north of Didouyu, more than four thousand five hundred li from the capital at Dai. The land was low and damp, misty and cold; in winter the people dug pit dwellings, and in summer they grazed their herds on the uplands. They kept many pigs and grew grain and wheat. They had no paramount chief; each tribe's Mohefu held office by hereditary succession. They bound their hair with cord, dressed in hides, and adorned themselves with pearls. The people valued courage and did not steal, so goods were left piled in the open without fear of bandits. They were fond of hunting and archery. Their music included the konghou harp, with a wooden frame, leather sounding board, and nine strings. Northwest of their country lay the Wan River, which flowed northeast to join the Nan; lesser streams all fed the Nan and ran east to the sea. Twenty days' journey northwest lay the great Yusini waters—the Northern Sea. In the fourth year of Zhenjun they came to court and reported that northwest of their land stood a stone hall on the site of an ancient imperial sanctuary—ninety paces north to south, forty east to west, seventy chi high—a place of numinous power where the people often prayed. Emperor Shizu sent Vice Director of the Secretariat Li Chang to offer sacrifice there, inscribed a prayer on the chamber wall, and returned.
24
The historiographer writes: Toward China the barbarian peoples were to be held only by loose reins. Goguryeo alone paid tribute yearly and stood first among the eastern vassals; that the court itself sent honors and condolences was a mark of exceptional favor. The rest were lesser peoples who knew only to offer tribute; theirs was not the turning of herds homeward nor the east wind harmonizing with the pitch-pipes of civilization.
25
西西西 西 西西
In the Zhengshi period of Wei they invaded Liao-xi Anping: the Dongyi zhuan in juan 30 of the Wei zhi in Sanguo zhi and the Gaolizhuan in juan 81 of Suishu read "Anping" for "Liao-xi Anping." According to Hou Hanshu, Junguo zhi 2, Anping State belonged to Jizhou; zhi 5, Xi'anping belonged to Liaodong commandery in Youzhou. Liaoxi commandery had no counties named Anping or Xi'anping. Here the character "Liao" is superfluous, or the character "dong" has dropped out after "Liao."
26
使
In the Zhengshi era Emperor Shizong received their envoy Ruisifu at the Eastern Hall: various editions read "zu" for "zong"; Beishi, juan 94, Gaolizhuan, reads "Xuanwu." Since the passage above cites the Zhengshi era, the text should read "Shizong"; Beishi regularly uses imperial titles. It is corrected accordingly.
27
Jufufu State: according to juan 6 of the Xianzu ji, in the second month of Huangxing 1 and the fourth month of Huangxing 2, this tribe appears twice, both times as "Jufufu." The Khitan account below has the Fufu Yu tribe; here the character ju is missing and yu and bu are transposed—all of which confirms that fufu here should read Fufu.
28
Ba Dahe State: the Khitan account below has "He Dahe tribe"; juan 6 of the Xianzu ji, fourth month of Huangxing 2, reads "A Dahe." Here "ba" is a corruption of "he" or "a."
29
Didouyu State: Beishi, juan 94, reads "gan" for "yu." Elsewhere in this book the name usually appears as Didouyu, sometimes as Didougan; Beishi usually has Didougan, sometimes Didouyu—the text is left as it stands.
30
Fufu Yu tribe, Yuling tribe: the Wuji account above has "Jufufu State" and "Yu Yuling State," and juan 6 of the Xianzu ji (Huangxing 1.2 and 2.4) has "Jufufu, Yu Yuling"—here "ju" is missing before "Fufu" and "yu" and "bu" are transposed; the text should read "Jufufu tribe, Yu Yuling tribe."
31
Pijie tribe, Li tribe: the Wuji account and juan 6 of the Xianzu ji (Huangxing 1 and 2) all have "Pili'er tribe"; Tongdian, juan 200, Khitan entry, reads "Pili tribe." The character bu after "Pijie" is probably superfluous; the original was a single "Pijie Li tribe," wrongly split into two.
32
Tuliuyu tribe: Beishi, juan 94, Khitan zhuan, reads "gan" for "yu"; juan 6 of the Xianzu ji, fourth month of Huangxing 2, reads "Chiliushou"; Tongdian, juan 200, reads "Biliugan." Both "tu" and "bi" are probably corruptions of "chi." "Shou" is clearly erroneous; whether "yu" or "gan" is correct cannot be determined.
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